The Express.
London, England, 1867-02-21 00:00:00

rpo GENTLEMEN, MERCHANTS, and
TRADERS.—Mr. MARCH, 13, Basinghall-street, opposite
the Bankruptcy Court, elfeets arrangements between Debtors
and their Creditors without publicity. Immediate protection
obtained for Person and Property. Terms moderate. Consitita-
UVO free.

THE FENIAN MOVEMENT IN IRELAND.

DUBLLY, WEDNIVIDAT NIGHT.

Last night fifty prisoners recently arrested in
Dublin on their arrival from Liverpool and Holyhead were
released and sent back to England. At first they pre-
tended to know one another, but latterly abandoned this
line, and implored to be released on condition of going
back. All is quiet in Killarney, but last night the tele-
graph wires between that and Valenti& were again cut.
They have been since repaired. A despatch, which a re-
porter of the Cork Herald was about to send to-day,
alleging disaffection among the troops, was stopped by the
magistrates as being woe. The reporter was arrested, and
an investigation will be held into the charge.

THE LORD LIEUTENANT ON THE STATE OP
IRELAND.

At the inaugural banquet of the Lord Mayor of
Dublin on Tuesday evening, there was a very influential
attendance, including the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, the
Marchioness of Abercorn, and Cardinal Cullen.
The Lord Lieutenant, responding to the toast " Pro-
sperity to Ireland," said:—l do not think it desirable on this
or on other occasions to draw an overstrained or exagge-
rated picture of what the prosperity of the country may be,
but neither do I consider it desirable or conducive to
the commercial or national interests of Ireland, in
comparison with other countries, to paint in darker
colours than justice requires the temporary and transi-
tory clouds that may overshadow her prosperity. We
have just seen the close of a year of not uneventful
anticipation, and I think we have some reason not to be
altogether disheartened, either with the past or with the
prospect now before us. We have during the last year
marked the diminution in ordinary and general crime. We
have, during the same period, seen the decline and total
extinction, for the present at least, of two remarkable and
mysterious pestilence', the one affecting the staple of
our agricultural wealth, and the other carrying deso-
lation and dismay into the houses of our population.
We had reason to hope that the moral pestilence of
Fenianism had declined with the close of the year, and I
still believe that recent events are but as the galvanic
spasm which convulses a corpse in the throes of dissolu-
tion, or as the passing clouds which are rapidly passing
awarit There has been a unanimous action by all the
inte • nt and influential classes, and on the part of
the clergy of all denominations, there has been the
most admirable exertion. Amongst them I may be
allowed to allude to the recent most admirable ad-
dress of a distinguished prelate in the south. (Loud
applause.) All this, and the returning good sense
of even some of those who have been recently
and even recent events have shown that in this late out-
break of insanity the country populations did not sym-
pathise with the insurgents. All these things point to the
hope that • better prospect may be at hand. 1, for one, do
not believe in disloyalty and disaffection of the great
bulk of the Irish people. Ido not believe that the great
body of the farmers of Ireland are sympathisers with or
affected by the Fenian conspiracy. There is no doubt a
large and unsettled element in the towns in many parts of
the country, and an unsettled state amongst the labouring
classes, amongst those depending upon agricultural em-
ployment. It is amongst these numerous, excitable, and
ignorant portions of the population that the impossible
promises and exaggerated statements of foreign agents
and unscrupulous emissaries have acted for the disquiet of
the well disposed, and do the moat serious damage to the
commerce, trade, and local advancement of Ireland, but I
believe that it will be more against the and
invaders from without than against the de uded popula-
tion of this country that the hand of justice will be armed.
(Hear, hear.) Be that as it may, the public may rest
ensured that we shall not relax for one moment from the
vigilance we have hitherto exercised, and we will not
shrink from stern and instant repression by the irresistible
means at our disposal of any attempt to disturb the peace
of the country. Closely connected with the happiness and
welfare of the people is a subject which of late has been
prominent before the public, and has been ventilated by
many writers in this country. I mean the subject of emi-
gration. I will venture briefly to say a few words upon it,
and in what I say I wish to speak not in reference to the
past, but in reference to the present and the future. lam
aware that according to strict economical principles the
population of Ireland is somewhat in excess. (" No, no,"
and " Hear, hear.") I admit thatif you were to make a new
Ireland, you would probably arrange to have a somewhat
smaller population—you would probably dispose of them
somewhat differently. But this is not the question—
you must take Ireland as it is, and you must take the
population as you find it. Men and women are not
chattlea or machinery—(hear, hear)—to be displaced as the
exigencies or whims of the moment may suggest. (Ap-
plause.) You must take the population as it is, and do the
best you can for it. You must find it the means of
liseli-
hood and employmentoind advance its social and moral state.
This is the problem which those who have the interests of
Ireland at heartought seriously to study,andthey ought not
to rely upon the deportation of a population, which,after all
is not much in excess of what the rules of economic prin-
ciples may allow. Andlet me not be supposed to deprecate
• wholesome emigration such as that which annually flows
from a superabundant population. An emigration of that
nature is a token not of weakness but of strength : it is a
superfluity of vigour and enterprise as well as of numbers.
But, when emigration becomes an exodus, it becomes •
hremorrhage which drains the lifeblood, while it evidences
the disease which lurks beneath. (Applause.) His excel-
lency then referred to the question of Irish railways, and
to Dublin improvements, and afterwards responded to the
toad, " The health of the Marchionisa of Abercorn."

