The Express.
London, England, 1858-05-05 00:00:00

THE DANUBIAN PRINCIPALITIES.

Mr. OLADSTONE moved, by way of resolution, "That
en
bumble address be presented to the crown, submitting to
her Majesty that this hones, bearing in mind the obligations
imposed by the Treaty of Paris, so far as they affect the
Danubian Principalitim„ Me observed with satisfaction the
puma) tenor and spirit of the declaration recorded by her
Majesty's chief plenipotentiary at the conferencee of 1866,
etherning the future organisation of those territories,
and icemen an earnest hope that, in the further pro-
emial:ea of this Important subject just weight may be
glean to them wishes of the people of Walachia and of
Moldavia which, through their representatives elected in
exaktealty with the said treaty, they have reoently expressed."
Theright hon. gentleman, in supporting his motion, said—The
gemeel effect of the address which I propose to move is this
To express an *pinion on the part of the Hones of Commons
—not an original opinion, but an opinion seconding the judg-
ment of the executive government, as announced two years
ago, in favour of what is called the union of the Danubian
Principalities. And now for the reasons why we should
4 a measure of this kind. The first reason which
.1Z submit to the house in support of the airtime Is
that this union is the wish of almost the entire
popa-
latien of the Principalities. That is a fact deeply
rooted in their history. It is a fact which has become more
sad more conspicuous as time has proceeded. The hiatogy
of the Principalities is one that gives them every claim
upon the attention of parliament. They are men attached
to the religion which we prefer ; they are men attached to
the liberty which we cherish ; they are men who have suf-
fered for a long mores of yeses in consequence of the ambi-
tious policy of agerrandieing neighbours ; they are men whose
interests at the treaty of Paris we have bound ourselves to
consider and to promote; end they are persons in whose
grateful attachment we may hope to receive the reward of
our labours. I need scarce)) add that they inhabit a ooun.
try with which our o al relations, even under a bad
system of government, attained to great Importance, and
with which, under a better system of government, that ina-
saes would most probably be very greatly increased.
Her, hear.) Now let there be no question or dispute in
bore r to re desire of the people of the Principalities
that thane two tertiaries should be nuttat Principali-
ties,as the Muss well knows, are them t I 4es upon the
Danube termed Wallachia and Moldavia. They are the
Telles of a theritery that was once considerably larger, lobs-
bleed by that Deets, race which, in former times,
was a terror to the Roman empire, and which
after's*, notelving a strong tinge of Roman
colosisatioo, in no respect departed from its ancient military
fame; so that at the time when the flood of Turkish conquest
came In, this people almost alone, by their own good
swords and their own stout arms and hearts, were able to
vindicate their own rights. In times of darkness, of op-
pression, of blood, of misery and of crime almost unequalled
in the annals of mankind. the people of the Principalities
vindicated their own freedom, and that freedom they con-
doned to enjoy until a comparatively recent period, when
they, their rights and interests, were bandied about between
the contending claims and intrigues of Raseia, and Austria,
sad Turkey, on the one side and the other. What said Sir
John II on the subject P Writing to 1863, he lays—
" Duthie the last 86 years the principalities have been cam-
OM for more than 30 years by Muscovite marauders, and
have hew the battlefield of the Ruesian and the Turk in
not lees then twenty. campaigns." And the very straggle
yea math, and putty made, in the late war for the in-
dependence of Europe—what did It do for them P Unfor-
tunately, it hammed the miseries of these people. (Hear.)
The Emperor of Russia, playing his old game, bat not
playing It with his ancient skill, whom he was, as
we say, in a political genes, about to inflict an
injury upon Turkey, indicted it upon the Principalities.
No doubt, politically, that was an ioptry to Turkey. Bat I
apprehend that the injury to Turkey must not lead us to
forget the deep suffering, the degradation, and the misery of
that frightful military occupation, which did not fall upon
Turkey, but on the unhappy people in those tent-
tortes—those people who had fought and won freedom for
themselves—who had held that freedom for a long series of
centuries, and, whose freedom has only been impaired and
lost as to a great part of its effects, since the time when
Ueda begun to extend bee territories. and found it more
her Interest to back the claims of Turkey over the Princi-
palities, in order that, having Resorted the right on the part
of Turkey, she might obtain them from Turkey by insidious
negotiation. (Hear, hear.) The union of the Pruadpalities
la the ardent desire of the people of them territories, and I
am anxious to make good this proposition, because although
it is not conclusive upon the case, yet—l speak in the British
House of Commons, I speak in that assembly to which, I
will not say to which alone, but to which almost alone,
every lover of liberty in the world has now to look for the
viethostion of his rights—(cheers)—and I beseech the
House of Commons to do full justice to the wishes and
rights and interests of this people, if those interests be
compatible with jostles and the welfare of the world. (Cheers.)
