The Express.
London, England, 1867-12-20 00:00:00

MR, CLADSTONE AND HIS CONSTITUENTS.

Yesterday afternoon Mr. Gladstone attended a
crowded publie meeting in the Public Hall of Ormskirk,
for the purpose of addressing his constituents. Mr. E.
Musortoes presided, and briefly introduced the right hon.
gentleman to the meeting.
Mr. GLADBSONI, on rising, was received with great en-
thusiasm. He proceeded to remind his audienoe of the

circumstances under which he lost his election for the Uni-
versity of Oxford, his offence having culminated there on
the occasion of hie enresting an opinion in favour of par-
liamentary reform. Mr. Hardy, who then accused him of
reviving the doctrines of Tom Paine, had since shown how
far he led the university by the nose. It was then that
the most populous district of the greatest county constitu-
ency in England, upon 48 Lowe notes, returned him (Mr.
Gladstone) to parliament. The right hon. gentleman then
proceeded to trace out the condition of the liberal govern-
ment after the election of 1865 in relation to reform, show-
ing that there was at that time a powerful body of 270 or
280 gentlemen in parliament, banded together as one man
to resist the extension of the suffrage. The tactics of the
Adullamite party were sketched, and special allusion made
to the sesuranoe which the present government gave to
Mr. Lowe, that if they succeeded to office, they would be
no parties to the lowering of the borough suffrage. The
wenelecl fhb lemma wew•iklor rolkoo=wit wf Mee lib.*
cabinet from office, its members knowing perfectly wall
that the triumph of reform was absolutely certain, said
that the blood of the administration, like the blood of

_ ,
martyrs, would be the seed of moven. Re knew, nothing
to lament and nothing to repent of in their proceeding"
of 1867. The Reform Bill of that year and the Reform Act
were totally and absolutely different from one another.
The bill was the worst plan ever presented to parliament
and would have immensely diminished the power of the
labouring class. The 11 was net amended, it was mete-
morphosed,end it was without doubt an enormous advance
in the political growth of England. Still it bad consi-
derable defects. The redistribution of seats was totally

inadequate, and the provision with respect to rating very
objectionable. On the minority vote, too, a greet mistake
had been made. This point Mr. Gladstone argued at some
length. He did not think it wise, moreover, he proceeded
to say, to establish so greats difference between the occu-
pation franchise in counties and that in boroughs.
The principle held by many dale supporters of the govern-
ment, that the county representation should be exclusively
of an agricultural character, was absolutely unknown to
the constitution, and would tend greatly to lower the
vigour and energy of county representation. If the
towns had grown let their boundaries be extended, and let
those who were taken into the towns for the purpose of
parliamentary voting be taken into the towns also for ell
other purposes. It was his opinion that there should be
an increase of members for Scotland from unobjec-
tionable sources. When s parliamentary election occurred
the country would, be hoped, look rather more to the pest
conduct of men than to the pledges they might glee.
Mr. Disraeli had said that the liber►l party had bitterly
opposed the thirty-two measures which during his par-
liamentary career had done so much good in the country ;
but no list was given of these measures, and his (Mr.
Gladstone's) curiosity was gro►tly excited about them.
It seemed, however, from Mr. Diareeli'm own statement
that a new kind of education had been going amongst
the conservatives, the essential requisite part of which
appeared to be that whilst it was proceeding
the conservative party should know nothing about
it, and so that party, they were to suppose, had been
dosed with principles of parliamentary reform, whilst
it believed it was walking in the opposite direction. He
could tell them what the 32 measures were not. They
were not the repeal of the Roman catholic disabilities, or
of the disabilities of protestant dissenters ; they were not
repeal of the corn laws, they were not reform of parliament.
They were not (continued the right hon. gentleman) the
introduction of principles of fair representative go-
vernment into the municipal communities of the country ;
they were not the repeal of the navigation laws, which was
to ruin all our shipping, just as the repeal of the oorn
laws was to have ruined our agriculture, but it resulted is
an enormous extension of our shipping, as the repeal of the
corn laws resulted in an immense increase in the value of
our produce ; they were noktheltreaty with France, which
has opened and extended the commerce of the country,
and in extending the commerce of the country has done
more by joining two nations with the right hand of fellow-
ship, never again, I trust, to be severed ; they were not
reform of the whole tariff of the country, which has
given you, without almost any exception, the abso-
lute command of all the raw material of labour
and industry that the world can yield, without
payment of a single shilling to the Exchequer.
They were not the establishment of th►t free press which
now circulates almost by millions—if not by millions—
throughout the whole of the. country, and penetrates into
every nook and corner of the land. Well, gentlemen, I
really thought in my blindness and benighted ignorance
that those were the measures, or at all events that they
were the contested measures, because some measures—l
am thankful to say many good and valuable measures—

