The Express.
London, England, 1866-07-12 00:00:00

The Maion declared the noble lord duly returned.

Lord STANLEY, M.P., in returning thanks, referred to
the fate of the Reform Bill, attributing its defeat to the
fact that it went too far. If the late cabinet would have
accepted a 201 rental in occanties and an 81. rental in
boroughs, the compromise, he had no doubt, would have
been agreed to by a very large majority of the conservative
party. Distrusting the House of Commons, Mr. Gladstone
aserned to brim to bring popular pressure to bear upon
its deliberations, and at last the house distrasted
The question must now stand over till next pas-
sion, wle.n, whatever might be the course adopted
by the government, there would be plenty of gentlemen
ready to take it up. Having given an unqualified denial
to the statement that his amendment had taken the go-
vernment by surprise, the noble lord went on to say that
many of the whig party had declined official co-operation
with them simply because they did not wish to aprieratoo•
be personal gainers. If no vote of want of confidence
was moved they would have a right to assume that
in the opinion of the majority of parliament, the
government ought at the present time to be
to power. Lord Stanley then denied that conservatives
were in favour of war, and related to his own reticence
on the question of the American rebellion, contrasting it
with what Lord Russell and Mr. Gladstone had said on
that matter. The risk of war arises much more
from the prevalence of democratic and revolutionary
sympathy. Having explained his theory of non-
intervention, the noble lord continued:—l have said that
it was the duty and the wish of Englishmen to live in har-
mony with all their neighbours ; but there are two powers
which by their greatness and by their situation affect us
more peculiarly. One of those powers is France—our
nearest neighbour, formerly our rival in arms, now our
friendly competitor for the first place in the civilization of
the world. (Cheers.) When we speak of France in re-
lation to public affairs, we necessarily speak of the govern-
ment of France. (Hear, hear.) Whatever judgment any
Individual may be disposed to pan upon the internal or
general policy of the Emperor of the French (which
is a question with which we here have nothing
to do, and which history alone can decide in a satis-
factory manner), no man, I think, can reasonably deny
that to England be has always been a faithful ally. (Ap-
plause.) lam not aware that in sixteen agitated years we
have ever had to reproach him with one hostile word or
one unfriendly act. (Hear, bear.) The respective lines
of policy of the two countries have not alweys been the
same. France is continental • we are insular. But I say
for the future, as I said for the paid, the last apprehension
which in my judgment ought to disturb the mind of an
reasonable man is the apprehension of a quarrel with
France. (Hear, hear.) The other country of which I
speak is the United States, whichloy its extent, hy its popu-
lation, by its rapid increase, by the energy and intelli-
gence of its people, and latterly by its display of
military and naval strength, has fairly come to
rank among the foremost powers of the world. I look
upon a frank and friendly understanding with the United
States as almost the first requisite of English diplomacy.
(Hear, hear.) No other power, except France, can do us
so much harm ; nu other power, not even France, is so
closely bound with us in ties of commercial intercourse.
It would be idle to deny that during the late war there
was some portion of the American people (and perhaps
there is still such a portion) which bore no goodwill
towards this country. I believe thatt portion, however, to
be utterly inconsiderable in point of number,, and even
more inconsiderable in point of influence and power ;
but though during the continuance of that civil war
there may have been some unpleasantness of feeling—
and really with our hasty and positive way of judging
our neighbours' affairs I am not astonished that that
unpleasantness of feeling should have existed—yet there
has been time for any feeling of that kind to have rub-
aided ; and if I might but look to the latest act of the
Presidnt of the United States—vie., his prompt, ener-
getic, and effectual repression of that foolish Fenian at- I
tack upon Canada—l think we must all acknowledge that
be has acted, I ought not to say merely a friendly part as
regards England, but that he has acted as became the re-
resentative of a law-abiding and law-respecting power.
( Hear, hear.) I don't think you will expect me to enter
more into detail as to the foreign politics of the day. We
have witnessed the new spectacle of the fate
of three great countries being decided, if it be
decided, in • ten days' campaign. We do not
yet know what the settlement may be, but
we know that our sole interest lies in the
return of a peace which shall not he a mere truce, but a
peace which shall test upon a listing basis, and the conse-
quence of which will be the comparative disarmament of
Europe. (Hear, hear.) Well, gentlemen, I don't know
that I have more to tell you now. Upon domestic subject.
you can hardly expect much at'a time when the session is
shortly about to close, and from a member of an adminis.
tratiou which has hardly yet had time to consult together.
The only promise which I can give you, because it is one
which I am sure to be able to keep, is a promise of sincere
gratitude for your past and present kindness, and of my
earnest endeavours to play in yours and the public service
a part which, whether it be or not what the world calls
distinguished—and this is a point as to which I care very
little—shall at least be honest and truthful. (Loud
cheers.)

