The Express.
London, England, 1859-03-23 00:00:00

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TILB DAILY NBWB:
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the destinies of Ragland to any sees elms, ant eldat
not to • clue which might by its numbers overbear
others, sad in which, at present at least, intelligence and
education was haat widely spread, and property Wet dieri-
bated. He thought he might fairly complain of the want of
widow of some young gentlemen who had spoken on the
previous evening or reference to the lowering of the how
chin. The noble lord (Lord I. Russell) and the right bee.
member for Halifax (Sir C. Wood) bad urged as the irsat
defect of the bill that it did not admit the working clear;
but to tell the working cleans that they were entitled to the;
franchise, and at the tame timenot to admit than indierrinde
ninety, wee only to deceive them. (Hear, hear.) The noble
lord told them that he would give a lower franchise, bat
nollartt..) thaffEitit:ltanchblatitoewt,oziwwdoohyanderinviwt teotulahatheilliacterorkinditsvull' divulge. (Seer
(11°711
agitate for it ; why excite their feelings in order to admit
by tens or terepdai, when they would expect to come
in by hundreds or tMumin& ? If thet laid down
that they ought to be admitted, and yet =eluded a great
part, the malt must be that those excluded would sever
rest until they also were admitted, (Hear, leer.) If titer
were to throw open the door to the multitude and then at-
tempt to draw a chain acmes, they would give Amato notheg
bat a cry of Indignation, to an angry clamour. (gear, heer.)-
He might be asked, would he never lower the borough fran-
chise ? Before he was called on to do the he had a right
to know more diennetly whet it wee to be lowered to, what
numbers would it whoa. Did they desire to swamp the ex-
isting franchise? The objet to be attained was ter effect
some eanntermiee by which intelligence might prevail over
numbers ; before they took any steps towards the 'WAWA-
, men of universal suffrap, they should ten ensure mimed
' education. (Hear, hear.) If the noble lord asked a pe-
trol:l, he was entitled to ask a question in return, and call an
him es • publio men, in the position he held, to :tate how far
he was prepared to go. (Hear.) Lord Plunket bad ono,
said that Time wee represented with a myth* in one head
and a gloss in the other—with the scythe to mow down, bat
with the glue to teconstruct. The noble lord might borrow
the scythe to mow down, but had he consulted the
hour-glen ?If be rejected this bill, what wee
he prepared to reconstruct ? He would not then
attempt to defend the government aping the attacks made oa
them ; he could not forget the favour end support ho had re-
ceived from the house in the earlier end greater difficulties.
All he woul4 say wee, that their intentions were not such
es would justify the censure aimed at them for this measure
of reform. them wax
It was quite true that the bill
propoeed by them wiui not auchee hon. gentlenien below them
would have given the country, if the task bad been entrusted
to:le=but he would ask if Lord Derby's government had
• measure such as this, would they not, whilst
thefaccepted the bill, have despised the offer. (Hear, bear.)
Had the government dons so, they would have gone into the
enemy's camp, not with a Sag of trace and offers of
compromise, bat with staadards trailing in the duet and
offering the keys of every fortress entrusted to '
th
charge. If such a bill as was demmded at certain meetings
was required, it was for bon. gentlemenopmeite to present it,
not for them. (Loud cheers.) Before the noble lord went
further, let him commit the hour-glass ; before he and the
noble viscount, and the hon. members for Birmingham and
Sheffield eat on the treasury bench, let them determine whet
they meant to give the working men. This was not a we
in which they could give today and all back to-morrow
the popular voice was like the grave—it cried,
Give, give," but, like the grave, it never teemed
what it had ones received. A great many earemens had
been levelled at what wee called the principle of this bill.
He might quote the words of Lord Macaulay in the debate
on the last Reform Bill, that he did not care for what was
the principle of a Reform Bill ; but the principle had been
eteted whets noble friend the
hetSecr mainspringe. He hed
stated was the backbone
It was to maintain in the bands of the middle elegies that
power which they had regretted, so an to render liberty pro-
gressive and their institutions safe; not to lower the fran-
chise to the level of the working cheers, but, cm th
itizen to the level of
the clear above. This wits the bill of the middle ciente; it
went to retain the power in the hands of thet clue who bed
hitherto exercised it so as to maintain the resources of Eng-
land unimpaired amidst the disaster' of commerce end the
calamities of war. (Hear, beer.) If they accepted the
amendment of the noble lord the result would be to place
capital and Intelligence at the commend of ignorant necomity
and uninstructed numbers. (Loud and continued cheery.)
Mr. BYNG wee opposed to the bill both in principle and
'in detail. He regretted the government had let pew
the golden opportunity of introducing a bill which
might have eettW the question on some neuter principle
which might have commanded the all but universal support of
the hones.
Mr. J. IL PHILIPPS said that resorting to himself the
right to take whatever course he phoned, it the bill should
corne before them on the questien of the second rewefeth be
should vote against the resolution of the noble lord, became it
tended to create an inconvenient precedent, end to prevent
W 1
parliermetary jliectia.ion.
