The Express.
London, England, 1866-03-13 00:00:00

THE EXPRESS, TUESDAY EVENING, MARCH 13, 186&

Gaslight and Coke Companies Bill were ordered to be
committed to the select committee on the Lasko (01t7)
Corporadoa Gas Bill.
ELECTION PETITIONS WITHDRAWN.
Mr. DODSON announced that the petitioners who ooze-
plained of the returns for Barnstaple, the North Riding.
Portsmouth, and Dumbartonshire, did not intend to pro-
ceed, and the orders referring the petitions to the general
committee on elections were discharged.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER entered the
hosts at :Nr period from the back of aka Speaker's chair,
end was resetsed with load sheers fromthe ministerial
aide of the house.

SPIRITUAL DESITTUTION IN THE METROPOLIS.
Mr. AYSTON gave notice that on the first Tuesday after
Easter be would move for leave to bring in a bill to appro-
priaW pert of the revenues of the surplus lands at Fins-
bury to relieve the spiritual destitution in the metropolis.

_ -
THE RUBE CHURCH ESTABLISHMENT.
Mr. GREGORY gave notion that to-morrow evening be
world move, me an amendment to the motion of the hon.
member for Kilkenny, that the reform of the Irish church
setab.'ishment to neoewr►, and demands the prompt at-
tentioal of parliament. (Hear.)

ought to be extended. With lush an aemmiulanoe d
authority proceeding front every quarter k aT famin►)
hold it to be superfluous fora moment to debate that p-
moral question. I shall arsume that by those declarations
so repeatedly and so earnestly made, the general pound
and justification is established under which her Majesty's I
present government are warranted in laying before you a
proposal relating to this important question. And, air, I
venture to request from the house, sot only for myself,
that kind patience and indulgence which I have received at i
its bands times innumerable, but likewise for the question i

I have to introduce, that grave and earnest attention
which beloop to a matter of so merlon' an order. (Hem,
hear.) Sir, it mey be said with respect to the origin of
this questions, that it ie emphatically the work of the House
of Commons. Let me remind the home, ss the time is now
long gone by, and LS many have taken their seats 011 these

benches for t►e first time—let me remind the house of
whet happened in the beginning of 1&31, end I mast toy

that the event which then occurred was of a nature to
saddle the responsibility connected with the introduction
of this question, in a high and peculiar sense, not on one or
another government, but upon the body of the Howe of
Commons. (Rear, hear.) It we, an independent member—
the hon. member for Surrey (Mr. Locke King), who, on the
20th February, Ifsl, moved for leave to bring in a bill
to grant a 101. occupation franchise in counties. The
sole opponent of that measure was my noble
friend now at the head of the government. Every
other speaker either approved or was silent on the
occasion—(laughter)—every other usual speaker, every
other authority of this house, either approved or was silent
on the occasion. The government were beaten by • ma-
jority of 21. The minority consisted of 52 members, and
among those 52 there were not, I think, more than 12 or
15 who sat upon the benches of the party opposite. So that
it cannot, I think, be denied that the first initiation of this
@abject in the form in which it now comes before us, having
begun as to extending the county franchise only, it was
perfectly well known that a change in the county must
cause • (Lange in the borough franeLise also. The initiation
of the subject was in a peculiar sense ie the House
of Commons, and therefore in inviting you to eo-operate
with us, the advisers of the crown, in endeavouring to bring
it to a solution, lam inviting you not merely to relieve us
from a difficulty, but to complete a work which is of com-
mon interest to yourselves. (Hear, hear.) Sir, the elec-
tion of a new parliament naturally made the government
feel that the time had arrived when it was right that the
sense of the representatives of the people should be again
taken with regard to the laws which regulate our electoral
system. The duty of the government was a very plain one.
No doubt they had before them the reoord of former failures.
No doubt they bad to deal, as was obvious, with the state of
the public mind, notclear, definite, and resolute, but rather
bewildered end indecisive. Their duty, however, was plaio.
