The Express.
London, England, 1859-03-29 00:00:00

(Stamped id. Additia■d.) [TWOPENCE.

lord, the member for Stamford, in Sven of these wetleg
the noble lord (Lord Stanley) said, s, When Idam
rortie pert of the question to the demo'. of
that denier would be infinitely exaggerated by carrying tit
the proposition of my noble friend. What world be curler
than to send an agent of a landlord or employer to the
voter, who would lutist upon his signing the voting papseen
his presence. Even if he transmitted it through the post, it
would not prevent this intimidation." (Hear, beer.) In
then' for the reform of the Municipal Corpmaons Act,
the clause relating to the voting papers wee drub oat with
the ament of the right hen. gentleman the Home Secreeery,
yet he told his constituents In Wiltshire that le rusted
them uan (auntie/ portion of thiebill. (Cheers.) The fan
that a large number of the electors of Waryiebone bad not
recorded their votes during the recent contest was made nes
of as an argument in favour of voting papers, and se • proof
of the 'pithy of the electors. The hon. member for Leicester-
shire (Yr. Pacts) referred to this fact. The bon.
too, during the whole of his speech, celled 31=4:
"Marrowbone." (Laughter.) He did not object to that,
though the other name would "sordid ea sweet." (Laur.)
But the fact was that the Industrial and trading class of
Maryleboite showed no apathy during the last election. They
were not the drowsy electors of Marylebene who went to the
poll, but the industrious class sad small traders. But If the
retired tradesman would not go to the trouble of stepping est
of his omnibus or cab to teemed Ida vote, was It 'Maly be
would go to the trouble of getting a voting paper, pro-
curing two witnesses to sign it, and then send it
through the Poet-office P It was admitted by the right hon.
gentleman the Attorney General for Ireland, with a courage
that did him honour, end "peeking after that fronted, wither-
ing, and satirical lecture which had been reed to the govern-
Lsen. UT noble lord the member for Tiverton that the
•Iffilliffiltset unlit the mldeb 'the noble
roz ai ,;, to create for them. (Hear, hear.) They would
be podllanimous and weak indeed if they did. The noble
lord, the member for liiog's Lynn, stated more explicitly
that if the government were defeated, political power would
change bands. (Hear, hear, and " leo, no.") Almon every
meeker alluded to the government which was to succeed the
present one, and had some notion whet it was to be. He
(Mr. James) cared not who formed the fetus govern-
ment. (A laugh.) He cared not who formed it,
because
he was convineel that no lasting government could be
formed nukes it was formed on a totally different basis than
the governments which preceded it. (Hear, hear.) The
noble lord the member for the City bore a great name. He
had never been present et a private or a public meeting in
which he allowed the noble lord's name to be mentioned
without veneration and respect. (Oh, oh, and laughter.)
But he told the noble lord that If he wee to form a govern-
ment to succeed the present one, he must sot form it on ex-
clusive priacipin. (Laughter.) To follow the metaphor of
the noble toed the member for Tiverton, the noble lord must
not take the family etud book and ere what whig was related
to mush a whiles grandmother. (Laughter.) The people
would have no confidenoe in such a government as that.
(Hear, bear, and a laugh.) They would not be satisfied
with a government formed on the principle of mere kindred
and descent, without regard to statesmanship, powers of de-
bating, andlistets of butlers. Thenoble lord tore a greatname
and deserved veneration and respect, but when in the govern-
meet he sometime kept Ind company. (Laughter.) He
thought the noble lord, or whoever termed the next govern-
ment., might imits'e the tight honourable gentleman the
Chancellor of the Exchequer in this respect, for the present
government was certainly formed on a wider beads than the
governmenta which preceded it. (Hear, hear.) It was not
based on mere kindred and relationship. He eaw meth* row
opposite (the ministerial benches) a great many hon. gen-
tleman of the same profession se himself. (Loud laughter.)
It would be presumptuous in him to offer any advice to the
noble lord. Lot he might well take an example from the right
hon. gentleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer, who had
made his way and achieved his present position through very
great difficulties and who was not ashamed to eta'e in that
house that of the people he was, from the people sprung, and
that he regarded his connexion with the press ea his MOM
escutcheon. (Cheers, and " Hear, hear.") The noble lord,
therefore, must form his government on a wider basis, and
not confine hiroulf to a narrow, exclusive circle. (Laugher.)
