The Express.
London, England, 1858-03-09 00:00:00

LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, MARCH 9, 1858.

mat—totally ladependent of dynasties—totally independent
even of the characters of the rulers of France.
It does indeed to happen that the present ruler
of that country le • man eminently gifted, and
who frees • egret, of circumstances necessarily
exercises a great inflaencie over events. The Emperor Na-
poleon is not only a prince, but a statesman--the Emperor of
France is not only a man who has a great knowledge of hu-
man nature, but he is a man who has • great knowledge of
English human nature. Therefore it is clear that while the
Emperor of France I, not only a statesman but a man inti-
mately acquainted with the character, the laws, the customs,
and all the circumstance, of England, we have • security
end an advantage for the cultivation and the maintenance of
that alliance which, under circum4ances lees favourable, we
might not have enjoyed. And, gentlemen, we have reaped the
fruits of that alliance, so guarded over and guided bye prince of
the character such as I have described—one who is not only a
statesman, but one who is intimately acquainted with the
customs of England. We have found in France and in the
ruler of France a filth/al ally in a glestizmency—ent the
faithful ally of are courtly phrases in a Qeesa's
speech or a diplomatic document, but the deeds of •
nation sealed by blood and crowned by victory.
The French people have fought by the side of the English
people. Now, se my hon. friend who did me the honour of
me properly reminded us, the French people are
at
moment fighting by the aide of the English people.
(Hear, hear.) Therefore, after all that has occurred, there
rd at this moment • prospect of that alliance being
se eesnsmd Ia the convictions and the feelings of the two
nations that stalsserm who knew its paramount importance,
hew naceesery it was for the indrindenoe sad liberty of
Einem might have reckoned_ lona it r that cardinal point
front widish iell pried ricereires might be made. We
rest remember this_ _ also, gendeness, that in 0/31.
WWII le Ills naMeof—tiM I dwell up= ittediatijeW is of
the deepest importance that the mind of the &KIM people
should ha emapheely sod tally enlighten= upon it—we mut
remember that there is this iliffwence with regard to the
question of the alliance between England and France. The
great body of the people of England are, I think I may soy
without exaggendon, favorable to the hutch alliance.
They look upon the French people-with whom they have
may piste of resemblance, many ties of sympathy—with
respect and ewe 'diction. They have no prrundloss.az
know that the French, like themselves, are • high..p
CZlLThey know that the French, like themselves, are •
. people ; and they know that the Fronk, like them-
selves, an mnixtently illustrious fur the wort of rims.
They know that the French, like themselves, an • people
who en in the enjoyment of • degree of refinement and civi-
lisation in which probably no other nation can rival them.
But in Francs, though the more enlightened and superior
dosses have &carded ancient historical prejudices end learnt
to respect Engiand—there is no doubt that in the great body
of the Free= people, though it has greatly dimhed of
Ye years, and though a better feeling is beginning to spread
amongst them. much of that prejudice which past events—l
will not say justified—but occasioned, on the part of the
people of France against the of this country still pre-
=lie. Therefore, the ruler-people of France in consolidating
that antrum has • much more difficult task to per-
form than has the government of England. Here,
whetever prejodices exist are confined rather to some
of the superior classes, and do not extend to the =dig
of the people. (Hear.) Here the government can with con-
UMW appeal to the great body of the people, while the Em-
peror of France, even when be feels confident in the wisdom of
his views and the correctness of his policy, has to deal with a
proud, an Irritable, and a jealous people on this subject, and
therefore his position, with respect to this great political ques-
tion, is infinitely more difficult than our own. Now, gentle-
men, if I am right in the view which I have sketched of the
true radon why the alliance between the two countries
shoed be cherished at any sacrifice short of honour—if I
am coned fa the view which I have given of the relative po-
sitions of the governments of the two countries, let me now
recall to your recollection the great event which has recently
orearred, and which has occasioned such prodigious political
changes. I am sure, gentlemen, that when that horrible at-
tempt was made upon the life of the Emperor of
the French, the first feeling in this country was one
of as indignation and disgust as could have
pnvsYal In Frees =elf. (Cheers.) The attempt to was-
stasis a Prises who, whatever diffirn. ce of opinion may
exist exempt some dames of his subjects, is • Prince who
bee raised hie country le the highest pitch of political tau-
eace—the attempt, moreover, not merely to destroy his
orates= but that of the lady whom he has raised to • throne
which she really adorns by every charm and virtue—was
somethtrg an horrible is its conception end in its execution,
so alien ham even mealy teeing, that I hardly know any
event which on its first occurrence was more calculated to
crests sympathy and to preserve the amicable feeling which
obtained in this country towards therefor of France. (beat.)