It was to examine the materials of the case. To east aside

every consideration narrower than those which belong to a
peat public and national interest—not to inquire what
might be for the benefit or convenience of this party or
that—Cheer, hear}—to be more studious of the substance
than the shadow, or the need of their own constituents,
to apply their minds and the best powers at their command
to the framing of a prudent but en effectual measure ; then
to await the issue at the hands of parliament ; but, so far
as depended upon them, having framed that measure, to
sustain and support it with all the energy end decision in
their power. (Hen, hear.) And, sfr, the first question
we had to consider was a most important one.
It wee whether we were to attempt legislation in
the peanut session, or whether we were to be content
with mere inquiry. It was beyond all dispute true that
a careful examination of the facts of the case lay at the
very threshold of the subject. It was want of information,
or want of definite and authentic information, which formed
the greatest matter of contention during debates in
the year 1860. It was scarcely possible in that year to get
at the point clearly in issue. Such were the doubts, such
were the misgivings ; such the scepticism in regard to the
figures on one side and on the other, we felt that if we
were really to come to an inns upon the merits of the case,
we 111011, endeavour to make ourselves, and parliament as
well es ourselves, routers of the facts of the case. Well,
then, no unnecessary delay was allowed to occur.
I believe in the first cabinet after the funeral of our
lamented bead, but certainly before approaching
any other domestic question of a public character, we ap-
plied ourselves to consider and to frame the heads under
which that information should be obtained. So soon as
these heads could be framed the necessary measnrea were
taken to obtain the information required, and I am bound
to say that the assistance received from the Poor-law De-
partment, and in particular the labours of Mr. Lambert,
the person principally concerned, were, in point of ability
and assiduity, everything we could desire. (Hear, hear.)
And I think that if members, whether they sit on this side
of the house or on that, have been able since Saturday
morning to institute any examination of the volume
which has been laid upon the table, they will
admit that in the collection of that volume time
has net bees mis.spent, and they will likewise admit that
they have found the advantage of approaching the °owns
elevation of this important question with inch a knowledge,
and such a man of facts as were never before colleen, i.
(Hear.) We therefor* can truly say that no time has be en
lost. Had we found that it was not possible by the me Ms
at the command of the executive 4ovarnanat to °Mai, in.
formation which should be full in its scope and range , and
authentic and trustworthy in its character, we shook', hate
had no hesitation in at once seeking the aid of parliament,
and In postponing legislation until such informed .en had
been obtained. Bat when we saw what could bed one, and
when, as materials began to grow in our hand' we per-
ceived what bad been done we bad no doubt of satisfying
the House of Commons and the House of Lorna- —et matey-
ing both branches of the legislature—with regard to the
sufficiency of our knowledge ; and, therefore, we Ind not
the least hesitation in pledging ourselves so early as
the commencement of the session to the introduc-
tion of • measure upon the subject. (Hear, hear.)
New,
sir, I have been anxious to explain T ,ow it is that the
time has been spent, not merely for the reason, compere.
tively one of secondary importance, that , there have been
hero and there not unnaturally some is dioations of a dispo-
sition to murmur at the dela?' in tar r production of the
Papers, and to ascribe it toyed lation, hesitation, or want of
purpose on the part of the governs nat. Sir, ndoubtedly
that has not been the case, for so a anioOA have we been to
give the House of Commons, so far as we could, the
same means of judgment wit'n ourselves, that I as
tray state that upon Frie.ey evening I, for one,
could not obtain for my own use a complete and
finished copy of these Mew ' except the oopy which was
laid upon the table of tie ihorse, and which of course
=out of my kende- lint the question of time has en
anal very different, from that which it derives from
lite connection with taint e rumours or vague imputations.
