The Express.
London, England, 1859-04-13 00:00:00

LONDON, WEDNESDAY, APRIL 15.

THE :Ballot debate of bat night ought to escoursge
the friends of free voting. Not because the majority
Against Mr. Bnanntsfa motion wee insignificant,
for so too were the numbers of the minority, the pre-
carious atuation of the Hoses of Commons render-
ing • great parliamentary demonstration of opinion
upon any subject well nigh impossible just now. But
the discussion of last night shows, by unmistakeable
signs, the strong tendency of progressive reformers
Vs come to an understanding on this sub-
ject. It has been frequently remarked, that on
the Ballot—pre.emicently a question of expediency
_ .

and one, therefore, to be determined by the aid of
experience and observation rather than on abstract
principles—the rank and file of the Reform party in
Parliament, the members whose position end pm,
Gaits give them a more practical knowledge of the cir.
eamstances and necessities of the voter, have been in
advance of their chiefs. Upon a question almost
mechanical, professional statesmen among Reformers
have set their theories against the positive know-
ledge of the majority of their supporter., and have
eempensated by the weight of their influence for the
lightness of their arguments. The debate last night
gives reason, am former indications had done, to br
Bove that this obstructiveness on the part of eminent
statesmen is about to mass, sad that the d priori
reasonings of the eloaet will be postponed to the
teachings of daily life.
In explaining the mods of his persuasion ter
specting the Ballot, Lard Join Russet', declared
the extent to which hie opinions on that subject had
been modified. Everybody knows that the noble
lord has never been intolerant on that subject. He
her invariably treated it as an open question among
Reformers, and when the Earl of ABERDEEN was
constructing his cabinet it was he who most ear-
nestly recommended that a teat in it should be occu-
pied by Sir WILLIAM MOLESMORTIT, the consistent
and eager friend of secret voting.

On the last occasion on which Mr. BEIXCLEVB
proposition was deliberated in the House of Co.
as the noble lord, while offering reasons which
would determine him to give his individual vote with
the opponents of the meanie', guarded himself
against the wish to lead an opposition to it, or to
interfere with the desire of Reformers to unite in
its favour, remarking that " this is not one of those
great questions of principle on which you can say
" that the working of the constitution depends."
More recently, In his address to the electors of the
City of London, he in a formal manner referred
the question to public opinion, intimating that
his was prepared to acquiesce in its decision. Last
sight he stated yet more clearly the modification
which time had wrought in his opinions. " I have,"
he said, "so far modified my opinions, that I do net
" think that, if secret voting was adopted, it would
produce the serious consequences which I formerly
" believed it would. I formerly argued that it
" would tend to introduce so much deceit, so much
" desire in men to deceive and to pretend to be whet
they were not, that it would have an injurious
effect on the character of the English people. On
" farther reflection I do not believe that it would
" have that injurious effect."
T 66 friends of the Ballot will feel that the cease

has made a decided advance when the greatest
authority among living reformers tells their oppo-
nents that their chief objections to protected voting
ans baseless, and leaves it to be inferred that if be
himself still votes for publicity it is with him Ltd*
mare than a matter of personal taste.
The speech of Sir RICHARD BETH= was a map-

terly exposure of some of the stock fallacies which
are retailed against vote by Ballot. Referring to
its alleged unconstitutionality, he showed, not oily
that the whole spirit of the constitution is, so

wren unlearned persons know, in favour of
sompletest freedom of the voter, but that all the
positive provisions of the law tend in the isms
direction. " The constitution requires perfect free-
■ dem of election, and es no enactment has
secured that, the question is what is to
"be done r The allegation that the Ballot is
inwardly and us-English woo examined and exposed
with sigma wear. Is it English to perpetuate a
hada tyranny, each as that of which Sir HENRY
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DILTDIS boasts? Is it English for a man to appear
at the hustings as having a free suffrage and yet de-
livering a vote in opposition to his knowledge and
feelings If men would look the facts full in the
facie they would see that the objection to the Ballot
as no-English is a mere appeal to prejudice, and it
would disappear from our debates.
But the Ballot is also a part of the great general
question of Reform, and in this view the concessions
made by Lord Joint RueseLt. promote the unity of
action which is so desirable among Reformers. Nor
is this an in:reciprocated approximation to a common
agreement. While the candour with which Mr.
BRIGHT, speaking at Birmingham on Monday, dir
ensiled Lord Jose's outline of such a Before'
Bill es he should be prepared to propose, is
most honourable to himself—it confounds the
hopes and calculations of the politicians in
office, who please themselves with the belief
that they may take any liberties with the pation
while the Opposition benches are filled with "die-
" cordent sections" agitated by distracted politica
Mr. BRIGHT took the pains to rescue Lord JOIN
Runits.L's Bill from misrepresentation, and while
declaring his natural preference for ►is own Bill,
based as it is on sincerely held convictions publicly
expounded throughout the public career of its author,
De nevertheless declared his readiness to support the
mummy of the noble lord as one which would confer
a substantial boos ca the most intelligent end baler
trios@ of the working abases. It is thus that to the