The Express.
London, England, 1867-07-06 00:00:00

BRITANNIA.

Tut., EirKNl,r:. NBMINLIGII JACK. Mr. J B. Bowe & Miss
J. rovolry Akatere of Englivid ; Mr. H. Buck-
stone . 11 t. 4,1.4 Ili! I riff and ‘..41 Urw,, tole : Mr. and Mrs. M'llaffis
—And the Threc Acts of MACBETH. Mr. Reynolds.

HIGH WATKE AT LONDON ARMOR.
TED DAT SA. Mtn Afternoon, sh.
tooduluww—Moruusg. 51t —• Aliaruoca. tin 200.

L9NDON, SATURDAY, JULY 6.

Ir Mr. Lown has succeeded in nothing else, he 1!
has suctmeded in. raising a very interesting discus- I
aion on the subject of cumulative voting. In the
adjourned debate of last night Mr. Bitionr, Mr.
MILL, Mr. FAWCETT, Lord CRANBORNE, Mr. HEN.
ter, the CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER, and the
mover of the amendment, to say nothing of mem-
bers of less note, were conspicuous. Parties were
strangely divided, and individuals curiously asso-
ciated. The democratic theories of Mr. MILL and
Mr. Favvecrr, and the terror-stricken fore-
bodings of Mr. Lows and Lord CRANDORNE,
made them allies in argument and com-
panions in the lobby. Mr. Baninr, on the other
hand, found himself fighting against the members
for Westminster and Brighton, with Mr. HENLEY
and Mr. Disarm.' for his comrades. Mr. NEWDE-
CATE and Mr. ADOERLEY, the Tory member for
Warwickshire, and the Tory member for
Staffordshire, were directly at variance.
The HOME SECRETARY and the Seidel-
roa-GENenst of the late Liberal Government
voted and spoke in mutual contradic-
tion. The younger Liberals were just as little of
one mind as their elders or their opponents. In
Mr. Lerevss's view, the adoption of cumulative
voting would destroy the worth of the Reform
Bill ; in Mr. kloaamort's, it would unspeakably
increase it. The division lists will probably show
even stranger unions and separations. A question
which makes a man's foes those of his own poli-
tical household, and which brings inveterate
enemies under the same standard, cannot be deeply
steeped in party feeling. The debate of last
night was a freofight, with every man for his
own hand. The decision of the Committee
affirmed by a majority of nearly two to one the
existing system of representation ; and although
we know too well the history of great questions in
the British Parliament to lay niuch stress on the
first reception of a new theory in the House of
Commons, we believe that in this instance the
vote was based on a sound appreciation of the
merits of the case.

Mr. Bah:ices dislike of new-fangled schemes is
perhaps excessive, though his jealousy of any de-
parture from the old paths of the constitution is
compatible with the disposition to advance great
lengths in those paths. He objects only to cutting
across the country, and prefers to keep on the main
road. But the person who is least fearful cf
novelties is at liberty, and is bound, before adopt-
ing them, to ask whether the existing machinery
dues not perform efficiently the work for which
the new contrivances are recommended. Before
exhibiting the remedy, it is desirable to be
certain that the disease is teal. The cumulative
vote, though Mr. Lows recommends it on
grounds of abstract justice, is simply a means to
an end. That end is the representation of mino-
rities. Are minorities insufficiently represented
in England ? Mr. Fswrsrr described the sup-
posititious case of a constituency of twenty thou-
sand electors returning three members by the
vote of a Liberal majority of eleven thousand,
leaving the Conservative minority of nine thou-
sand without any voice or power in Parliament.
The case is • possible one, but it is not pro-
bable. By reference to the actual facts of our elec-
toral system Mr. LEvevits showed very clearly that
minorities even now secure as nearly as possible the
same amount of representation that the general
adoption f Mr. Lowa's scheme would give them.
The need of introducing an artificial machinery for
accomplishing an end which is accomplished with-
out it is not apparent. Mr. Pawl-area rather wild
language about trampling on and despising the
minority has no relation whatsoever to facts. It is
a rhetorical extravagance, based on d priori possi-
bilities, which in England at least are not likely
to become actual.

If the cumulative vote is simply a means to an
end—namely, the representation of minorities—
this end is itself a means to an ulterior object
the introduction into the Legislature of a
class of persons whom it is desirable
Si; have there, but whom it is thought, under
the new suffrage, wo shall not be able to
obtzi. Thy oletri(gt of millionaires by
the mob is the goal towards which, in
the gloomy view of Mr. Lows, we are
fast travelling. Men of intelligence and cultiva-
tion, unrecommended by great wealth, will be
unable, it is alleged, to bear the expense of con-

tests for popular constituencies, or to obtain the
favour of the multitude. Unless, therefore, they
can rely upon the accumulated votes of • mino-
rity, they have no chance of election. Here,
again, the facts do not harmonize with the theory.
The class to whom, it is said, great constituen-
cies will be fatal have, when freely elected, found
their way into Parliament hitherto almost exclu-
sively by the means of such constituencies.
The late Mr. COBDEN, Mr. MILL, Mr. FAw-
...a.. HUGHES, and Mr. RoEsue•, are
examples of eminence recognized by large
communities without the adventitious recom-
mendations assumed to be essential. The effect
of csuuulative voting would, we believe, be just
the reverse of what is anticipated. It would
establish the counterparts of small borougha with
all their evils in the large constituencies, one of
whose chief merits it is to be free from these
abuses. A man with three votes to sell to a single
candidate would be much better worth purchasing
than a man with only one vote. In the same way,
a dependent, who could be made to count as three
on the poll-list, would be in greater danger of in-
timidation than a man who counted only as one. A
premium would he put on corruption and coercion.
They would spread to places which have hitherto
been free from them. To bribe the number of elec-
tors sufficient to secure a candidate the requisite
minority would be easier than to bribe for the at-
tainment of a majority. The minorities, thus
tempted, would become the plague-spots of the
constituencies. The members whom they would
return would belong to the class of the newly
rich whom Mr. MILL and Mr. Lowe have con-
; cowed in describing in terms very uncomplimen-
tary. To be chosen by the cumulative vote would
usually be the sign of a purchased election, and
I of the absence of any of those personal qualities
which are capable of rousing general respect or
I enthusiasm.