Yt haa this importance., that it is now the 12th a March
when I make to yon en first proposal, and that, adverting
to the approaching 14, r recess, it would not be possible
for us to ask you to read the bill a second time until the
esocnd week in Apr Therefore, sir, we have felt, as pru-
dent and pinetteal men. we had to measure what
our powers right be with regard to legislation in
the present session, and of course the question
for cerwiderat'soe. Are we to have what it termed a tam-
Vete inessur e, or are we to have one which is incomplete'
Now, sir, ask hors members to consider what is meant
by • oonarbate miens of our representative system, and I
must omit from the idea or the definition of a complete
rseisior., or from the explanation of it, some branches of
legislation which are or have been favourites with some
maniacs of the hone, but which we as • governmeat do
not admit to be necessary or desirable to take into consi-
dtration. Ido not refer to the question of secret voting,
ne the quotient of the shortening of parliaments, but
I refer to what may be strictly admitted to belong
to a complete revision of our representative sys-
tem, because we, like everyone else, are sensible
of the immense advantage which would attend an operation
by which you are enabled to deal with the whole range of
the question at one single stroke. (Hear, hear.) But, in
the first plan, there most be • consideration of the fiats-
chise in England and Wales. There must be, and perhaps
it is still more urgently required, • consideration of the
franchise in Scotland. The subject of the Irish franchise,
too, must be considered, although that is in a simple state,
because the nature of the present electoral arrangements
is much more perfect so far as the enschinory is oonoernei.
Then comes, not a single question, but the whole group of
questions, which are inducted in whet is called the rediAri-
ball= of sesta. The question between the three kingdoms—
the question between town and country—the question be-
tween total extinction or capital punishment such as was
inflicted in shedule A—or between the milder method of
amputation administered in schedule B, or that mildest
method of all, which was that adopted by my noble freed,
now at the head of the government, in the bill of 1852—1
mean the method of grouping towns together. (Cheers.)
All these are matters which most undergo careful conside-
ration. Theo there comes another question that can never
be avoided when you review the electoral system, viz., the
onsideratioa of whether in all cases the present bounda-
ries of boroughs are such as the exigencies of those bo-
roughs naturally require, To meddle with the boundaries of
boroughs for the sake of affecting the question as between
town and country representation and the balance of interests
would, in my opinion, be a groin abuse. But, on the other
hand, what are called the natural boundaries of each
borough, as determined by public convenience from time to
time, is not only natural and useful, but it is an essential
part of any complete review of our electoral system. There
is, I am sorry to say, another matter belonging to that re-
view which Ido not believe to be less urgent now than at
any other period, and that is, to (snider the state of the
law with respect to corrupt practices. (Cheers.) Ido not
intend to make any promise upon this subject, for it is as
difficult ea it is important, but I am afraid the urgency for
it is in no degree diminished, and undoubtedly it
usenet be paesd over by any government attempt-
ing to make aeompletelreview of our representative system.