I will quote an authority upon the subject of the union tithe
Principalities which appears to me to be entirely beyond dis-
c .. refer to a document of the utmost Importance
it carries with it not only the assent of the people;
and the authorities of the Principalities, but likewise the
seethe of the suxeraine power, namely, the Sultan of Turkey.
The thee of that document is 1834. It has no relation
whatever to the recent struggle in the East. The can for
the anion has been infinitely strengthened since that period.
But that thatrument, which has the sanction of a hatti
seheriff of the Turkish empire, contains the following
gases respecting the union of the Principalities :--" The
aright, the religion, the wages, and the conformity of habits
mem the inhabitants of the two Principalities, no lees than
their emu= wants, are elements of an intimate
whisk has been hampered and retarded by accident:lt
sootawisry circumstances. The advantages and salutary
emseqnsesoes resulting from the union of these two Pr..
padre cannot be brought lato doubt." That is a public and
authoritative document, recognised as part of the public
law of the Principalities, and having the agent of
the Smitten of Turkey. (Hear, hear.) Of course it
was natural that repeated and aggravated suffer-
ing of the people of Moldavia and Wallachia
eines that time ehould have strengthened that sen-
timent. The Russian occupation woe calculated to
give It atilt further force, and when that Remise ooropation
ended I am sorry to say the public nemaitire of Europe
obliged us to acquisece in the euhstitutioa for It of what I
believe is a etill heavier infliction, namely, occupation by an
Austrian army. (Cheers.) There is entnething in the thing,
and enmeshing in the moaner ; and the Austrian armies
have the unenviable reputation of placing in the most odious
him and cierumeteaces that which must always be afflicting
to the heart and spirit of a people that cherish and love their
beaks. (Cheery) It was natural that the people of the
PriocipeNties should relines last he intoning iris in their
mmelidea by the power* of s ber err ragetla-
tree which preeeMd the wee end &Mr re amplieras
that were altormeada faril.sed, Gee I Wier I en laver In
errs that when the prelpotertrial ereablie to 1166
time ems submitted to Ike reembhd body, this ro-
om of the Prone pieniponefiery, sallolest wfiroe se to
tle duke et the perk Ibr re mks of the Pehacipalfties.
Det ark to that warm ofprnrelearree that I refer
se assaktilas lbs deelowelea of aseipsia_peir *risk I
now ask the leer to gins albrisa. Theraehrleder
60IL They we strained to the awl, pet et 111116
nod them it was the& the (marks leek a her
whisk I think ought to be decisive as to he direr
two. In the sixth protocol of the 01111111•118 sf Peels
Is6l the revs of the drums& pram re art firmed,

and although I shall endeavour to avoid the home
with reference todoemiente yet that on relative to the
proceeding's. Pads, in 1866, is so vital in its bearing upon
the queettoe, that I hope the house will allow ma to put
them in possession of what occurred. (Hear, bear.) In the
sixth protocol we are made acquainted with the discussions
which took place respecting the union of the Principalities.
There ware assembled at the time the representatives of six
or seven powers, who gave their several judgments. But of
those powers, although there were many whore judgment
might be Important with reference to the knowledge which
the parties possessed, yet they could carry but little weight in
pained moral authority, because they had cress interests of
their own, which made them bed judges with respect to the
Principalities. I am not about to hold that the views of
Roars, on the question of the union, could be safely taken se
a guide sad authority, and still lees could the government of
Rivet& be taken se an authority. Both Austria sod Russia
are in the condition of holding and eejoying territory that
was over part of the territory of Moldavia. They stand, there
fore, in a false position towards the Principalities,
Each of them may be well suspected of • desire to extend
their power in that direction. But Austria is in • position
more false, if possible, than that of Russia, and for this
reason. Russ* whatever else she may be, is an empire
compacted, with an organisation of wonderful and extraordi-
nary strength ; and I do not know that there Is anything in
her condition that need mske her particularly afraid of seeing
the Principalities free and flourishing upon her borders. But
Austria is in • very different position, for she is ill-oom-
pared, and hangs as loosely together as Russia is firm, and
the possession at this moment by Austria of her own domi-
nions is not owing to her own power to hold them, but to the
military aid she received from the Emperor of Russia. In
that state, combining absolute government in • most rigid
form with the entrees of internal weakness, it is natural to
admit thMtLionsalinald view with the utmost jealousy
sophist/ Mat leen to give freedom and strength to her
neighbours Co the Danube. (Hear.) It is impossible to
blame her on that account. But it is possible, it is natural,
it is reasonable and right, that we at least should beware of
being drawn into her policy—(cheers)—and should view with
suspicion and jealousy the policy which she may recommend
in regard to what is good ter the people of the Principalities.
