The Express.
London, England, 1860-05-01 00:00:00

THE EXPRESS, TUESDAY EVENING, MAY -1, MIL

ao," from the oppositioa) Then why had they themselves •
brought in a reform bill! en
They had withag
fear from a 111. beaches ; for the marking classes
under-
stood public questions as well es they did in that home.
About twenty members rose ea the opposition aids, but
ad jou
Mr. K. MACAULAY moved that the debate should be
rned.
Lunt PALMERSTON. in espeeing to the edjoarnment,
hoped that the debate weuld be proceeded with Ws day.
Colonel DICKSON said there were several important Irish
bills on the paper for that day. When were they to be
proceeded with! (A leagh.)
Mr. V. SCULLY mid that 16 English members had
spoken that night. This Reform Bill was becoming the
great "social era "of the day. (Cheers and laughter.)
Every hon. member Instead of addressing himself to the
question, addreeed the hon. member for Birmingham.
(Laughter.) This question of the English Reform Bill con-
cerned Irish members as much as their own; for when it
was settled, all the rest would follow as a matter of course.
It was complained that out of 16 metropolitan members only
two had been beard; he should be happy to hear the other
14--(aughter) ;—and he hoped they would then patiently
bear the whole of the Irish members. (Great laughter.)
He quite agreed in the reproach which was cast upon Irish
members, that they did not take a sufficient part in quer
tions affecting the whole nation. (A laugh.) If they were
too modest to speak upon this question—although he had
himself no intention to take any part in the debate—he
would overcome his modesty so far all to detain the house
for a short time in order to express his opinions upon the
bill. (lanoter.)
Mr. HENNESSY mid he had a bill of very great import.
awe relating to Ireland upon the paper, and he certainly
could not give way for the Reform Bill.
Sir J. ELPHINSTONE expressed a hoe that the hon.
and gallant member for Southwark (Sir C. Napier) would
persevere in bringing on his motion to-morrow (this day).
After a few words from Mr. Oltitten,
The debate was adjourned until this day.
CUSTOMS BILL
Upon the order of the day bsiug read to consider this bill
as amended,
Sir Ff. CAIRNS moved to add the following clause :
" And whereas contracts may have been made on or before
the said day of 1560, for the delivery free of duty
after that day of tools or commodities the duties of cut-
toms on which arehereby lowered or repealed, be it there-
fore enacted that any person who shall or may, on or
before the said day of , 1860, have made or entered
into anv such contract or agreement as the purchaser or
Consignee of such goods nr commodities, may and is hereby
authorised and empowered to deduct from the sum payable
by hint under such continct or agreement the amount of
the duties which, if this act had not pasted, would have
been payable in respect of such leo& or commodities."
After a few wont from Mr. L.trie and the SOLICITOR-
OWNER t 1.,

The clams was agreed to.
WAYS AND MEANS.
The report Oa Ways sad Means, granting upwards of
11,000,000/. for her /4js_sVs memos, was brought ap.
DWELLINGS FOR
..4!.017R1yG CLASSES (IRE-

LAND) BILL

The Lords' ainendmente wire considered and agreed In.
METROPOLITAN LOCAL MANAGEMENT BILL
Mr. Trrs obtained leave to introduce a bill for the better
local management of the metropolis.
The hill was read a first time.
The house adjourned at ten minutes put one o'clock.

PARISIAN PAPER HANGINGS, at the
Mooed do 11. H. C=4 ONM
.0, OIFORD.
MAW cissi lo tie Moores

DOUDNEY and" SONS' LIVERIES
*ass maxim molimenis4o
loolamea's ISO pH
0
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DOMM2 Y sad BONA, tallara,2=sirest ; 11.11001110-
Ic .roads:ss 110 Laustardsitrest 17$0

COLOURID PLANNZL SHIRT&
Bold by 1:112.111/11111 sod GLIINIT. 1114 Woad

BZNSON'S WATCHZB.
" Plefeetion of olooloadim.'—iforOwe Put
Gold watebos, 4 to 100 Fulmer : illouriL,to SO salessa...• Said
two stamp for &oon a Mulailod of
every coostractlon of we
ecrw mode. -71ra=siVrtw-U. -ports
of the world.--SS sad )4, laidwato4AL LC. 141•011 shod 1140.

