The Express.
London, England, 1858-04-12 00:00:00

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LONDON, MONDAY, 41'21Z 12.

It is eminently characteristic of the deliberative
system of government under which it is our happi-
pees to live, that when any new problem of difficulty
is, for the first time, presented for consideration, the
men whose opinions are best worth knowing are
commonly the last to pronounce them. To the
superficial and undisoerning such reserve may wear,
indeed, the aspect of indecision or craft ; but to those
who really understand in what the higher duties of
constitutional statesmen consist, the observance of
silence and circumspection before authoritative
utterance is one of the most commendable and
assuring indications of legislative capacity
and wisdom. In point of fact nothing is more.
thoroughly at variance with the true spirit of free
discomion and representative rule than the reckless
levity which impels men placed in responsible posi-
tions to talk aloud, without reflection, or to commit
themselves to a line of public conduct in any matter
of moment without close and careful computation
of the probabilities that what they recommend will
command adequate and reliable support. Nothing
is so fatal to the reputation of popular institutions as
the sin of instability and rashness. The Perlis-
mentary leader who, without conference or concert,
commits himself to a course which he soon after
discovers to be impracticable, not merely damages his
own individual influence, but he inflicts a serious
wound upon the system of which he forms a part.
He shakes men', faith in what they colloquially call
" the whole concern ;" and in the working of free
institutions, unbelief is the death from which there
is no resurrection. War, debt, famine, any evil may
be borne and out-lived but this. Above all things it
is necessary that a people should retain their confi-
dence in the earnestness, the caution, the delibera-
tion, and the care of their elect men—the men whom
they have chosen to guide and rule, because they
hope that in them may peculiarly and pre-eminently
be found those priceless gifts of intellect, experience,
and leisure.

Looking at the actual position of the Indian
question from this point of view, we cannot but note
with satisfaction that up to the present hour the beet '
and ablest men in the House of Commons have nearly
all of them been absolutely silent. While two
encoessive Cabinets have bad the opportunity of
laying on the table their respective Bills for the
future government of our Oriental Possessions;
while the masterly protest of the Company has been
presented in due form, with ample elucidation ; and
while the whole power of English Journalism has
been devoted for weeks and mouths to the analysis
and comparison of all the features of each plan—the
statesmen whose opinions are intrinsically entitled
to most individual weight have wisely remained
mute. We pause not to analyse the elements of
thought, tamper, and accident that in various
degrees may have contributed to this result. We
are content to note and to commend it. Amongst
able men it may pale for a maxim that those who
are the beet able to listen to good purpose are the
most likely to lead with safety and moons. Never
did Parliament stand more in need of wary and
wise leadership. One after another, the suggestions
made by those to whom it looked for guidance have
proved worthless and unsuitable. The official wells
are either gone dry, or they yield only a muddy,
brackish, inadequate supply, wholly insufficient for
the wants of the time. The eyes of men are turned
instinctively, and not without anxiety, elsewhere ;
and it is, we repeat, consolatory to remember
that there still remains a vast preponderance
of the experience and sagacity of the legislature
nnpledged to the errors or prejudices of any who have
hitherto spoken on the subject. It is clear that if
amongst these, or any influential number of these, in-
dependent politicians there shall appear to prevail a
substantial unity of sentiment as to the policy which
ought to be puftucd, their counsel is sure to prevail.
On the one side, we await with no little curiosity the
elaborate summing-up of all the leading facts and
arguments in the ease, by that unrivalled muter of
caustic comparison and condensation—Sir JAMES
Claawait. We can easily imagine the sort of
hydraulic pressure to which he will submit the frail
and flatulent pretensions of the schemes that have
been put forward. We can readily anticipate the
crush ofimpotent provisions and limping clauses under
his weighty tread ; and the diversified expressions
of dismay as one by one the inexorable executioner
of bad Bills proceeds to balance the objections to
leaving things a little longer as they are, or pass-
ing a crude and incomplete measure that can only
he deemed provisional. What the right hon. bozo-
/let's judgment may be "upon the whole," we can-
not tell; hut in common with all who respect great
mud varied administrative ability, the House and the
country will certainly be glad to learn. Then there
ls Mr. GLADSTONE, beyond compare the most plan-
all* and persuasive expositor of a complicated sub-
ject that the present Parliament contains. What
is hie view? Or toward what results are his
convictions and feelings respecting India gravitating P
We can well conceive how mach of ebb and flow, of
flax and reflux there must have been of late in a
mind constituted as we believe Mr. Gunmen's to
be—untiring in investigation, inexhaustible in the
application of hypothetic tests, insatiable of supple-
mentary suggestions, and conscientiously undecided
Pp to the last toll of the bell that calls on him to
probonce, judgment. We have so means of antici-
pating what the verdict of su:'h a juror may be ;
but whatever it be, we grow impeient to have it.
Nor can we affect indifference to the opinions of men
like Mr. SIDNEY HUDIRT, Mr. CARDWILLI., and
others who were trained in the school of Sir
ROSIJIT PIEL : for the question is pre-eminently
one in which, it ever, the value of his distinctive