The Express.
London, England, 1867-10-30 00:00:00

should be sorry that great questions should not arise.
(Hear.) Great questions are a proof that the country is
progressing. If there were no great question it would
only show that we were in a stagnant state ; hut we ought
to contrast the present state of ►ffairs when the Reform
Bill of 187 has been passed with what was the state
which will be remembered by my noble friend the Duke
of Buticleuch. (Cheers.) What a different feeling there
was in the country at that time no one can
believe that the wise and experienced men of those days
were afraid of the Reform Bill. It was not the Reform
Bill that was brought forward by Lord Grey and the
eminent statesmen who produced that alarm. It was the
way in which that Reform Lill was passed ; it was the
bludgeon and the brickbats ; it was Nottingham Castle in
flames; it was cities like Bristol that were sacked; but contrast
that state of affairs, and the consequence of that state of
affairs with what was our experience. We have had •
riot, a little riot, just to show that we are freemen. (Laugh.
ter.) We have had, as we had in 1832, violent opinions
expressed, but in 1832 they were expressed by men of m►rk,
by men who influenced opinion ; by whom are they
expressed now? By the nincompoops of polities.
(Cheers and laughter.) By men more absurd than Hudi-
bras. (Continued laughter.) If you consider the different
position of the country at these two periods, it is very
remarkable you passed • reform bill then, and every►ody
was frightened ; they were so frightened that they collected
together and believed that the only security against fur-
ther danger was the associating together to prevent fur-
ther change. Now we all feel what an error was that.
It is as fallacious a triumph in politics as
in science to suppose that you can establish
a party upon resistance to change, and for this
reason, the change is inevitable in • progressive country.
Change is constant ; and the great question is, not
whether you still resist change, which is inevitable, but
whether that change shall be carried out in deference to
the manners, the customs, the laws, and the traditions of
• people, or whether it shall be carried out in deference to
abstract principle and arbitrary and general doctrines.
One is a national system; the other, to give it the
worst epithet which it may deserve, is a philosophic
system, but although they both have very great edvan.
tape this must be remembered—the national system is
supported no doubt with the fervour of patriotism. The
philosophic has a singular exemption from the force of
prejudice, but the national system, although it may
occasionally represent the prejudices of a nation, never
injures the national character, while thelphllosophie system,
although it may occasionally improve by its advanced views
the condition of a country, precipitates progress and may
occasion revolution and destroy states- (Hear.) Now I have
always considered that the tory party was the nations
party of England : it is not the freedom of a combination
of oligarchs ►nd philosophers who practise upon the
sectarian prejudices of a portion of the people ; it is the
freedom of all classes from the humblest to the most
homely, and it retains a series of institutions that are in-
herent' and ought to be in practice, the embodiment of the
national requirement and the securit7 of the national rights.
Whenever the tory party degenerates into oblig•rehy it be-
comes unpopular; whenever the national institutions do
not fulfil their original intention the tory party becomes
odious ; but when the people are led by their natural
leaders, and when by their united influence the national
institutions fulfil their original intentions, then the tory
party is triumphant, and then under Providence it will
secure the, prosperity and happiness of the country.
(Cheers.) Events may now be occurring which may in-
fluence the condition of Europe, and affect the position of
this country. For my own part, I should not be doing
my duty if I did not express qiy conviction that it is not
only the interest but the in ration of the great powers
of Europe, not only to favour, but to favour permanently,
the cause of peace. But no doubt, whatever ministry
may have to regulate the fortunes of this oountry,whatever
may be their abilities, whatever may be the favourable
circumstances they can command, they ►re nothing without
the confidence of the great mass of the nation, and without
the encouragement which assemblies like these must give
to all. (Cheers.) For myself, I assure you, encouraged as
I have been to-day by the cordial kindness with which you
have greeted me, I am the last man who would attempt to
depreciate the difficulties which a British minister has to
meet, or would (attempt to exaggerate the qualities which
my colleagues possess. Indeed when I remember the
interests of the British Isles, so vast, so various,
and so complicated when I ever recall to recollections the
differences of race, which, however blended, leave a very
significant charaeteristic,wben I reeolleetthat the great ma-
jority of the population of the United Kingdom rise
every day and depend for their daily sustenance on their
daily _ . _