RARMONIUMS—NEW MODEL.—
CIAXNZ, UALa, ird ow, sal. bigialatroll&

"L tarter Woe Iwo rover to skew,
no ma so dreier to rontes--oWwww.
DIESSIC and LUBIN'S LEAP-YEAR
BOUOUST. b. N. bottlet.-4, New Itoodwlrwt, W.

gbe erpreiso.

TO OORIMPONDENTIS.
&fathomed,. Intended for -The Sepreis" London Keening
Paper, must be at the °Mee, 10, hourerleetreet, by Two
o'clock ou the day of publication.

ZATNAZICIF.
Tem Bynum VICTIMS. Nears. Howe, Backstone. 110%1
sad Verne ; Nee. B. Whale, Mho IL Teresa, Mn.
AND 00X *rem Buckaroo and Compton.—THY PILGRIM
OF LOVX Maas. Chippendale i Compton Mho N. Terra.

PRI NCIMICS.
Tare Emma, MY RUSS OUT.—THE 100L1 115Y1301
ler. ?help*. Lu Atkluuwwnn,, and Ulu Heath. —had TIE
SYLPH CUE. Mews. F. MAR a, Shore, sod lakes; Woes R.
Leclerc% L Keeley, R. Leclerc% and IL ilewarL

LYCEUM.
TREI trams, NEXT Ot KIN. THE FORTY THIEVE&
lißeles WI& Thompson, Class St Gem Z. haven. Isis THE
-WHITEBAIT AT GREENWICH. Mr Dos.—Aad THE
KIDDY ASHOB.E. Mu L Thospeos.—Oamummos at T.

JAMEIrs .
Tim Wixom A FRIEND IN NEED. Maim T. Noblams,
Young, aid Dollord .N IS Munn!.—A LADY AND GENTLE-
MAN IN A PICULLAKLY PILEPLLEING PZEDICAIULNT.—
Aid LIICILTZU BORGIA AT HONK AND AU. AMIGAD.

nwrAinnA.
ENGLAND —LUILLINI; o; a
Jacobi. Mrs & Lain. —And TIE LOU 01 THE FERRY : or, The
Demon of The Foneetand The Poor eteedeed, Mrs. L Yansold.

HIGH WATKR AT LONDON BRIDGE.
This D*T —Mornlag, I. VOL ....Afternoon, 1011. Me.
To. Boaßow —Morning, Ilk ....Aft•roooa, llh. Ns.

LONDON, TUESDAY, MAY 1.

Triz enemies of Parliamentary Reform are not
ashamed to parade their own delinquencies as
reasons why the patient unrepresented classes
of their countrymen should once more be sent
empty away. They have pursued the un-English
and unmanly course of obstructing by the arts of
delay a bill which they have not the courage to
oppose openly, and now we are told their temporary
success is a reason why the honour of the Govern-
ment should be sacrificed, and the great work of the
session abandoned. The Reform Bill, it is said,
stops everything ; public business is in arrear, the
national revenue has to be adjusted, supplies have
to be voted, and laws await reform. There is a
complete legislative check ; so the bill must be
withdrawn.

This is the very sublime of impudence. The
Reform Bill stops nothing, and it has been stopped
for everything. As soon, however, as the Govern-
ment shows that although forbearing, it really
means to do justice, the demand is unblushingly
made to " withdraw the bill."