Unfortunately gentlemen—for it is necesstry on theme occa-
sions to speak with whet treeknese—enfortunately the
French government, and Indeed I believe the French people,
in • spirit of what I may call =Apar consternation visited
that atrocity upon the had end the laws of England. Gen-
tlemen, I know there wen army entenuating dommatences
in the position of Promos at that moment which should not
be forgotten when we recollect the commission of this great
error—fore great error on the pan of the Frenchgovernment
sad the Fres= people it undoubtedly was. Gentlemen, I
canon bed fuel that when that took plan—whoa the set of
woonsalion_ aphid the laws and the people d ingiffind was as
It wets handed is by rathorlty—l cannot but hal, though I
have no wish on this occesies to comment with any severity
on the conduct of m peedecemors, that it was not met in a
manner or In • spirit adequate to the oocadoe. (Cheers.)
And I regret that, gentherm, not merely for the hewer of
our dountry, but for the interests of France herself. (Hear,
hear.) I do believe that en English minister at that roo-
mer, by frankness and firmness—which are quite consistent
with the meet satire friendship and friendliness—might
have lakes a course which would have indicated, in a manner
that could not be mistaken, to the French government
the error of their ways—which would have prevented
them from numing as error every step of which ren-
dered it more difficult for them to recede, and which, while
it would hare Timbered the honour of oar country and the
dignity of our government, might at the same time have re-
spected and sympathised with the feelings of Francs, and
retained and even =wished that cordial 'Headship which
is, I think, so invaluable. But, gentlemen, I sun bound to
say—and biased, the parliament of this country has ratified
that opinion—that I perceive in the conduct of the late govern-
ment with respect to this Important transaction, a toted ab-
sence of those qualities which so great an °cession demanded.
Instead of • public reply we have private couvereation—in-
stead of a frank and firm exposition to the government of
France of our hidings, and of the false position to which they
were drifting, so far as I can form an opinion of the course
which was punned on the part of the English government—
there was vacillation, timidity, intrigue, maw:envie—any-
thing but an open ssertion of our rights—(hear) —any-
thing but • firm though friendly demonstration to the
French government of the error that they were committing—
anything but • recourse to those means which were requi-
site when the peace of two great nations, and indeed the
Cand the future happiness of Europe, were depending.
heers.) Now, grtlemen, under these circumstances.,
power fell—suddenly and as it were by some judicial act—.
trout the hands of • ministry that was deemed omnipotent ;
and it came to us, gentlemen, nut by any of the routine of
faction, not bemuse we were there the English opposition,
net because we had taken • considerable pert in the parlia-
mantary opinion that was given—for it was not arm the
party of which I am • member that originated the vote epos
that question—l say power did not come to us by
any of the routine forms of faction. Yon have
been recently told by Lord Derby, in his place in
parliament, that when her gracious Majesty was
summon him to her councils, he entreated
pleased to
ejesty to think well over the crided prince of
affairs; and while he told her Majesty that, °rides] as was
the occasion, and vast as were the difficulties with which
he must grapple, he would not shrink from the conjunc-
tare, and would serve her, if necessary, he brought her
Majesty to take one night to think over existing circum-
stances, and not to renew the enter unites his prorate in
her councils was, in her Majesty's opinion, necessary for the
welfare of the count . It was on the day fter—subsequent
to that mann tion—that her Majesty called upon
Lord Derby to take the halm. Therefore, I my, without
it is to aerie her Majesty, at her instance, at a
cirMratius'moment, that the present government has been
farmed, and untie, those cirrumstances it is that it appeals
with confidence to the country. (Heer, hear.) Gen-
theme, the political problem we have to solve is or of so
common difficulty. We have to assert the dignity of this
country, and at the same time to maintsin—perhaps to re-
vive—our cordial friendship with France. Any men, or any
minister, could do either by itself. It is very easy to Muster
and in-tilt with high-flying terms an ally who bas proved his
constancy and fidelity. On the other had, it Isnot difficult
to cringe to • great power, and be =teenier to its wishes.