hare passed the legislature without contest—l thought it

was the contests upon those measures which
had given a special character to the parliamentary
history of the age. Gentlemen, I still think so ;
and I ask you if you think the spirit which formed and
conceived, and dictated such measures is to continue to
prevail in the counsels of the country? (Cheers.)
A vote of confidence in the right hon. gentleman as
the liberal representative of South Lancashire was then
paned by acclamation.

In the evening Mr. Gladstone visited his constituents at
Southport, and addressed a large publio meeting in the
Town-hall of that town. Mr. WELD BLUNDELL presided,
and briefly introduced the right hon. gentleman, who was
reoeived with great cheering.
Mr. GLADSTONE, in his speech, urged that our public
policy should ever be based on principles of justice and
moderation. The Abyssinian expedition was an unfortu-
nate necessity, and it taught the lesson that we should
henceforth be more wary about establishing diplomatic
relations with countries which have not yet reached an
adequate stete of civilisation. Referring to political
reforms, he proceeded to express his doubt whether
the shortening of parliament was necessary to
secure the popular control; and with regard
to the ballot, whether from the infirmity of
old age or its approach, he still owned to an attachment,
unless the gross evil of intimidation springs up, to the old
English principle that, as far as possible, all public duties
and functions should be performed in the public eye. On
the subject of education he did not believe we had before
us any obstacle except such as reasonable care and average
' courage might surmount. Mr. Gladstone then proceeded
to speak of Ireland—a name, be said, which he was deeply
convinced would for many years to come find for the govern-
ments and people of England the most difficult and anxious
portion of their employment. In considering the wicked
and detestable outrages of Fenianism he would urge them
first to preserve an equal temper and perfect self-oom-
roand—and next, not to confound the cause of Fenianiam
with the canoe of Ireland. An eloquent passage followed
the responsibility that falls upon us, whatever the nature
of a criminal charge, to look at nothing but the sufficiency
of the proof, after which Mr. Gladstone proceeded
so speak of leniency to political offenders as
alike wise and just, but to deny that acts such
as we have lately seen are entitled to the partial
immunities that ought to be granted to offences properly
political. To him it appeared that there was a deep moral
taint and profound degradation in this thing called Fenian.
ism. It was difficult to find upon record proceedings of •
large body of men more inconceivably and abominably
wicked than the Fenian invasion of Canada. Be refused
to censure the government also for having declined to ex-
ercise the prerogative of the crown in such a case as that
at Manchester. Those who approved of such a course as
that at Clerkenwell were the merest handful, and be had
learnt on undoubted authority that the Irish of Lancashire
were wholly free from the taint of this sympathy.
But we have much more (continued the right honour-
able gentleman) than this to consider. We must
distinguish, as I venture to may, between the ease of Ire-
I land and the case of the lonians ; and I hope you will not
easped me, after what I have said, of wishing to tamper