The Government owes not the slightest con-
' sideration to an assembly which refuses, whether
frankly or meanly, to perform the very work it
was elected to do. Adulterated and weakened as
it was in its composition by the Government of the
day, the House of Commons, which carried to
Westminster the answer to Lord DERBY'S appeal
to the nation, was elected to pass a measure of
Parliamentary Reform. That is the work ex-
pected of it, and in the place of which no
new-found zeal for special legislation will be ao-
cepted. If members who a year ago acquired the
confidence of liberal constituencies have forgotten
the professions they then made on the hustings,
it is now time to recall them. If their Par-
liamentary experience has led them to form more
Conservative opinions, let them avow the fact ;
but let us have no more hypocrisy, no more
double dealing.
We are told that the plain common sense of the
resistance made to the Reform Bill is that the
House of Commons is not inclined to pass a mea-
sure which will entail its dissolution. A so flagrant
breach of faith occurring in the transactions of
civil life receives a plain common-sense designation ;
it is called--swindling. A Parliament which
despising such a course should keep its promise
would not be entitled to the praise of heroism ;
we should simply say that it had acted honestly.
The time is at hand when the real disposition
of the House must be made clear to every elector
in the United Kingdom. The Government is
bound in justice to itself and to the country to
bring the question of Reform to a practical issue.
It owes no forbearance to the obstructive*, by
whatever name they are called ; and whether the
result of their tactics be a session drawn out into
the grouse season, or the prompt dissolution of
Parliament, they will have themselves alone to
thank for it.

Sous public writers, who ought to know better,
still insist upon a crietade against the new system of
filling up the appointments in the Indian Civil Ser-
vice. This system, it cannot be too often repeated,
is that any " natural born subject of her Majesty"
between 18 and 22 years of age is eligible as a
candidate, and the candidate who proves himself
the best according to the opinion of the most able
and impartial judges must obtain the prize.
Years ago this system was tried in some four
or five cases with eminent success by Mr. Caw-
NINO, and the lads who won the prizes in his
day nobly vindicated his sagacity. But in these
, days the system is not confined to India. The
officers of Artillery and Engineers have for some
years been supplied in the same way. Happily
j with respect to them the old patronage-mon-
gers have ceased to murmur. Practical experi-
ence has silenced them. Their gloomy anticipa-
tions have proved false, their misrepresentations
of facts have no believers. The same result will
no doubt follow in the case of India; in the mean •
time the discussion has reached that stage in which
"valued and well-informed correspondents" endea-
vour to impose upon the public by statements of sin-
gular inaccuracy. When 80 valuable appointments,
which used to be valued in the corrupt times at
5,000/. each, are now open to the world, it is im-
mensely important that the public should be
thoroughly informed as to the class of persons who
are likely to obtain them. Every father of a
family must be interested to know the conditions
upon which his son may become a candidate, and,
if possible, a successful one.
Now, in the find place, it is admitted even by
the sticklers for patronage that the lads who
succeed are the best educated lads of their,
time—that is to say, if tried by the test of an'
English education. Besides the certainty that
the lad who succeeds has a personal desire to go to
India—for if he has none he need only sit in the

examination-room and do nothing—besides in het
having a turn for service in the Rest, the successful
candidate must show that he has applied his mind
with zeal and efficiency to his atodiea ; and these
studies have been selected as the very beet which
can be thought of by those who have considered the
subject. It may be that the system of English educa-
tion at the great public schools, at the colleges and uni-
versities throughout the country is founded on a
mistake. But so long as public opinion acts upon
an opposite principle, a great public department
may be excused from following. If India requires
educated Englishmen at all, there seems little
harm in supplying the best educated. At all
events it is satisfactory to find that if India suc-
ceeds in obtaining such men—according to the pre-
sent popular standard of education—her chief
men will be persons brought up in the same
school as the noblemen and gentlemen who form
our cabinets and rule the empire—as Mr. GLAD-
/mow; Sir CORNEWALL Lewis, Lord DERBY, Mr.
SIDNEY HERBERT, Lord LYNDHURST, Lord Ezonr,
and a host of others. A slight glance at the list
of the successful candidates for Indian appointment',
which may be seen at page 209 of the hist Civil
Service Report, proves conclusively that the lads
who obtain these prizes have undergone precisely
the same coarse of training as the men who are
now most eminent in Parliament, at the Bar, in
the pulpit, in science, and in literature. And if
this be so, it is surely a little unreasonable to de-
mend some better test for selecting Indian officials
than that which would have obtained for the
country every great statesman, from Prrr and
CANNING to PEEL and PAELIERSTON, from WARHILV
HASTINGS and WELLISLEY to Sir CHARLES TES-
YELTAN and Sir WIIALAII MAzthrizi.D.

