The Express.
London, England, 1867-12-26 00:00:00

THE EXPRESS, THURSDAY EVENING, DECEMBER 26, 1867.

OCTI: CONTEMPORARM 4.

(THIS DAY.)

Cite Court.

OSBORNE, Mc. 25.

The Queen gave a Christmas tree yesterday
afternoon to the school children of the parish of Whip-
pinghani.
Soon after 4 o'clock, the Queen, accompanied by Prince
and Princess Christian, Princess Louise, Prince Arthur,
Prince Leopold, Princess Beatrice, and Princess Henriette
of Schieswig-Hoistein, and attended by the ladies and
gentlemen in waiting, entered the servants' hall, where
the presents were laid out, which her Majesty, assisted by
the royal family, Jatributed to the children.

Meat and Cake were afterwards distributed to the
labourers on the Osborne estate.

The Rev. George Prothero, rector of Whipping.ham, and
Hrs. Prothero had the honour of being invited to attend.
The Queen, and Prince and Princeu Christian, Princess
Louise, Prince Arthur, Prince Leopold, and Princeu
Beatrice, and the Prince of Leiningen and Princess
Henriette, attended divine service at Whippingham this
morning, where the Rev. George Prothero officiated.
The ladies and gentlemen in waiting were in atten-
dance.

The Prince of Leiningen arrived at Osborne yesterday
on a visit to her Majesty.
M. F. Eloin, late chief of the Civil Cabinet at the court
of the late Emperor of Mexico, also arrived.

A copy of resolutions passed at a ruble meeting held in
the town hall of the borough of Bridgnorth, condemning
the late atrocious outrage at Clerkenwell, has been prc•
'anted to the Home Secretary.

TILE PRINCE. AND PRINCESS OF WALES.—Yester-
day, the usual Christmas gifts of the Prince and Princess
of Wales to their humble neighbours at Sandringham and
the adjacent 'wishes, were distributed in accordance with
annual custom. The presents were, as in former years,
doles of food and gifts of clothing appropriate to the season,
and they were highly appreciated as evidencing the kindly
interest taken by the Prince and Princess in the welfare of
those around them.

The Duke and Duchess of Marlborough arc sur-
rounded by a limily party at Blenheim.
The Earl and Countess of Fitzwilliam aro enter-
taining a family party at Wentworth, Yorkshire.

The Hon. Frederick Stanley, M.P., and Lady
Constance Stanley are staying with the E.trl and Counteu
of Derby at Knowsley.

Tho Hon. Frances Hanbury-Tracy, second
daughter of Charles lisabury-Tracy, first Baron Sudelcy,
by the Hon. Henrietta Susan Tracy, only daughter of
Henry, eighth and last Viscount Tracy in the peerage of
Ireland, died on Monday last.

Mr. Edward Thornton, the newly-appointed
Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary to
Washington, in the place of the late lamented the Hon.
Sir Frederick W. A. Bruce, will leave in a few days for
New York, to enter upon his diplomatic functions.
Mr. William Lowther, son of the late Colonel
Hon. Henry Cecil Lowther, M.P., intends to relinquish
the diplomatic service, as he is a candidate for the vacant
seat in the House of Commons for Westmoreland. Mr.
and the Hon. Mrs. William Lowther are stayiog with Lord
and Lady Wensleydale, at Ampthill Park, Beds.

A GUERILLA WARRIOR FOR ABYSSINIA.

(From the Times of India, Nov. 2).)

•
Considerable curiosity was excited on board tho
Rangoon by a passenger who gave out that he held the ap-
pointment of military commissioner in Abyssinia to the
War-office, and that he was proceeding thither for the pur-
pose of entering upon his duties. Ho also stated, not very
consistently however, that his first efforts would be made
in the endeavour to obtain, by personal mediation with
Theodore, the release of the prisoners • and, if those efforts
failed, to raise an auxiliary force of 3,000 men for the pur-
pose of creating diversions in aid of the invading force. The
name of the individual referred to is Major H. A. Leveson,
who is not an unknown person, for he has written
two works upon his exploring expeditions in different
parts of the world ; and in a letter to Lord Stanley, which
appears in the last Blue Book on Abyssinia, he signs
" late Colonial Secretary, Lagoa \Vest Coast of
Africa." That letter we append which probably indicates
the true purpose of his visit 'to Abyssinia, though no
official reply appears in the Bins Book further than an
acknowledgment of its receipt.
When the Rangoon arrived at Job-el-tear, an island in
the Red Sea, off Manowah, the Coromandel was found
awaiting mails by the Rangoon and also the arrival of
Major Leveson, to which vessel he was trauferred. He
gave all to understand that he goes unaccompanied
except by servants ; and the bearing and talk of the men
certainly go far to produce the conviction that he is equal
to the mission—whatever is may be—which he has in
hand. We trust he may be successful, and in the mean-
time wo hope to hear more of him. The following in his
letter above referred to :

MAJOR LLYESON TO LOUD STANLEY.