Then clearly there is the important question of the pro-
visions, no doubt of a less arduous nature, but still fairly
a question, for the administration of the machinery
senneated with the working of the proceedings
at elections. Well, sir, these subjects, great in them-
02...lvelLtaid complex in themselves, have been further
by the speculations of many men of
gre=rlity and of great authority, who have thought
that the time has come wino, taken on the one side the
demand for the extension of the franchise, and on the

other Aid* thidtflionlr Ne*h we have Ai #ncourferjiinEti
rawest to an tides distribution of power among iftalK-
ferent dames of the community—the& the time has come
when, introducing propositions in one form or another,
one or ether or femora of them may be supported
by arguments most mgenious and by authorities most
weighty—propositions of which it may be emphatically
said that they are in the aid Eoglish sense innovation., and
which, as being innovations, never could come under the
review and eritidism of Oils house without careful, smith-
! ing, sad jealous examination. (Cheers.) Waste possible
for us to suppoee, as we now stand, we could expect that
parliament would give itself to the complete review that I
have described daring the continuance of the present me-
i Mon ?It is very good—it is very ranch conformable to the
habits of this country and to our constitutional praetleas—
to entertain a high idea of what is called the
oninit?teer of parliament, but time and *pile cannot be

annihilated lima to make lovers happy, of far any other
purpose whatever. (Laughter.) And I want to know what
is the time at our command, and the position in which we
stand, and what is the time requisite for dealing with these
anbjeets. Neither of these questions is very difficult to
answer. As regards the time at our command, I think, so
far as we can reckon, if we obtain leave for the introduction
of this bill, we shall propose the second reading on the
12th of April, and suppose I measure the time between the
12th of April and the middle of July—which I think would
be the latest at which such • bill could be emit up to the
House of Lords—l find that government nights will amount
to 24, and one-half at least of those must neeemarily be occu-
pied with the financial bruises of the nation and of supply,
and beyond that we shall have nothing to depend upon
but the charity of private members, and the crumbs
which may fall into our laps. (" Oh. oh.") Sir, what have
we found in former years? In 1880 we spent months is
trying to do nothing. (Laughter.) But there is one exam-
ple—the great example of the Reform Act—which will
give us some idea of the time oocupled by a complete
review of our electoral system. One single bill out of
which the reform acts finally grew camped fifty nights of
the House of Commons. (Sensation.) I believe I should
understate the case if I said that 100 nights, at
Wet. were requisite for a complete review of the
electoral system which was achieved in the years
1831 and 1832. It may be said, and said very truly,
that at that time there was a political heat and excitement
and apprehension which do not now exist ; and I do not
suppose that any such review en that I have indicated
would, in the present day, require so long a time ; but lot
me point out that the time occupied in passing that act and
the acoomnenying acts was not less than six or eight times
in extent that which is now, even at a sanguine estimate,
at our command. Yon did then completely review the
electoral system, but then in order to do so you turned day
into night, and summer into winter, and you called upon
every man to sacrifice all his domestic obligations, and you
made every one give way to your resistless and determined
will, and you sacrificed, unjustly sacrificed, but
you were oompollad to do it, all other legislation which
required debate and serious discussion for two years. Them
are not the circumstances In which we now stand. We
may now reckon, I have no doubt, upon very fair and in-
da4ent treatment with respect to the progress of a measure
of kind. Do not let it be supposed for a moment that
lam apprehensive of what is celled obstruction. The other
day my eye fell upon • mange uttered a few years am by
the right hon. gentleman opposite (Mr. Disraeli). In 1860 he
said " we should treat this subject without delay, but with
that deep and deliberate investigation of • great subject
which was in accordance with the freedom of discussion
for which the parliament of England was obaraeterised." And
the right hoa gentleman was justified in that
observation, and we should be guilty of a breach
of duty if we should now follow any other course.
We have determined, therefore, that it was impossible to
do more than approach these questions in the order of
their importance ; and no doubt the question which stands
first is that of the enfranchisement of large mimes of our
fellow-countrymen who are now excluded from the elec-
toral suffrage. When I say rosasse, I should say large amn-
hers of our countrymen, as it was not my intention tome
the word masses is its most comprehensive sense. We
decided that this was the first and most urgent
claim, and that it would be ridiculous, under the idea
of laying a complete measure on the table, to introduce •
bill which we knew could not pass. We felt that intro-
ducing such a bill would not be a step towards our end,
but would add one mom to the discreditable and disastrous
failures another failure more discreditable and disastrous
than any that preceded it. (Hear.) We therefore deter-
mined to confine the bill which we proposed to introduce to
the consideration of the electoral franchise--(heart hear)—
and we framed that in contemplation of the time in which
we stand and of opportunity which we can command.