Whigs! pure whip( (Laughter.) Your pun whirrs, like
bulimia in Norfolk, were a epodes of bird that was fart
dying out. (Laughter.) There were gentlemen sitting around
hien—Osagleter)—who epreeented re it constitnencies—
(laughter)—md who were hardly ever cousulted on political
mattes. They were never called on till the flagellation
before a division. If the noble lord would only tely on the
people es he had done, the eeople, who were always gene-
rous would place confidence in him. (Hear.) Let him
place conflation: in the people, and he might treat with con-
tempt whatever accusations were brought against him, like
those of the right hon. gentlemen the member for Stroud,
He might then rite sure.mor to the petty intrigue of faction
and the paltry cabals of party, but without that the noble
lord would never regain the confidence which her Majesty's
present government have forfeited, or stand for an hoar at
the helm which they are now compelled to abandon. (Cheers)
Mr. BEAUMONT, although •supporter of Lord Palmers-
ton and the liberal piety, should upon thes occasion, without
bee Cation, but with regret, vote with the government. The
resolution was. in his opinion, an ingenious and well-worded
trap; it did not raise the question of reform sioccrely, and
upon this groan Ihe should vote ageing it. There waa one
pert of the tell to which ha should give hie decided mud-
tem ; he meant the diefranchimment of the 40s. freeholders,
which be thought wag not only uojud, but unwise.
Lord ELCHO, 'fur reOyiag to some comments by Mr.
Jame upon the letter of Laid Grey addressed to him (Lord
&mho), observed, upon the general question of the reve-
nant:ion of the people, that he raw no necessity fur any
great Mange, far less for any organic change; bat he could
not eey theta change could he reedited, thugh he did not
believe that there was an must desire for It out of doors.
Then, what was the mares to be pursued ? To settle the
question, ant settle it without delay, and with
that view he should vets against the reeceution and in
farmer of the bill. He could not look at the resolution,
he said, in any other light than as a party move,
framed by the mover not with a view to personal aggrandise•
went, but to get as many vote as he could and turn out the
government. The bill might be dealt with more coevootently
In committee, anti be did not pledge himself to support the
details of the neeeente, which he regarded as embodying the
pens& principle of a scheme c f reform. He believed this to
be a sound one—that the repreeen'ation should red not upon
population or upon property alone, bat upon interacts.
Tbe bill, it wee said, would not vette the question,
but what scheme would ? Even universal suffrage
would not satiety every one. He was tot
to hand over the government of the country totg.Pmareesde
body of the working chines or to the tyranny of trades'
union,
union,, beeenee if the great body of the working Usages
were enfranchised it would practically diefranchin every
other clans. He approved the manner in which the bill
provided for the admiasion of the working ChtSDR. In c in-
clusion, Lord Elcho cilscusrd the alternatives which would
preemie theaselves in the event of a defeat of the govern-
ment open Ibis question—Namely, diesolution, which he
deprecated, or resignation ; warning the opponents of the
ministry against playing a genie that would lad to a coali-
tion between Lerd J. Russell and Mr. &MIS
Mr. ELLICE said, in hie opinion, it would be better if a
principle of reform could be agreed upon, to proceed
gradually; but, practically, the house had to deal h the
Lill before it. He thought it • bed measure—usentially bad
—for its sins of commi.sion and omission. NOtiing was
more clear than the principle urn which the Kwernment
ought to have acted ; wLereas they had introduced new and
Junin one principles and a scheme which was nothing short
of confiscat on. With regard to the reaolutien, he would
have pretend a simple record of disapprobation of the prin-
ciples contained is the bill, and bo stated the difficulties
which enotranamed him in considering the propceitionof Lord
J. Rumen ; but, upon the whole, he coati not vote f r the
eeconi reading of the Lill, and must vote tor the ateendmeet,
bemuse the Ct ace-llor of the Exchequer per-bred in M-
iming to the principle of oonti.cating the franchise of
county voters in boroughs.