with the grinsiplos of public order when I avow to you
my ongriallon that these painful and horrible =MOP.
Onion may perhaps in the merciful designs of Providence,
without in the slightest degree acquitting their authors of
responsibility, may perhaps have been intended to incite
this nation to a greater search of its own heart, and spirit,
and conscience with reference to the condition of Ireland
and the legislation affecting that country. (Loud applanas.)
Gentlemen, it is, to say the very lean, a matter of the
utmost sadness to consider that after six hundred years of
political connexion between England and Ireland, that
union of heart and spirit which is absolutely necessary
for the welfare of the country has not yet been
brought about. (Hear, hear.) It is impossible to
exaggerate the gravity of the fact, or, I may
add, the gravity of responsibilities Which it brings
upon the government of this country. And, gen-
tlemen, when I say upon the government of this country
I use that expression taluso In fano: Ames #be ialluence
of the people in the direction of public policy, alticidt?
for many purposes it has always had groat weight, was far
from being commanding ; but of late, the development
which has been given to our popular and representative I
institutions, arid which has invested many of you,
and not only many of you, but all your fellow
citizens all over the country, with the power of the
parliamentarysuffrege fine upon you in the last resort, the
chief end ma burden of respountelity for the character
-4 "Dien of the policy that may attach to the *endued of
the plll concerns of Great Britain in all their brunches
sad deportment'. (Hear.) And, therefore, whether or
not you are primarily responsible for the past policy of this
country towards Ireland, you will be responsible for it
in the future—(hear, hear)--and I think I am
not performing the part of a wanton or gratuitous cement
if I venture to impress upon you those feelings, those con-
victions which I cannot discharge from myown mind. Now
it would be unworthy of the character of this country if
on account of the occurrence of those horrible outrage" we
were to consider ourselves as in any degree released from
the duty of acting fairly. Whatever has been and
whatever Is to be the nature of our policy towards Ireland,
there is not the smallest doubt that the policy has under-
gone greed improvement, that civil rights have been ex-
tended, odious penalties have been removed, religious
distinctions that formerly existed have been effaced,
and a better and milder spirit has taken pos-
session of British legislation with respect to Ireland.
But at the same time if we wish to place ourselves in the
condition At last to grapple with the Irish problem as it
ought to be grappled with, there is but one way to do it,
and that is for each of tut individually to make a mental
effort to place himself in the position of an Irishman,
imbued with the national feelings of Irishmen, and under
the influence of their traditions and then to my
honestly to himself, as in the sight of God, whe-
ther if he were such an Irishman with such convic-
tions he would himself be satisfied with the state of things
that now exists. If you ask me what contribution I have
to offer towards the solution of this great and most press-
ing problem, I have only to say that past history teaches
us that there is a marvellous power of enchantment in the
promotica of just and fair dealing. (Cheers.) This pur-
ports to be a anion of three kingdoms. Now one question
arises, if the three kingdoms are to be united,
how are they respectively to be governed ? My answer is
this. There are certain matters in which the very effect
of a union requires that the three should have a common
opinion and a common policy. (Cheers.) So far as that
goes, I would not for a momeat listen to any plea what-
ever for separate institutions and a separate policy for
England, or for Scotland, (*for Ireland; but thii I venture
to Nay, that in all matters except that, no man ought to be
able to say that any one of these three coun-
tries is governed according to the traditions, the
views, and the ideas of anothe ; and if I am asked
what is meant by that, I reply by an illustration much
clearer than argument. I reply by pointing to the policy
that the parliament of Great Britain and of the United
Kingdoin has never failed to pursue in respect to Scotland.
(Cheers.) There must be many Sootclunen here present,
They abound, and I am thankful they abound in this com-
munity. (Laughter.) If there bad not been a facility for
the importation of Scotchmen it is highly probable
that I should not have been hero. (Laughter.) But I
appeal to you, who as Englishmen pride yourselves as,
being the first among the nations of the world in the sense
of public justice, have we treated Ireland as we have
treated Scotland ? If we had endeavoured to govern
the Scotch according to English notions and
ideas. I ask whether they would have been
the contented community which they now are ! (Cheers.)
Now, gentlemen, in speaking of that unsatisfactory condi-
tion of relations, which I admit connects itself in a consi-
derable degree, though in an indirect method, with the
recent horrible manifestations, I am far from meaning to
suggest that these dreadful crimes CAM be the object of
sympathy in Ireland. My belief is that even the
sympathy which has been shown with the three men
executed at Manchester was procured by erroneous state-
ments of the cue, snd groundless imputations on the
administration of justice. With regard to the more re-
cent outrage, the matter is so clear that I feel satisfied no
man will be able to affix upon any portion of the Irish
population the charge of sympathising with such enormity.
(Hear, hear.) But this is the state of the
case. We have not in Ireland that degree and
amount of active loyalty to and reopen for the law which
is noxesary in order to constitute a thoroughly well',
ordered and united community—(hear,hear)--and we have
this painful circumstance, that whilst large portions of the I
Irish population from year to year have left the
country to pursue their fortunes in a foreign
land, they have carried with them, along with a
patient and tender attachment to the soil, something that
almost might be described as a fierce resentment, an inex-
tinguishable aversion to the authority, the government,
and the institutions of this country ; and, for my part,
gentlemen, I own I am not satisfied when I hear
people say—" Yes, that is so, but it is because
they ere so unreasonable." Well, they may be unreaaonable.