(Hear, beer.) But to combine at the saute time the vindi•
cation of the rights and privileges of Baglidenten with the
maintenance of that alliance which is emential to the cause
of European civilisation, to a problem not way to solve, but
one from the solution of which we wffi not shrink.
(Chess,.) Bo unhappily, gentlemen, have affairs been
that the result of the proceeding, of the
late administration with 'aspect to recent transections is
this—that there is apparently au attempt to change the
law of England at the dictation of • foreign power. I am 0912•
Tired that the people of this minnow would never submit to
a eerie like that. (Cheers.) And therefore I deeply regret
that by misunderstanding and miscoocepOce, such a enti-
ties should have been arrived at. Heel that it is impossible
that the difficulty should be solved by taking a coarse which
the great majority of the people of England have already
entirely condemned. (Hear.) But, gentleman, I do not despair
that this greet difficulty may be overcome. I do not despair
that Mielra ad methods may be found bia&hir, eerie.
heady alike with the honour of Sat af
Frain—end consistently alike with the
.4stet at the 1
two countries, we may arrive at 1... comlneles
1 ea that shall be perfectly satidectory to bra end 1022
I hops, no adders or feeling of ammo,
I look forward at this moment saw snit esifino, hi this
the charactercharacterof tea Rsgan, yena , pm& bit..
72."` to
Tlis onatain 91 that prince, melba lis It ism accesses

oily from the great trusactions with which he has to deal--
the custom of that prine'e is to leave the conduct of affairs
for a oonaiderable time to his ministers and subordinate
agents. That is the netaseary consequence of his dealing
himself, more or lam, with the entire administration of his
empire, both foreign and domestic. But it has happened
before, as I hope it will happen in this instance, that when
I their mismanagement or misconduct • critical state of
has arisen when the peace of Europe or the
independence of countries has been in question - and when
difficulties have presented themselves which appeared to take
each me Inextricable form that no solution seemed at hand—
the Emperor himself has then interfered; and, bring-
ing to the surrey of the whole transaction that sagacious and
nalmenneoned intelligence which he posessees—viewing, sal
believe he will view, this state of affairs solely with regard to
the interests of France—the Emperor of France will, I feel
assured, not permit those great principles of policy of which
he has been the meat supporter, if not originator—he will
not allow them to be sacrificed by • want of intelligence or
• deficiency of judgment on the part of those Individuals
who have Mid the previous management sad conduct of theme
matters. I feel persuaded that when the Emperor himself
brings, as no doubt he is at this moment bringing, his power-
fel investigation end =parent= to bear on all the circumstances
of this difficult case, he will not hesitate to recognise the
original In
of him ministers—he will not hesitate to plus
confidence those laws of England, the efficiency of
which has not even yet been tried to obtain for him that just
remedy he solicited; and I em confident that when the Em-
peror has investigated in this spirit all the circumstances of
this case—whoe he recognises the first error of his ministers
—when he recognises that which Mu too late been acknow-
ledged, the efclmcy of our existing laws—he will feel con-
fident that if his hopes are frustrated—if it be proved that the
.iisp as it now exists is not sufficient, which I, at present, am
no? loaned to believe—if that monterous doctrine can be de-
monstrated to be the law of England, that an alien in this
country may commit • crime with impunity, which her
Majesty's own subjects cannot commit without meeting the
penalties of the law—then, I am sure, the Emperor of the
French will not send dictatorial menaces and messages, but,
leaving them to counts and colonels, will appeal to the justice
of the English nation, and ask them, " Do you wish it to he
the law of England that an alien may eommit • crime with
Impunity which the subjects of your own Sovereign may not
commit when that mime is directed the person
of your faithful ally?' (Hear, hear.) liatinith respect to his
situation, I watch with deep interest the trials that will soon
take place in this country. (Hear, hear.) I know that
abroad they imagine there are great and purposed delays in
the investigations that are taking place before the magistrate
preliminary to the more formal judicial proceedings ; but that
arises from the Ignorance of our forms of law which is too
common on the continent. The forms and the delays in our
criminal law procedure were established to protect the
liberty of the subject, and we must not allow them to be di-