The Ship Hotel, Charinfporose, July 18, 1887.

_- - -
My Lord,—ln April, 1865, I volunteered• my services
for the purpose of negotiating the release of Captain
Cameron and his companions, but, other arrangements
having 'peen made, my offer was declined. More than two
years have now elapsed and the captives are still in chains,
all negotiations having been simply treated with contempt.
This result might have been prognosticated, as an Arme-
nian or Levantine was the very last person to have been
sent, those races being distrusted and looked down
upon by (ober nationalities in the East, on account of
the general character they bear for deceit and duplicity.
At last, wearied out with the fruitless attempts that
have hitherto been made to negotiate, the nation at
Imp seems to have determined that either the captives
shall be set free, by force if necessary, or that Theodoru.
the King shall be punished. The chances are that when
when hostile means are commenced the lives of all the
captives will be at once sacrificed, as the King, who is said
to be at the head of about 40,1100 men at Debra Tabor,
would most likely immolate them out of mere bravado.
Nearly four months must elapse before any troops can
take the field so as to act with efficiency ; and before any
threatening or hostile measures are carried into effect, I
ask permission of your lordship to be allowed to attempt
by mediation to rescue a brother officer and his companions
in trouble. I want no aid, and but very little means;
all the risk is my own, and I will cheerfully run it.
Should I succeed a great expense of life, treasure,
and perhaps even prestige will be spared the country ;
should I fail • single life is the only penalty that can
he exacted, and that will be paid without a regret "Le
jeu want teen la chandelle." This is the worst view of
the case ; but I hope and believe that, with tact, the re-
lease of the captives might be arranged belore any troops
were landed at hlaasowah.

Under the present circumstances, now that a part of
his territory is in open revolt under different leaders, King
Theodonu mar find it to his interest to keep on friendly
terms with this country. He was once very partial to
Englishmen, as Plowden and Bell were his most trusted
friends and intimate oompanions for a long series of years ;
and I know the formergentlemen had a very high opinion of
him, as some years ago, he invited me to join him in Abys-
sinia for the purpose of hunting large game with the King ;
Lad had I not been suffering from the effects of severe
wounds, I should have wandered over the country simply
for sport. Ido not anticipate much danger to myself
were Ito go now. A fair Oriental linguist, I have often
travelled elone in Africa, having made several expeditions
quite as dangerous as the one I now wish to undertake.
lam &untamed to a tropical climate, having returned
three times from the west coast of Equatorial Africa, be-
sides having made long exploring tripe into the interior
from the east coast. I would make my way
via Massowsh or Tajurah to the camp at Debra
Tabor, and present myself to the King ss the
friend of Plowden, and, like him, ready to serve
his interests. I would endeavour to persuade
him to send back Cameron and the other cap-
tives, offering to remain myself in their stemL
If your lordship should see fit to entrust me with this min-
s'on, it shall be carried out if possible. If, on the other
hand, it should be determined to commence hostilities,
I would still volutes• my services, as great assistance
could be rendered to an invading force by creating diver-
sions in different parts of the country. Several provinces
are said to be in insurrection under different feeders at
the present time, and were a contingent of their followers
armed and organised they would spare our regular troops
mach harassing work. The Arab tribes of herd Um'mr
are now said to be holding their own against the troops of
Theodora' in the province of Shire whil.t Menelilt
in Shoe, Tulle Gulaw in Gojam, Wareham Gobezi
in Tigre, and Tussoo Gobezi in Samien, are in open
revolt. Should the troops of his highness the Vioeroy
of Egypt take any part in the campaign, I would again
' venture to suggest that my services might be useful, as I
commanded some of them during the Russian war, when
on the staff of the Ottoman army. Since then I have
served es Colonial Secretary and Lieutenant-Governor of
Lagos, where I wu superseded on account of a severe
wound received in an engagement with the natives. and
have taken part in the campaigns of Italy, Denmark,
America, and Austria.

I beg to forward a couple of my works upon exploring
expeditions in different parte of the world, to show that I
am accustomed to similar adventures and hard work ; and
I bare left with Mr. Wyld, of the Foreign-office, a book
full of certificates and testimonials given to me by ditfe•
rent commanders under ',bola have served, any of whom
will bear testimony in my favour.
Should your lordship sea fit to entertain my proposal, I
am ready to start at these hoar,' notice.—l have, Ste.,
H. A. Lgvzsog, Major,
Late Colonial Secretary, Lagoa, West Coast of Africa.

