The Express.
London, England, 1858-03-05 00:00:00

LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, MARCH 5, 1858.

THE 18-BLECIIONE.

LORD STANLEY AT RING'S LYNN.
In the course of hie address yesterday, Lord
Stanley expressed his approval of the Testamentary BM and
the Divorce BM, brought forward by the late goverment.
With regard to India, the proposed Inman from the rem-
piny to the crown, was not, in his opinion, so much a depar-
ting from what has been dome hitherto, se it wag a con-
segniece of what had been dens--a carrying out of former
stores to their legitimate end natural conchuton.
" Mach," observed his lordship, " has been said with
regard to the influence of public opinion at boon u
Indian affairs; and there sr* many persons who km that
any change in the method of mdministratka will greedy la-
, crease than Mimeos. Now I hold that the teen el
public opinion epos Indian affairs must be el • wryalaed
character. (Hear, hear.) I have no doubt It wM he very
beneficial with regard to such questions an questions of public
works, questions of taxation and finance; but In metiers which
concern native habits and native prejudice there can
he no doubt that the power of legildi *aim
is liable to abase. Bat what I want Is point
out is this, that whether the effect upon India be good
:a= that la a matter which it it not in our pon be
It is not the legislation of the last few yens that
has sesta the increased interest in Indian affairs. That ta-
tenet is dos to greater facilities for communication to the
ortrinad route, to the lines of telegraph, to the vest inmate
of ear Indian trade, to the itemised &grope= population ill
and lastly, to the universal interest_ pranced the
late events. Those are result. which legislation did not pro-
duce, and which legislation cannot prevent. Now gentle.
men, one word more upon this Indian subject and then I
have done with it. A great deal has been said in many
c rwaihtout the discouragement given to the profession of
y in India, about the patronage of native
and about the necessity of employing active
mane asserting our own form of bast In that
erentry. I yenta» to say that nine-teethe of the
elarbe shout what ie milled the discontentment of
by the company's government ers...littej,
intrCil= that the other tenth are gently
lifireos4ltear.) No doubt if any Annie or ever
is the way of any person ocascien becoodng a
convert to the Christian religion, that le • on oar
part of principle and of duty. It all that was demanded woe
that no inch obstacle should be Imposed, I, foe ary part,
should sot have thought it worth my while to say a weed on
the subject. But when a further demand la made, when it is
asked that tbe government of India should violate the rule of
aestrelity in religious matters, and should directly favour
and constraints to Christianity, I say that that
deemed is on • Wee and dangerous principle ; that
that is a town In which if you embark it will carry you
farther than you are aware, and that its only legitimate end
will be persecution. (Hear, hear.) Ido not my that if such
an attempt were made it would fail entirely ; on the ecetray,
I think that, to a metals extent, it would succeed. The
power of the govornment is very great; is eastern
countries there is a very large number at per▪ who think that they have something to hop or
something to fear from the executive power; sad I do not
doubt that if you were to hold out to the natives of India
that the government would favour those who adopted the
European religion, a large number of converts of one sort or
other would aear. But then the converts would be
exactly the clanpp of men who have no character to lose and
no conscience to check them. (Hear' bear.) They would
be a class of men who would bring discredit on European
belief, and the only effect of whose adhesion would possibly
be to alienate the more respectable classes among the natives.
(Hear, hen.) I am satisfied that the course which has
hitherto been followed, that of strict religions neutrality, is
the only one which is either wise or just. lam awe that
our opinions will never be respected in India--I sun
sure that our government will never be regarded as
• or a benevolent government—Andre

