The Express.
London, England, 1858-04-21 00:00:00

THE kXPRF:SS, WEDNESDAY EVENING, APRIL 21, WA

ITALY.

THE POLICY OF PIEDMONT AND THE
FRENCH ALLIANCE.
The following are the most important passages of
the speech made by Count Cavour in the Sardinian
Chamber of Deputies on Friday last :
We learn from ancient sad modern history that re-
publics have always followed • very 'relish policy. [He
referred successively to the Greek and Roman republics, to
those of Venice and Genoa in the middle ages, and to the
United Stales in our own day.) But within the last sixty
years the mail), we have wen in France two republics—a
warlike and oonqueriog republic, and a pities republic, both
of which, with regard to Italy, were ROMS than tallish.
(Hear hear.) The first republic did, it is true, expel the
Austrians from Italy, but in order that it might immediately
traffic with the conquered provinces for the profit of Austria
herself, and gave away the Venetian provinces to secure its
ems conquests on the Rhine and the Scheldt. And the second
espublic I In its councils sat at tint the men who are said
le represent the most advanced opinions of the revolution—
Lein Rollie, Lamartine, and Bastide—and what did it do?
It denied us all aid, not only of men or money—not only of
some, but even the assistance of • general, which we were so
'mistaken as to ask. (Hear, hear.) When afterwards a
partial change having taken piece in the form of the
government of France, it was approximated somewhat to
&monarchical government, when the Sardinian ministry re-
solved +pinup= wseand applied for aid to the chief allied
government, do you know what happened ? I will tell you,
sad I know not whether I commit an indiscretion in doing
so, but I think an historical fact which occurred nine years
ago may well be known to all. The chief of that govern-
ment bad resolved to listen to the invitation addressed to him
by King Charles Albert, and to lend him etil acious material
al to sego war with Austria; and do you know who pre-
vented him ? The chiefs of the National Assembly pre-
vented him—the ministers prevented hits, amongst whom
sat some of the republicans of the day. This I can state
with perfect certainty, for I have heard it, with immense re-
gret, from the very lips of an illustrious orator, who even
presumed to boast to me that he had taken • leading
part in the fatal resolution which those who di-
rected the French government imposed, as it were,
uppoona their ehief. And this is the generoery et republics.
.) I think I have disposed of the Honourable
iirofferices arguments, but there are otber persona, not any in
this chamber, who say, " We want no alliances with govern-
ments ; our ally is the revolution." But they are madness!
madmen to think that a revolution threatening the principles
of society can be favourable to themes of liberty in Europe ;
madmen, who know not that is surest effect would be the
destruction of all liberty, and our return perhaps to the state
of society such se existed in the dark ages—madmen
perhaps honestly and in good faith, but still madmen, who
love revolution more than they do Italy. (Loud cheers.) He
then proceeded to give a very satisfactory account of the general
relations existing between the Sardinian cabinet and the go-
vernments both of England and France, stating moreover that
Piedmonterm also on friendly terms with Russia and Prussia.
He said the government was of opinion that 'dillst it ought
to observe a sincere, friendly, and obliging demeanour to-
wards all ite allies, it should never sacrifice the interests, the
dignity, or the honour of tho country, nor even the prin-
ciples on which its own policy was based or the maxims and
mann:lents which werein Piedmont regarded as just and equit-
able. He did not hesitate to ray that this limitation had
always been maintained by the government in practice. As
an example, he mentioned this t The Chamber is aware how
much we all hove the English alliance at heart, and that I,
myself, have often been called an ,Anglentano—(a laugh);
—yet, we have never winked our principles, or what
seemed to us just and equitable, to that alliance, and we
have not hesitated to repro-ate ourselves from England on
questions where we did not think her quite in the right.
Mier the Conferences of Paris and the treaty of peace,
England was still greatly concerned with the Eastern
question, and showed • desire to push the consequences
Melee treaty of perm to the utmost—even to an extent beyond
what seemed to us reasonable, arid on one particular question,
that of Bolgrad England insisted on • certain application of
an article of treaty, and addressed friendly, but strong solici-
tations to us to support her views. Having examined the
qesetion, and not found it in eooordence with strict justice,
or at least contrary to the spirit, if not the letter, of the treaty,
we did not hesitate one moment to differ on that question
from England, and resist her solicitations, without, however,
acceding altogether to the opinion of Franos and Russia ;
we adhered to • middle course, and, after severalmonths of
more or lees warm diacuseion, we bad the satisfaction te see
both parties come over to our opinion, end adopt it as the
Ueda of a new convention. So also in the question of the
Danubian Priecipalities, we have fait bound, to our great re-
gret, to differ with England ; we have felt it our duty not to
kesike the cause of the Roumanian populations, and
to continue to advocate the same principles which had for a
moment, by the aid of powers much stronger than ourselves,
prevailed in the Congress of Paris. In like rummer we have
been unable to follow England in the rapprochement which
she has thought lit to metre towards Austria. This shows
that we know bow to join the deference due to our alliance
with a feeling, I do not say of oar own dignity, but of oar
own duties with regard to the greet principles of our policy.
Alter some further observations, Count Cavour went on to
mask of recent event,. The criminal attempt of Jan. 14, in
the midst of a state of things generally satisfactory, pro-