Colowl SMYTH hoped that the government would re-
wielder the reduction of the franchise in boroughs, for it
emoted to him that a redueti .n there would be the tunas
of giving wont° many who greatly deserved that privilege,
sad who were, he believed, in a position to needle the right
with advent/Iga to the lvmsees and the cotr. He urge d
this the mote, because he felt that the principle of a uniform
✓othego, combined with a redSoributii n of scats, and a te-
tarart:eLnes.gte:licak.tt enttoughb°Ztc.dhaalesi.teittwth:e resolutionswt.Po would free
most
t. simply
eitmodoplist,y-
jeetionable en I petty character. He shoul
sa
d vote for the
sacs nil road ny of the bill, reserving at the me time to
himself liberty to move to committee those omen
drnents f
the
which ha believed wars necessaryasary to the improvement o

bal.
Mr. J. LOCKE cengratulated the hum and the country
on th f that c uservative govoument hut been indtrad
to bee
ing art
in any• Ito form bid. A bad one, he roustcontent,
content,
they had brought in ; but atilt, that they should have brought
in one at all was hie opinion matter upon which the
country had • Tight to congratulate itself. (Heir, bear.)
The opinion of the ma tropolitan conaituencies was that the
diafranchisem nt of the frertolders, ant
thete non
-e=tef usion
of the franettbe is borourte, would give gaamio
and Ito far they went 'rah the resolution, bat a most im-
portant point they missed in it, and that wee the Assam of
any &Roams t o the re-distribution of seats. (Bear, bear.)
The me ropolitan bor.:ought+ were of opinion that in any re-
diettibution of teats their dams for eittasion wool d re-
ceive consideration. Their selection of members bad been
sewed at, but did mot they claim the noble lord the member
for London himself, and as for his three collsaAss,
nobody oval overt that there was say
Mammon@ to our iustitutious in any of them. (Laughter.
In a word, the toetropdasn boroughs had sent in &dudes's,
generale, lawyers, and respectable men of all closer, to re•
preeent them, very mochas had bets done by sll the other bo-
roughs In the country. The metropolitan members had
been charged with ineamist every subject but that of
ri on
rating, against which the t bon. gentlemen said they
were always unanimous; bat ed that upon the great
point of uniformity of rating tltAr.mough members never
voted together. Battoulag to the rtsolution of the
nab lord the moot* tot London, be mat

repeat his regret of its meemesees, and espe-
cially of its omission of all allusion $ the skims of
the working okays. Still he must vote for lt, beam* it
tembotlied two principle* of which he approved, mid which had
been substantially adoptod by both sides el the hour. lie
' waled upon the government elm to adopt it, as by doing so
they would sire the) time of the homes, aid be enabled to
proceed with their bill. (Hear, hear.) The mobil= was
mite Daimler, and declared oily what If they went into
committee mast be the substrate of the lest autestdmente
proposed. (Hear, hem)
Lend A. V. TEMPEST would humbly waggest
to the noble bid that Ike only remit to which at
sac.
ere of his resolution meld lewd most be to delay their going
into committee, when it wee gencrellyadmitted that the ge-
refitment bill could be tomb the basis of a sound and safe

measure of reform. It bed been anti that fhb debase
must end in resignation or • Mmabatho. He halted the go-
"'element mould not take the genres of lenient
whatever might be the result ef the &Vet= as the
right hoe. measlier for Cambridge hod shore, weethl be as
Inooovenknt as it was unneceserwy; neither weald they, ho
hoped, resign. Odell.) The country did net with thaws to
resign, nor, as be believed, did Na Feat saigolty eat the
House of Commons wish them to maim Herhad nothing
to do with the government himself, bat on all aides he heard
favouvable contrasts drawn between the twesthr sad the late
goverment. (Hew, hear.) It mast ins tomethered that
the present government was celled to secs sot bythair own
sot, but by the weakness end dimensions of that rope el
sand which hon. gentlemen opposite were trying again to
weave. Upon all sides he heard peahen of the goeseameat
for their industry, their attention tee the weeds of the
country, and their uniform courtesy le=tbri=
Iced had geld that the presentee of Leta Iffalmesbury
at theitr oLifaaYYaal
t4gn office was no guarantee
not the person but the
afciarre. (Her,
hear.) But it was which con-
stituted the guarantee. (Cheers.) At mots since the
=government had hem in office they had had no bills
Drought into the Hones of Commons at the dictation of a
foreign government, nor had they seen British subjects rot-
ting in • Neapolitan &tepee, and the Foreign• office content-
ing itself with telling them that It would keep its eye upon
them. (Cheers.) He hoped the government would neither
dissolve nor 'esteem and he was quite sum that they would
not tails the comae which the noble lord (Palmer-
ston) tauntingly advised them the other night to fol-
low and which be knew that as men of honour it
was impossible for them to adopt. (Cheers.) There was,
however, a course which they might take without any dero-
gation of cheasotee—that was to withdraw the bill altogether
if it was accompanied by these insulting resolutions, and ap-
peal to the country at the proper time upon the general gear
Lion of reform:mid upon what, be believed with some altera-
tions which might be introduced in committee, was a safe, •
cautious, and a wise meson, and which, when the question
was fairly put either to the Rowe of Commons or to the
country, would meet with • favourable verdict. (Cheers.)