we. rigidly abitaia from forcing ihc7ee..csdnions upon
others, and unlems the functions of the government are
limited to those which properly belong to it. (Hear, ham.)
And now, gentlemen, upon the subject of parliamentary re-
form I have, as you know, expressed my views before in
this hall, and I am bound to soy that those views remain
(Hear, heir.) I believe there is no statesman
suilseVe in whatever put of either house he may sit, con-
siders or calls the Reform Bill of 1832 • anal reessora
(Hem, hear.) No one denies that some modified/on of that
bill Is required. But, having said that, I am baud to my
that the conduct of public men, and perhaps I may add, of
parliament itself, on that question has not base altogether
satisfactory. It is now just seven years shies John
Russell promised • new Reform Bill, and, so far as one can
judge from anything that has been effected, It does not seem
as if we were never any remit than we were tidom. Now,
considering the length of time during which this question
has been, as it were, hung up ; considering, whet I believe
none of you will doubt, the utter unexpectedness of the
events which have brought the present addmdlaaiidM into
power, I think you will admit that it would be hardly mown-
able to call upon the members of that government, engaged se
they must be with their parliamentary and departmental
&thee, te frame a plan for the alteration of the constitution of
the country tiering the present ses-ion of parliament. (Hear,
hear.) I don't think it is too much, considering the =gilt-
tude of the change, and considering that the step le be tabs
is a step that cannot afterwards be retreoed—l say, I think
it is not too much, under the circumstances, to sok for that
amount of delay. But I do not baskets to repeat here and
now, what I have said on • keener accedes, Net I think
that In our present parliamentary eiseadtutbs there are
anomalies which are removable by kaglistion, and &no-
rmal= which are not merely great evils theoretically, but
which lead to practical abuse*. I think the szemalve value
which belongs to each individual vote in may ma con•
=Meads@ has • direct tendency to produce oonaption.
(Hear, hear.) I think that many districts In this dioantry
have reason to complain that they have not an adequate
share in the representation ; and although that is a state of
things which has arisen rather from accident than treat any
settled purpose, it is doubly unfortunate, apart from the prao-
tical inconvenience which it cameo, bemuse it produces a I
srati—an unfounded suspicion, I is honed to say, but 1
°Zry general saapicion—that the present representation
is arranged to each a manner as to be rather delude* than
real. (Hear, hoer.) But the whole subject is full of difficulties
—dificalties which seem to lemmas rather than diminish in
magnitude the more we consider hem.ci
that has to he proposed requires careful I:mysite:
tion, and I think, therefore, that the &mad we make
for time will not be held to be unressineble. Thereto jest
one word of explanation which I must here offer on that
subject. If any motions should be made suggesting this or
that partial alteration in the franchise, and not dealing with
the subject as a whole, I repeat to you now, what I have
said before, that I shall feel bound to give my vote against
any such propositions. I should do so, not necessuily as con-
demning the propoation itself, be it what it might, bet
simply because I think we should refuse to consider ina frag-
meutary and partial way a reform which to be dealt widi
effectually must be dealt with as a whole. (Hear.) Now,
gentlemen, it is quite idle to suppose that a question Made:
tag such important interests can be discussed without a ceir-
tain amount of excitement, and even asperity.
But of this I am certain, that whatever discussions may tabs
place, either in the present or in any future messier, of
parliameet, on this subject, will be carried on in a very dials,
ant temper, and with very different feelings, from those of
des and twenty years ago. I say this, not merely on account
of that gradual approximation of opinion among our leading
public men which; is one of the most remarkable polideal
phenomena of our times, but because I think—and I hope
you will not misconstrue or misunderstand what I am
saying—this question has, to some extent„ lost a portion of
the importance which it possessed twenty years ago. Fifty
years ago parliament had an almost exclusive power of form-
ing public opinion on all the questioss of the time. That
state of things has changed. The vast development of the
power of the press during the last quarter of a century has
introdamod tato the machine of politics an entirely new
ellinellt. It is impossible to sit in parliament without seeing
to how great an extent modern journalism effects even our
partbusentery debates. That power of the press is in itself
a representation. It is the beet protection, as I believe, of
the poor and the humble against the rich and the powerful.
It is • protection which no parliamentary legislation credited
—it is a protection which no parliamentary legislation can
take away. And it is not one of the least subjects of satis-
faction to me, looking back on the few years that I have
spent in public life, to think that I was one of those who
took part in a measure—l mean the removal of the strop
duty—which has given an increased development to journal-
ism, and of which I believe we have as Toe only seen part
of the effects." After expressing his high sense of
the value of an alliance with France, his lordship
rehired to the circumstances which led to the
resignation of the late ministry. He aid—We were
asked to give our opinion " aye " or .. no " upon a question
of tight or wrong. We wets asked to give our opinion as
to whether the government of Lord Palmerston had done
right or wrong, wisely or unwisely, In leaving unanswered
..=• Mat tch to which I have referred. To that question so
4.t
It was *question which we could not avoid answer-
by OW vote one way or the other—to that question
I say there...ea me reply but one which it was possible for
me conecientionaly to give. (Hear.) That, therefore, is the
whole history of the vote which has produced the result/
with which you WO all familiar. (Hear, hear.) Now, ra-
dars, the preiitrernment hare een asked whitthey
mama to do in to the measure which has ocesmioned
these events. (Hear, hear.) To that I mower' we me in
no sense pledged to the bill brought forward
by Lord Palmerston. (Cheers) With that bill we had
nothing to do. Whether any change In the law of
Ragland be required is • matter in dispute among lawyers.
Lard Campbell, one of Ike greatest living embattles, aye
that no change is requised, and that the powers of the coo-
mon law are sufficient. I hope, and I should he glad to
believe that be is right; but that is • question which will
probably soon receive an authoritative decision ; it is a qua-
tion which will most probably be raised and decided la the
course of some proceedings now pending; and and that
question is so Wood, sad is so decided, it is lospossiblo to