But it is said that this system of open competi-
tion shuts out the middloclaases. It renders these
great prizes in the public service utterly inacces-
sible to any man of moderate means, and the
public are told by one " well-informed" gen-
tleman that no boy has a chance of success
unless his father has spent upon his education the
sum of 3,0001. Acquaintance with the East is
apt to develop the imagination. Certainly, the
information of the author of this statement must
be peculiarly Oriental. In the first place, if he
had taken the trouble to turn to page 207 of the
Civil Service Report he would have found that the
candidates are, without exception, from the middle
classes. Out of the 119 there are no fewer than
30 candidates the sons of clergymen, 6 are the
sons of merchants, 6 of physicians, 12
are the sons of gentlemen, 7 are the sons
of lawyers. The father of no boy was of a
rank higher than that of a Lieutenant-Colonel or a
Captain in the Navy. Again, if the schools at
which the candidates were educated be examined, it
will be found that only four came from Harrow and
Eton—probably the most expensive schools in
England ; the rest are from the old grammar
schools which are found in almost every con-
siderable English town. To suppose that the edu-
cation of these young men cost 2501. a year whilst
at school for the unusual period of six years, is
simple folly. Even at Eton the annual bills do
not exceed 200 f., but at Rugby and other schools
the expenses are not more than 110/. Nor is
this all. At every public grammar school there
are foundationers. Thus at Eton there are
seventy. They are elected by open competition,
and a boy on the foundation costa his
friends only a few pounds a year. The same
system prevails at Westminster, Charterhouse,
and Winchester, and of course at Christ's Hospital.
In fact, out of three Blue-coat boys who appeared
as candidates, two appear to have gone to India.
But further, a rule prevails at certain schools
that parents who live within a certain radius
are entitled to send their sons as day boys.
This privilege is largely used at Eton, at
Harrow, at Shrewsbury, at Manchester, and es-
pecially at Rugby. In fact, a town has grown
up containing residences for the parents of children
attending school. But the same privilege prevails
in Bristol, in Bath, in Chester, in Bedford, and
numerous other places. In such towns, therefore,
it would be much nearer the truth to say
that a boy's education costs 250 pence than 2501.;
and, in fact, it is demonstrable that no person,
however "well-informed," could point to a single
successful candidate in the last Indian examina-
tion whose education had cost 1,5001. But, as if
to place his ignorance beyond question, the same
" well-informed " person estimates the cost of an
university career at another 1,500 f., which he
makes up by a four years' course at 375/. a year.
Now, it is a well-known fact, that three years is
the ordinary university course, and that 2001. is
the sum commonly allowed. This would require
an expenditure of 600/. instead of 1,500/.
But the briefest glance at the Report
to which allusion has been made, or the
smallest modicum of information upon the subject,
would have convinced any fair-minded inquirer
that in the present state of things it is
scarcely ever necessary for a father to supply his
son with the full allowance. There are so many
scholarships and exhibitions, both at the grammar
schools and at the various colleges, that a lad of
moderate ability will be almost certain to obtain
one. Of late years the prizes have been offered to
any lad without reference to the place of his birth
or his parentage. Scarcely a day passes without
the University Intelligence containing particulars
as to the mode in which candidates for Scholarships
should apply ; and inviting boys from every quer-
ter to the contest. Annual sums of 301., 501., or
even 1001., are no uncommon rewards, and instances
are not wanting in which men now occupying the
highest places have earned by their own abilities
the means which enabled them to pass their under-
graduate career without trenching upon the family
purse. In the presence of notorious facts
it is somewhat surprising to find public writers so
profoundly ignorant of the expenses of an English
education. But this makes it the more important
to show up this bugbear of expense, which, no
doubt, prevents many parents from giving their
sons the best education. Above all, it is essential
to dissipate the delusion, that the middle classes,
or even the lower classes, are excluded from all ,
share in the advantages of open competition,
because the style of education required of success- I
ful candidates is beyond their reach.

