The Express.
London, England, 1860-10-25 00:00:00

.1110 W ATZR AT 7' LONDON
_II.IIIDOL

DA3Litorilig, Illi:r.aftersoaa.llll. 438 a.
TlAloaaow—Morelos, MIL .....1111•reoos. Ob. Vas.

---
LONDON, THURSDAY, OCT. 25.

Nano!is in these days form friendships with
one another ; and alliances are no longer lasting
or secure that rest on any other basis. Diplo-
macy directed by dynastic views may entangle
mutual obligations, but it cannot make popular
sympathies intertwine. It can only create, with
all its cunning and contrivance, parchment liga-
tures, which one puaionate gesture is enough to
rend—not vital bonds of moral, social, or indus-
trial reciprocity. The worth and wisdom of both
France and England are in favour of the Anglo-
French Alliance, and therefore it has been found
poisible to preserve it against all the jealousies,
intrigues, and attrition, of mutually distrustful
Courts and Cabinets. All that is best and
noblest on the two aides of the Atlantic forbids
a quarrel between the United States and
the United Kingdom ; and hence it comes
to pass that for well nigh half a century no
petulance or folly on the part of either govern-
ment has seriously endangered the maintenance of

peace. The heart of the people of England is
right and true to the heart of the people of Italy :
and no minister of either could, if he would, compel
us to disguise the longing which we feel to see our
Italian brethren free, or the pride we take in
spontaneously contributing to aid them. Lord
MALM ZSBURT was made to understand this by
many significant hints ere be quitted Downing-
street, and the sharp tone of questioning that has
been applied to the reliant despatch of Lord
JOHN RUSSELL to Sir J• 111111 HODSON is
in itself a convincing proof of the tenacity with
which the public in this country clings to the resolve
to adhere faithfully to its sympathetic vows for
Italy's emancipation. And if a real, alive, and
life-giving alliance is ever to be formed between
constitutional Germany and constitutional Britain,
it must spring from the interchange of national
respect and affection, not from any mere under-
standing or compact between Princes or profes-
sional politicians. The very fact of their attempt-
ing to fabricate bonds of obligation between the
two countries before the two communities were
aware of it, or had indicated a wish for it, would
tend more than anything to insure failure and
disappointment. In England we have had so
much unsatisfactory experience of the aims and
motives of such compacts in times gone by, that
the very suspicion that we were about to be
bound in the dark to any species of
joint action with Prussia would in all probability
prevent the possibility of any substantial
progress being made towards a common policy or
common action. This would be the case under
any circumstances : in those now existing it is es-
pecially so. The head of the Pronoun Executive is
at the present moment closeted at Warsaw with
the two great chiefs of Legitimacy. His Foreign
Minister is said to be accidentally absent from the
reactionary conference ; but we are forbidden to
doubt what are the actuating sentiment' of the
Paints RSURNT'S Government on the great Euro-
pean question of the day, viz., the right of every
people to choose its own governors. The despatch
of Baron Scntsverrx to the Prussian Envoy at
Turin, however calm in tone and circumspect in
the use of epithets, is fatally precise and clear upon
the one great point in issue. It smelts as unequi-
vocally as if it had been penned at St. Peters-
burg or Vienna the opposite of the sacred
right on whose vindication Italy has staked
all. It deliberately contradicts the funda-
mental principle on which the governments of
the west--of Great Britain, America, Francs,
Switzerland, Belgium, Spain, and Portugal—
have been successively established ; and sets up
in contradistinction an order of things founded on
divine right, hereditary succession, and the power
of the sword. Between the opposite policies based
on these conflicting principles cordial or sincere
unity of action or of purpose there can be none.
For us there is no room to choose, no debateable
ground, no place for wavering. The title of the
House of Hanoi-al to the British throne is neither
by lines' dement, nor by the pretence of conquest,
nor by the inherent claim of kingcraft. The Dutch
GAILI BALDI was elected by Parliament King
of this realm, and the succession was settled
by • similar vote--first on the wife of a Prince of
Denmark, and in remainder on a petty German
Elector, not without strict stipulations and cove-
nants, which if broken, their royalty would lapse.
This is the polity under which we live ; and with-
out self-stultification we can acknowledge no other.
but Italy calls aloud to vs for sympathy in her
hour of crisis, and exclaims, " We are doing with
o our STI' Akin as your fathers did with theirs,
" as the French did with their Bocaeoris. and the
" Belgians with their House of Ga•xmi-N•ssau."
By this polity the realm and people of England
must abide faithful unto the end—of German
alliancesand despotic oilmen vringscome what may.
Meanwhile we have no objection to distinguish
practically between the wishes of the Germans and
their rulers. If they are agreed, or if they care
not for our friendship, we can live without them, and
we shall take little heed of their ill-humour. But if
the people of Germany desire that friendship of
the people of England on which alone, as we have
said, any true alliance can ultimately be built up,
they will not escourage writers in their journals to
maim use of language towards us as s community,
which, though if may propitiate the favour of their
own bureautratic government, is calculated to

