The Express.
London, England, 1867-02-12 00:00:00

THE EXPRESS, • TUESDAY EVENING,

forward the bill of 11152. Lord John Russell was impelled
to bring in that bill not by his political rivals but by dude.
pendent members of that house. They originated the
question, and had prevented its being settled. The rein.
time of the house to the present government were pecu-
liarly difficult and perplexing ; for whereas the house had
given a second reading to four bills brought in by succes-
sive liberal governments, it did not allow the reform bill
brought in by the Derby government in 1959 to be read a
secomitime. It was not until Lonl J. Rusiell proposed the
amendment to that bill of 1859 that this question of parlia-
mentary reform became a party question. The house could
not endure a repetition of the manteuvres of 1959 ; it
could not endure that the measure should be thrown out
on some cunning or captious point of detail. Objections
might be made to proceeding by resolution. One was that
it would cause delay, but he contended that that need not
be, and that had not been the result in the few eases in
which the house had proceeded by resolution. Another
objection was that the Desolation must be vague, and that
was true to • certain extent, but no one could be more de-
sirous than the government that the resolutions should he
las precise as possible. He hoped the house would decide
on what principle they meant to reconstruct the English
House of CuMlllON—whether on the principle of the
English constitution, or on the principle of any other
country. Her Majesty's government contended that if the
house would allow them they could reconstruct it on the
principles of the English constitution. There was no doubt
that the House of Commons had assumed a position in re-
lation to the other states of the realm which was never
contemplated in the days of the Plantageneta and the
Tudors. Two centuries ago the house practically obtained
the taxing power, and from that moment every class
ought to be represented in it, because there adone they
could defend their property. The influence of the
peerage in that house was not a denial of its rights,
but a deference to its authority. The government
could countenance no course which would alter the
character of the House of Commons, and they saw
no security for maintaining that character under a system
which would give to any class, whether high or low, • pre.
ponderating power in it. The Legislative Assembly of
France anal the House of Representatives in Washington
were both of them distinguished assemblies, but they
neither of them governed the country in which they sat,
because in both cases they were elected by one class. With
this view, anal considering the violent and pernicious doc-
trines that were now circulated, it was not proposed to
give the representation of that house into the handy of
any one class. Coming to the resolutions to be submitted
he should ask the house to affirm a resolution that rating
should be the basis of the borough franchise. But he could
not now state the extent to which the borough franchise
should be lowered. The law of rating itself was in an un-
satisfactory state, and his honourable friend the Under-
Secretary (Mr. Hunt) had given notice of • bill on this
subject. Then, with regard to the redistribution of seats,
she basis of their plan would be that no borough consti-
tuency should be wholly disfranchised, and in apportion.
ing the representation, they would give representation to
places not yet represented, but which were entitled from a
variety of circumstances to be represented in that house.
The right hon. gentleman then adverted to the ques-
tion of boundaries, contending that the counties ought
not to have their representation interfered with by the
overflowing of the boroughs, and that there should
be • re-adjustment of boundaries. The county mem-
bers, he submitted, ought to be elected by the
county population, and not by the borough popula-
tion. The great body of freeholders in the county
were ignored, and he contended that they had not
their fair place in the representation. Then there
was • great mistake in the public mind with regard to
the number and influence of the tenant-farmers, who
did not amount to more than one-fifth of the
county constituencies, and they were divided between
two parties. There was en indisposition to do justice to
counties, because there was an erroneous notion that no-
body lived in then, but landlords and tenant farmers, and
agricultural labourers, and some persons were disposed to
ask who were they? He considered them the backbone
of England. In bringing forward this subject he
denied that the government were angling for a policy.
It would be more agreeable to the government to
bring forward • great measure, which, backed by
a large majority, they could carry. The course (con-
tinued the right honourable gentleman) which we are
adopting is not a flattering one to ourselves. (Laughter.)
Still, it is more flattering to any man in our
position to assist, however humbly, in effecting
that which he thinks is for the public benefit, than
to bring forward a mock measure to which he knows
the support of parliament will not be given. (Cheers.)
