The Express.
London, England, 1858-02-06 00:00:00

ANOTHER THREATENING ADDRESS.

1:7101t OWL OWN 001RIMPONDNNS.)

PARIS, FILIDAT EVINING.
In the Morning Post of February 4, apropos of
the threatening military addresses, I remark the A*
lowing passage :

We have reason to believe that no one has regretted to
publication of these documents more than the Emperor hire
melt, and stringent orders have been issued against the iyabb
cation of any farther addresses in the official organ.
In the Moniteur of this day, February 5, you scii
find an address, from which the following is y
extract:

" The army, Sire, which is ready to shed the last drop al
its blood for your Majesty and your dynasty, awaits yea
orders, or those of your government,:to march against sy
annihilate your assassins, or the fattious periona who sr
fain them

VALLERET,
Chef de bataillon, commanding the companies of Maths
Artillery, at Cherbourg."

This address does not in terms point distinctly to
the invasion of England, bat taken in conjunction
with its predecessors, there can be no doubt that it
represents the same insolent idea. Besides, when
Maxine Artillery say they are awaiting orders to
march, where do they intend to march to? Eel.
dently across the seas to a foreign land. They are
not the force that would be used for street fighting
in Paris. In the same number of the Morn* Pod
I see it asserted that "the Moniteur is a private
enterprise subsidised by the government for that
portion entitled the partie officielle. For that
portion alone the government is responsible. The ad.
dresses appeared in the non-official columns. It is to
be lamented that they appeared at all, but the editor
only is to be blamed for their insertion." So far es
your contemporary acts as the semi-official organ
of the French government, it of course accepts
without inquiry any communique with which it
may be honoured. I therefore mean no discourtesy
to the journal in question when I say that the
above paragraph is a tissue of misrepresentations
Although the probably intended purpose of Deis-
leading some independent members of parliament
on the first.:day of the session may have already
been answered, it is desirable that the English
public should know how the matter really stands.
The Moniteur is altogether, and not as to a pottiest
only an official organ. It is, as you may see is
the title-page, " the official journal of the
French empire." The distinction drawn between
the official and the non-official columns is altogether
misleading. The government is as much responsible
for what appears in the one part as in the other,
and, moreover, never thinks of repudiating the
responsibility. The distinction between the matter
which appears in the pantie officielle and that
which appears in the partie non ojlcielle, consists
in the nature of the subject, and not in the responsi-
bility of the French Government for its insertion.
For instance, all decrees, imperial assents to laws,
nominations of high functionaries, official accounts
of court ceremonies, and other things of a formal
nature, are always inserted in:the official colanus.
But leading articles, even if written by the
Emperor himself, and paragraphs contradicting
or explaining current rumours, or indicating an opi-
nion on foreign or domestic policy, never are. All
the paragraphs of the Moniteur which have from,
time to time convulsed every bourse in Europe, have
always appeared in those non-official columns which
the Morning Post would have its readers believe ere
ander the control of a private editor. There is no
editor of the Moniteur, properly so called, but only
a rub-editor, who has, at the utmost, a very limited
discretion in the choice of accidents and offences. Not
a line of foreign news is ever published except such u
is Dent down from the Foreign-offioe. Not an extract
from an English journal ever appears, except the
authorised translations, which are made at the
Ministry of the Interior, where, in case of need,
articles in reality critical of the French government
are duly mutilated and made to appear favourable, as
in the case of the garbled extract from the Globe,
which I noticed yesterday. The Minister of State
exercises a constant supervision over the four pages
of the impression, and he, if anybody, is the editor
of the Moniteur. The notion that a private editor
could have had anything to do with the
publication of the threatening addresses in
question, is perfectly ludicrous. The Morning Post
speaks as if they had been sent to him in the first
instance, whereas in fact they never reached the
Moniteur office till after they had been presented to
the Emperor. Then, and then only, were they sent
officially to the Moniteur for publication, and the
poor private editor upon whom the Post would
fasten all the responsibility, had no discretion what-
ever in the matter; he had nothing to do but to have
them printed. I have said enough to expose the
absurdity of the statement that the addresses were
"packed off to the Moniteur and hastily inserted by an
editor glad of matter to fill his columns." There we.
nothing hasty in the business. The obnoxious ad-
dresses were inserted four days successively SW it
was known that the first one, that of Colonel de
Castagny, had made a great sensation, and after
attention had been pointed to that particular address
in France by its having been singled out for pub-
lication by the government journal, the Petrie, as
one " remarkable for its energetic language." More.
over, if further evidence were wanting that the
addresses were published deliberately, it is sup-
plied by the fact that some few of them, which
contained matter not considered desirable to be laid
before the public, appeared in the Moniker with
points, signifying that something was left out. I
have no means of contradicting the assertion of the
Post that the Emperor is now sorry that the ad-
dresses were published. The Constitutionnel, how-
ever, at least equally good authority, on such a point,
says, that the " rough military frankness " of these
addresses which offends the English press renders
them most precious in the Emperor's eyes. I dare
say the Post and the Constitutionnet are
very
Europe p
e' and to
yieldingtbe
tha representt
t 'e o nn conflicting
both officially inspired. As there is probably no
intention at present to go to war with England, it is
doubtless the desire of the former government to
allay
• the words of theOlobe, to render " that difficult
thevent th
sliirgrihtatetsitoncontheessereionwhoichn
thwecndredrugeetendluteosptire-on
which would otherwise be easy." Bat this is quite
consistent with a desire to foment a war spirit in the
atiEnniigdslantiodn.to
IFtranis cethereandforsto
statements in the
French semi-official organs on either side of the
Channel may be equally authentic.
Lord Palmerston will vainly seek to:conciliate the
French government by pressing his new measure
for making the English laws against foreigners
more efficacious. The Pays of this evening explains
that any measure which only results in bringing
refugee' to trial before English juries will be alto-
gether unsatisfactory. What the French govern-
ment calls for is their expulsion from the territory—
in other words, that suspected persons shall be
placed within reach of the vengeance of French au-
thorities. This narrows the ism. The Pays asks
for what England will never grant
artiTchlesagovtrmnframentuvjoutirn4alesakmhavebeem ntoordthetredbeatng writeof