It would be impossible to go farther. It may be thought,
however, that we should state our views on other branches
of the subject, and the question of the hon. bart. opposite
enables me to do so. The hon. bark has told us that in so far
as the Scotch franchise is concerned the question of hes-
tibiae must not be stirred in Ragland without extending
our legislation to Scotland also. Well, we think that a
complete review of the representation must include all the
subjects I have named. We admit that the present plan is
incomplete. We may be asked will we complete it I
(Hear, hear.) I have ever been averse from dealing is pledges
for future sessions. Such are the number and variety
of circumstances which must affect the duty of government
in an empire like this at future periods, that in my opinion
we must leave the future to find it. own proper opportunity
for dealing with these important questions. But I may
say that while the group of complex questions included in
permanent reform is beyond oar handling in one session
or especially what remains to us of the present seerion, yet
I think there cannot be the slightest doubt if the
rivernment finds it its duty to take those questions
in hand as a direst sequel to the question we now
propose, we are fully confident that the payment
parliament is quite competent to discuss and
decide them. (Laughter.) Having, sir, arrived, as we at
once arrived, at the conclusion that we ought to deal with
the question of parliamentary representation, it wsampudly
obvious to us that if we did not revive the bill for which
we were impossible as a government in 1860—that govern-
ment being composed in great part of the same ponces—at
least that that bill should be made our starting point. I
will take the first question, that of the county representa-
tion, a question which is happily less beset with—l won't
my with intend° difficulties—but with much lees
jealousy and misapprehension than the question of the
representation of boroughs. In 1860 it was proposed
to adopt the bill of my hon. friend the member for Surrq,
which reduced the franchise in counties from 501. to 104
That proposal was not, if I remember right. attended with
any other proposal touching the county representation.
What we now propose is a modification of that plan of my
hon. friend. We propose to modify that proposal by re-
ducing the occupation franchise in counties from 501. to
141. (Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") I said just now that
the reduced franchise from 501. downwards will not pre-
cisely correspond with the 501. franchise as it now exists.
We leave that precisely as it stands. The camps.
tion franchise we propose between 501. and 14/. value will
be an occupation franchise not of land alone. but of houses or
of houses with land. (Hear, beer.) And, sir, there is no
difficulty in estimating from the papers on the table the
amount of enfranchisement that this change in the law will
produce. It would correspond as nearly as possible with a
121, rating franchise. (Hear, hear.) And if honourable
members will look at the &tures furnished by the volume
of statistics with respect to the house rating franchise, they
will find that its effect alter making proper deduction for
those who do not claim, and those who have sot occupied
a sufficient time—they will find the effect will be to add
to the county votes 171,000 persons. (Hear, bear.) It
may be asked, why not godowu to 101. ?—(bear, hear)—and
there would not be any danger, as far as I ma observe, in
doing so, but on the whole what we think is this, that by
the change we recommend we shall obtain not only • very
large, but likewise a very independent, addition to our
county system. At least we think that if we go from 141.
to 101. we shall render it not more but less indepeodent.
We do not anticipate eery jealousies or misapprehension
with respect to this enfranchisement, beams I think it will
be held on all hands—l entertain the opinion very strongly—
that it must be looked upon as • midsm enfranchise-
ment, more strictly than that the present elms franchise is a
middle-class franehhe. The number of persons of the
working elms paying a 141. rental is very small, not, is feet,
worth taking into consideratioo. But we ham looked fur-
ther into this matter to see whether in any case under the
present law there wersioteresteof amorestrictly proprietary
character, interests connected with tenure, which might
produce • franchise in counties which is not at present pro-
vided for, and we find this state of the law,
this state of the county franchise derived from
property within the limits of boroughs—l include cities—
we find that men perused of • 40s. freehold, whether
in a borough or county, may draw from that
freehold a county vote ; but if he have copy-
hold, which is rare, or leasehold, which is a
common case, and which Teas truly a propristory interest as
a 40s. freehold, and may be fifty times the amount, he is
not to vote. We propose that the possessor of leasehold
or copyhold property within the limits of boroughs, and
subject exactly to the same definition which now gives the
right beyond those limits, shall have the same rights as the
freeholders within the limits of boroughs. and be enabled
under the same conditions to come on the county lists.