Well, then, but three powers assembled at Paris to whose
judgment on this subject I can assign say weight. It is im-
possible to metre any great weight to that of Turkey, be-
aten it is natural enough that selfish motives should In her
cue, just se it would in our case, make her a bad judge in
the matter. But France, England. and Sardinia—the latter,
of course, of secondary coneequesoe, though perhaps equally
to be trusted as en Impartial state—were capsble of forming
a judgment which wend carry weight with it throughout
Europe. (Hear, bear.) When the conference prooedad to
the development of the Ern point relative te the Principali-
ties Count Waleweki said ft was essential at the very outset
to deliberate on &Amenities of pm mount importance, sad
that was whether Wallachia and Moldavia should hence-
forth be united in one single principality, and contain or
=I• co-operative orgenieation. The drat plenipoten-
f Franca conceived that, as the union of the two pro-
vinces sanded the requirements brought in, the warren
should admit and proclaim it. The English plenipotentiary
followed in the same line. lord Clarnadme, speaking for
himself, sporting for his goverment, speaking for his par-
liantent and for England, said he shared in and
accepted the proposition. Sardinia supported the views of
France and England. Austria. opposed them, and declared
that she did not believe that the people of the Principalities
did wish for the union. Turkey likewise declared that it was
• mistake to suppose that the people of the Principalities de-
sired the union. The Russian plenipotentiary, with very
considerable tact, reserved the expression of his opinion until
every one else had spoken, and it is Impossible to compliment
too highly the sagacity with which he acted. (Hear, hear.)
It Ina dangerous for Russia to support the union, if the
union was going to be carded ; but if there was going to be
a stout opposition to the union, then it was eminently ad-
visable for Russia to support it, because she would at once
min the credit with the people of the Principalities of being
emir Mead, and of pursuing the policy which they had et
heart, and she would, if the resistance of others to the union
effectual, enjoy the advantage of easing the
grnecidpalities remain disunited, in weakness and d
Um, and the advantage of using them as the arms fOe=
ATand the advantage of knowing they would be lama-
ietsii forming any safe barrier between her and Turkey.
(Hear, hear.) Coming in at the end of the day, Rune sup-
ported the union of the Principalities. I have shown what
were the wishes of the people. But the powers assembled at
Paris were careful to make adequate provision on the sub-
ject. There was an article providing for the maintenance of
the privileges of thsPrisoinalithe. These was another article
providing for theatre= et their laws, and the appointment
of a commission which should take under their consideration
the manner is whisk their laws should be revised. But
there was a third tatiole—the most important of the three ;
it was framed so that the Sultan should convoke In the two
provinom a *van composed in each meaner as to represent
man clearly tittering of all dams. There was not only
the pledge given by Count Walewski and by Lord Clarendon,
but it was solemnly embodied in the treaty of
Paris, and I now ask the House of Commons whether
they will recognise and adopt it, or stand by in Amos and
seethe interests of the Principelities made the emt of trodden
intrigue, and the faith of Europe, which is pledged to this
article, nullified and frustrated, in consequence of the selfish
designs of interested parties. A reference to the people of
the Principalities was made in due time. It was unfortu-
nately delayed from a variety of causes. Moat unfortunately
the Austrian occupation was prolonged to a much later
period than it ought to have been. But at length the time
came, and the elections were held in the course of last sum-
mer. The sentiment* of the Wallachian representatives went
almost entirely favourable to the union. But the Moldavian re-
pessintatives were believed to be opposed to it, and • most
painful controversy arose respecting the Moldavian elections.
Prance cried aloud that they had been carried by the most
shameless and wholesale exercise of intimidation and force.
Documents were quoted which I do not hesitate to say dis-
closed a series of proceedings on the part of those who wire
in temporary exercise of authority in Moldavia, as shameful
as any that are on record. Through the medium of those
KZ:Vings the Moldavians of all classes were intimidated
oting, and mere handela of thossentitled to vote gave
their suffrage. The consequenos was that • packed divan
was reedy to misstate sad to deny the Mares dente of the
people. But the people were not without champions, and
the lancing. of France on this subject produced such an
effect as that after • conference at Osborne, it was determined
in this city that the Moldavian electors could not be sur
ported, end must be quashed. I am sorry to say that Aus-
tria and Turkey were engaged in upholding these elections,
but still quashed they were, and the question was refuted
to the mass of those who were entitled to give their vote.
