The Express.
London, England, 1858-11-06 00:00:00

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LONDON, SATURDAY, NOT. A.

6POR'IIIIIO

A ISPICIAL EDITION of the " IMPRESS,*
wistikaing the results of the day's Ram, is pub-
lished eves? evening during the Sporting Beeson, at
six dank.

MR. BRIGHT'S reoent speeches, and much that is
put forth in oar newspapers jest now, for the twen-
tieth time, must be abundantly amusing to American
readers. We give them only too much ground for
mortification, and even resentment, that Europeans
presounce on them and their ways without taking
any tremble to learn what they really think and do,
and what their ways really are ; but, with the vex-
ation, they have the amesement of seeing to what
lengths we osa go in arguing on imperfect or im-
possible grounds. On the one hand, they find the
sins and evils of their electioneering practice ascribed
to the extent of the franchise, and to the use of
the ballot ;! while, on the other hand, they see that,
at Birmingham, Mr. BRIGHT !Vole the oonditions of
social life in America, and mem= that political
arrangements Sr. the came of the popular prosperity,.
In America, be tells as, we see law and order pre-
vailing, property secure, and the population opulent
and contented ; and then he directs as to " the frau-
" chips, and the distribution, and the ballot, which
"set so well in America." We will not now dwell
on the delicate points of the stability of law and
order, and the security of property in the United
States, in regard to which a good many people on
both sides of the water might differ widely from
Mr. BRIGEIT. Our business is with " the franchise,
" and the distribution, and the ballot," to which he
refers phenomena for which they may not be answer-
able, and which, again, may stand their ground, if
the wealth, contentment, and public order of the
United States were proved to be mainly owing
to other causes than political arrangements.
It really is a pity that before so much is staked
upon American elections, the speakers and writers
should not have seen one. There would be a great
alteration of tone all round if the discussion pro-
ceeded on other than imaginary grounds. What Mr.
BRIGHT and anti-Reformers, and bit-by-bit Re-
formers, would see, if they could travel through the
States during a general election (whether like that
of this autumn or the next), would be something
very unlike what they imagine.
In New England live the fine yeomanly whom we
should all probably agree in considering the soundest
and most hopeful and respected class in the Republic.
These are the true sons of the Pilgrim Fathers—the
owners of a soil which requires labour and care to
make it productive, and which relies the quality of
the holders accordingly. These are the men on
wham the hopes of New England rest, as the
depositaries of the traditions of liberty—
the politisal as well as the physical soldiery
who will, in any adverse season, repel
enemies, and save the Republic. Yet of this
class only a small proportion ever vote. It is com-
puted that, in the Northern States, only two-thirds
of the electors ever use the franchise, and consider-
ing the multitudes of Irish who vote many times
over, and the electioneering zeal which works dili-
gently wherever the people are congregated in num-
bers, it may be concluded that much fewer than
two-thirds of the best class of voters are in the habit
of exercising the franchise. In the New England
towns the devotion to a Protectionist policy saves a
vast deal of dispute and conflict in the general run
of elections. If New England manufactures are in
anger, more citizens trouble themselves to vote
than would otherwise do so ; but the farmer or
shipper, the mill-worker or village gentleman, finds
it too troublesome to put his horse to, or come
ashore, or leave his employment or his leisure,
to travel to the poll. As for the mode of voting,
it is a surprising spectacle to British travellers. The
gweiciacal man stops his carriage near an open
ehsreh door or rats of a public hall, enters, with a
bit of paper in his hand, and returns almost before
kis companions have discovered that he has been
voting. No crowd, no noise, no curiosity to know
bow he has voted, simply because he and his hither
before him, and all his neighbours and their fathers,
haws always voted in the same way. As for the
alsegy, it is too mach the custom for them to stay
away from the polls, for the same order of reasons
which send them out of the room at an evening
party when dancing begins. It does not appear
that saything is gained by this affectation of a
enestity whisk would be soiled by the performance
el
• said daty ; and much is certainly lost. It is
to be bored that this political self-exclusion of the
clergy may be relaxing, and will give way ; for the
subtraction from the constituency of so large a class
—and that class an educated one--ought to be
regarded as a misfortune.

' The worst spectacles of electioneering morals and
!manners in the Northern States are in the great sea-
pests, and especially New York. There is nothing,
we believe, in Great Britain, either now or before
1830, which can compare in the way of abuse and
corruption with the New York elections, and tisane
of some other large cities. The multitudes of Irish
may be somewhat amusing, bat they are disparately