Mr. H. MILNES and Mr J. Graham rose together, but the
former having caught the Speaker's eye, proceeded, notwith-
standing the loud calls for Sir James,to addrers the house. He
considered that the discussion which had taken piece would be
satisfactory to the country, inasmuch as it showed that the
House of Commons was disposed to meet the question in a fair
and honourable spirit. Believing the extension of the franchise
to be the neahmitotion of any ereasere of reform, he wee boned
to vote for the resolution, and he did so without making any
criticism on the measure of the government. If this question
could have been mooted in committee he would Dave voted
for the rood reading of the bill; and if the government
would withdraw the bill, and introduce another containing
that principle, ho would give it every support that he could.
He had no fear of a dissolution of parliament, and he thought
that the government had a right to appeal to the country on
a question like this.
Sir J. GRAHAM said ho wished not to lee the day
when it became neassiry to reconeider the fundamental
principles of the constitution. The meson of 1832 pro-
duced en immense change it had been called a bloodless re-
volution; it took power from the aristocracy and gave it to
the middle closes, its object being to blend property end
numbers. Since that period whorl enjoyed better legislation,
more proepority, and less civil discoed than at any other
period of equal duration. Upon the whole, there-
fore, the experiment had bean secoessful, and ho
had hoped that it would have been a deal one. In
this he had been disappointed, and the object of all reformets
should be, when change was required, to prevent the neces-
sity, if possible, of further alterations. In this bill three
principl s were coat duel, namely—identity of suffrage, elec-
toral districts, end voting papers—which bad a direct ten-
dency to anathemas most to be apprehended, and it seemed
as if the bill—too clever by ball—had been framed so as to
obtain support from every quarter of the house. He avowed
that be had bad • share in the resolution ; and, avowing
that he bad been quite prepared to vote against the second
reading of the bill, be explained his reasons for wont-
ing to proceeding by way of roolution. I do
not think (continued the right bon. gentleman)
that I ever saw in this home greater unanimity,
extending to both aides of the house, then exists against the
principles of thie bill se it now steads, nor, on the whole,
oonsidfering all the elements of which this home is composed;
more disposition, now, in this patliemeet, immediately, in this
session, to pass • bill which, 1 think, would command gene-
ral benefactor. (Cheers.) I will ray that • bill, taking, es
the new point of departure the 101. franchise fee counties,
lowering to a considerable extent the borough free/Aloe—
prohibiting the payment of travelling expenses, multiplying
polling plow, diaf.anchising within moderate limits the
smaller boroughe, and enfrancebiug, with strict impartiality,
the larger counties and the larger cides,-1 say that even
now, at this moment, my belief is that • bill so framed would
commend support on each side of the boos. (Rear,
hear.) I du not believe that the fair demand of a
portion of the working classes for the elective fran-
chise can any longer be refused with safety, and
the contortion you hold forth in the counties ren-
ders resistance in the towns ten times more diScult.