(Hear, hear.) The question of the numerical effect of this
enlargement of the franchise I am not able to solve, in con-
sequence of the abeame of materials ; it cannot be lame, but
it must be good as far as it goes, bemuse the kind of repre-
sentation created will be thoroughly germain to the purposes
of a county oonstituenoy. I come now to other topics
affecting the coestituanoies, although there is °sly one
which I need mention, and I introduce it at this point be-
cause in the counties it will have • great portion of its ope-
ration. I allude to them franchisee new to the constitution,
and other than franchises of tenure and occupation, which
have sometime. been condemned with scoffing or irreve-
rent name', hut which may be called special or bye tren-
ches.. Some of these franchises were proposed by Lord
Aberdeen's government in the bill of 1854, and I think also
that the list was farther extended in the bill of 1859.
As far se the bill of 1854 was concerned, many
of us are responsible for that bill, but we have
considered very carefully the nature of those fran-
chises and the numerous consideratioes that bear on
their introduction, and the first proposition 1 think that
may be clearlyarrived at is this, that they would notform •
stable and adequate basis for the extension of the electoral
franchise. They will not in general introduce any large num-
ber of persons whom we could not get at by the old consti-
tutional varieties of tenure, and they would have a great
tendency to complicate our system of representation by
introducing a multitude of titles accompanied by difficulty
of investigation and very much increasing the expers.

And '.peaking generally, the effect of our review
I do tote to my, bee been unfavourable to the
paenL intsoduotion of these by. fnuichims es special
frraann BM there is one aaoeg Mem with respect to
which, not attaching to it any esce.dlug importance, yet sot-
withstandiag we think that are sufficient grounds
for representing it to the favourable notice of pagliermat—
I mean that which is called savings beak feanoldie.
(Hem, hear.) The savings-bank franchise has these ad-
vantages : first of all, as far es it goes, it meets • Melia'
prevalent in the country, sad • feehum to which we
are disposed to give way so far as we can do 1$
without the imam of more lorretant sods and
aims, a fading that it is desirable to include
within the oostituent body, by the method of
what I may call spontaacions selection, men who
could not be included by any other method of franchise
that you could adopt founded upon the old principles of
occupation or tenure. (Hear, hear.) Now maid, it is
true, it most be true, it is beyond all removable doubt or
question, though the nature of savings banks dose not allow
us to offer you the demonstration of it, that provident
habits enable many persona, many in early ychth, many in
very humble circumstances, many not having any inde-
pendent holding, to amens these little stores by the time
they come to legal age, and thereby, as we think,
to qualify theruselyse—and justly qualify themselves—
for taking part in the choice of those who are to govern
the montry. (Hear, hear.) And above all the savings-bank
franchise has this notable advantige, that it is attended
with no complication of title whatever. Every savior-
hank depositor possesses, end it la necessary for him to
=ia book in which is inserted every payment in he
ds, every payment out be has remind, the date of
each and all of those payments, so that an impaction which
never could take up a minute of time would tell you, when
you have fixed your standaed,whether • man is qualified to
vote as a savings-beak depositor or not. We therefore
propose that all adult male depositors of 50/. and upwards
who have been possessed of that deposit for two yeses in a
savings bank or in • Post-office
savings bank shall be en-
titled to be registered forth, place in which they reside. The
place where they reside will, I think, commonly be outside
the limits of a town ; of course I do not mean became there
will be no such savings-bank depositors in the to but
because in the towns the nature of the franchise would be
such as to include the great bulk of them. But • very
large proportion, I think, of saviogshank depositors will
be found to be below the limits of the 14/. holding which
is proposed for counties. It is therefore on that account
that I mention the savings-hank franchise in this MUM-
tion. With regard to the two years, he me say this. It
has been thought requisite—we do not follow the precise
example of 1859, but it is obviously necessary to interpose
a period, in order to prevent this franchise becoming a
mecum of corruption. (Cheers.) Now, as respects the
numbers whom this provision would enfranchise. (Hear,
hear.) If we look at the return regarding savings
Make which was presented a few days ago, we see very meg-
nifiosot totals ; first of all, of depositors of all classes ; and
secondly, even of adult male depositors, and adult
male depositors of 501. and upwards. I think those of 501.
sad upwards for one year in England and Wales amount
to no lees than 94,000, and those for two years to 87,000.
