The Express.
London, England, 1867-08-14 00:00:00

HAYMARKET.

Tau, EVINTNO, THE 8i.1164a I,4IrnCANDAL Wawa Chip-
pendale. ilowe. Mowers. Kendal, Clark, Weatheraby, tte . Mee
dames Sedswiek, Chippendale, Munilliam, droc —TO PAKIS AND
BACK lidk Ls.—And THE MILE, AND HOW TO USE lE.

PES!fCISWS.

Tuts Errim, THE DAY AY nit THE WEDDI'..IO.—THE
lIAN U AIRLI E. James Harebell Mr. Bentsen Vesin Masers.
K Price, Forrester, tireshans, Maclean, and Merton ; Mimes E.
Stuart, Muure, dec.—And AN UNPROIECTED YkMALE.

This Igringneo, REV 10.9139. Messrs. Ratery, ParseHe, Rob-
son, and -;wanbomugh; Mesdames Ado Swanboroogh and John-
stone.—And THE LATEST EDITION OF YHA DLAVULU.
Hewn Thorns & James; Mesdames Holt, Newton, &c.

IWAFICIIL

TEN EVENIN, by Desire: WILLIAM TELL.--The Brothers
Hanlon . Mr. C. Woodman ; klr. J. Plurniateu Little Lentte ;
Jessie Nina; the Champion Skaters.—And SCARLET DICK.

MOH WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE.

Mg DAT —Morning. Ih. 25m......Afternuon, lb. VAL,
t►Moaaow—Morning. Bn..—•.AMT/11000. 211 25=

LONDON, WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 14.

Ir is to be hoped that before the House of
Commons is dismissed from its labours the posi-
tion of the Peninsular and Oriental Company will
be clearly defined. At present it must be ad-
mitted that the opinion and designs of the Govern-
ment as to the Overland Mails are by no means
either consistent or very intelligible. The Socre-
tary of the Treasury, in the House of Commons,
seems to adopt one view, while the POSTMASTER-
GENERAL, in the House Of Lords, adopts another.
All we desire is that the public shall be informed
which of these views is to prevail.
To a man of ordinary understanding it is cer-
tainly very difficult to attach any other meaning to
the speeches of the Secretary of the Treasury than
that when the present contract for the conveyance
of the mails should terminate it is probable that if
the 31essagtiries Imperiales make the cheapest
offer the contract will be transferred to that
foreign company. But the Duke of Morrraose
repudiates this idea, and declares that "to throw
" everything into the hands of a foreign Govern-
" ment would be extremely impolitic, although
" (he adds) we might in the first instance do these
" duties at a cheaper rate." The view thus stated
by the Duke certainly appears to be the more
sensible of the two, and the grounds upon which
this opinion rests are almost on the surface. If
the only object of the people of this country were
to get the mails conveyed to India at the cheapest
rate, it might be unnecessary to consider the cha-
racter and circumstances of the agency which
undertook the duty. But the question which ham
excited so much attention is very different. In
the first place, it must be observed that regu-
larity and permanence are quite as essential
as cheapness, and that any arrangement which
would be liable to unexpected interruption ought
to be carefully avoided. Now apply this teat to
the case of the Overland Mails. At present they
are conveyed by a British company possessed of •
splendid fleet, commanded by admirable British
Officers, and manned by picked British seamen,
This company has earmal a cku-acier for punc-
tuality and safety, and has proved of the utmost
benefit to the Empire during the Indian mutiny
and the Crimean war—periods of no common
anxiety and danger. So long as the Ind'an
Empire subsists, the connexion between India and
this country must be kept up; and if that connexion
were interrupted for many months, the doom of
our Eastern Empire would be practically sealed.
England maintains her position in India by force
of arms ; and it is a principle both of war and of
common sense to take efficient means to keep
open the lines of communication between the base
and the field of operation. To abandon the pre-
sent system of subsidising a private company
would be to abandon those advantages which ex-
perience has proved to attend it ; to employ a
foreign company exclusively would be practically
to transfer the lines of communication into hands
which might some day prove hostile, and that
without a moment's warning.
It is impossible to contemplate without a shudder
the consequences which might result if the Go-
vernment should ever neglect to maintain its own
means of communication with the East. If war
should arise, it might be difficult enough to keep
up the communication even with a fleet so well
appointed as that which now exists. But if the
fleet upon which this country relied were in the
hands of a foreign power, what would be the con-
sequence I' In the first place all communication
would at once cease. A new mercantile or postal
fleet would have to be organised, and this would not
be rendered more easy by the fact that at the
same time other fiesta would have to be
equipped and manned to meet the enemy.
Nor, it should be observed, would this
result arise in one case only. If, indeed, the
Sociatt Impilriale should obtain the contract, a war
between this country and France would directly
produce the consequences to which we have
alluded ; but the same consequences might follow
if France should be at war with any other country,
Great Britain remaining neutral. The French
sailors might be withdrawn to other duties, or the
Socidtd might suddenly come to an end. These
are not contingencies to which this country or the
Indian Empire should be exposed. It, is, indeed,
impossible to provide with perfect certainty
against them. But there are no better means
of securing this result than by keeping, with
scrupulous anxiety, the means of communication
by the Mediterranean in the hands of the British
Government.

It has been said, strangely enough, that this is a
question of free trade and open competition. No
one has yet proposed to supply the country with
an army by open tender, or to do away altogether
with dockyards and naval arsenals. And yet
these proposals would be quite as reasonable. If
in 184#; the country gentlemen could have shown
that the people would be starved unless