A DECLARATION OP FENIAN PRINCIPLES.

The New York Tribune of December 13 published
the following dee/A:ration of Fenian principles by the
representatives of the brotherhood in congress assembled :
Oleevland, Ohio, Sept. 7, 1867.

The national character of every pmple, and the princi-
ples which govern their action, become of vital import
when the community is placed, as it were, on trial before
the world. The kindly sympathies which attach man to
his fellow man, and which, developing the highest instincts
of his nature, constitute a bond of humanity stronger and
more durable than the selfish considerations of interest,
should always be directed in favour of right and justice,
and against wrong and iniquity in every form. Hence,
when an oppressed nationality endeavour by revolution to
assert their claims to the Cod-given boon of liberty, it is
both expedient and in entire accordance with the usages
of society that they should place on record the reasons
that impel them to resort to such moans, the objects in
view, and the principles on which they rely to demonstrate
the justice of their cause.

It has been the misfortune of the people of Ireland that
their oppressors have transmitted to the world nearly all
that it has received concerning our history and character.
The victims of a relentless and long-continued persecu-
tion, we have been represented b 7 our tyrants in the light
best calculated to subeerve their own interests, and to
screen the illegality of their usurped authority over a
people who, though cut down by armed force, and for
700 -years trodden under foot by an unscrupulousi power,
have never ceased to struggle for their rights, have
never for an instant surrendered their claim to that inde-
pendence which is the true life of a netMn, as slavery,
whether voluntary or accepted, is its virtual death.
Our history has been falsified, our acts have
been misconstrued, our motives and sentiments
have been misrepresented by the agents of the power
which has profited by our misery and enslavement, until
a large proportion of our fellow-men, viewing us through
this distorted medium, have come to regard us, as a moo,
as not only incapable of self-government, but actually
unfit to be entrusted with the management of our own
affairs. To remove an idea so erroneous, and to correct
an impression so unjust to a people who have long and
generously sacrificed in the cause of liberty, the congress
of the Fenian Brotherhood, who in this generation repre-
sent the nationalists of Ireland, and embody their aspira-
tions for the freedom of their native land, make this de-
claration of the principle • by which our organisation is
actuated and guided ; and we ask our fellow-men at large,
and particularly the blends of freedom everywhere, to
respect our honour as truthful and liberty-loving men, and
to judge us, not by the misrepresentations of our enemies,
but by the principles we profess and the acts by which we
prove our adherence to them.
We believe and declare that freedom—the right to "life,
liberty, and the pursuit of happiness"—is inherent in
every creature made in the image and likeness of God, and
I that, however individuals, by crime or violations of the
LOWS passed for the maintenance and well being of society,
may forfeit any portion of those rights, the enslavement
of is homogeneous people, either by foreign power or do-
mastic tyranny, cannot, under any circumstances, be jus-
tified. The God of nature, in placing between thd English
and Irish nations not only the distinctions marked by diffe-
rences of national character, but also natural barriers,
which—in vita of special legislation designed to obliterate
the nationality of Ireland—have kept them separate and
distinct as peoples, has written on imperishable record
the deli= of our country to independent national
existence, and made earth and sea the e itneases
to the inviolability of our charter of freedom. Even had
any generation of our race proved recreant, and voluntarily
agreed to surrender their rights as men, the limits fixed to
human existence, and the utter inability of man to legislate
for anything appertaining to himself beyond this mortal
sphere, are the seal and testimony set by the Almighty
Creator on each of his creatures, to teach them, through
all time, that the inalienable and indefeasible rights im-
parted with their being must come down to them un-
diminished or unimpaired by the follies or the crimes of
their predecessors. But the title of our people upon this
point is clear and unimpeachable. Through over •.90 sure
missive generations they have never ceased to
.protest and
struggle against the plunder of their national rights. From
age to age the legacy of patriotic effort has been trans-
mitted from Fire to son, and the dungeon, the scaffold, and
the battle-field hale proved the fidelity with which the
sacred trust baa been discharged. The Irish people of to-
day are still the custodians of that great trust;
and, in their name, the Fenian Brotherhood has been
organised tr demand, and, with the blessing of heaven, to
achieve, what so many of our race have attempted before
—the liberation of our country from the domination of
England. We demand it in the name of every man of
Irish blood throughout the whole earth ; and we desire to
accomplish it solely for the benefit of every Irishman,
without distinction of creed, or class, or political idea.
We claim the land of our fathers for the benefit of the
people whose birthright it is, who love it with a filial
affection, and who, by the eternal decree of their Maker,
have earned, in the sweat of their brows, the right to live
upon, to possess, and to enjoy it. We seek injury to no
m..n ; our quarrels not with any clime, but with
the government which has robbed and murdered
our people, and with those who sustain it in its tyranny
and usurpation. If on our onward march to liberty
any such oppose us, arrayed under the tag of the op-
lreasor—which has been the symbol of slavery in Ire-
and, and is the ens4n of the enemy of liberty every-
where— on their beads, not ours, be the consequences.
We ask only justice for ourselves and our kindred ; and
the vindication of that principle requires that an alien
power shall no loner be permitted, undisturbed, to devour
our substance, whsle those who produce it by their toil
wither and pine in bondage, which at once destroys their
bodies and debase, their souls. Our motto is, " Ireland—
free and independent," for her own people first ; and
then, when her free will and action are tuitmmrucled and
unquestioned, for the freedom, the elevation, and the
happiness of humanity, the world over. In the language
of our executive, " Faction we abhor ; sectionalism we
scorn." We seek all the rights that, as men, belong to us,
and we ceek them for the whole of our people ; we make
no reservation, we tolerate no distinction that would
divide the true children of Ireland.