We are all unreasonable more or less. We are all
unreasonable, especially when we have suffered wrong—
(hear, hear)—and depend upon it we stenos going to enter
into • controversy with • lawless power, that aims Its blows
not at wealth, not at property, not at government, not at
aristocracy, not at anyone clams orportion of the community,
but at public order and at the peaoe of society. And if
we are to enter with a clear conscience into that contest,
if we are to be able to persevere in that fearless and firm
administration of the law which I for one earnestly
desire, and will heartily support—(" hear, hear," and
cbeers)—we must satisfy ourselves that as regards those
causes of legislation which bear upon the permanent con-
dition of • people we have set ourselves in the right.
(Hear, bear.) What we want is that those sympathies
in Ireland which now hang and fioat bewildered
between law and lawlessness shall be brought into active
alliance with the law. (Hear, hear.) What we want is to
have Ireland like Scotland, so that at last and after all
these generations, we may be enabled, instead of
hearing in every corner of Europe the most
painful commentaries upon the policy of England
towards Ireland—we may be able to look our fellow
Europeans of every nation in the face, and challenge any
of them to deny that we have edministered to the sister
island the fel benefit of the principles of equal justice.
Gentlemen, old and inveterate diseases are not to be cured
in a day. I have rarely read • more striking sentiment in
any newspaper—though I rejoice to say that we now often
have the advantage and happiness of reading the enuncia-
tion of the most matured and solid wisdom, expressed in
the clearest and most eloquent language, even in a
multitude of thole journals which are produced
from hour to hour, and almost from moment to moment,
for our advantage—l have rarely read • more striking
sentiment than the one conveyed in an article upon the
Irish question some six or seven months since, where the
writer was dealing with the statements of those who say
it is vain to expect that, because you do this
or that, you would convert Ireland into a
happy and contented people; and you would therefore
draw the conclusion that it is better to do nothing at
all. Old and inveterate diseases, I repeat, are not to be
removed in • moment. It is the law of nature, it is the
dispensation of Providence, it is a great check upon human
folly, that we should know, when we have long persevered
in mischief, it is not in our power, at a ma
slant's notice, to undo it, sod you must be prepared