But wben we come to consider two most powerful causes,
we shall find that we must not reckon upon large satrap-
chisemerds from this ; and it would be a mere d.elndon, in
my opinion, to look upon it as • means of a large edam-
chisement. The first of them causes is, that so large •
proportion of these persons will be entraechised by
other titles and claims; but the .second Is, the
immense deduction that you must make from the
apparent effect of every provision for the extension
of a franchise when that franchise is accompanied, as it is
of necessity in this case, with the conditios that the poems-
sion of the franchise must be attended with the trouble of
an animal claim. Now, the trouble of an annual claim in this
case is inevitable, for the money might be withdrawn, and
the qualification lost. The claim must be made. We can-
not relieve the man of his trouble by means of • midi*
officer. The claim must be made, it must be renewed from
year to year, and therefore, though we think this •
franchise, we offer it simply as a collateral and subs
franchise. If it adds 10,000 or 15,000 to the constituency,
believe that is the outside of what it will do ; but at any rite
it is a very good franchise as far es it goes, and, moreover,
we hope, under the operation of the Poet-office awhile
banks, ft will be a franchise having a tendency gradually
to extend Wolf. (Hear, hear.) That, I think, completes
what I have to say upon the subject of the county franchise.
The enfranchisement is counties will, according to the plan
of the government, in the view we take, be a midileelass
enframbisement. The effect of it will he pot to IWerro.B
the share of the working classes in the remieentation, but,
on the contrary, to diminish that share proportionately,
because the ighlflDOD of the working elms espresenled ti
the very small freeholders will form hereafter • saw
per mintage of the entire county constituency then at the
present moment.
Hr. BRIGHT'—What will be the proportion! How
much for the horse, and how much for the land!
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER—It most
be • house, and if the house is inhabited by the more
there is no stipulation as to its value. If it is not Mb&
bited by him, it must be 71. at least, or one half of the
county qualificatioe. I come now to the more vexed ques-
tion of the inhabitante of town' • and I thick it will contd.
bate to that clearness which I am desirous above all
to study, if I first cell the alteration of the home to the fact
that the inhabitants of towns, for the purposes of outran-
ohisement, are as such to be dealt with in four distinct
dames. One of them is the clue—and this is the principal
one—of those men who inhabit a separate house or other
suarately rated building, and who pay their
own rates. These are the proper objeete of the Reform
Act of 1832 with respect to the borough friendlies,
and these I should call rate-paying householders. The neat
are the clam of persons who inhabit their own houses, whom
houses are separately rated, but who do not pry their own
rates, they being paid either under Mr. Starges Bonnie's
Act, or under the Small Tenements Rating Act, or under
particular local acts that prevail in certain towns and dis-
the rates being mid by the landlord. These persona,
and them alone, I shall designate by the phrase by which
they are best lnown—l do not know whether it is a very
accurate phrase either in law or fact—l mean that of com-
pound householders. The third class is the elms of my-
sons with regard to whom it appears that they have now in
law a claim to enfranchisement like the former dames,
but that that claim is totally null and valueless.
These are pawns not only who do not pay their own rates,
but whom holdings are not separately rated ; that is to say,
they are the inhabitents of a portion of a house—it may
be, and, indeed, it is always, as far ea I have to deal with
this class, that it is a separate portion of the house, but it
is not separately Rated, and they pay their rents without
any reference to rates whatever. Now, the two first dames
I have mentioned we think to be properly householders.
