The Express.
London, England, 1860-04-20 00:00:00

' were indifferent to the Merton of others would never de-
fend their own. It was not the intend et England, which
might be a mere territorial interest, be* be believed it was
the commerce and the trade of OM were more
than anything else affected by the of this ag-
gressive policy of France. They could not now be deceived
as to what that policy meant. They knew that Franca
would support the Emperor am long as our hedtating ma-
' duct made his policy a successful policy ; but we had good
' ream to believe that she would an it if it were not
soocessful. The question was, should we oppose him in
Switzerland, or wait till he had subjugated it; till be had
overrun Belgium, till he had only England to o=him ?
Should we confront him while the voice of was
against him, or should we wait till Europe—humiliated and
disgusted—turned with him against us? He might be told
that what he was stating led to war. (Opposition cheers.)
He was sure there was no gentleman in that house
who bad a right to monopolise to himself a
hatred of war and a love of peace, and those
who had the least right to do s were those
advocates and supporters of the Emperor of the French,
whom he believed to be the great enemies of peace. But
there was a state of peace that was worse than war. It was
that mere adjournment of war to a more convenient season,
when the enemy who was determined to mike it might
strike with the moat deadly effect. He pasted that the
minister who pronounced the word " incurred a fear-
ful rorpousibility; but lie incurred metro much more fear-
ful ono who conscious of an saiint danger, hesitated
to mastit She a mesa—who shraM builds duty, and in a
and aaven spirit bequeathal to his successors
d hisosemery the isansalig mashies of an an-
estahol. geodes elerhich the darpraigla bs ouravated by
his tialsky, aid the disasters mulligied a nund fold
trLelty.: He did not believe that the agile lord the
lad Wgar Foreign Affairs was Mei a usta. The noble
hom called upon to conduct the foreign affairs d
this arentry at a most critical moment ; he believed at the
most Mika period of our history. It was his solemn con-
viction that the next few years would be most momentous
and aesseenkle in the history of England, and would leave
their mark hr good or for ill on successive generations. He
bad lewd speeches of the noble lord in that house
Mat would indicate that he was not insensible
to the darpr, and believed that he would not
alba from lat duty. He bore a name that was aaaociated
with the pm& greatness of Englaod ; he trurted that he
...Id aver allow it to go An.n. tu watenty linked with
the darkest bear of her &show& and diagram.
Mr. DUFF said he rose early in the discussion to call
attention to one point. He was of opinion that at this
moment our government was not adequately represented
at Paris. He thought Lord Cowley was not strong eaough
for the pace. (Laughter.) The truth was, he had been
too long in Pans, the atmosphere of which had unfitted
him for his duties.

Lord J. RUSSELL—I do not well understand what pm-
pose the right hon. gentleman had in view in making the
speech that he has. (Cheers.) It is no doubt his privi-
lege to address the house on any part of our foreign and
dose-die policy. At the same tune the privilege is acoom-
panied with a deep responsibility. (Cheers, and " Hem,
hem "1 And I moat say I think the right hon. gentleman
hail net sufficiently weighed that responsibility when
he mole the speech which we have just heard.
In the tint place I must say, before I advert to the ques-
tion upon which 'the right hon. gentleman has dwelt, that
while he appears to be preparing the house for war—while
he seemed to be endeavouneg to raise a feeling in this
home in favour of a contest with the government of France
—he never laid down what was the object for which that
war should be undertaken. (Hear, hear.) The right hon.
gentleman seemed to suppose—though the mistake both in
politics and geography would be considerable—that Chab. '
Ws and Fauagny were • part of the Swims territory, and
that the French government were about to invade that ter-
ritory and take 'on of it contrary to the rights of
Switserlaod. Bat whatever dangers we may have to en-
counter, and whatever may be the future po-1
sitioe of affairs, that at least is not the pre. I
sent situatioo. (Hear, bear.) The right hon. gentleman
asks me what is the present state of the Savoy question;
and in order to explain at least that portion of the subject
(for my duty forbids me to go into details with mud to
what has recently, and what is now happening), I must ob.
serve that the question of Sardinia andits minion of Savoy,
and the question of the neutrality of possessions of Strey,
sod their relations, first to Switzerland, and then to the
great powers of Europe, are two totally distinct
matters. The right hon. gentleman asks roe why we
did mot ',mien against the cession of Savoy ? Now there
may no doubt be cases in which it is right for a neutral
power to protest. I don't think that there are many, but
there are undoubtedly some. Fur instance, where a treaty was
in our "pillion manifestly violated, such as was the cave at
Cracow, and where we did not think our interests were so
endangered, or our boomer so concerned, that it was Demo
eery for us to take up arms—that, I think, was a proper
case for a protest. There are, undoubtedly, other cases.
