The Express.
London, England, 1867-11-26 00:00:00

THE EXPRESS. TUESDAY EVENING, NOVEMBER 26, 1867

public inr,,roi ement must cease. (Hear, hear.)
Gentlemen, of Mr. Alderman Bennett I will only say
this. I waited long for him, and I have waited long
for him to-day. (Hear and laughter.) If his proposer and
seconder require such an unconscionable extent of time to
make you acquainted with his political principles—(A
Voice "He has none.")—l say that is not the man for
Manchester. (Cheers.) Manchester, one of the most in-
fluential and most important constituencies in England,
must send forth to the world no uncertain sound. (Hear.)
If Mr. Alderman Bennett did not know his electoral prin-
ciples until to-day he is not the man for you. I waited
for him, gentlemen, because I believed that he was the
exponent of the great liberal party of Manchester, as
opposed to that section which nominates Mr. Bright, as
they did before. But, gentlemen, I would never have
waited one moment it I had known then what I know now.
Now, indeed, Mr. Alderman Bennett has declared himself
not merely as the opponent of John Bright, but as the oppo-
nent of Mr. Gladstone. (Hear.) Gentlemen, I rejoice to
think that when you return me to the House of C minions,
se I believe you will to-morrow—tcheere)—l shall be in no
doubt where I am to take my seat. My seat is to be
behind that great and good man, and that eminent states-
man, because by sitting there I shall help forward liberal
principles and laws. (Hear, hear.) Gentlemen, I ask your
support as practical Manchester men, who are determined
that theorising shall cease, and that we shall now turn our
attention towards those reforms in the administration,
fiscal and otherwise, of this country, which it is essential
should be attended to now that the reform question has
received so unexpected and so satisfactory • solution.
(Hear, hear.) I will not quarrel with those who have
opposed the Reform Bill which has given to England
household suffrage and the lodger franchise. I rejoice
that, at the next election, I shall appeal to the votes of
that portion of the constituency of Manchester who have
hitherto been excluded from the franchise. (Cheers.) But I
ask you, was there one bill that was proposed by the party
opposite, or was there one bill that has ever been proposed
by the party there—lcheers and jeers)—that was expected
to give us such a result as we have now obtained! Gentle.
men. I will not quarrel with the means by which that re-
mit was obtained: but I say that it is • principle with
Englishmen to accept a result, and try to make the best of it.
(Hear.) Is it not childish, gentlemen, after our ten or
twelve years of agitation, to be told that reform is as yet
only a myth! No, gentlemen, we don't in England con-
demn a man first and try him afterwards, and we will not
condemn this bill until we have tried it. (Hear.) Return
me, gentlemen, to the House of Commons as the exponent
of your principles, and you will declare in the face of the
world that you are determined that your representatives
shall be representatives in reality and not delegates.
(Hear.) Gentlemen, the system which has been inaugurated
by the party to whom, indeed, I would acknowledge the
obligations under which we are, has culminated in this,
that every candidate for a constituency in England now is
required to pledge himself not merely to the great prin-
ciples which divide one party from another, but to give
pledges on minute and debated questions under the fear
and with the threat of losing the votes of organised con-
stituencies. Gentlemen, I would never sit in the House of
Commons upon such • basis as this. Igo to the House of
Commons, if Igo st all, not only as your representative
and the exponent of the principles of the liberal party of
Manchester, but also as a legislator who has to legislate
for the good of the people of England. (Cheers.) Con-
vines my conscience and convince my intellect that any
measure that is proposed by any party is good, and it shall
have my support. (Hear.) But, geutlemen, I will never
degrade the representation of this city by condescend-
ing to sit as the nominee, not merely of one political
association but also of • particular Sunday public-house
Closing AsSociation, and Permissive Bill Association, and
of fifty other things. Gentlemen, it reminds me of what
we see in Italy. When you go to Naples you will see there
one of the laszaroni, or peasants, sitting down to a huge
dish of tuaocaroni, and you wonder how he is to get through
it. But very soon he takes it up in his fingers, turns the
long strips upside down, and swallows them all. That is
what a representative is now called upon to do in Man-
chester. When first lie comes forward he is presented
with • greet bowl, the very look of which is repugnant to
him ; but there are many candidates who, it appears, find
no difficulty in taking up the pledges and swallowing them
one by one. These, gentlemen, are the great principles
upon which I appeal to you ; for, however great a principle
may be that is advocated by numerous associations, I nay