We have been accused of irreligion, and of seeking to
undermine those great moral principles which, reminding
men that their first duty is to their Creator, underlie and
preserve the whole framework of society. The accusa-
tion is untrue and unjust. The genius of the Irish people
is essentially religious ; their history is a record of en-
during faith ; of constancy under persecution ; of the
noblest sacrifices cheerfully made in the sustainment of
religion and morality ; of tolerance and charity in the
hour of triumph ; and the whole county of our organization
prover, that, in this respect, too, it truly rcpt. :scuts and
accords with the character of our race. Religion—the
pure and reverential homage which man offers to his
Maker—we regard as a sentiment too sacred to be mixed
up with the strife of earthly interests ; and we leave it,
untouched, between the conscience of the individual and
Him to whom the tribute is due. Content with the dis-
charge of the second great duty that devolves on man,
we do not ask of our brother at what altar he worships,
satisfied when he honestly serves his country, and leav-
ing to his own sense of right the obligations which he
alone can discharge.

Representing the power which 15,000,000 of the Irish
people, scattered between the old world and the now,
must necessarily exercise, if they be true to their coun-
try, we have adopted the alternative of revolution,
because the slavery to which our kindred are subjected
has became too galling for human endurance, too de-
grading to be submitted to unresistingly by beings en-
dowed with the attributes of men. Our rights, the pos-
session of our native soil, are kept from us by force, by the
power which grasped both with armed hands. By fore and
arms alone can they be restored to us in their original
integrity ; and by force and strength of our own arms
we propose to win them back. The tusk of their recovery
belongs to us in the first place; and by our efforts to
consolidate and organise our people, we but record
our acceptance of the duty, and our determination to
acquit ourselves of it like true men and faithful chil-
dren of our country. Our cause is a just and holy one ;
it is the struggle of right against wrong, of freedom against
oppression. It is not alone the cause of a nation striving
for its own independence ; it is the effort of enslaved
humanity to emancipate itself from the thraldom and de-
basement of feudal tyranny.

The elevation of a down-trodden people is a benefit con-
ferred upon the whole famiiy of nations ; and of none
might this be said more truly than of Ireland, which, from
her position and resources, is capable, if once free, not
aloes of rendering her own population happy and pro-
sperous, but of diffusing, by example and influence, the
spirit of independence throughout the world, wherever her
scattered children are to be found.

As a people, we have ever loved liberty, and struggled
for its attainment; as a people, we are in favour
of liberty to-day, not in the ungenerous sense
of those who would monopolise its blemings, to
the exclusion of their fellow-men—but liberty as
universal as the benifieence of the Deity, of which
it is the emanation ; as impartial as His justice, which
commands that we shall do unto others as we would be
done by. Save this, we desire nothing for our race or our
country. And, as we have commenced this struggle,
determined to persevere in it until Heaven and the
power of our own right arms shall have crowned our
efforts with sttos-sa, we ask the lovers of liberty every-
where to extend to our cause the aid and sympathy which
it should receive from thine who profess to be the friends
of human freedom. We ask them to regard us fairly,
and to judge us, not by the standard of opinion of
any individual, but by our own conduct, and the official
acts and policy of o r own elected representatives,
who are the only legitimate exponents of our
sentiments and principles. And when the hour to strike
shall have arrived, and we set our faces once more
toward the foe—determined to do or die in the final effort
—in the name of the God of Justice, whose inspiration
and blessing we invoke for our cause ; for the sake of our
common humanity, the advancement of which we seek
and by the memory of our martyred, dead, who perished
that others might live as freemen, we ask that the good
wishes of all liberty-loving men, and especially the aid and
influence of the great American nation, shall be cast on
the aide of liberty and Ireland, in the struggle to which
we now commit ourselves, "our lives, our fortunes, and
nand honour."