duced, he said, considerable excitement, on account of the ctr-
cumstanoes that accompanied that execrable attempt, the
number of its victims, the means employed, end the danger
to which a woman was exposed—a woman not identifixl
with parties, and only known by her acts of beneficence.
It Is not surprising that the French government should
have felt this deeply, and have addressed itself to the neigh-
bouring states, in order to prevent the renewal of similar
acts. The French government rent a despatch on the sub-
ject to the Piedmonteee government. It was couched in very
moderate language. It was not officially replied to, because,
according to diplorwitic usage, a despatch is not a note, and
needs no reply. But a confidential answer was returned,
which, when communicated to the committee, appeared to it
perfectly in accordance with national dignity. It was simply
thls:—That we were ready to do anything in our power to
prevent the repetition of such crimes, but that we thought
oar laws, as they were, met the exigencies of the case. At
the same time it was observed that all restrictions laid
upon refugees would be but palliating, and that the real
remedy would be found in preventing the renewal of those
events wbich caused men to flee from their country.
I addressed to the governments of Rome and France a de-
mand respecting the places from which this emigration
oomes. On the 11th of February last, in a despatch d-
inned to our clime d'affaires at Rome, the Count Della
Minerva, I insisted on the inconveniences of the emigration,
upon ire fatal consequence,. I pointed out that men who are
forced to fly into a foreign country without the means of
subsistence were the instruments of revolutionists, and
hence the extraordinary vitalityof the Mauled party. Under
these circumstances, the Ravi as, prosecuted for its defence
of sesareinatien, ICY acquitted : this acquittal made a sensa-
tion both here at home and in Europe. Taking into con-
sideration the political circumstances, I determined to lament
the project of law which is submitted to you. Another con-
sideration influenced me likewise. Atter 1831, a sect was
formed in Italy, which, being impelled by sentiments of
patriotism, had independence for its object, and for that very
MUM was dear to the youth of Italy. Its attempts having
miscarried, even before 1848, this sect bed already lost much
of its prestige. The opposition it made to Charles Albert
contributed greatly to our disasters. In 1849. when the old
governments were re-established in Italy, this party being
exasperated resolved to change their swords into daggers, and
to resort to secret acts rather than venture bold and open
deeds. This transformetion opened the eyes of a great many
persona, and the sect again lost adherentre Every man of
honourable sentiments withdrew from the prophet. The fac-
tion then attempted to rush into extreme violence • at their
meetings they strove to justify the theory of political enamel-
natio in. It s grievous that in our days such a doctrine
should be protested ; what is • still more melancholy
reflection is this, that such Memnon are germs find-
ing • soil already prepared for them in Italy, thus
prepared by the influences of reactionary deepoolism.
It is therefore to the advantage of Italy, that in
Piedmont, the only state nurtured in liberty, the govern-
ment, by the organ of the great voice of the nation, should
protest egainat the fatal Mendota of political assassination.
Such is the political motive for the presentation of this pro-
ject of law : there is another yet more delicate. After the
attempt of January the Kings government learned that the
sects were more ardent than ever, and that there was a talk
Mot merely of renewing the execrable attempt, but even of
making such against other sovereigns. The case no longer
affected merely the Emperor of the French, but even a sove-
reign who is surrounded with all our affection. Then items
of information did not reach us from goverrum nth having an.
interest in urging us to the adoption of repressive measures ;
they came to us from a source that cannot be suspected, from
a government excessively jealous of the rights of est lam—
from a government which daily makes greater efforts to
maintain intact the right of nylon', and to prevent any ex-
emirs or revere measures being adopted with respect to
refugees. This information wee such as we CORM
not doubt ; and what IRA then to bo done ?
Were we to meet such precise information with sceptical in-
credulity? Ought we to have rejected this information as
though it were morally impossible it could be true? When
in** have once entered on a criminal course they know
not where to stop; and it might appear to be the interest of
the sects to have no longer opposed to then Victor Em-
manuel, feeling sure coo they must that he would be able
alone to repress and subdue them. We could not possibly
doubt the fact, and in the presence of such a danger, to limit
ourselves to precautionary measures of police, not to attempt
the prevention of reevaluation by material and moral nwmy
would have been most culpable conduct en our part ; the
onunmeadonlvetewoulthdenh', boveuninddtiogu"dischartily aiasal.edic,:truselo
statingdutmtWy; bitobuhat:tuSwahoh:
an see foreign pressure is all this? If there has been
pressure, it is a pressure to which it is honourable to yield—
letbeft Preasit touretohfsoulLeopewnr monscif tirectiie
legal question, and that ministers only thought of reform-
elungd thetha tjtubreielawfwe mightthe u
beke duly ythatpuctiipinanrifoutoircet.:,i°:thurietriell,:rteeWoirdentheoft
of the Council went onto say .—On the question that E sub-
mitted to you the fate of the cabinct depends, and that will
not be so through the effect of any
our personal susceptibility, but by the mere force of things,
thtlohfnnsaytp:tplheshweiptuutmlncitahe
.tyr:7beuhaini°ofvonerenhnyootoftzthtigteootorwulthn:i.cohirOernwiritYlintoku;kfeeet:pierenthip°:eremawmn:atisttittOtalths.ii:
government. We shall naive your verdict with roped.
Dot should it be advert° to as we Alai/ declare that surt