That vote was given by the different orders of the people in
very large numbers. The divan met in consequence of these
two elections, and the divan so lawfully elected was, if pos-
sible, still more strongly in favour of the union than was
the divan of Wallachia. Now this is a ass of the most
singular kind, because the elections in the Principalities are
made in classes. There are, I think, four classes—s clam of
nobles, • dem of clergy, a clue of citizens, and a class of
peasantry—mid these classes have questions of the most
difficult and painful nature between themselves. The pee-
sentry of those °etc:arias suffer heavily under the present
condition of the law. They are, I believe, in a worse con-
dition than the peasantry of France were in before the first
revolution, and therefore there was everything to make those
different claims go to issue with one another; bat tufted of
that, one sentiment and one desire possessed the whole.
They chose men with the same feeling with regard to this
great and vital question. All felt that if they ware to be
happy, if they were to be free, if they were to have a
chance of keeping the soil of their country unpolluted by the
heel of the stranger, there must be a union of the Principali-
ties. These people were not trained as we are to remoter
Mire Institutions. This people, whom we often hear dammosd
for their profligacy; this people, who of course refire all
the evil they have suffered for several generations ; this
people, with one heart and one mind, elected by open sad
fair vote the popular assembly, which was to consider this
question. The result was that in the divan of Wallachia
there were but two votes given against the union, and that
in the divan of Moldavia the vote for the union was unani-
mous. Now, observe the comes of policy. This question
te opened in the most solemn mamas, at a great European
congress, the debt of Europe to this unfortunate population
is is knowledged ; the policy of the three western powers,
who aloes were in a condition to give an impartial judgment,
la formally proclaimed, France leads the way, England end
Sardinia follow. Provision is made in the treaty to rein to
the judgment of the people the:question of their f (untamed-
&anon. The answer of the people is returned with ea Wilb•
nimity almost unexampled In history. That is the point to
whirl we are now come. Well, sir, it may perhaps be
that besides the province that the people of Moldavia and
Wallachia should be consulted, it was also provided that a
commission should be appointed. Well, it was provided that
a commission should be appointed, and that that commission
should collect informed= with regard to the state of the
country, and should suggest the memares to be taken la
regret of those future arrangements. Bet I, for one,
respectfally demur se say mob doctrine es that the gentle-
seen commie( this memagesion had plead in their
head the virtual dleping of the vital leatientlene of
the dm millions of tababbeths of the Pthaelyaltair,
ran is, first of a, the imam Inisnilis et Freers ens
Ragland ; *scantily, Wm le • Mathes woke an artists GI
the qty at Parte le Gejelineme et the rep* ml theeis,
is, thirdly, the &militant- et the eamilims. think I an
*ad assn talair thil m TM =the dimpled that thumb&
41 ePtisalpalitiesbadrelbyebe pelybetthe
It verald b• le dwell et Liras the queseles M It
ware beriewy.les er a nth ethlethe asp
nab et lbe anal I del emere
Lattlft be pima. as. theses& ft maw the met et
iaTheth is ere iltles it this meths b eppeseth
wash may be Ohm It may be than ethelteirt
of the Prirlyelletee have eamemeed their dodge
math, and more. It is priestly bee est the
dims have theeselves the path width %e-
-pithet to than sethelli ihr • thermagb esthearee el lb*
reatosusliiii".._theeptiesia the Les pith, May hew ethei
hy the pee= Marepe el
in
the; espowthey ask asinsany, thee b, lb* min

i demos in regard to internal legislation. That is
admittedde and recognised in the treaty of Parke when it is
stated that they are to have an independent animal ad-
ministration. The amend point to which they have ad-
dressed themselves, and of which they make prayer, is the
neutrality of their territory. Well, I do not know that the
neutrality of their territory is expressly indicated in the
treaty of Paris, but it has been proposed by high authority
in this house. The Chancellor of the Exchequer,
about the close of the Russian war, explained
his views upon that subject in considerable detail,
and he appeared to me to show that the webbed-
men by an European understanding of the neutrality of
the Principalities, would in all probability prove to be a wide
and efficient measure for interposing between Russia and
Turkey the resistance of two states. The third point was
the union of the Principalities in favour of which the decle-
nut= of the western powers had teen made. Another of
the five points was thatthe Principalities should be governed
by representative institutions. So far a• these four points
are concerned, I can hardly conceive from what quarter a
doubt could arise as to the legitimacy and reasonableness of
the wishes they expressed. The fifth point, I pant, is one
of a more doubtful character. It is this—thatthe Principalities
might, in order to avoid local jealousies, be united
under a prints or chief taken not one from one of the native
families, but from some foreign family. I do not ask the