i give any decisive reply to the quake, " What do you ht-
tend to do r' Of this, however, yon may red mewed, that
if ft should be neotesary to frame any mature for the roves-
am of attempts at assaisination If that should be neoemery
which I repeat I hope is ;Wain , the Insamirs will be
one, not founded upon the of even a
friendly power, bat based solely and deeply upon a sense
of what is required to make all residents in England equally
amenable to the law of England—(cheers)—to that law
which, while It sifirdito them the protection of the rights of
citizens, aspens (ran them the respect and obedience which
Minna are kneed to pay. (Loud cheers.) And, ahoy, al,
gentlemen, mime deism that at any time, under say minis-
try, there ma WM wren a question of inmenderng, nay.
sun of mode*. hi the minutest degree, that right of
asylum which Ms In alljrned...omose4rogrive, which
has been aimed, end the=
:Tat of the Imperial throne of Fresco, ink by the
ingereer Napoleon, by two membles al the House
et Beertme amessalvsly =pilled by ea indignant people, and
rgrinialsureem ars of egges—mow no doubt entertaining
dudes alepiwkia, but mia by the great majority of
whom I em cenviseed se sympathy ever has been, or ever
me he, felt with amusing or aseassination--(hear, bear)—
men wbo have left home, and fortunes, and friends, end
have /night, and would have died, for a hope which Med
theta, said for an idea which they could not realise—for •
=lt in failure was noble, sod for an idea which, if
was patriotic. Honour to them Oilfield
saes, be they who they may 1 Hessen to their
oterteps sad nit eacrillos in tasking= I In their
00007:10011 is honoured, and that penitent:, be
iiiierelettilln WWI we impost be area bee ben to
tie (magma mu* sad the *et {Wanes" d her
rights sad her areeNtntkevi freedom. (Charm)
Now, goemen, I may you seed have no hoz, whoever may
eeedeslotairvernresat o 1 tale matey, het that tight of
be ia any degree infringed. Whatever =le-
=Reims may have been produced by the doemesat to
which I have redered, they will, I hope, be removed by a
friendly and temperate reply ; and as to any change in the
law, we are unprepared to introduce such • change until we
ere well media by actual trial that the present law is defi-
cient for the purposes of justice. And now, gentlemen I
feel that I have detained you at great length ; but before
ending let me say one word, and one which will be
to melf. Often on former occasions when I have
you In this plans, I have stated even minutely my own views
upon various questions which were likely to come before
parliament. As a private member that was • comes it wee in
my power to laka.;Aa • private member I bad to console upon
each measure which might come before parliament only my
own individual judgment and conscience. The position of
any person who is a member of the government is necessarily
different, and imposes some degree of reserve. Whoever
takes service in the ranks of the administration pledges him-
self so long as be remain. there to abide, upon all Important
questions, by the decision of that collective body ; he ma
then give so prom and no pledge except that promise
which, ha public man Is bound to give, a
promise to th to speak, end to sot on all questions
as he may to be best for the interests
of the asthma service. (Cheers.) It is by actions, and not
by —lt is by remits, and not merely by inundate,
tha those who am concerned with the affairs of gownsman
must be tested. (Hear, bear.) As for myself, Ima
honestly es that I have not sought, and I have not desired,
the po of executive power. No man can tell in un-
dertaking a business which is new to him whether he shall
succeed or fail. I have accepted offloe solely becalms, under
the peculiar personal circumstances in which I was placed, It
seemed to me I had no right to decline to do so. (Hear,
hear.) I have accepted office because at prennt it emoted
to me a paramount duty to do what in me lay to upport the
political pukka of one with whom I am connected by nearer
ties than any that can erns out of the ranker of political
life. (Cheers.) Aa to the future, even as to the immediate
future, it is idle to speak of it. If we are suffered to remain
whim we ere—if parliament and the public shall give as, I
will not say their conadence, but their support, I hope
shall know how to maintain the honour of-England
and to provide for the good administration of affairs at home
(Cheers.) If we ere not so Wasted, I for one shall return to
the position of a private member without reluctance and
without mrst ; content if by no act of mine I shall have
either Welted your esteem, or violated my own convictions
of duty, and well assured of this—that, be the
changes and chances of political life what they may, to
whatever guldens* the political machine may be es
there ia in the English people enough of knowledgter7atat
' enough of publ c spirit, to correct any error into which it
may be snEesad to fall, and to insure a steady continuances
in that course of social sad political improvement for which
this country stands pre-amWent above all other countries,
for which this age Is pretindnent above all former ages.
The noble lord resumed his seat amid loud and pro-
longed cheering, having addressed the meeting jun an hour.
On the motion of Lord BTANLIT, a vote of thanks was
given to the Mayor for the manner in whisk be had pomaded ;
after which, three cheers were given Sze the noble lord him-
self, and the assembly then disgorged.