Mr. TRENOWATH asked Lord Stanley whether he had
made up his mind as to what extent he would give the
franchise to the non-elector.

Lord STANLEY—My friend asks me to propose a reform
bill on my own account at very short notice. If he reflects
on the matter he will remember that a member of an ad-
ministration which can only act collectively would not be
justified in giving, apart from his colleagues, any pledge as
to what he might do in future.
Mr. THENOWATH said he was under the impression that
Lord Stanley had stated on a former occasion that he
would not support a reform bill which was of a piecemeal
character, but which was a comprehensive measure.
Lord STANLEY—If my friend asks me whether I will sup-
port a comprehensive measure, he must excuse me if I tell
bile that that depends upon what the comprehensive mea-
sdre is. (Laughter.)
Mr. THP.NOWATH said be mast tome again to the question
whether Lord Stanley had made up his mind as to what
extant he would give the franchise.
Lord STANLEY—I am asked to state now what are the
provisions of the reform bill which I may hereafter sup-
port. I don't think that in the position in which I stand
I can fairly answer that question. I have no objection to
say that I have always held that it was for the interest of
the public generally, and I think it is more especially for
the interest of the conservative party, if it can be done by
any fair and reasonable compromise, that the old quarrel
should be settled. (Hear hear.)
Three cheers were given for the noble lord. A call was
also made for three cheers for Mr. Gladstone, and these
wPre also given, mingled, however, with a few groans.
On the motion of Lord STANLEY, a vote of thanks was
then accorded to the mayor for his conduct in the chair,
lied the proceedings terminated.

HUNTINGDON.

'4etur.‘l Peel was yesterday re-elected member.

General PEEL in returning thanks said he agreed both
with Lord Derby's policy in refusing to pledge himself to
bring in a reform bill, r a I with his views upon the question
of reform. The recent division in the House of Ceatainous was
upon the general question of rental and ratal, and net upon
figures. Between the first division when the government
got a majority of five, and the last which placed them in a
minority of eleven, it might safely be said there was no
bow, division. He had been declared to be the greatest
of an-.i-refonners—had been calledanultra-tory. (Laughter.)
U the late Sir Robert Peel was an ultras-tory. be admitted
the cla.,r;e, and more, gloried in it. (Cheers.) He held
office under Sir Robert's government, supported all his
'Measures, up to his death was in affectionate ceminunica•
tion with hon. and perfectly agreed with every oi.e of his
political opinions, and in nothing more than in his anxious
desire to maintain alike the privileges of the crown, the
House of Loris, and the House of Commons. If that was
nltra-toryism be was willing to admit it. (Cheers.) One
elector, during the canvass, declined to support him on the
plea that ho voted tipsiest Mr. Bright's Reform Bill.
rerbap. that hon. elector did not know that the very
reason why lie did vote against it was that it
was Mr. Bright's bill, and that he knew Mr. Bright's
bill of ISal4; would only be a forerunner to Mr.
Bright's bill of 1867. (Laughter, and " No.") He did not
truth to say a word against Mr. Bright, whose talents,
Wonderful powers of oratory, and honesty of expression uo
one more admired than he did. (Cheers.) Rut Mr.
Bright told his constituents that he had not accepted the
proposed bill because it was a satisfactory settlement of
the question, but because it would be a lever by which he
doubt afterwards carry out his own views. He (General
Peel) always liked to do people justice—(a lmlghi—and he
would add he had never heard Mr. Bright say,he considered
himself engaged to that bill as a permanent incianire.
'No one could, elerefore, have accused Mr. Bright and his
party of breaking their pledges if, when the bill was passed,
they had made use of it to carry out their own views.
His recent assumption of office occurred at a time when
notorious events were passing ou the contimnt, fully
Illesein; out the views he last week expressed of existing
military weapons. Since the application of science to all
descriptions of war material, battles had been deter-
mined not so much by the superiority of the troops
M their weapons. England had had the advantage
of obtaining her experience at the sad cost of other coun•
trim, and therefore at a seeing of expense and also of brave
soldiers' lives. As it had now been distinctly proved that
even an indifferent or bad breech-leader was better than
a muzzle-loader, it would he most unwise to delay for
day the placing in our soldiers' hands of the best weapons
'that could be procure,!. Fortunately there had been no
occasion for hurry. His predecessors, he was happy to
say, had during the last three years paid attention to the
subject. He gave them great credit for what they
did. They arranged for converting 40,000 Enfield
rifles during the present year into breech-loading
guns. (Cheers.) The guns were better when so converted