render ours wholly helpless even.
work of conciliating subordiq.•
the press of Germany thinks( fifrirtify
insolent and arbitrary conduct r'
_

magistrates and police when dealing with British
subjects, it will be in vain for the dealers in high
politics to talk mysteriously about understandings
in view of certain eventualities ; in vain for them
to whisper guarantees of concerted action and
mutual support. The Germans must learn to
have more respect for themselves, and less for their
dynastic and aristocratic keepers, ere any other
nation will place implicit faith in their aspirations
after either nationality or freedom. Before
nationality is possible it is indispensable that there
should be a nation—a nation distinct from and irre-
spective of its casual rulers—a nation that can and
will find means of sympathising with fellow na-
tions in their exigency, without asking the permis-
sion or heeding the displeasure of its timid or retro-
grade grandees. When the Prussians show them-
selves capable of this, we shall set some value on
the promises of their government, because we
shall know that there is with them, as with our-
selves, a power to enforce performance. But so
long u an alliance with Prussia is a thing begun
in the twilight mutterings of diplomacy, and
matured by verbal assurances strictly private and
confidential, without any tangible, palpable, or
truly national purpose, we shall continue to be-
lieve them to be worthless and vain. They may
pus for something at Sans Souci or Windsor; but
they will pass for nothing with the British people.

The Opinion Natiasak of yesterday evening
says :—" Everything confirms the belief that Aus-
tria is about to cum the Po. We are even assured
that within the last few days she has notified her
intention to France and England, and that these
powers have simultaneously and with a common ac-
cord replied that if Austria should carry this project
into effect they will send their fleets to cruise in the
Adriatic ; adding that if she would abstain they
would be disposed to promise not to assist Pied-
mont in case the latter should assume the offensive
I towards Austria. Of course we give these rumours
under all reserve, and we do not mention with
greater positiveness another rumour, according to
which one of the principal ends of the meeting at
Warsaw is to endeavour to persuade Austria either
to sell Venice immediately, or at least to admit the
sale of that city as a basis for ulterior negotiation."
The Opinion Nationale also says :—" We receive
from a sure source the news that orders of the
most odious nature, and prescribing against the
liberals ferocious treatment such as might have
been thought impossible in the present age, have
been issued by the court of Gaeta. We abstain
from details until we receive the official documents
which are promised."

'ROM I'A.

>'~' ~.

PARIS, WILDNISDAT Emma.

Au immense sensation has been occasioned by the
following article, headed "The Way to Prevent
War," which was published by M. Gueroult in last,
night's Opinion Nationale :

We mint not deceive the public nor attempt to lull it to
sleep ; it is of no use telling it, as the Constitutionnei does
—doubtless with the best intentions—that Austria, has made
up her mind to remain in a defensive attitude in Italy, and
that the Warsaw conference is animated by the beet feeling
towards Francs and her government. All that is untrue,
and can only be looked upon as the wretched expedient of
men who shut their eyes to danger because they have not
the heart to take the virile resolutions which it should
impose. _ _