Mr. Banurr urged that, if the representation of
minorities had existed in the United States during
the late war, the suppression of the rebellion
would have been impossible ; and Mr. MILL, with
his usual candour, admitted the force of this argu-
ment. He contended, however, that laws are
made for ordinary times, and that in great revo-
lutionary crises it may be necessary to suspend
them. This seems to us very dangerous doctrine.
The system of representation, as it exists in Eng-
land, by the ordinary working of human uni-
tive* and social forces, gives to minorities in
quiet times a substantial share of power. But
in times of revolution or of external
danger, when it is necessary that a single
spirit should animate the nation, it allows
the majority to put forward the overwhelming
power which the necessity of the case calls for,
without that departure from the limits of the law
and the constitution which Mr. MILL admits
might be necessary if minorities were directly re-
presented, and of the possibility of which he ap-
pears to us to think too lightly.
On the whole, it seems that cumulative
voting would magnify the worst evils of our
present electoral system. It would introduce
them into constituencies where they are
nut now found. It would bring to Par-
liament the very men whom its advocates
desire to exclude, and would not introduce
the men to whom they wish to open its doors ;
and it would incur the risk of all these calamities
in order to attain an end which as a matter of
fact is already sufficiently secured without it.
Mr. Lowes argument that all electors ought to
have an equal voice in the choice of political re-
presentative' tends directly to the establishment
of equal electoral districts. When these exist,
there will be more reason in the demand for cumu-
lative voting than there is now.

Tits Review in Hyde-park having been put off,
the question is raised whether it is worth while to
hold it at all. It is said, and truly, that the force
which we can assemble for such a purpose makes
but a poor show at best ; that a military spectacle
brings out the " roughs ;" and that the principle
on which the use of the parks is denied to Mr.
BEALE'S and his followers requires that they
should not be used for military displays. On the
other hand it may be said that if these sights
gratify a large number of people—and that they
do is shown by the rapid absorption of tickets—
we need not be disconsolate although larger anuies
are reviewed in foreign capitals ; that if
our police force is not sufficient to restrain
a disorderly population, which may choose its own
time for coming out, it should be made so ; and
I finally, that the ordinary appropriation of the
parks for recreation is consistent with their use
I for more public purposes on extraordinary occa-
sions. The question, however, should not be dis-
posed of without some reference to the origin of
the proposed review. There is neither error nor
impropriety, we believe, in assuming that the
display which has been postponed was kindly
projected by the Quite in response to the general
desire that her Id AJ envy should devise more frequent
opportunities of meeting her people. If the
crowds who had prepared to be present in Hyde-
park yesterday had wanted merely to see the men
and horses and guns, nothing would have been
easier than to allow some veteran general to hold the
review in the QuEMeti stead, when her MAJESTY'S
attendance became impossible ; but this would
have been an eminently unsatisfactory arrange-
ment. Although in Lord CRANBOENZ'S opinion
monarchy is dead, the people are still sincerely
glad to see the QUEEN, and would turn out in
large numbers to meet her. We must add, that
it is somewhat ungracious first to complain pub-
licly that the QUEEN does not show herself on
public occasions, and then, immediately upon II
her Mummies compliance and the appointment
of a review, to criticise severely arrangements
which have been accepted on every former occa-
sion without cavil, declaring that the pleasure to
be afforded is less than the inconvenience which
the review would entail. We must express the
hope that the QUEEN will take her own view of
the case, and form her own judgment of the
People's wishes.

CAIIINET Cor ?ult.—There will be s Cabinet
Council thia afternoon, at four o'clock, at the First
Lord of the Treasury's official residence, in Down-
ing-atreet.

Greenwich Hospital, its management, its income,
and its constitution are again to furnish employment for
a committee, and we (Army and Nary Gazette) understand
that on Monday, Mr. Du Cane, M.P. (a civil Lord of the
Admiralty), Sir Charles Trevolyan, Captain Frederick
Campbell, R.N., late private secretary to the Duke of
&menet, Mr. Mugfnrd, secretary to the Patr.otic Fund,
and Mr. Gladstone, of the City, will assemble for the pur-
pose of seeing how far the alterations made by the last
government have worked beneficially for the institution,
■nd with a teas of momisining if further improvements
can be made.

AHREMT OY ANOTHER FENIAN LEADER. —DUBLIN,
FEWAT General Halpin, who in the trial. at the
special eommiuion was discribeil as one of the chief
Feniet leader■, wan arrested on 641.1 the outward bound
!omen ateetnor, at ltueeostown, en Thunelloy. Nr:tion,
the informer, was taken on bonril, and pointed Halpin
out. The villas at the same time arreaW4 Neil Breslin,
also an active Fenian. Sixteen Fenian convlcta were
removed to England today.