The Express.
London, England, 1866-05-04 00:00:00

LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, MAY 4, 1866.

OUR CONTEMPORARIES.
(THIS DAY.)

to commences war. They must know full well that war
would mean nothing less than staking all they possess
upon a remote and most uncertain issue, and that no ulti -
mate gain could be proportioned to the certain and inevit-
able loss. These convictions we may well presume to be
entertained ; but, in the meantime, there are the dangers of
irritation, the chaneea of accident, and the passions of kings
and people to be taken into account, sothat few would venture
to forecast the result. Deeply, too, is the case complicated by
the difficulty which must attend anything like arbitration.
Who could profess to apportion between Austria and
Prussia a piece of territory which Europe declared to
belong to Denmark, and which Austria and Prussia them-
selves declared to belong to Germany We speak only in
the broad and universal interests of peace itself, and can
but repeat that, whatever may have been the dealings with
these Danish duchies, it would be the extreme of folly and
' wickedness to consummate them by a continental war.
The Post has reason to know that official reports made
to bur own government are in absolute contradiction of the
allegation that the exceptional armaments of Italy fore-
stal those of Austria. M. Ronher's statement the Post
interprets to mean that if Italy commenced an attack,
while France would insist on the observance of the Treaty
of Villafranca and would secure Lombardy to Sardinia, if
Austria were to vanquish Italy and restore Naples to
Francis 11., the States of the Pope to the Church, and
Tuscany, Modena, and Parma to their former dynasties,
she would not spend French blood and treasure to avert
disasters which the Italians would have brought upon
1000111.1114401!-_-7yri.. 41, - • .•;•-• •

. . _
'l7l;;ETeielifthinicsihai the cooperation of the great
neutral Powers—France, England, and Russia—is not only
the most likely means of extrication from this great di-
lemma, it affords us the only chance of escaping from an
embroilment the disastrous consequences of which it would
be impossible to exaggerate. United these great Powers
would be strong, individually they are powerless. The
advantages of a common action, which would
cost them so little, are so great and so obvious that
it seems almost superfluous to insist on them.
The speeeh of IL Rouher yesterday seems to show that it
may be the fault of France that the attempt is not
' made. The French government is at all events the first to
avow that it has made, and will make, no earnest or decided
effort to avert war in Europe. It is true it has hastened
t) assure Italy that it is " thoroughly determined to
throw upon herall the perils and risks of any attack she may
make upon Austria." France is adding to her army, and
massing her legions in the South, but it is not to help
Italy , only to provide against eventualities. This army of
the South is to protect " the power, security, and liberty
of France." France will not helglltaly, but Italy "is un-
fettered in her resolutions," ard may seek for further
aggrandisement in another alliance. To the alarming news
that now reaches us from every side—Prussia and Austria
Ifintnhaneously refusing to disarm; a puma war fever and
a new loan in Italy—this manifesto of the French govern-
ment adds a fresh element of disquietude.
In the interest of humanity the Telegropfi imagines that
England, Russia, and France should intervene to prevent
hostilities and try the effect of a Congress before an appeal
is made to arms. England would enter such a conference
absolutely unpledged and unfettered, except in so far as
she may still be bound to the faith of treaties. In the
cordial union of the three great neutral powers lies the
best chance of peace ; and whether they agreed upon a own-
' binod protest, or jointly summoned the other European
states to a peaceful discussion, they would cast a terrible
burden of responsibility upon the head of the aggressor.