Ws make no apology for again calling public
attention to the gigantic fraud or farce that will
be perpetrated in the religious statistics of next
year's Census if Mr. Cuvs's Bill is allowed to
pass in its present shape. While the new pro-
posal is open to the gravest objections we know of
nothing that can be urged in its favour. If such
an obnoxious scheme can in any way be explained
or defended, the Government ought to be called
upon explicitly to state the reasons which have
led them to depart from the useful prece-
dent of the last Census. Till this at least
is done the Bill ought not to be allowed to pro-
ceed any further. Mr. Cuva's Bill proposes to
compel every person in the three kingdoms to state
his or her religious profession. Now, such a de-
mand is utterly unwarrantable, even were obe-
dience to it possible. What does it really amount to

It is neither more nor less than an intrusion of the
civil power, not only into • department with which ;
it has nothing to do—that of opinion—but into the ,
most sacred province of that department, that of I
religious belief. This is as illegitimate in principle
as it would inevitably be futile and vexatious in
practice. What right has the Government to in
quire into the religious opinions or beliefs of
any man, woman, or child 4 The object
of the Census is to obtain facts, not opinions,
much less fictitious opinions. It may be said,
perhaps, that the proposed inquiry relates not
to religions belief but to religious profession,
which is matter of public notoriety. Nothing,
however, is further from the real truth. Under the
guise of asking for a fact, the manifest object is
to extract an expression of opinion—whether sin-
cere or not is of no consequence. On no other sup-
position is the proposal intelligible. It cannot
possibly refbr simply to those who make what is
called a public profession of religion—the members
of the various dissenting bodies, and the com-
municants of the Established Church. These
form but a fraction of the population, and their
precise number can easily be ascertained without
the complicated and irrelevant machinery of a
general Census. Neither can the object be to ascer-
tain the number who habitually attend public wor-
ship. That, no doubt, is a fact which may be
legitimately investigated, and the accurate know-
ledge of which is of general interest and permanent
value. In the last Census, accordingly, inquiry
was directed to this practical point, in order to
ascertain the existing amount of accommodation
for public worship, and the precise extent to which
the people availed themselves of the provision. A
useful index of the general average of attendance
on public worship, as well as of the redundancy or
deficiency of the provision for it in particular areas,
was thus obtained. But the new proposal is of
no such practical and useful kind. Instead of
dealing with public facts of general interest and
utility, it descends to the sacred ground of
private convictions, asking in the most direct
and inquisitorial way whether you have any
religious opinions, and if so what they are. Such
an inquiry is a novelty in this country. It is
quite a new thing for the tax-gatherer to take
you by the button and demand in peremp-
tory tones what particular persuasion you
belong to. We venture to predict that
the question will be regarded not only as
new, but as in the highest degree illegitimate and
offensive. If it be allowable, however, to compel a
man to declare his religious convictions, we cannot
stop here. The inquisitorial principle is of far
wider application. If the inquiry, " What is your
" religious profession 1" may be put, why not the
inquiry, " What is your political party 1" And
if the personal and prying system is applicable to
religion and politics, why not extend it to
morals, manners, and general deportment
We shall then have such questions as,
" What is your position in society ?" " What
" club do you belong to 1" " What are your
" habitual amusements r " What are your
" favourite vices 1" " Are you a member of the
" Temperance Society 1" "Do you smoke to-
" berm 1" Nay, if the plan were once adopted,
there is no point, however minute, on which a
paternal government, thirsting for curious but
practically useless information, might not think
proper to catechise its dutiful children. We protest
against the whole system, and therefore against
Mr. Cu Veil proposal, not only as an anomaly
in legislation, but as an outrage against the rights
and privileges of the people. If an Englishman's
house, his private residence, is his castle, not to
be invaded by the arm of the law, surely his per-
sonal convictions are equally sacred.
But, if legitimate and expedient, it would be
impossible to give effect to such a proposal. The
attempt to carry it nut would be utterly futile.
You may ask an impertinent question, but you
cannot compel an answer, much less a
truthful Answer. The returns Mr. CLIVE
proposes to ask for would add nothing to our
real information as to the religious state of
the country, while they would inevitably inundate
us with false and mischievous, because essentially
false and misleading statistics. Religiously con-
sidered, the population may be divided into three
great classes. First, there are what may be tech-
nically termed the professors of religion, compris-
ing the members of the various dissenting bodies
and the regular communicants of the Established
Church. These, though a definite and compact
body, are the smallest class, a mere fraction of
the whole population, indeed. Then there is the
much larger and looser class, who on various
grounds, from custom and association, from re-
flective or emotional conviction, are religious, or re-
ligiously inclined, without identifying themselves
with any particular church. A large number of
these attend places of worship regularly, many
occasionally, and not a few rarely, if ever at all.
Finally, there is an enormous mass who are
utterly indifferent to religion, and never, except by
accident, go anywhere at all. Now, how would
Mr. Ciays's proposal affect these three classes ?
The first would of course have no difficulty in re-
plying to the question, What is your religious
profession ? But they are precisely the class
whose reply is least important, because
their numbers can be accurately ascer-
tained from other sources. In regard to
the second class, the proposed Census returns
would give us no reliable information at all.
Many would resent the inquiry as impertinent,
and decline, even under threats of penalty, to
reply to it. Others would answer in terms so
vague and ambiguous, if not ironical, as to give
either no information, or information that would
only mislead. But, if thus comparatively worth-
less in relation to the second class, the returns
would be far worse than worthless, they would be
wholly false and mischievous, in relation to the
third. The vast outlying mass who are wholly
indifferent to religion would in all likelihood be
entered as Episcopalians, partly because few per-
sons would like to confess themselves in religion sans
domicile, and would feel it more respectable to be
put down as something ; partly because there would
be an active church machinery at work in every
pariah to sweepthe stragglers in, and partly because,
where the matter was left to official routine, every
man who had not formally tenanted from the
Church would be assumed to be still a member of
it though he had never once entered its doors
during his whole life. Such returns would, of
course, be worthless for all practical purposes.
But though of no value to the country they might
prove useful for party purposes to the Church.
The bishops and high church clergy have
recently appeared at considerable disadvantage
in their opposition not only to the fair claims of
Diasenters, but to the common sense and strong
Protestant feeling of the country. The proposed
fallacious returns will probably supply them with
a political instrument that might be used with
temporary effect. Swtrr tells us that it is in dis-
pute as in armies, where the weaker side sets up '
false lights and makes a great noise to make the
enemy believe them more numerous and strong
than they really are. The recent agitation in
favour of Church-rates illustrates the great noise