I recollect the delicate marble of our
credit, more wonderful, in my opinion, than all oar accu-
mulated capital—when I remember that it is on the
common sense, the prudence, and the courage of •
community thus circumstanced that depends the fate of
uncounted millions in ancient provinces, and that around
the globe there is • circle of domestic settlements that
watch us for example and inspiration ; when I know
that not a suu rises on a British minister
that does not bring him care and even inex-
pressible anxiety, an unexpected war, a disturbed and
discontented colony, a pestilence, a famine, a mutiny, a
declining tittle, a decaying revenue, a collapse of credit,
perhaps some insane and fantastic conspiracy—I
declare I feel very often I wonder where there
is the strength of heart to deal with such
that in this country, whatever may have been the tumult
and the turmoil of our uow almost countless generation,
there have been three master influences that have at all
times controlled and commanded our powers and passions,
and they are industry, liberty, and religion. (Rear.) So
long as this sacred combination influence
the destiny of this country is will not die. (Cheers.)
History will recognise its life, not record its decline and
fail. (Cheers.) It will say this is a great and colossal
circumstance. (Cheers.) But when I withdraw the
pressure of individual interest, and take • larger
and deeper view of human affairs, I recognise
understanding people, end it is from such materials we
make the magnifitexce of the nation and establish the
splendour of the terrestrial globe.
At 11 o'clock the right hon. gentleman concluded, amid
enthusiastic cheering, a speech which occupied upwards
of two and a half hours in delivery.

THE EDINBURGH WORKING MEN AND MR.
DISRAELI.—One is helped not a little to a correct estimate
of the character of the deputation that went to London
the other day to thank the Chancellor of the Exchequer
on behalf of the working men of Edinburgh, by what took
place at a meeting of the operative boot and shoemakers
of Edinburgh on Monday night. Mr. Jackson, secretary
of the National Association of the Boot and Shoe Makers
of Scotland, was one of the four deputies, and the object
of the meeting was to consider the secretary's conduct.
The chairman declared that Mr. Jackson had no right to
go to London and so act, unless on his own responsibility ;
and the meeting took the same view, for it passed a reso-
lution to she effect " that Mr. Jackson had no authority
from us to undertake such a duty in our name." Other
speakers indignantly disavowed all connexion or sym-
pathy with the deputation, used very hard names in
regard to Mr. Jackson, and showed by no means a dis-
position to thank Mr. Disraeli—than whom, as one gentle-
man observed, " these was not a more determined enemy
to progress and civilisation."—Scotswera.
THE HEALTH or LONDON.—It appears from the
return issued by authority of the Registrar-General, that
in the week that ended on Satsrday, October 26, 4,332
births and 2,690 deaths were registered in London and in
twelve other large towns of the United Kingdom. The
annual rate of mortality was 23 per 1,000 persons living.
The annual rate of mortality last week was 21 per 1,000
in London, 24 in Edinburgh, and 20 in Dublin ; 22 in
Bristol, 23 in Birmingham, 25 in Liverpool, 28 in Ill&n.
cheater, 31 in Salford, 23 in Sheffield, Ti in Leeds, 24
in Hull, 32 in Newcastle-upon-Tyne, and 24 in Glasgow.
The rate in Vienna was 24 per 1,000 during the week
ending the 19th instant, when the mean temperature
was 3,6 deg. Fahrenheit lower than in the same week in
London, where the rate was 23. In London the births of
1,135 boys and 1,063 girls, in all 2,193 children, were re-
gistered in the week. In the corresponding weeks
of ten years 1357-66 the average number, cor-
rected for increase of population, is 2,115. The
deaths registered in London during the week were 1,239.
It wee the forty-third week of the year ; and the
average number of deaths for that week is, with a correc-
tion for increase of population, 1,319. The deaths in the
present return are less by 80 than the estimated number.
CRYSTAL PALACE. Own SHILLING DAY.—
TUESDAY, OCT. 29.—Admissions on payment, 551 ; ditto
by season tickets, 732 Total visitors, 1,283.