There has been a tendency, I believe, in legal decisions, to
introduce, under the title of householders, or at any rate
under the effect of the title of borushoLhirs, that is, to cm-
eider as qualified for the franchise, those men who are not
householders ; for I doubt very much whether, ex-
cept in the very few instances where large
buildings, such as those in Victoria-street, are divided
into separate holdings of • very superior character, so that
there can be no question of the value—l doubt very much
whether this class can be said to be upon the list of voters
or on the !waters of the country at all. And this' clam of
persons, inasmuch as they are not ceps/stele rated,
we think it much better to deal with as ledgers. The only
mode in which under the present law they could become
enfranehisediezuld be by tddng a separate rating of their
holdings, are chiefly to be found—the enormous
majority is to found—in London though there are some
in other places. Nothing I think would be more incon-
venient than to have an electoral law which requires
parishes to adopt rating arrangements not good for
rating, but only arbitrarily made necessary for the pur-
pose of the franchise. We think it better, as far
as we can, to let things take their natural course.
Substantially these persons stand in themtegory of lodgers,
and es lodgers we propose to deal with theca. These are
three of the classes, and the fourth is the class of lodgers
properly eo called ; that is to say, Lemons who Um in and
inhabit rooms of their own, but as inmates of the house of
another man. If the house will bear well in mind them
four classes it will contribute to clearness in the rest of
this somewhat tangled discussion. Now we spines& the
question upon whith. it would be idle to disguise, so much
indecision, so much jealousy, and so much apprehension
exists—namely, the question of the town fennelme. (Mar,
hear.) And wishing as far as depends upon us to remove
all that indecision, to allay all that jealousy, and to banish
all that apprtbension, we think that can hest be done by a
full exposure of the facts of the case. (Hear, hear.) We
therefore ask ourselves, what is the present state of the
town constituency, and what has been its progress as com-
pared with population—l mean since 1832 ? The town Don-
, stituenoy in 1832, the first year of the operation of the
Reform Act, amounted to 282,000 pawns. of whom 63,000
were freemen, 44,000 scot and lot voters, or voters of
a similar description, and 174,000 were 10/. householders.
Sinai that period the freemen have fallen in numbers to
42,000, the old right voters to 9,000, being as I may say on
their way to extinction—(hear, bear)— while the 10/. house-
holden have risen to 463,000. The gross total of the con-
stituencies, therefore, is 514.000. That shows an increase
since 1832 of 82 per cent. In the gams period the popula-
tion in towns h.. increased as follows :—ln 1831 it was
5,250,000, in 1865 it was 9,3.36,000, being an humus of
4,119,000 or 79 per cent. (Hear, hear.) So that the growth
of the coustitnencies in towns, notwithstanding thereat aug-
mentation of the wealth of the country, has practically but
rest exceeded the bare growth of the population. (Hear.)
ow that is an important fact for the house to bear in mind.
In counties the case was different. There the growth of the
constituencies has been quite an great, and the growth of
the population much less. I now come to a point of very
great importance, and I think the house will be of opinion
that the three or four months which have been spent in
the collection cf the returns would not have been ill spent
if they had led to no other result than to the particulars
contained in the Blue Book of
Friday, with respect to the
representation of the working dames in the preempt con-
stituencies. The ficrures as they stand come out thus :—I
mentioned I think 512,000 as the town constituencies ; but
great pains have been taken in striking out double entries,
and I have no doubt upon the whole they have been
struck out with considerable precision. The net
amount of the town constituendes—the actual num-
ber of persons entitled DOW to vote—is 489,000.
I shall for the convenience of the house *Define myself to
thousands. The 10/. voters of the worlds( dames are re-
turned as 108,000, and the freemen and old right
voters of the making chasm as 20,000, making a
total of 128,000, and showing an apparent per-sent-
age of 28 per mat of the present oonstitnemies as