ST. MARTIN'S-RALL.—This great hall, re-deco-
rated sad re-lighted, will be opened on Monday next,
Feb. 25, by Mr. F. Strange and the Alhambra Company
(Limited), for a short senes of promenade concerts, with
novel features. The orchestra will consist of 10 per-
formers, selected and conducted by 11. ltiviere, including
M. Levy, the celebrated cornet player ; and the programme
will include vocal music, comic and operatic, and gym-
nastic performances. A new baud of brass instrumen-
talists, called Levy and Distin's Union, will be introduced
to the public at these concerts for the first time.
BURIED ALIVE.—A letter from Rome contains a
painful account of a lady havin been buried alive in that
city. At the beginning of last the wife of Count
Bennicelli was attacked with symptoms of cholera, which
terminated in apparent death. After the funeral oere-
loony the body was removed to the Cumpo Santo to re-
main there until a tomb, which had been ordered in the
church of the Maddelena, should be ready. The
place of sepulchre being now prepared, the removal
of the coffin was decided on; but on the men coming to
the place where it had been deposited, the cover was
found to have been forced up, and the body being exposed,
no doubt could exist that the unfortunate lady had been
interred alive. Her hands bad been bitten an if in despair,
her face deeply scratched, and her hair torn from her
head. All the muscles of the body were contracted, and it
must have been towards the termination of her efforts to
release herself that the lid had been forced.--Oafignani.

LONDON, THURSDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 21, 1867.

AMERICA.

(MOM OUR EIPKCIAL

NEW YORK, FEB. 5.