house to give judgment on that subject. I see no danger in
such an idea. England is under no pledge with regard to
the question of a foreign prince ; no policy has been declared
faveareble to such an arrangement. The great powers of
Europe must reserve in their own hands the ultimate deci-
sion after hearing the opinions of the people. But ea re-
specte the other four pointy, it appears to me that they have
behaved with great moderation and great prudence. And do
not let us be told it would not be safe that the Principalities,
whew united, should be under a foreign prince—do not
let us be told that on that account you are urttiril to overlook
the pledge you have given with to other
matters infinitely more important. Well, union of the
Principalities, which has been all but promised on the part
of France and England, which is all but sanctioned by the
most authoritative declaration on the part of those countries,
is now about to be decided at Paris, but it may be said It is
not enough to show that it has been promised, it is not
enough to show that it is desired, unless you also show that
it le a good and safe measure. Well, I own my belief that
it is a good and safe measure, and not only that, but that
there is no other measure that is good and safe under the cir-
cumstances in which you stand. In the first place I think
it Is not denied that for the Principalities themselves union
is the best measure possible. (Hear, hear.) Imagine the
condition of the people of those two territories.
On one side, Turkey; on another, Russia; and
on the third, Austria ; themselves Isolated as a
people, desiring freedom, hitherto made the sport of foreign
intrigue, constantly seeing themselves invaded by foreign
armies, constantly oppressed by one government or other,
who have their own purposes to serve. Can anything be
more natural than that they should desire to have some se-
curity ? Does their desire need to be justified in this house?
Are we not speaking in a parliament which has found
strength in this land by uniting with others ? What was
the old relation of Scotland and England P Not very unlike
the relations of these Principalities. not unlike their relation
when the intrigues of foreign powers endeavoured to make
Moldavia the means of thwarting the interests of Wallachia.
It was so when England and Scotland were disunited.
Scotland was the ally of France and the preveil-
ing national sentiment of Scotland was much more
French than English. By uniting these two countries you
did away with that dissension, and added liberty, power, and
happiness to the population of the United Kingdom. We
have acted on the same principle in our own time. What did
we do with the two Canada'. We bid the two Canada' seek
strength in union, and they have found it And unless I
am much mistaken we have offered to Australia, too, that if
the invince• choose to form an union among themselves, in
as act of parliament are to be found provisions by which that
union may be effected. If it were likely to be disputed that
the union of the two ptincipalities is the natural and neces-
sary means of giving development to their resources, of real-
ising to them the aids of national expenditure, of
strengthening the organisation of their government,
and diminishing its expenditure—by the attainment, in short,
of every material object that renewable min could desire, I
would then open up a more dandled organist on the sub-
ject. But I assume for the prosiest that the union of the
Principalities is undoubtedly to be desired as far se the wel-
fare of the people of those provisoes is concerned. If that be
so, I beseech the house to consider well before you determine
that the vote of this country is to be governed by conidera-
lions other than those of the welfare of the people. (Hear,
hear.) It is • dangerous and • slippery course upon which
you embark when you take your stand in the face of four or
Eve millions of men, and tell them that God Almighty
has sent than into the world to prosecute their own
happiness and welfare by every lawful and reasonable
mean" that are in their power, not to be mode vistims in all
that touches their public and ;nettle etisemes Ike the pur-
pose of serving other views extraneous to their iatenst—
views that an overpowering forgo is determined to carry into
ellen (Hear, hear.) Well, I &seems that the union of
the Principalities is good for the Principalities themselves.
Then for whom is it not good ? lam not prepared to say
that it is good for Austria or Russia. I cannot undertake
to say that it is convenient for Austria to have freedom in
conjunction with prosperity close by her threshold. ( lieu,
hear.) I believe that the Principalities, If you do not
unite them, will be a constant source of danger and m-
essiness to Europe. If you do unite them, whether the ex-
ample which they may set of good government, as I hops,
will be convenient to the Wien around them, it is Impossible
for us to settle. Well, air, with regard to Romig, I am not
ffe say that the union of the Principalities is for the
_serest to
of Russia considered as an aggressive and a con-
quering power. I trust that for the moment the self aggran-
dising design of Russiaarein abeyance, because "chastisement
has been indicted with regard to materiel resources which no
doubt will sot, for a time at least, upon the policy of Russia.