minished. But, so fares I can form an opinion as to what
is taking plus, I believe there will be a case of such gravity
and magnitude soon brought before our tribunals that it must
fairly and completely test the efficiency or non-efficiency of
our laws on the subject. Until the decision upon that case has
been pronounced I think it would be premature in me to my
more upon this point. I myself have confidence in the laws
of England. I cannot believe but that the laws of this coun-
try are sufficient to touch miscreants of the class
in question; and though I would on no account,
under no circumstances, with no conditions, and with
no limitations, ever comment to any tampering with
the right of asylum which has made this country the conse-
crated land of liberty, I do not hesitate to express the great
gratification I should feel if the law should be proved to be
powerful enough to deal with those who have so outraged
the feelings of this country, and have so violated the sacred
right which, even with such exceptions, we are still bound to
maintain. (Rear, heir.) Now, gentlemen, I have touched
upon what has been called • difficult and delicate topic with
frankness, beanie it appears to me of the utmost importance
that there should at this moment prevail in this country an
intelligent spirit on the subject of oar relations with France.
It is undoubtedly the interest of many influential parsons—
reuses and individuals—to poison the mind of the people of
England against the government and people of France.
That is, however, in my judgment, a most dangerous course;
and while the people of this country should be prompt under
ail dreniestances to maintain its law, and customs, while
they aught to consent to any and every sacrifice rather than
change those laws and customs, even indirectly, at the in-
stigation of • foreign sovereign, still I think it would be wise,
and consistent with that spirit and that determination, to
maintain an unimpassioned and unprejudiced feeling towards
the government and the people of France. At this moment
calumnies ars uttered in every quarter which would convey
to the people of this country that the Emperor of the
French instead of being that faithful ally upon whom we
counted, has rather sought an opportunity of picking •
quarrel with the people of England, because he thought
that in consequence of the Indian occurrences he had England
at some disadvantage. Now nothing can be more unfounded
than such • notion as that. There is no prince in Europe
so well informed upon all political matters as the Emperor of
the French—there is no prince in Europe eo well informed
as to the means of defence of this country as the Emperor of
the French. I will be bound to say that he knows much
more about our ships and soldiers than many of her Majesty's
subjects, and quits sa much as her Majesty's ministers.
(Hear, hear.) And therefore the Emperor of the French,
who is this well-informed prince, knows sa well as I do that,
notwithstanding our having sent such a fins army to India,
we have In there islands at the present time • larger effective
force then we have had at any previous period during the
last five and twenty years. (Hear, hear.) The Emperor of
the French, who is this well-informed prince, knows as well
as I do that in four-end-twenty hours we could man with
able seamen the moat powerful charnel fleet that ever rode
upon the English waters. (Hear, hear.) The Emperor of
the French, who is the best informed prince in Europe on
English politic, I dare say knows as well as I do
the last monthly return of our recruiting rota, and knows
that in this country, where we have no scription, where
we can only appeW to the patriotism and the public spirit at
the people, there is now • larger recruiting for every arm of
her Majesty's service than there was during any month of
the Crimean campaigns. (Cheers.) Then what a calumny
is it to pretend that the Emperor of the French, who knows
all this as well as I do, has sought to pick • quartl with this
country on account of its Indian &eaters ! No, gentkeiten,
we must clear our minds of this prejudice. The Emperor of
the French is as reedy as he was before this affair occurred
at Paris, and before this blundering misconception of the
English minister —the Emperor of the French is, I say, as
ready as he was before this recent event to cultivate the
friendship of a people whom he respects and regards, and to
maintain the English alliance, which, to use his own words,
is the alliance which can Moue maintain old Europe against
those commanding hifiuences that are rising in other parts
of the world - he is as ready now es he was then
to support that understanding between England and
France which he believes to be the best security
for order, for civilisation, end for European power.
