The Express.
London, England, 1856-07-12 00:00:00

LONDON, SATURDAY, JULY 12.

THE following tabular statement of the declared
values of exports from this country to the Austrian
territories, and to the four principal Italian States,
during the years 1851, '52, and '53, is not without
interest at the present moment:

1851. 1852. 1863.
An et Territories £812.942 £674,423 £637,353
Papal States
Sardinia
Two Sicilies
Tuscany 869,131 693,749 639,794

Dining these three years the annual declared value
of our exports to constitutional and well-governed
Sardinia has gone on steadily increasing. During
these three years the annual declared value of our
exports to the despotic and misgoverned states of
Austria and Italy has u steadily declined. The con-
trast between the value of the exports to Sardinia
and the Two Bieilies is most remarkable. The former
has, as nearly as possible, gained exactly what the
other has lost. Not is it less worthy of note that the
total declared value of our exports to free Sardinia
exceeds in each of the three years their value to en-
I slaved Austria, notwithstanding the much greater
territorial extent of the latter. These facts speak for
themselves, and require no explanatory comment.

On reference to the most recent statistical accounts
of the Italian Peninsula and its adjacent islands
(Corsica excepted), we find that the population
amounts to about twenty-five millions and a half. Of
these, five millions and a half are subject to Austria,
while twenty millions are subject to the Piedmontese,
Tuscan, Roman, Sicilian, Parmese, and Modena's
Governments. In Sardinia alone do we find free
institutions and a national government. All the
other territories are governed in accordance with the
dark and despotic principles of Austria, and under
the guarantee of Austrian bayonets. Under the free
institutions and national government of Sardinia
alone have advances been made in material
wealth and the development of national re-
sources. Wherever Austrian rule—mediate or
immediate prevails, there has been decoy
and retrogression. The accounts which we have
from time to time published during the last few
months of the state of society in the various pro-
vinces of Italy amply explain then phenomena.
Austrian rale is the blight and mildew of fair and
fertile Italy. Wherever the Italians have succeeded
in shaking off that incubus, there we find prosperity.
_ . . . . .

In virtue of what title is Austria allowed to exer-
cise this malevolent influence over the natal soil of
modern European commerce, jurisprudence, and
political science ? We belong to that section of the
public opinion of Europe which has never ceased to,
protest against the iniquity of the settlement of the
affairs of Europe perpetrated in 1814 and 1815. But
we are prepared to argue the Italian question
with the existing Governments of Europe on the
assumption that that settlement was just and defen-
sible. Granted, then, for the sake of argument, that
the settlement of 1814 gave Austria an indefeasible
title to Lombardy and the Venetian territories ; the
same settlement gave an equally indefeasible right to
the rest of Italy to be free, and independent of Aus-
trian interference. So long as there is one Austrian
bayonet is Italy outside of the Austrian provinces—
so long as the reins of government ve held, me•
diately or immediately, by Austria, in any Italian
state which can claim to be independent in virtue of
the settlement of 1814—so long is that settlement
violated and set at nought. And this violation has
been proved to be fraught with intolerable injury to
Italy. _ .

The attention of the Powers represented in the
late Congress at Paris was called to this perilous
state of affairs by Count CAVOUR, speaking in the
name of Piedmont and Italy. The justice of the
Sardinian Minister's representations was explicitly
recognised by the representatives of France and
'England. The Governments of England, France,
and Sardinia have proclaimed that the armed
interference of Austria in the domestic affairs of
independent Italy is a subversion of the European
system of international law, productive of incalculable '
andenduring misery to Italy, and a "standing menace"
to the tranquillity of Europe." It the " system of
European states," to maintain the balance and per-
manence of which, France and England went to war
with Russia, is not a mere mockery and sham, the
Italians have irresistible claims on the good offices
of France and England to assist in emancipating
them from the yoke of Austria. The French and
English nations assert for themselves the right to
regulate their internal concerne, free from foreign
intervention. The constitutional government of Eng-
land recognises the right of the English people to
frame their own constitution of government. The
Emperor NAPOLEON IIL, who claims to reign by
"divine right and the choice of the people," recog-
nises the same right in the French people. What
the French and English nations and governments
have declared to be their own imprescriptable right,
they cannot deny to be the equally imprescriptable
right of the twenty millions of Italians who were
declared independent of Austria by the settle-
ment of 1814. the theory of "the balance of
power" of "the European system" is, that
the independence of every European State—of the
weakest as well as the strongest—is placed under the
guarantee of the collective States of the system. In
the case of Turkey this independence was violated
by the claim of the Craft to interfere between the
SULTAN and hi subjects; in the case of Italy this
independence is equally violated by the claim of
Austria to interfere between the people and their
prince,. Unless France and England are prepared to
abdicate their position as European powers of the first
elms, they can no more tolerate the usurpation of
Austria is Italy than they tolerated the usurpation
' of Russia in Turkey. Nay more, France and Eng-
land are in equity bound to see Italy righted, by the
pledges given by the accredited representatives of
their respective Governments, in the Conference of
the Bth of April of the present year.
All that is required to free independent Italy from
the Austrian yoke, is an explicit declaration on the
part of the French and English Governments that
they are sincerely and cannily bent upon the reali-
sation of the views expressed by their Ministers in
the Conference of the Bth of April. Austria will
give way as soon es she sees that there is a perfect
and cordial understanding on this subject among the
Governments of England, France, and Sardinia. It
is obvious that Austtia, for some reason or other,
does not believe in the sincerity of the English and
French Governments; for elle is strengthening her
Italian forces, increasing her armaments is the Lom-
bard and Venetian territories,refesing to withdrew bee
troops from Parma, and doing her utmost to provoke

a collision with Sardinia. There is imminent danger
that if France and England do not speak out, and
that decidedly and promptly, the words which lately
fell from a distinguished diplomatist will be made
good—that " the second Punic war will begin in
Italy."
We know of no means by which such a declaration
can be elicited from the taciturn and inscrutable ruler
of the French; but we know right well that if the
English Government speak out trankly, he will find
it necessary to "follow suit." And we are not with-
out hopes that the discussion to which Lord JOHN
Itusames motion will give rise on Monday will
convince Lord PALMERSTON that his best policy wiu
be to recognise frankly and explicitly the claims of
the Italians upon his good offices. The vote of
Thursday on Mr. HAIKU CURRIE'S motion must
have taught him that the real Liberals among
his supporters are no longer in a mood to be triEed
with.