It is not true that the Warsaw conference is animated
with friendly or even pacific intentions towards us. The
interview is nothing else than a conspiracy against France,
inspired by fear of our revolution and principles, and by
the desire to stifle in Italy that revolution which is the
sister or daughter of ours. The English cabinet, aided by
Prussia, has been the instigator and the go-between of this
bastard reconstitution of the Holy Alliance. Vexed
at its failure to prevent the itineration of Savoy
and Nice, the English cabinet has spared no pains
to raise up enemies against tin. It is the Eng-
lish cabinet which stirred up Switzerland, frightened the
Belgians, and which now, by the instrumentality of Pruasia,
►lows the fire at Warsaw. We are even assured that the
head of the foreign office, who lately accompanied the
Queen to Coblentz, spoke of France sod her government,
during the whole time of his stay in Germany, in such •
decidedly hostile manner u to leave no doubt as to his real
sentiments. The reserves of Lord John Russell in favour
of Austrian domination in Venetia, contained in a published
despatch, show plainly enough that the English cabinet is
entering upon a totally new course of policy with regard to
Austria. This nnlooked-for policy appears so singular, that
it has given rise to strange rumours in England itself. An
eminent member of parliament goes so far as to insinuate
in a correspondence which has been published that in the
Wener regions of English policy there exists • project to
upset the imperial government at any cost, and to put in
its place • dynasty which England ham ever found more
docile.

As to Austria, it is not true that she is resigned to remain
on the defensive. The statement is neither true nor likely.
The very concessions which she has just made to Hungary
are merely designed to enlarge her means of action in Italy.
The appointment of General Benedek to the chief command
in Venetia is a symptom not to be overlooked. General
Benedek passes for the man of action of the Austrian army
—the man for difficult situations. He wee governor of
Hungary, and he is recalled and sent into Italy. What to
do!

Let us add that in taking the offensive in Italy, Austria
will be acting for the best in her own point of view. Now
that 'be la assured of a oertain amount of support from
Eerie and Prussia, why should she wait till Victor Emma-
nuel shall be muter of the whole of Italy, and in a better
coalition to resist her than be is now! Why should she
defer the attack upon her enemy until he has 300,000 men
to oppose to her. And, in point of fact, Austria does not
mean to wait. She is massing her troop* upon the Po, and
she will CMS the river one of these first days.

Her pLui is, if our information be correct, to leave Lom-
bardy alone for the present, but to occupy Modena,
Bologna, and Florence, and then to ask for a megrim t•
are blisb her in Italy, on • footing little different from
hst tellf %it pham& Once mistress of the heart of Italy,
the recovery of Lombardy will only be • question of
opportunity, which aim will solve according to time and

This combination is not wanting in holding's or ability ;
but one question remains : What will France do
lf by any accident France were to take it into her head
to interfere twenty-four hours after Austria, than this very
pretty scheme would be very likely to fall into the water ;
Austria would run her head against a second &Merino, and
this time she would not be let off with the loss of Lom-
bardy.

And at this stage of discussion that great diplomatic
machine called the Warsaw interview stands forth in all
its utility. It is hoped to intimidate France by the phan-
tom of a European coalition, and to force her, out of fear
of a primal obit, to lie upon her arms, and look on pse-
lively at the shameful spectacle of an Austrian restoration
in Italy. Let the heir of the name and throne of Napoleon,
let the crowned representative of the French revolution,
only swallow this cup and they will excuse him the net ;
he will this be a man whose measure is known (us hoiame
and nobody will ever again be afraid of him ; this
trial will be to him what the recall of the Toulon fleet in
1840 w.us to Louis Philippe.

We my apin the plaii is clever end well conceived—it is
plamible meet 'specially. It delicately takes into ma-
sideration the amour propre of France. There is no hos-
tility towards France. Oh dear no ;as the Conalitutionad
rays, the very best intentions are entertained towards her.
It is only Italy that is to be punished—and why do I say
Italy Is adze Piedmont ; the treaty of Villefranca will
Le respected and Austria will not touch Lombardy. llhe
only wants two thinp now—to cut Italian unity in two
and to dishonour France— the rest will come later.