for • long mid patient well-doing towards Ireland up to
the full bond of reason sad justice—though not one Jot
beyond them—if you wish to obtain ulthe•tely for your- .
selves, or for your children, that sad for which I never
despair—viz., of redeeming the reproach of total political
incapacity to assimilate to ourselves an island within
three hours of our shores, and which has been under oar i
dominating Influence now upwards of 000 years. I believe
myself that in the case of Ireland there is meals even in
the method of treatment as distinguished from the sub-
stance of mount's, in kindness, in sympathy, to recogni-
tion, in equality, in frank union, in all when
we can unite—which of themselves have a great
effect in Ireland. And one thing I would any
I would not do ; I would not be • party to endeavour to I
bribe Ireland into union with this country by the mere
vulgar expedient of dome of public money. (Hear, hear.)
I say that, not for the asks of the people of England.
If it wine • question of thousands or millions, and
ion could show me that thousands or millions would
awn pnd, than ip none of us would
hesitate a moment; but they 'scald not attain
the end. One of the great thine—one of the greatest of
all—we have in view is this : we vriol to raise Ireland to
the dignity of perfect political freedom, and the sense
responsibility which attends it—(hear, hs.:er)—bet 7°ll
cannot raise Inland to that dignity of political ii7e.edren"
you seek to depress her spirit and to fix for her • serTh'
position, by doing for her in matters of public money that
which you would refuse to the citizens of countries of whose
public spirit andself-respect you have formed &high estimate.
One word, and one only, on the subject of • parliamentary
reform in the representation of Ireland, because that I
am bound to say I take for granted. I make no doubt
that, looking at the declarations of the government and
the propriety of the case, we shall have for
Ireland a measure of reform not less equitable and
liberal In its spirit than that which has been
passed for England—(bear, hear)—and I hope more free
from particular provisions that are open to reasonable ex-
ceptions. (Boor, hear.) I can only say for one that if any
attempt were made to found upon recent occurrences, or •
supposed political insecurity in Ireland—if any plea
were made for deferring the settlement of the questions
connected with the representation of the people in this
country, I should for one be found to lift up my voice and
say that that was • false and fatal policy—(hear, hear)—
that we must throw ourselves frankly upon public senti-
ment in Ireland, and that if It be true that the circum-
stenos' are critical up to the point at which they
are now critical, and which I do not seek W ex-
aggerate, the very fact would be a reason for our
giving fades means of giving expression to the genuine
public sentunent of Ireland through the authorised and
thgal channel of its representative institutions. (Applause.)
Ireland also has not received up to this hour
equal treatment in the matter of educates ; and I will
tell you how. In this country you are aware the great balk
of parents are in jhe habit of sending their children to
be trained in schools and colleges where the inculcation
of the religion to which they belong forms an essential
and fundamental part of the instruction that is given.
Well that is the opinion most of us entertain
in Fmgland, that most of us act upon, and that LB the
full countenance—l might even say that is the
actual encouragement of law and institutions. But what
do we do in Ireland? Well, in 'raked we have got, in the
arse place, a university connected with the established
church. The members of the esesidiebed church in Ire-
land have, and I, for one, have not the slightest objectthou to their having—on the contrary, I rejoice in
their having the means of having their children trained
in every branch of useful secular knowledge In an institu-
tion when their religion is taught. The same advantage
is not given to the Roman catholic population of Ireland.
(Hear, hear.) Neither is it fully given to the presbyterian
population of Ireland. But, gentlemen what I have to
say if I speak of the presbyterian population Is really
only because in the first place their case is
mitigated by • number of circumstances that it is not
now necessary to detail ; and In the second plate, because
I think it is our duty to look at these who from their
enormous numbers constitute the bulk and mass of the
Irish nation. They have founded in Ireland, I should say
I believe them conscientiously to be excellent institutions,
in which paeans of all religious creeds and persuasions
should receive • good and sound secular edu-
cation, and should obtain religious education
by arrangements of their own. (Hear, bear.) That
was the plan of Sir Robert Peel,and even on that account
I should be very slow indeed, and very loath to speak
disparagingly of it; but I have not a word to say against
it. All that I have to say is that at the present moment
no anieenity degree can be granted in Ireland except in
Trinity College, Dublin, where the system of the estab-
lished church is taught, or in the Queen's Colleges in va-
rious places, where no system of religion is taught
at all, as • part of the system of edncation,