The greatest of the blows which Mr. Johnson's
folly has brought upon the powers of the executive
has been struck by the passage of the Tenure of
Office Bill, which deprives the President of the
power of removal without the advice and consent
of the Senate. Even members of the cabinet are
subjected to its operation—a provision which will
please people who are in the habit of looking on
" the heads of departments here " as correspond-
ing to the English ministers, as it appears to bring
the secretaries under some sort of responsibility to
Congress ; but in reality their positions differ very
widely. It was not intended by the constitution
that the President should be responsible to Con-
gress inany way but criminally, and he has no "con_
stitutional advisers," and is not required to have
any. He consults the members of the cabinet or
not, just as he pleases. If he does consult them
and goes wrong, nobody blames them as ministers ;
1 if he does not consult them and goes wrong, nobody
blames him for going wrong out of his own
head ; so that little is gained by depriving
him of the power of arbitrarily removing them,
beyond securing some faithful adherent of Con-
gress, on the rare occasion when Congress and the
President differ, the enjoyment of his salary.
The extension of the provisions of the bill to the
1 secretaries is said by its enemies to have been in-
tended for the protection of Mr. Stanton, who is
believed by the public to be an enemy of the
"policy," and therefore in daily danger of dismis-
sal. Mr. Stanton has managed in some way to dis-
appoint everybody by the retention of his place.
When the war ended he was known to be a radical
of the radicals, and when Mr. Johnson went
over to the Democrats it was popularly supposed
that Stanton would be one of his first victims. His
resignation was daily looked for after those of the
Postmaster-General and Attorney-General and
others had been sent in, but he has not offered
it, and held his place calmly through all the
storms of last summer and fall. During
the worst of the crisis he kept himself
closely confined to the War-office, seldom saw
anybody except on the business of his department,
and avoided political discussions so cleverly that not
even the Washington correspondents of the New
York papers ventured to conjecture what his opi-
nions were on any event of the day. There was
for a long while a very common belief that he
would be driven to the wall, and forced either to
reveal the sentiments of his soul or resign his
place; but Mr. Johnson seems to have displayed an
amount of forbearance towards himwhich he dis-
played towards nobody else, and Mr. Stanton still
reigns in the War Department, and yet has
' kept his mind to himself. But if it be true that the
bill was amended for his benefit, it is probable that
he has communicated his real opinions to some
' of the radical members, and is willing to avow them
as soon as he is safe from presidential vengeance,
and that the majority are anxious, in view of pos-
sible contingencies, to have him remain at his post.
The bill has passed by a majority so large that the
veto will not affect it.
It is very difficult to say what is doing or will
be done about the impeachment. Nearly all the
business men and merchants who go to Washington
come back very confident that it will not take
place ; but the radical politicians and voters who
come back are just as confident that it will. The
judiciary committee have so far done nothing ex-
cept make an informal examination of the nature
of the evidence which Mr. Ashley has to offer,
being determined, it is said, not to begin a formal
investigation until they are satisfied that ho can
make out a fair case. Thus far, Ido not think he
has produced anything very startling, and this im-
pression is confirmed by the accounts given by the
correspondents of the radical papers of what is
going on—such as that he "has just lighted on im-
portant documents which put Mr. Johnson's con-
duct in a very bad light," and so on. If any-
thing really important had yet been brought for-
ward we should doubtless have heard of it by
this time. It would be very unsafe to conclude
from all this, however, that Mr. Ashley has
I nothing to bring forward. The question of
impeaching Mr. Johnson unfortunately does not
turn upon the possibility of making out a case
against him, but on the expediency of commencing
a process so likely to distract the country and de-
range business. Amongst the farmers, I think
the desire to have him impeached grows—it un-
doubtedly does at the West ; and this fact may
have a determining influence on Congress. The
farmers have not, of course, the same timidity
about the probable effect of the impeachment on
business that the commercial world has, and have
all along been much more earnest in the struggle.
i I still think, however, that the chances are against
its going farther.
The South has at last submitted a proposition by
. way of compromise ; and though I do not think it
likely to prove very important as it stands, it pos-
sesses a good deal of interest as the first indication
which has come from that quarter of a desire to
negotiate. It contains, as you will see, the main
I features of the constitutional amendment :
Reeolved, by the legislature of the State of that,
the Congress of the United States be requested to propose
to the legislatures of the several States the following
amendment to the constitution of the United States :
" Article 14, see. 1. No State under the constitution has
a right of its own will to renounce its place in, or to with-
draw from, the Union, nor has the Federal government
' any right to eject a State from the Union, or to deprive it
of its equal suffrage in the Senate, or of representation in
the House of Representatives. The Union, under the con-
stitution, shall be perpetual. Sec. 2. The public debt of
the United States, authorised by law, shall ever be held
sacred and inviolate; but neither the United States nor
any State shall assume or pay any debt or obligation in-
curred in aid of insurrectionorrebellion against thegovern-
ment or authority of the United States. Sec. 3. All
na born or naturalised in the United States, and sub-
to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United
fates and of the States in which they reside ; and the
citizens of each State shall be entitled to all the privileges
and immunities of citizens in the several States. No State
shall deprive any person of life, liberty or property
without due process of law, nor deny to any person
within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws.
Sec. 4. Representatives shall be
.apportioned among the
several States acoording to their respective numbers,
counting the whole number of persons in each State, in-
cluding Indians not taxed. But when any State shall, en ac-
count of race or colour, or previous condition of servitude,
denytheexemiseof theelective franchise at any election for
the choice of electors for President and Vice-president of
the United States, representatives in Congress, members
of the legislature and other officers elective by the people,
to any of the male inhabitants of such State, being 21
years of age, and citizen* of the United States, then the
entire class of persons so excluded from the exercise of the
elective franchise shall not be counted in the basis of re-
presentation." Whereas, &e_ lie it further resolved by
the legislature of —, th .t the following article shall he
adopted as an amendment, to become a part of the
constitution of the State of —. " Article —.— Every
male citizen who has resided in this State for ono year,
and in Cie country in which lie offers to vote six
months immediately preceding the day of election, and
can read the Declaration of Independence and the consti-