To cut Italian unity in two. Onoe Austria mistress of
Floreooe and Bologna, Victor Emmanuel has only the sea
by which to get back to Turin ; there would be an end of
the unity of Italy, and then all the ideas of restoration
would come victoriously uppermost._

To dishonour France. - Yes ! if the duchies end the
Romeo's are taken from Piedmont, France caunot honestly
keep Savoy and Nice. If she gives them back, what ► coy
of triumph in England, Switassiend, and elsewhere ! If site
refuses to restore them what a cry of just indignation
against her in Italy!
And, mot cover, after such a backsliding, how can Frame
ever again speak iu Europe of universal suffrage and the
right of nationalities! All the oppressed peoples that turn
'their eyes towards France, and bail her flag, will be oast.
&mood to resign themselves to hopeless servitude.
There are, however, advocates of this policy even in
Franca. It la a policy bienied by the Pepe sod hailed la
anticipation by the bishops ; h will phase diploma** be-
cause the proceeding is regular and conformable to the
treaty of Villafrasoa. It will particularly please the
legitimists, because they see in it the infallible reshastios
of their hopes. The Coisetitutionid, ou behalf of the
whole tribe of sleepers, will vouchsafe its high approbation,
until the day of awakening comes, and that will not he
long.
For ourselves we unhesitatingly oath's that if the imps-
rial government suffers itself to be betrayed into this de-
plostibie *purse, we shall be deeply grieved. Bat why each
eappositions Is not the pest a gissastse for the future
And who can believe that Napoleon 111., by the grace of
God and the national EdU Emperor al the French, will reek.
leanly renounce the benefit of all his past policy, ef his
slorkits campaign lest year, send Qs* owlet the premini
of ► threat he will abase& the akin to whisk ►e owes
hie popularity in Frames end his putts, in Eassepsi
The crisie is a serious am, and we can well encierelsnd
the necessity of deliberation before action. But momenta
are pro:ions, and a speedy decision may prevent great cab.-
mities.

Ws eannot in any case bring ourselves to believe that
Europe bas conceived the rash idea of running a muck at
Fracas out of sore hatred of her principles. The revolu-
tion so more detested is so less tested, and the risk will
not be run of getting it at dedattos ; but by coming, ►y
subtlety, it is hoped to separass Frew* him Italy
in order the mon readily to get the better of both.
What, then, is the natural antidote of this jesuitic duplicity,
this diplomatic cunning? Why, sincority and courage. To
crooked manceurres let us oppose well-defined situitions—
to clorkases, light.
Let France recognise Victor Emmanuel as King of united
Italy.

Let her notify to the Pepe that the mooseekies of the
European situation make it inspoisible any longer to protest
the temporal power is Rome, and let her assoliste an
honourable &menaced:it between the heed of catholicism
end Victor EnunanneL
Let her tell Metes that any attack against Italy, say
offeaeive sesame beyond the Po or the Ilistem, will be
comddered by Franco as a declaration of war, and followed
by an hessedlate intervention, and than we venture to say
that all the warlike propensities of Austria will evaporate—
and the rather because upon that platform Fosses would be
sure of the support and sympathy of public opinion in
Fagissol and elsewhere.
Nay the Emperor not suffer himself to be held in check
by the timid counsels, vacillating convictions, cowering
prudence, and disguised hostility, which are at work to

.~
~~,
J'.

I.

Lladeetro2lllth hs remember that. France
th
Sr
e emuntry causes and grand mantilla",
she era t to put her flag in her
et and sok psalm for her principles, and

iiinS she is still the same France whose people
enthulaatkelly hailed him departure for Italy. May he
continue valiantly to bear his standerl—may he be faithful
to hie alliances—may he speak out firmly to the old ene-
mies who are cambiaing against us, and then France will
be heart and soul with him. As luig as France is in ao.
eonl with her government ; u long u her powerful arm
extends its protection to Italy—the coalition may talk, bat
it will do nothing. . _