so that if there be Roman esthetics, and there
are numbers of them who hold in Inland the very
same opinion that the great bulk of us hold in England,
viz., that prefer having their children trained in
establishments where their own religion is taught, those
children ere debarred from the privilege of • university
degree, sad that degree beim a civil privilege it comes to
this'; that there are still in Ireland civil disabilities on ac-
count of religious opinion. Now we would motbear that our-
selves. I own that if I were prohibited from sending my son
to be trained in • school where his religion was not taught,
I abould think it • great grievance. I ask you as good
citizens, as just men, to place yourselves in the position
of the Roman catholics, or presbyterians, who hold the
opinion I have described. And I ask whether it can be
said that we have as yet given full sad perfect equality to
Ireland ? Do not think that this is • small matter? Rely
upon it that in these questions of equality and inequality
it is not the absolute substance of the thing itself that
you must alone regard, but it is the stigma that is in-
volved in the principle of inequality. Another subject,with
the details of which I will not trouble you, is of great im-
portance to Ireland—the 'abject of the tenure of Laid; and
we all know that although in the abstract the law of Eng-
land sad the law of Ireland may be pretty nearly the
same, although the naked principle of the law runs so
much in favour of the landlord that everything
that the tenant does in the way of improvement and
everything he pats in the soil becomes the property of the
landlord, when he quits it, yet the law is mitigated in
different districts by • multitude of local customs greatly
improving the position of the tenant, especially in a
country like this, but in Ireland, with the exception of
certain parts almost entirely protestant, this is
not so. In the protestant part there is a custom called
tenant right ; but in the west of the country there is no
such custom, and there is no protection for the tenant's
improvements, unless they have been made under ex-
pressed formal contract. This is • question of vital im-
portance to the Irish. So long ago as in the
government of Sir Robert Peel I endeavoured to
apply and to give to the agricultural population
of Ireland a reasonable interest in the improvements.
And yet that reform, which was regarded as urgent by a
ministeripeakingin the name of a conservati ververnment.
to this hour has never been adopted—to this law the
Irish tenant remain' without that ressonable security in
the vast majority of cues, holding from year to year, and
only in • very small minority of oases obtaining the
assistance of the landlord's capital to improve
the soil. Can you greatly wonder, then. if a spirit of
hopelessness has oome over that people with
respect to their present position, and with that hopeless-
ness there is some defect in the warm and active attach-
ment which we should like to find prevailing between the
two countries? Here, gentlemen, there is • subject which,
depend upon it, is of vital importance, that laying aside
all idle prejudices, and being prepared to face all factitious
obstacles, we should proceed to deal with and lead to •
satisfactory conclusion. (Cheese.) Gentlemen, there
is still another matter that cannot be omitted.
It is the state of the religions institutions of Ireland. I say
in the face of my respected friend, your chairman, and
without the least fear of offending, we may all lament it in
our several degree and manner. We may lament that
Ireland Is ea she is, and that she and we are not more of
one mind, that she does not more conform to our pattern in
respect to religious matters ; but we must recognise the
fact that in the case of Scotland, when a difference of the
kind mom you allowed the Scoteh to hold their own
way; and I do not believe there is • man, whatever his per-
suasion, that world wish to undo that state of things. In
Ireland you have adopted the oppoeite,only you have got a
small portion in Ireland holding that form of belief which
is, I apprehend, the belief of the majority in England, and,
therefore, the English ideas and opinions in favour of the
English form of government is carried into
Ireland, and the national endowments of the
country are given exclusively to the religion of
a small number of persons compneing among themselves
almost all the whole wealth of the oconstry,while the mul-
titude, the poor of the country, are left to shift for them-
selves. (Cheers.) That is to say. religious inequality ex-
ists in Ireland in its most glaring form. (Hear, hear.) Now,
gentlemen, we would not endure that in our own country.
If there were • Roman catholic country with • dominant
Roman catholic majority endeavouring to apply against us
the principlewe now apply against them, I ask you whether
we should patiently bear it or not? No. gentlemen, we
should not bear it. (Hear, hear.) We may, perhaps, by
some Faction in the methods and expedient+ of polities
show • greater aptitude than our Irish brethren in choos-
ing out of ourselves effectual ways and means in apply-
ing a remedy to the evil, ket if that evil bed been felt
b us as it has been felt by them, • remedy in one
shape or another, we should sad would have applied,