Mr. C. FORSTER raid that on the previous night the
noble lord the member for Stamford had done him the het-
i nour to refer to something which he bad recently mid to his
I constituents. What he mid, or meant to say, was that is
respected the bill under diecuseion there was perfect agree-
ment between the noble lord the member for Loudon sad the
bon. member for Birmingham, end that they would be found
welting into the same lobby. Asa borough member, be of
course felt moot interested in the operation of the bill with re-
geed to the representation of the boroughs. In the town
which he represented, end he believed in most towns of ire-
portmice, there was a freehold land society, by means of which
many industrious mechanics had acquired property that gave
them a vote for the county. As the bill originally stood .
regarded
..,,rig
:aofooatuosrogis
f:vikelogaboooor. T:ahhatetoffobahhjecocooirootearawoisidaconoinaft
proposal with repot to voting papers he
juetice, to avoid givietif that mettles withcrut whieh
preen= in in the bill of which be approved was that which
pm a 101. franchise for counties ; end he hoped
the house would not stultify itself by going into
committee on the bill when almost everything would
have to be struck oat. Like hie hon. friend the member for
Middlesex, he should have preferred meeting this bill with a
direst negative, but not baying the opportunity of doing that,
burinid, whatever might be the ulterior consequences, vote
reolution of the noble lord.
Mr. STANHOPE found the principle of the measure
thtretshe.yo:werrileovhbody.eli:phyorieTvoah:
oer to continue the franchim to themselves ;
and the evil was increased by he propose' to allow genera
vanced liberals would never be Whiled. Almon the only
was the assimilation of the town and county
voters. If he
were celled upon to affirm that es the right principle of big
politiml life, he must say that he felt it wee surrounded with
manifold obircns, sod however much it might diadem hint,
he thould feel it hie duty to oppose that priociple. Bat at the
1 same time he never would, on any consideration give his
sanction to tho sort of amendment now before the hones.
Such amendments had lately become too prevalent. It was an
amendment affirming nothing, end put forward with a view
of catching everybody--en amendment as general, that while
it took in men of all sides, it would not commit the person
proposing it to my eeuras whatever—(cheers)—an amend-
ment so vague that be defied anybody to say what was its
real meaning. (Cheers.) It asserted that no measure which
I did not lower the franchise would be satisfactory—but to
I what extent ? Was it to be • 81. or • 51. franchise? Wee it
t. be manhood or universal suffrage ? (Cheers.) Tbe noble
bed refused to give any statement of bin views on this mat-
ter. (Hear, hoer.) If the noble lord and his friends ee
dissatisfied with the principle of the bill, let them, ea bew
had
dose, msafully say so ; but de not let
semi from mere per
sonal motives endeavour to throw out bil by an amend-
meat every part of which might be introduced in com-
mittee. (Chasm.) _
Mr. DODSON had heard It said that they ought not to
vote &safest this lAli without knowing whet umerure wee to
be brought in nest. Ilia answer to that me. be voted against
this bill because it was • bad bill, and should the nest bill be
amine it. It
meant' too much—it meant too little—it meant everything—
totittter,,,iwybe skihaeat voobl re:ft liashatatbehaetnaleonnia.edAs to the_ repo._
It meant nothing.
Mr. VANSITTART had listened with coneidereble at-
tention to ho
etpoc of hasp oble lord the member for Lon-
don in the hop of hearing me reasons tor the Ili/abbe:ilia
amendment now und.r &emission. He had, however, heard
no such reason, and to his mind the noble lord appeared to
be smarting under the watt of WAXwhich attended ',his
efforts in the cause of reform in 1854.
Mr. CROSSLEY.—A Rood deal had been s ill of the time
which had been occupied by reform mad thm wore told that
it had been • cabinet question ever'siam 1831. It was said
that bills had bean introduced, and had been withdrawn, end
that this was the only one which they were called upon to
reed a te coned time. He thought it eery possible that this
bill might pass into a law, end still leave the question at
reform as unsettled as it bed found it. (Hew, hear.) Who
now called for reform ? It was neither the higher nor the
middle dames, but those who were bit out In the bill of
1832. namely, the working classes of this ocemtry. (Hear,
hear.) The noble lord the flearetery for India asked haw a
mss woe to be diennguished as beloseh4 to the weeklies
clam His (Mr. Crorsley's) definition was, the min who deo
purled oe the labour of his hands for the bread of life. Now
OM clime, he contended, had been Ws out in the bill of 18.,
and that they were nee left oat is the gov. rumen, bill off
1869. (Sur, beer.) The hon. member for Doreetehior bed
in the prestos, evening avowed his cenfrienoe in the work-
lag ewers, bat Mill, because we had failed so many Maw in
passing a bill, he would vote for the second reedier of the
pronto one, which he admitted to be a bad one. The Mak..
member for the game county would withh Ii the (reach's&
from the working because the shoemakers in • sem
min diesel had been erik against machinery, but he email
draw a far different picture of the 000 duct of working WM.
In they ear 1867 the firm with which he
wank.weeteden
760 manta one particular sort of hand Sinai thatiPkg
the whole of the hand work bad goes out. ad now by he
aid of
ferm, ono men could do se much work as mks bad
done erly. Now, daring this revolution in the
mint of labour, whet had the working men done M
neither opposed machinery, nor broke it, but on the
eve all rltt aid in {Mir power to he fullest de