that that system of requiring your candidate to go
tied hand and foot to the House of Commons, fettered
by pledges extracted by this man and by that, by this
association and by that strikes at the very root of elec-
toral freedom in this country. (Hear. hear.) Gentlemen,
again I am oppposed to my
honourable opponent in the far
off booth on the great question of the ballot. I prefer to
see his adherents and the adherents of the worthy alder-
man, and I prefer to sea my great body of adherents, scat-
tered all over this great assembly, tell me in the face of
day who they will vote for, and what principles they will
support. And this, gentlemen, is indeed at the root of
the difference between me and the extreme radical
section. I contend that the franchise in this country
is a trust, and always ha been • trust ; and if it is a
trust it ought to be exercised se English trusts are,
openly, in the face of day. (Hear.) That sworriation,
however, and that knot of politicians tell you that
the franchise is a right inherent in the indieiduel. No,
gentlemen, you are not her, to support me or any other
candidate, or to record your vote to-morrow, because it
is • personal right for you to do as you like with your
own ; but because the vote you give is • trust entrusted
to you by your country for the general good. Therefore,
gentlemen. I say to you, whoever you vote for, proclaim
to your neighbours right and left who have no votes for
whom it is that you are prepared to pledge. Let your prin-
ciples be known ; for recollect you represent those who
have nobody else to represent them. (Hear.) Gentle-
men, for my part, I wish, indeed, that we could cease
with this theoretical system of political discussion, and
that we could turn our attention to the great questions
that have so long been waiting—to the question
of popular education and of a higher education
also. (Hear.) Gentlemen, those who have hitherto ob-
structed the progress of • national system of education
have, as much as any other party, been attached to the
radicals. It is because that association has been unwilling
to recognise the necessity of • national system, and has
declared that it will always oppose anything but • volun-
tary system, that education he made so little progress.
At this time, gentlemen, in England, one-fourth of our
fellow-subjects can neither read nor write • endow-third
of the women of England can neither ;mad nor write ;
and itis the presence of these astounding feats that has
at last brought Mr. Babies and Mr. Miall to declare that
they have been mistaken, and that they will now drop
their peculiar crotchets, and will assist that
which will unquestionably be carried in the next par-
liament—a great system of national education. (Cheers.)
Then again, gentlemen, I do sot fear that great addition
to the electoral body with which we are threatened on the
one side, or which we are told will not know how to vote
on the other. Ido not advocate education because lam
afraid—as We been said by one, I was about to say insult-
ing month—l do not advocate education because I want to
educate " our masters." I say that the people of England
are worthy of the franchise that has been conferred upon
them, and that the first proof they will give of their
worthiness is by their insisting upon a practical system
of education being carried. Gentlemen, I will not de-
tain you any longer, for I well know that my voice reaches
only • small portion of this great crowd; but I believe
the principles that I profess will meet the views of the
electors of Manchester, and that to-morrow you will place
me triumphantly at the head of the poll. We appeal to
' you to help the candidate who comes forward basing his
claims oily on his principles. Show that your votes are
your own, that you will exercise them for the good of your
fellow-townsmen and all your countrymen, and that you
will not go to this booth or that because you are called
to record your votes in favour of one political association
or another. Give your votes according to your consciences,
and if you are pleased to return ins to the House of Com.
mons, at any rate you will return one who is bent, in his
mind and in hie heart, to give you good and faithful ser-
vices ; and when you have tried him, condemn hint if you
are not satisfied. (Cheers.)

The MAYOR first called for a show of hands for Mr.
Jacob Bright. About half the people in the square held
up their bands, those to the right being very closely
packed, the show extending beyond Cobden's monument.
A show was next called for Mr. Bennett, which extended
for a considerable distance on the left side of the square,
with a slight sprinkling on the right. On the show being
called for Mr. Henry, a mall section of the crowd to the
left, probably 1,500, held up their hands. The Mayor
then declared the show to be in favour of Mr. Bright. A
poll was demanded on behalf of Menem Henry and Ben-
nett, which the Mayor declared would open to-morrow, at
eight o'clock, and close at four o'clock.
A vote of thank& to the Mayor closed the proceedings.