made by the High Church party to frightcii
enemy, while the attempt to set up false lights
manifest in this proposal for fictitious returns,
do not believe that such an offensive, irritaMg,
and mischievous device will be allowed ti
succeed.

LATEST INTELLIGENCE.

ITALY.

The Sardinian Senate, in its sitting of the 27th
ult., voted the bill for introducing the Sardhadu
oodea into the Einilian provinces by a inajoriq of
52 againat 8.

The Perseseranza, of Milan, states that the A ua.
trians are constructing a formidable bridge-head at
Bogoforte, On the Po, not far from Mantua. The
same paper states that General de Lamorieiere ar-
rived at Pesaro on the 24th ult. ; that the ten
band had been ordered out to celebrate his arrival
with music, but that most of the performer,, had
remained away, for which neglect of obedience they
had been thrown into prison. A few houses belong. '
big to the municipality were illuminated in the
evening, but the rest of the town did not follow• the
example. The headquarters of the Neapolitan
army under General Pianelli are said to have been
transferred to Aquila, in order the better to con.
cert measures with General Lamoriciere, who has
encamped his troops at Spoleto.

TURIN, Arse, JO.

King Victor Emmanuel will arrive to-day at
Pistoja. To-morrow him Majesty will proceed to
Lucca and Bologna.
Count Cavour and M. Fanti will go to-morrow
to Bologna to meet the King. The rumour that
the frigate Qoveruolo had been insulted by
Neapolitan vessels is denied.
The assembling of the Chambers is to be ad-
journed until after the pee in commemoration of
the establishment of the constitution. The treaty
of the 24th of March will be discussed after the
boundaries of the States have been regulated with
France.

THE INSLIRRECTION IN SICILY.
NArLss (vu thafoe),'AriaL 27.
After the destruction of the town of Carini, the
royal troops returned by steamer to Palermo.
A fight between the insurgents and the soldiers
has taken place at Alcano. More ambulances have
been despatched to Sicily.