But at some period or other the ambition of Russia may
again require to be watched, and we must take cognizance of
that pokey on the part of Russia ; and if you are to take
cognizance of it, how are you check and resist it ? It was •
rare conjunction of ciroureatanoce not likely to recur, sided
by uncommon rashness on the part of the Emperor of Russia,
which made it possible to check Russia in the late war.
Russia, if she is contemplating aggrandisement, will watch
the opportunity, and I think will watch it better than she did
in 1853. England may not always be in the humour to ex-
pend fifty or • hundred millions of money to keep Ruins
within bounds. I believe that the people of England may
always be disposed to men great sacrifices for such an
object, but the alliance of England with Frans Is a reeouroe
not to be depended upon. Surely the best resistance
_you
an offer to Runts is the resistance of a free country. You
want to place between Russia and Turkey • living barrier.
There is no barrier like the barrier aorta by the newt of
freemen. (Cheers.) The question is now or never. Next
week the conferences will meet at Paris, and we that
have no cognisance of what takes place at those conferences
until after the lapse of a few days, when we shall be told that
all le over that the Principallthe are not to be united,
and that the simple word " not" is to be insured in the de-
clarations of Count Walewski and Lord Cl/Youth/a.
(Cheers.) It is by the united judgment of England and
France alone that this question must be settled. If England
shall unfortunately be opposed to the union of the Principali-
ties. France will be obliged to give way, however much it
may be against her will. The union will thee be frustrated
in spite of the pledges and promisee which have been gives,
and in spite of the wishes of the people formally asked sad
clearly expressed. The union will bi f ustrated, and Rank
will, no doubt, in that case be very friendly to union in the
conferences. (Laughter and cheers.) Russia knows this
union is wished for by every man, woman, and child
athe Principalities, and she will by taking that nurse lay
fee herself the foundation of • new power on the banks of the
Danube—she will by the foundation of • power over the
minds of the people ; and the name of Turkey and of the
Sultan will, on the other hand, become odious to them.
(Cheers.) I cannot conceive a measure more suicidal offer
all we have does. Far better would it have been if we had
done nothing, than for us now, after we have announced a
policy and stimulated the feelings of the people in favour of
=dos, to turn round and abandon that policy. Why, air,
if it woe our desire to embroil the people of the Principalities,
to create the elements of permanent difilculty and dissension
in Europe, and to aggravate every evil that threatens Turkey
—lf It was our desire to waist Rena is her projects
of ambition, you could not adopt • better course than to
abandon the pledges you have given in denses of this An-
tibes policy. (Chi,. re.) Sir, it is for these mesons that I ausest
the house to consider well the positke of this qnsetien and
either to hold the government to the policy it bee sanounsd,
or rigidly to require from it the reasons why that policy is to
be

ilf. 8. FITZGERb,erALDved, derraseeld the diesaries el •
motion which, ha o would sidesely seebeasee the
diploma* proomedbigs of the egammili eb•
18 1111.1111 t• coaolamioa apes • pied which was
le
stater favestlipeion, sad would • few_ hisses be
submitted to the soasidsratios of the sesemball te-
t IV'S Of all the wet Imegose mdse. The eldest for which
England made war is 1814, sad emir bed pales in 18*
mgs to seers ths Integrity of Tired& ihnieleas. The
tadepoleat selisaidity of Um twa Dana** Priaelpelleise
suety le ho ma elterihougei, la dime et e the opiates
of the loser had hose seameredy. bat, ee be
tam* , urged. The eeetiallea invited
the here ho enlork • coarse which,
plaisird=sais
vesesaYsi the ledigeadehie of the woad
is ;eel, iste P 0.96" of the Te=aBFerie ued
had te • dliziamihdrowli el Use Thd&

...—.Tl;;;;Wes gig oepperbed b Mr. DEASY.
Lord MIL aupporbed the seeks, feelsrfag dot tho
trader- ter Foreign MM.; fh MINIM Mel
Mottled a bed of • bed caws.

Mr. ROEBUCK advocated the now of the Pte.
when ponds wen autdou to secure madmen ladspeeifinoe
and representadve inatitationa. la thio *en the Ittiok
politraoant were now hinted to aid then, nod
hewn not to soglion the oppottanity.
