The Express.
London, England, 1860-03-28 00:00:00

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LONDON, WZDNESDAY, MARCH 28.

THE eager halite of Lord JOHN MANNIIIe to put
a glom on the straightforward and simple words
delivered by Lord JouN Resiistt on Tuesday
night, respecting our relations with France,
betrayed the hope that some use might be made
of it favourable to the cause of the reactionary
foreign governments from which the country long
ago decisively separated itself. If the speech of
the noble Foreign Secretary only receives as much
attention as is ordinarily given to a business cir-
cular or even to en invitation to dinner, the
groundlessness of that hope will be apparent. It
is assumed for the purposive of party that the
Government has suddenly found outthat it hasbeen
making some great mistake ; its mood is repre-
sented as repentant. It has just discovered
something which the world knew long ago. But
in fact the Government has acted with consistency
and foresight. The language which Lord Joint
Rileixu employed in speaking of the French
Esirmoia on Tuesday night was strong ; but not
near eo strong as that winch he employed in
writing to the French Summon on the 6th of
July last, and again on the 111th of January.
If the theory of Mr. DISRAELI and Mr. Hoss-
MAN were true, and if the English Government
had been subservient and hesitating towards
France, then the firm language of Tuesday night
might eurpriss. But the " Correspondence re-
specting the proposed annexation of Savoy and
Nice to France" is before the public, and anything
bolder or more faithful alike to France and
England was never written. There has been
no vacillation, to uncertainty, on our aids.
Within the limits of our competence we have pro-
tested against what was a violation of the free
principles on which our own state is founded, and
Mr. HoivisiN did his best to deprive our protest
of its weight by the gratuitous assurance that the
noisiest declaimers against the annexation would not
support a war to prevent it. As we all know, the
public law of Europe does not care for the rigida
of the populations with whom we sympathise. It
only knows territories, and when they are tnuts-
ferred, as they may be by the mere compact of
Sovereign, the people go with the soil. We had
therefore no legal standing ground from which to
oppose the annexation agreed to between Vit-ruit
ENIKANUIL and Lodi NAPOLEON. But we could
address to the Emperor of the FLINCH those con-
siderations which we thought would be most
powerful to induce him to consider the interests of
justice. Accordingly Lord Joint Rrssxu. re-
minded him of his word pledged at Milan, and
of the joy his enemies would feel if it
were forfeited. He told him that if !limy
were annexed he would become "an object of
" suspicion to Europe, and kindle the hostility of
" which his uncle was the riciim." We know'
that this is not what Mr. DISPAILJ says ought to
have been done. The Tory leader thinks the
Miseries of England should have been employal
to prevent the consolidation of • strong, task

monarchy in Italy under Vicroa
E M M AN U EL. If we had not so obstinately
stood up for the right of the Tuscans to dia-
poor of themselves, Lou la NAPOLEON would have
let the Savoyard' and the Niger& alone. Now,
if thin were as true, as it is untrue—for we
have the means of knowing that Savoy would have
been ravislusl from Piedmont whatever became of
Tuscany—we do not think Englishmen will ever
admire the statesmanship which deliberately re-
nounces a clear and right principle for the chance
of a material success. If Louis NAPOLZON could
not be kept in a straight course by the example of
our respect for the rights of the Italians, it is not
likely that he would respect those of the people of
Savoy and Nice more if we had followed the
crooked policy of Mr. ThERAIELL
This reference to the past will instruct us as to
the probabilities of the future. Let nobody
expect to see the Government act rashly and iopr,
tuously, as man do when they are surprised. The
course which the French Marmot has now take"
his first visible step in a policy of aggrandisement,
must always have been conceived as Neal*, and
the duty English Ministers with respell to it
cannot be a new subject to any d
our statesmen. Lord JON N RP/MIIILL suit
" Such an act as the annexation of Savoy is or
" that will lead a nation so warlike as the Prossie
'' to call on its Government, from time to thee,
" for other acts of a similar nature ; and Vans-
" fore I do feel that, however we may widi to
" live on the most friendly terms with the Iftwask
" Goventment, we ought not to keep ourselves
" apart from other nations of Europe, but that,
" when future questions may arise—as arias they
" may—we shall be ready to act with others, and
" to declare, always in the most moderate
" terms always in the most friendly
" terms, but still firmly—that the settle-
" ment of Europe, that the pease of
" Europe, are matters dear to this country ; and

" that that settlement and the. pestle cannot be
" insured if they are liable to perpetual inter-
ruptiona, to constant team to doubts sed
" rumours with regard to the atinexatioo of
" this country, with reaped to the union or Juno-
" non of that other country ; but that the Powers
"of Europe, if they intend to maintain the
" peace, must respect each other's rights,
" must respect each other's limits, and must en-
" deavour to restore, and not to disturb—to re-
" store that commercial confidence which is the
" result of peace, which tends to peace, and which
" ultimately forma the happiness of nations."
There is no announcement here of any
strange or novel principle that should startle
us. The sum of the whole is that the peace
of Europe can only be preserved while
nations respect each other's rights, and
that to strengthen that common respect we
ought not to keep ourselves apart from other
nations of Europe. These principles we believe
are both national and liberal. We have
never isolated ourselves in • misanthropic
and isolated spirit from the rest of Europe. Again
and again we have been compelled to withdraw
from great allies because we would not sanction
some iniquity. Seven years ago we lost Russia
because we would not see Turkey plundered ; and
only last year we lost Austria because we would
not countenance her pretensions to interfere in
Central Italy. But that was not our fault.
The principles of England are well known.
They do not, they cannot, change. We do
not barter them for alliances. We are
ready to co-operate in maintaining the peace of
Europe and the rights common to all indepen-
dent States when that is necessary. But
we shall not be found plotting against
France for the benefit of conspirators and
pretenders. It is at this time, a time of
distrust, which we hope may shortly pass
away, that we recognise the value of the Com-
mercial Treaty just concluded. It is something
to feel that amidst the exacerbations of poli-
tics there is a strong bond of common interest
and common hopes in existence to hold the
two peoples together. It is quite new to us that
the treaty was to have been the guarantee of a
perfectly correct foreign policy on the part of
France, and that it has failed. We believe that
it his not failed, and will not fail, but that if the
present complications had been foreseen no wiser
course could have been taken than to make just
such a compact.