The opinion that the above article was not sent
to the press before it bail been ascertained that it
was not displeasing to the Emperor is counte-
nanced by the fact that there is not a word of refu-
tation or disapproval of its startling statements
and rough oonimentary in any of the government
papers. It by no means follows, however, that the
Emperor, although he allows K Gueroult to plead
freely in this instance, means to stand committed
to the opinions so energetically expressed
by that writer. The article may, I think, be safely
taken as a confirmation of the statement I made
yesterday, that great anxiety is felt about the
Warsaw conference, as evidence of the unreliability
of the reassuring paragraphs of the Constitntionnel ;
and that there is something in M. de Hubner's
mission. But as to the future, the imperial sphinx
is as inscrutable as ever. The Bonifaoe article of this
morning, while giviuga long and laboured apology
for the course hitherto pursued by France, and
harping upon the old Napoleon hobby of a congress
in which Napoleon HI. is to be the supreme arbi-
trator, with the "spirit of compromise" for the
guiding star of Italy, throws no light whatever
upon the great duplex question of the hour--" Is
Austria about to invade Italy, and what will France
do in that case r

The articles' iu the Opinion Nationale and flow.
stidutioune/ were greatly discussed at the Bourse,
and an attempt was made to set off one against the
other, but the pessimist opinion was rather in the
ascendant. The Rente closed at 68fr. 85c., with a
fall of 20c. and 10c. Mobilier fell 3f r. 711 c. The
Orleans Railway fell Mr., and with the exception of
Western, which rose 2fr. 50c., the other lines were
all a trifle lower.

THE AUSTRIAN CONSTITUTION.

The Wiener Zeitting, the official Gazette of
Vienna, publishes the following documents :

IMPERIAL MAIIIPESPO.

When I ascended the throne of my ancestors, the mo-
unrehy was exposed to violent shocks.
After a war extremely painful to my patriotic feelings,
the imperious want of a stricter concentration of the go-
vernmental power arose in my dominions as in nearly every
strongly agitated country of the European continent. Pub-
lic order and the security of the greater number of the
peaceable inhabitants of the monarchy required this mea-
sure ; the excited pinions and sad recollections of the peat,
still so recent, rendered impossible the free movement of
elements but a short time previously so hostile.
I have desired to take cognisance of the wishes and
mats of the several countries of the monarchy, and is em.
sequence I created end convoked my augmented Council et
the Empire in virtue of my letters patent of March 5 of this
year•

In consideration of the propositions which this council
has submitted to me, I bare rewired upon bestowing and
publishing this day a rescript regulating the political orga.
ideation of the monarchy, the rights and situation of
the various kingdoms and countries, and at the eimie
time the political representation of the entire monarchy.
have performed my duty as a sovereign by reconciling
in this manner the tr.rditions, wishes, and legitimate pre-
tensions of my peoples to the real wants of my monarchy,
and by confiding with perfect tranquillity the progressive
development and consolidation of the institutions given or

reestablished by me to the wisdom and patriotic zeal of my
people'. I await the happy issue of them through the pro-
tection and grace of the Almighty, in wham hands the des-
tinies of princes and nation' are placed, and who will not
refuse His benediction upon the profound and couscientiowi
desires of my begirt.
Vienna, Oct. 33, 1860.

FRANCIS JOSEPH (mum proprii).

Imperial Patent for the Internal Political Org►nisation of
the Manzeby.

We, Francis Joseph, &c. he.
When our ancestors of glorious memory, occupied them-
selves with establishing in our august house a precise frees
of eurceesien, it was the immutable order of surceeden
fixed by his Apostolic Majesty the Emperor Charles VL,
on the 19th of April, 1713, and known by the name of the
" Preen/die Bearden," whit* was accepted by the states of
our several kingdoms and eeantries.

Resting on the unshakable basis of a succession to the
throne fixedly established, said on the rights and liberties of
the kingdorse and countries aforesaid made to harmonise
vitas Ike ledivisibility of the several parts composing it, the
♦singe monarchy, increased and strengthened since that
time by mason of political international treaties, has vio-
tairmty surmounted the dangers and attacks that threat-
ened it, thanks to the fidelity, devotedness, and bravery of
its Peoples.