Atter NOM remarks boa Mr. DUFF,

Lord PALMERSTON—I have never heard • debate in
which, if I may be permitted to say so, this house has em-
ployed itself, so imperfectly understanding the sub-
, jeot under discussion and the facts of the ours. To
hear what has passed one would suppose that the spielliss
at issue was whether these Principalities ware to be soh-
jested to a tyrannical, oppressive, internal eovernment by
Turkish paths, or to have self-government atid to be ruled by
chiefs belonging to themselves, and to have representative
government. (Rear, hese.) That seems to be the issue
which presents Itself to the mind of the hon. and learned
member for Shark!, and the hoc. and learned member for
Cork seemed to think that the question was whether we
could comply with the wishes of the divan by placing the,
Principalities in the same relation to Turkey as Egypt.
How none of these questions is the real question at ram
The real question is, as was very ably and clearly stated by
the Under Secretary for Foreign Affairs, whether we should
take a step which would infallibly be the first in the sops-
intro of the Turkish empire and the Principalities,
and the commencement of the dismemberment of the former.
(Ministerial cheers.) The right hon. gentleman who made
this motion endeavoured to draw a distinction between a
country ruled by • sovereign and one rated by a suzerain ;
and if I understood his argument it was that, inasmuch ea
that these provinces were under the suzerainty of Turkey,
that meant nothing but that they should be entirely free end
independent. The hon. and learned member for Cork
quoted an authority, by which it appeared that in
1480 these provinces acknowledged that the Bursa
should have supremacy over their own sovereign.
Why that appears to me to be something very like real
sovereignty, but if these provinces were not part of
the Turkish empire how comes it that my right hen. Mend
the member fur Oxford University was • party to • war
which could only stand justified on the ground that it was to
prevent the sepration of these provinces from Turkey ?
(Ministerial cheers.) Can it be supposed that the govern-
ment of this country would have called upon England, and
that the Emperor of the French would have called upon
Franco merely to protect these peeress from Russian
aggression ? If they were merely independent states
dreading invasion, I do not think that the nations
of Europe—however the circumstance might be regretted,
would have made the merinos they have made, of blood and
tremor% solely for the purpose of saving them from Russian
aureole& It wee became they were parts of the Turkish
empire, and that the occupation of them was looked upon
as a menace to that empire whose independence is essential
to the peace of Europe it was on that ground alone that my
right hon. Mend called upon the jmople of England to take
up arms to resist the invasion of Russia. (Ministerial chasm)
I say then, that if we look at the ancient history of these
provinces, we shall find that, from the time they cared
to be part of the Raman Empire, they have bean two
separate states, and that therefore what we are SOW called
upon to sanction Is totally different from anyttdag that has
previously existed. But has their connen with Turkey
been a state of oppreesion ? On the contrary, if these nation*
have suffered, it has been from foreign oppression and mili-
tary occupation, first by Russia, and then undoubtedly by
Austria, although with different views. But it has been the
occupation of foreign troops which has been the cause of
embarrasament to them, and not their relation to the
Turkish empire, because, as it has been stated
again and again, the condition of the relation
was that no Turkish soldiers should enter the provinces, but
that they should have their own rule, native chiefs, and in-
ternal • . Their tie to Turkey was merely the
axiom, t of supremacy, and the payment of • tribute,.
with military assistance in case of foreign aggression (Hear,
hear.) Then, sir, I say it is a fallacy to urge that what we
are now celled upon to decide is whether this nation should
or should not be free. Free they have been, free we intend
them to be; and the question is not whether Weirinternal free-
dom shallbe taken from them; the question is, what shall be
the internal condition of that freedom which all the power, of
E are pledged by the treaty of Paris to secure for them.
(M cheers) We are called upon as an appeal to
our national honour to agree to this address. I deny that
the treaty of Paris made any engagement with regard to
this citadels. It is quite true that in the congress that
took place opinions were expressed by the English and
French plenipotentiaries to the effect that certain arrange-
ments would be desire le, but no decisions on the subject
are understood to have taken place. The mention settled by
the treaty of Paris was not the question of union—it wee
the question of internal administration. We are told, it
is true, of the Regiment Organiqes, bat who framed
ft P Why, it was a Russian document acquiesced in by the
Porte, but imposed on that power, and being so, it matters
sot ethether It was a Turldsh or Moldavia. taritoster.
(Ministerial cheers.) It is quite true that this question of
union was one which the divan was not precluded from ooa-
' sklering as • pert of the question of organisation. We are
told that faith has been broken, and that the conditions of
the Treaty of Paris have not been fulfilled. The condition
was that the Mesa ad hoe, as it is called, should be sum-
moned, and they were summoned. The proceedings
went on with great regularity, the president read
the letter ordering the meeting, and everything
was properly conducted. But the house may imagine what
were the electoneering proceedings of people unused to
elections, and agitated by foreign agents for foreign purposes;
and as to the dthates, I have herd accounts of them which
do not tally with what has been stated to-night. The right
hon. gentleman says that subtle agencies have been set
afloat; but they were open, for it is very well known that
during the whole of these proceeding. foreign agency was
the cause of the excitement which prevailed in the Princi-
palities on the question of union or separation. The divan
did undoubtedly petition for the union, not however in the
first instance, for the Moldavian divan was known to be
hostile. But it was sent about its business, and another was
elected under paramount influence, and this last carried the
sots for the union. (Ministerial cheers.) But how ? What
union? A union distinctly under the rule of • foreign
prince, and we for obvious moons op eed that proposition.