and would hays done it long ago. (Cheers.) Now,
gentlemen, I must express to you soy firm con-
viction that p • les of solicits" must be established
in Ireland—(cheers d that it is vain to look for a true
union and harmony between that country and this until
the legislature of this country shall have made up its mind
to govern so as to attain that great consummation. It may
invove
upon a sacrifice of
of
way,o and there
urpride,thers may
those who would
bediffilti difficulties to
encounter
tellastbatitie hostile to religion. I, fenny part, believe that
nothing ever was or ever will be agreeable to religion
which is not agreeable to justice—(cheer,)—but let
me commend this subject to your deep and earnest
and serious reflection, for rely upon it you have
got this before you, it faces you, it confront, you,
it stops you on the way, it will pursue you wher-
ever you go—lreland is at your doors. Providence has
placed her there, laws and legislature have made a com-
pact between you ; you must face these obligations, you
must deal with them and discharge them. As to the mode
of giving effect to this principle I don't enter upon that.
I I am of opinion they should be determined eseicllVPd.
by that which may appear to be dietitian», well conaidoted
and general sense of the Irish people, but as to the -
ple itself, I entertain a depth of conviction in to it,
I and a strength of assurance that it will come up and medt
us at eveg step of our future progress, until we have dss.:4l
with it effectually, that won't suffer me to be silent ' y
but urges me again and again 40 belXrat lay nags
wn4&rations that aotaleied with the com.
piste and effectual settlement of this grefffiand pressing qua*.
tiro. I must soya word on the positions of the a/Amities go-
vernment, and the parties in p•rliament. By the rule of
pub conetltutkm those ought to govern who have the
Meadows of the majority. Now it is • fat thathese
whoatpmesntgovernareinthes; that 'Woof=
is not without its admuseeses—de ,ss us that the
of conservative govennnente mossy asosmonly the epochs
of the greatest and most nessmary 004011111i0The to popular
feeling. (Cheers.) There wee the old highest of
protection. How did we get rid of that! By bringing the
protectionists into oilers. iClumen.) From 1916 to 1852,
when elestions occurred in agricultural ovuldiiummalvst
there was always a gentleman to talk of the wrongs of
the British farmer, and I cannot wonder that
the British farmer sometimes lent a ready ear
to the sesmances that' Were given to him.
My belief is that if the protectionist party had not come
into power to this day, you would have had to this day
the county elections fought en the principle of protection
—(aughter and cheers)—and • great body of men always
coming forward to assure the farmer that he was deeply
wronged ; that they were very sensible of his wrongs; sad
that nothing was necessary but a majority to put them
into power, in order to the effectual application of •
remedy ; they came into power over-night, and the next
rlo they found it was impossible protection could be
stored.
(Hear, hear.) That was the case in 1852. In
1858 there was another of these governments of a minority,
and at the oonnuenoement of that governments Lord Detby
announced that his mission was to oppose the program of
democracy, but before that government had been twelve
months in office, the members of it were engaged in the
production and the recommendation of • Reform Bill -
they were put out—their Reform Bill was not entertained
and that being so the consequence was they fell back
into the old error, and from 1839 to 1867 their party,
with an unbroken effort, opposed itself to all and every
proposal of reform—(hear, hear)-but in 1866, at
the end of the session, they came in again, and pre-
cisely the same process takes place ; overnight they
thought that reform was dangerous, that it was mines:es.
nary, that it would destroy the constitution, and I know not
what; the min rises next morning with the light of that
sun, new ideas are conveyed—(laughter and cheers)--and
the consequence is seen in the Reform Act. Well now,
gentlemen, you as a body of liberal electors may be in-
clined to desire that those who agree with you should be
placed in possession of the great opportunities of useful.
nest that are connected with the possession of office—
(chervi)—but don't overlook the advantages on the other
side, and remember that in the great changes which
this year has witnessed it is highly probable that if it had
not been for the change of government in 1866 reform
might still have been baulked by an obstinate and perse-
vering hostility. (Hear, hear.) Referring to the conscience
clause, the right hon. gentleman observed that as the con.
sarvatives were in office, they might witness the adoption
of the principle contained in that clause ; and after
some, further remarks upon the state of parties, con-
cluded by again thanking the constituency of South
Lancashire for the position in which they had placed him.
His address occupying nearly an hour and three-quarters,
Mr. Gladstone resumed his seat amidst loud applause. A
vote of confidence similar so that passed at the Ormakirk
meeting was adopted, and the proceedings terminated.
We must express acknowledgments for the excellence of
the arrangements, and the courtesy we experienced at the
hands of those who had charge of the proceedings through-
out the day.

Drama.

NEW ROYALTY.

The Christmas entertainments were fairly com-
menced last night at this prosperous little theatre by the
production of a new two-act comedy by Mr. F. C. Burnand,
having the short and suggestive title of Humbug. Mr.
Burnand is as happily associated with the New Royalty as
Mr. T. W. Robertson IS with the Prince of Wales's
Theatre, and whatever be gives to this house is almost
sure to meet with success, but Mr. Burnand ought to know
the scale of the stage he is writing for, and not crowd as
many characters in one scene, and that almost a front
scene, as would make even a solid show in Drury-lane.
Little pruning and a stage clearance of scenery may yet,
however, make Humbug the IMMIX which it deserves to
be as a piece of writing.