In the interest of our house and of our subjects it is oft
duty as a sovereign to maintain the power of the Austrian
insamolry, and to give for its security the guenustm• of
cilmenad certain laws, and of one common bonicseusons
notice. Those guarantees can only be completely fursilhed
ley institutions corresponding to historic rights, to Sim elf-
Wows exiting between our kingdoms and provinces, sod
the anounitime for davit iailivisible union.

Osiniiisring that the elements of the common homage.
moo owe& Outfields. have developed and formed thew
sob= Wreragh the eindity of our subject. baton the bor,
thrum tie free =seam of religion guesentieed to easy
ort, through the right to hold gee independent of Nod
and hirth, and through the enhimitio of all le tenstine,
though the 'appro.= of steads lebrez, mid of the how
=eat* line of custom houses with= aar zweately; ord.
&dug further that by the cousidantioi of the power
of =sante I. livery country of the lenspon Coatimed.
the ocompou etauagement of go. Obis hes bombe ma
indiposolde seceaity for the security of our inensodiy
mai the welfare of its prornwre, in order to moo= the
dilemmas previously existing between or Weide= and
provisos by mom of • participation, suitebly adjasted.
our seldecte in legalatioe and administration upon the Leis
of the Progniatic &action, and la virtue of our authority,
we have found it good to decide and aids= that what
follows shall he a fundamental and trinneoble Ow of the
ROO for us es well as forcer seers.

1. The right of giving, ckat;gieg, enggrewilsg lave
shall only bs saerened by es and oar enessorore, with the
eamonnesns of the dins manbled, and vi ths
°eased of the Empire, to whisk the dials lel mod a near
bur of marabors fixed by ua.
2. la future all legislative questions having ethreast to
the rigida, duties, and intercom cum to all ger law
dome end countries, shall be disomesd In the Geneisil
of the Empire, and by its conevessnes shall be desidok
to wit : questions relating to symency, coinage, area*
euelems, and commerce ; to the Bank, the administratioe et

the Yost-offices, telegraph a, and railways ; to the haters
milit►ry enrolment ; to the institution of new taxation and
the augmentation of existing taxation ; the conehmlon
of fresh loans, conformably to our decree of July 17, 11380;
the eavenion of the existing state debts, and the sale,
taandermettles, or mortgage of the immoveable property al
the eitte—these questions can only be settled by and with
the es•asnt of the Crewe of State. Laatly, the settlement
of the %gadget of expense for the year ensuing, the mule,
tion of the accounte, and result of the annual expenditure,
will have to be made Arita toe co-venom of ills comma.
3. All the other barishitive questions not comprised in the

preceding article, will be solved by the diets, and as
regards the kingdom and provinces belonging to the crown
Of Hungary, in the muse of their ancient constitutions ; and
for our other kingdoms awl provinces, in the muse ei their
several institutions. But as, with the exemption el the
' provinces of the Hungarian crown, certain legislative goes-
dons, not within the exclusive competency of the °CMS& of
the Empire, have been treated for many years peat in a
general manner for all our other provinces, we mown to
ourselves the right of allowing these questions to be also

entertained by the Council of the Empire, the councils of
those provinces being consulted. A common action will
and may ensue, when the respective diet concerned shall
express its wish therefor, should matters have to be dis-
missed that are not reserved for the competency of the
Council of the Empire. •
4. This imperial patent shall be kept in the archives
of our kingdoms and provinces, and later stud] be
introduced into the code of the country se an authentic
text in the various languages of the empire. Oar successors,
upon their accession to the throne, will have to ail to
this patent their imperial signature and address it to each
of our kingdoms, where it will be inscribed is the code of
the laws of the country.
We ourself have affixed to it our imperial signature and
seal, and have given command that this patent shall be
kept in the archives of our house, of the court, and of the
state.

Given in our capital and residence of Vienna, this 20th.
day et October, in the year 1860, and in the 12th year ot

our reign.

FRANCIS JosEpH (m. p.)

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