Moklavia would never select a sovereign from Wallachia nor
Wallachia from Moldavia, nor would either chores a prince
from Constantinople. They said, We want a ?mere&
prince who is to be of the Greek religion." Would
they take • catholic P I doubt whether a catholie
peter would be permitted by all the five great powers of
Europe. I am strongly of opinini that Russia would object
to any hat a prince of the Greek religion, and where would
you find a Greek prince? Why, in the Russian imperial.
family to be earn (Ministerial cheers.) Lot the reuse rest
reared that sunion under a foreign prince would be a union
under it.• of the Russian imperial family. Suppose you
put a eatlolb prier upon the throne, how could he main-
tain himself against the Greek influence, except by leaning
fee support on that power which had the moat influence over
the Greek church? (Hear, beer.) Whether Greek or
catholic be would be equally the subservient vassal of Russia.
rotathat, I may that the appointment of a foreign mince
be necessarily the first step to separation. Will any
believe that a prises fit to govern five millions of people
would subunit to be the vassal of the Sultan P Hs would
aspire to and would aeon obtain ft, and then
fancy an in t nation of five millions surrounded by
Russia, Auer sad How could such a state main-
tain its independence ? It would be Impossible long to do
so, and then ft would become the subservient vassal of one of
the great powers, melee follow the fate of Poland. (Hear,
hear.) Don't tell me that such a state would be a barrier
against the colossal power of Russia. It is an absurdity to
mays°, for It never oould offer slurries:lee without fortresses
or defences. Russia could at any moment overrun the
country with her troops, as she has done before, when-
ever she chooses to exert he self for that purpose.
Well, then,
prince the If
the influence ofthili.T.L.„,aebeorpiathaldb.....thzderthrium.bthojectxdotherof
..off:Lltourei(terin.
tripe between RUMS end Austria, and the probability is,
thee in the end they woald follow the fate of Poland, and be
either altogether absorbed by Russia, or be divided between
Ruda and Austria Would that benefit the people of Mol-
dier and the people of Wallachia? I say it Is natural, and
I can well undimmed the feelings of men who wish to batra.
their polltioA condition, and I can, therefore fully sympa-
thise with those individuals of these countries who easy think
that we are bound to find • larger arena end • better field for
the &eery of their talents. But, sir, It would be a short-
sighted view of the car, even on the part of the inhabitants
of Wallachia and Moldavia themselves, to wish for that
which my right hon. friend now recommends, and en-
deavours to induce the house and the government le
t
We are told that we ought not
tla=
to there represtetrimll •111016111111, which they it_
(Hear, hear.) I admit that they ought to have had=
and it was intended by the organie statutes that they
have them ; bat the jealousy of Sonia prwesuldwict.raioar,
hear.) The onager.. of Paris %Undo& sod their
enimthat the Principslities Audi hem etalammate-
' hatimalire ; arid it was he do puma of what
canditima err siffilEiattiOD they thought asset cootholvo to
their eke sod yolitiosi welfare—to the devotspesoat of their
11111111C4S, owl i ems Interests wadi psalms weld aim
to that dimes divans were rand. Dal, AI thus
wore sailed in by other hassle-'g
Of these wholes. ether views them the Ashes int
bissedo of them* of the PrliWYsildss, sus treed
te go lie theme poloto whits -0i wr.r of=:
woo know% sod mama tiopoolmi is OM
dMao et osporedien item Toletorme(Lesst bese.) Theo,
e, I say ft is cast Or as Of Ilms Itiod-
Mossimis—Si is asi:olisniMoisSlO of Snow—
ssohoolly dis et Os y
Fria, by whisk al Imms misstreat ►
to thal
at
Nosey tlimedsos So the Mewls, of the—
Teethe loasSomolsoM soy-sif ibms
moss am War se do *OS hon. gendemen abash tee
• set tWMs ilmfooliMiss, of lonised at Paris
I,ll,..._ssowsnoss es imp as undia=sinhistlie two
r
Enallimusellentesill of 1816, when Europe was