For instance, when the late Grand Duke of Tuscany and the
late I hike of Modena found their territories violently taken
provenion of and another sovereign claiming the right to
rule over them, not having power to resume their sovereignty,
they very properly protested, meaning thereby that they
did not acknowledge the right of the present ruler, and that
if ever power came to them to resume their possessions they
would e- rn.idor themselves entitJed to resume them. But what
is our position with regard to the cemion of Savoy? When we
lira braid. not that it was a matter intended, but that it
wean matter which might be intended, and which might he
carried into effect, we stated that such a transfer of tern•
tory world have injurious consequence, both to France
and to the general peace and tranquillity of Europe. But
we were not entitled to say to the King of Sardinia, " You
.hall not yield your territory to France," nor were we en.
titled to say to the Emperor of the French, " You shall not
accept the territory from the King of Sardinia which he
has a right to yield." So much was this the view of one at
least of the courts se Europe that the Emperor
of by his minister, Mil that this was entirely
a matter that concerued the two sovereigns—that the Em-
peror of the French had a right to ask for the cession,
and the King of Sardinia had a right to make it, and that
with regard to the cooties, there could he no farther
question shout it. I do not understand that any of the
powers of Europe have said even so much as we have upon
the subject. They consider that the Emperor of the French
might have this territory if it was yielded to him. Some
el them considered, as we have done, that it would be a
most injurious example, and pregnant with future con.
semences of evil, but they have not said, "We are en-
titled to protest agairst it." So far, therefore, we
have not oaly acted in conformity with the laws
of natives, but we have acted in conformity with what has
Loco the general sense of the other powers of Europe.
(Hear, hear.) There is a .luestwn intimately connected
with this, and one of some complimo.ll, which has already
been pertly discussed and which roust be still further dis•
cum"' ; for it is at this moment occupying the cabinets of
Europe. It was agreed in 1815 that certain portions of
Savoy—namely, Chablais, Fauciatty, and part of the
Geoevoise in cane of a war between the neighbouring power,,
should :-,ve all the advantages wilich belong to Switzerland
herself—that Ito say, the King of Sardinia should have
power to withdraw his troops through the Valais
and the neutral territory of Switzerland, and that there-
upon the only military authorities that should have power
in that district should be tbe Moor of the Swiss Conte.
devstion. Well, there his been a discussion (and some of
the diplomatic despatches have appeared in the newspapers):
there lees been in the fist place a dircussion as to what
was the origin of this particular provision which is con-
tained in the 92nd article of the trot y of Vienna, and in
the Act of Guarantee to Switzerland, of the ilDth of Sept.,
lels. The French government have contended in mere
than one very able despatch, that the provision was entirely
made for the benefit of the King of Sardinia, and
for the protection of his troupe in the case of war.
'lt has been contended on the other side
that the deputies of Geneva obtained this provision for the
sake of the security of Geneva and the benefit of Switzer-
land. Whatever may be the result of the discussion, it
will be sufficient for me to may that in the view of her Ma-
' Jody'', government the provision was one conducive to the
I morel security of Switzerland, and to the safety of that
, neutrality which was declared in 1815 to be a part of the
general policy of Europe. (Hear, bear.) That being the
' ease, a new question arises with regard to the change which
Ism lately taken place. The Emperor of the French anal the
E,Ze of Sardinia have concluded a treaty at Turin, by an
sn
ide of which the neutralised part of Savoy is transferred
with the Mgt of Savoy to the Emperor of the French, and
hywhich it is declared that that territory is transferred with
the same 01:0ditiODS under which it was formerly held by the
rag of %Minis. That provision naturally geveoccasion to
demands for elewitiona, and it has been stated, most
hooky as I Yak both by the French government and by
the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the King of Sanliuia,
that the meaning of the article is that the Emperor of the
French takes the territory with the obligation of neutrality
I to which I have alluded, and to which the King of Sardinia
was eebjeot. According to Sardinia the Emperor takes it,
• to si o. the phrase of Count Cavour, " with the obligation of
an efficacious neutrality for Switaerland." There being,
however, by common cement, a great change in the con di.
I tiers of the neutrality that was formerly provided with reo,anl
to a territory which was then a territory of the
King of Sardinia, but which is now a territory of the
Emperor of the French, it bowmen a grave question, a most
interesting and important question, how that neutrality is
to he efficiently maintained-in the sense in which the powers
of Europe wished to establish it. (Hoar, bear.) But this
question. let in. observe to the right hon. gentleman. I. not
at all like the question with which he seemed to confound
it—the queetiese of the Emperor of the French seizing the
territory .1 Owitaerland, as independent state, and main-
Minim: that territory. (Hear, bear.) It ia • question upon
which we may argot that this change of coalition is such
that the neutrality of riwaseriand cannot now be pieced
in as secure a position as that in which it has hitherto
been. in and the question of what peteclion you will
provide fer it may be frankly and carefully examined and
cashiered. But that is a meetisin which, so far from
haft 'pasties of war, is one that deserves to be coed-
: aired by the eaolsol hands, by the greatest experience, end
with the moatneenere judgment. (Cheers.) Well, then
I has been no objection made by the French government to
the ezasnizatice el this question. It is in general terms
stated in the tasty of Turin that the Emperor of the
French will cesseas as eaderstandia with the powers of
Europe epos the subj.,* The Swiss Confederation, through
their Federal t Vaned. haws rkel that thereshould boa &safe-
e'en upon it; and the Frenehgevernmeut, through their
minister. their charm d'Arfaire• In London, have stated that
the,. have uo objection to make 10 that conferee,. (Hem,
hear 1 The powers which should 1, railed to tho confer-
ence, the 11.11110 t in which it should Ie sailed, the plain at