The ancient borough franchise reels upon rating and rea-
dopt*. and I sin decidedly of opinion that the municipal
franchise as originally settled, depending on • residence of
three years and the payment of rates tor two years and a half,
was • good franchise, until a Most impottaat but a very ill-
advised change took place with repre to noir g. With such
• franchise I think you have the beet security for the cha-
racter of the person his permanent stake is the place es here he
reader, end ouninterrupted t &piloted mew. But lilies been
said that the treat pt oportion of our tootion is paid by the ripper
tan thousand. I repudiate that doctrine altogether. (Hear,
boar.) Take only six articles --eugsr, tee, coffee, malt,
tobacco, and spirits • those taxes petty nearly cover the in-
terest of the national debt of this country, end they are paid
by the humblest and the working claire, (Heat, hear.) On
the ground of taxation, therefore, they ere entitled to the
franchise; on the ground of ancient usage they are entitled
to it ; and on the ground of the admitted character of the
I town', such as the Chancellor of the Exchequer allows to
exist—their growing wealth, the increase of tbeir numbers—
they are entitled to it. (Hear, hear.) Regard them in what
light I may, I come back to the conclusion chat a ommider-
able Woe tee of the working closes In the constituencies of
the cites and Lemuel./ is moat expedient and moat just.
(Hoar, hear.) Sir E. B. Lytton has put this questions in a
very pointed manner. He says this bill is emphatcally
for tee middle classes. I believe that that is the
object for which the bill Is framed. (Rear, hear.)
It is hoped that the middle des will be selible,
and will pertinaciously refuse soy extension of the
francLiee t the class 1 elow thorn as • diminution of their
power, and, on • false celculatioe it was tweed that this
measure would receive their supped. The right bon. ba-
ron, t asks " Has the teas come when it will be safe
to ocaeyt the principle that political power 640u1d begin to
deeamd to the working closes?" Ido not for • moment he-
sitate to say that the time has come when power
must begin to descend to the weaving demos. (Hear.)
I have the etearagest objection to the Atop e' of voting
papers. The peanut. int is not one that will be aocepteble
t • the supporters of the toilet. I have always been opposed
to the ballot; I relent my oljection to it; but I ehould not
dot candidly with the house if I did not state that in the
constituency which I tepreecnt no object of reform in my
memo, y bee made such rapid proper as the
demand for secret voting. (loser, hear.) I lament
it I believe it wi I end In Wempointaient.
am not a convert to the ballot, but Ido believe that gene-
roll y tbreu @bout the ommery the dmire for the V allot has
made greater proems than any other qme ation. (Loud
cheery.) I could wish it were otherwise ; lam not • con-
vert to it, and I have always voted decidedly against it. But
regarding it In that light, I mutt say that the 'poem of
voting papers appe ere to me the closest approximation to the
ballot. Whet would be the effect of these voting papers!
Who would be the witnemea ? There ere to be two wh-
ereto : one must lea householder, but 1 think the other will
invariably be either the landl erd's agent, or the candidate's
agent, or the country attorney's e'euk, e r the t ankette clerk.
(Hear, hear.) These are persona who rte., great local
influence. lf the landlord Is weary of bnemog his friends
together and wishes to effect the same of jou by an easier pro-
cos, his instructions to his agents will be, "Mind that all
my tenants get voting papers, d then you go round
and we them signed properly.' (C news and laughter.)
And if this influence be not sufficient he will cell in the aid
of the bankers clerk, probably a hoUebel ler, who knows
well what is the 'slue of • small cosh credit to country shop-
keepers and others, rind the intima.ion will hem " But
it it very desirable that you ehould time tbisoteng paper."
(Hear, beer) If that Is not enough the will/sane btr
all.
will be invoked—the strongest screwperteps o
at
will
What will be the position of that un-
happy voter? He is et his own melt, In his owe h0e,0720
person to assist hint—no refuge from the importunely—
plithing it? (Hear, bear.) If intimidation is the object,
ntwiothibmitgistdom,doob,
uwthatot trocm"secrattort. in(listueure'sbeacelewl ofWaccoell'osige
there Is no COUTS9 in which It oin be MOTO surely directed.
am persuaded that this wean of votiog papers
Inn SQ crssmbe loth buftddstion tsd br.b.ry