(Cheers.) And, gentlemen, it depends mainly upon his
efforts and the efforts of those who are responsible to this
country, supported by the good feeling and good humour of
the English people and the good sense of the French people,
to bring about a consummation to which I hope those efforts
will lead, namely, the restorati in of • cordial understanding
between the two countries. (Hear, hear.) Gentlemen, I
have thus at some length touched upon the subject which is
at the present moment foremost in the mind of every English-
man. I ought not, however on an occasion likethe present,
to avoid other topes, thouglil shall endeavour to be as brief
as possible. Now we have armed the reins of government,
as you will no doubt admit, at a very critical period, and
when we have to encounter difficulties which are not of cedi-
eery magnitude; but I do not myself despair of our being
able to steer the ship in • way_which will be satisfactory to
the people of this country. We have at ones, gentlemen, to
deal with a subject of magnitude and interest, namely, the
government of India • and upon that question I must
say a word, because I learn from the newspapers in
regard to what has passed in different parts of the country
that there is • considerable amount of misconception
prevailing as to the intended conduct of her Majesty's go-
vernment In reference to India. Now I myself have ever
been of opinion—at least ever since I have been cepabie of
forming es opinion that was worth anything—(laughter
that the government of India is of • very lowessoloes oho-
reeler ; and in 1833, when the charter was renewed, I
thought it a very great mistake that the inquiry of the com-
mittees of the two houses of parliament into the affairs of
India was hurried over, and that we were forced to legislate
without that doe investigation which I think would have
led parliament to • very different conclusion from what
it came to, and terminated that form of government
which is popularly called " the double government." Upon
that occasion a noble friend of mine, now my colleague Lord
Stanley, at my instance and with my aid in debate, brought
forward in the House of Commons • motion to the
effect that the settlement of the Indian govern-
ment should be delayed until the inquiry bad
been completed. Well, gentlemen, we were in het
outvoted on that occasion. The policy which is now approved
by idl,
and which was then by a h
statesmen
is exactly that•ltaiwety prevented frees
1853
being pursued. This year, Penthmati a motion was
brought before the House of Commons by • gentlemen who
is.mehq,:tiethitieitinrodndoepwwzdetteit orfthp=sy, Mr. Baring BlithWibtrcaugt wilthsbmili•vinliorsi of*
administration hi India, and the motion was am it was not
expedient to legislate for India at present—this declare-
' tion, of course, having reference to the civil war
raging te ="lesentry. Now that was not •
Part! question- it was Wee& Ibrwsrd by a gesiewea who
bw: so eseeseisa with piety, end men he gavel& notice of
!soden ht the Mew of-Comewo we pesos was...rEssiuted
with his Weed's, accept 'Mersa My owe thew.
w , I confess, that ft wee sot eivelhet use-L—MiNtr‘p
settutemeut of ft& had tikes plose le West a no Fero of
pooraweet, mid I voted yids Mr. is *a
missolty as that session Inaba* sty fringiZioligirom
Len tossiwt, wogs* the (Aka may. Now it is litaistosen of
no egoonmsatins tizis=ll to 1110.1!, 16. Lin. Ws
an mond de ils=iii..' ItFir
Malt a Una MI UM _„, _ tO MI
indleee. Bos, I not firs amongst's
sus mg utsigilipsi mimiliontir,m to In Wont, yes will