Let me tell the hon. member for Birmingham, to whom I
was just now indebted for an ironical cheer, that there are
others besides himself who think it desirable that this
measure should be settled, and who wish to see it settled
in accordance with the genius of the English constitution.
(Cheers.) Of course it would be very agreeable to us to
bring forward a complete measure, backed by • confiding
majority, and to enjoy the fame of settling a question
affecting the constitution of a great nation. None of my
colleagues pretend to be superior to
" The last infirmity of noble minds ;"
but, sir, this is not • time for considering the complacency
of ministers, or even the pride of parties. I earnestly
hope that the House of Commons will rise to this occasion.
I earnestly hope that the House of Commonsirill, in answer
to that gracious speech which her Majesty has delivered to
her parliament, divest themselves of party feeling, and,
urged by the necessity of the case, give to her ministers
their co-operation and cordial support. (Hear, hear.) Sir,
some sharp things have been mad about the House of
Commons since we parted in the summer—(a laugh)—
some sharp things with reference not merely to its present
character but its past conduct, which we thought had
been accepted, sanctioned, and embalmed by history. I
do not doubt that, human institution as it is, it is not free
from the imperfections of humanity. It is possible that
there may have been periods when the integrity even of
the House of Commons might have been successfully im-
pugned. Nay, more ;we all know that there have been
times when its conduct has been unjust, violent, and even
tyrannical. If you search our records, unquestionably
you will find conclusions on many subjects at variance with
those doctrines which are the happy appanage of more en-
lightened days. But, sir, there is no greater error than to
judge the morals of one age by the manners of another.
There is no greater error than to censure the passions of
perilous times with the philosophical calmness of assured
security. There is no greater error than to gauge the in-
tellect of the pest and its deficiencies not by its own
standard, but by the accumulated wisdom which time has
bequeathed to us, and which is our magnificent patrimony.
(Cheers.) Those who take a larger and nobler view of
human affairs will, I think, recognise that, alone amongst
the countries of Europe, Englaud has now for almost
countless generations exhibited in her parliament a pure
exemplar of free government ; anal if in the awful vicissi-
tudes of her history she has triumphed over the dangers
which menaced her, it was mainly by her House of Com-
mons that she created and cherished that public spirit
which is the soul of commonwealths, and without which
empire has no glory, and the wealth of nations is jtut the
means of corruption and decay. (Loud cheers.) Sir, I
move " that on the 25th of February this house will resolve
itself into a committee of the whole house, to take into
consideration the 2nd and 3rd of Will. IV., chapter 45."
(Renewed cheers.)
Mi. GLADSTONE (who was received with loud cheers)
said the Chancellor of the Exchequer, by his proposition,
had placed the house in a peculiar and unparalleled posi-
chap. They were raked to approach this subject in a
manner altogether novel. He concurred in the opinion
that the house, by the action of independent member',
had incurred a responsible position on the subject of re-
form, but he understood the Chancellor of the Exchequer
to go further than this, and to contend that with the in-
create of the responsibility of the house there was a de-
crease in the responsibility of the government, and that
that responsibility week's than that which usually attached
to ministers of the crown. He doubted whether such an an-
nouncement would add to the weight of the proposition
which the right hon. gentleman had named. There were
many objections to proceeding by way of resolution, but
he should advise independent members not to urge those
objections, but to examine the resolutions to see if it was
possible to make an onward movement in this matter.
Allusion had been made to the intention to alter the law
of rating, and • bill was to be brought in on that subject.
But was that to be made a reason for delay? The same
reasons that induced him to make no objection to the pro-
position to proceed by resolution would induce him to
offer his determined opposition to any proposition that
would have a tendency to east this question off to the
future. He denied that the late government hail at-
tempted to reconstruct that house on any other than the
principle of the British constitution.
The resolution was then agreed to.
ASSESSMENT OF RATEABLE PROPERTY.

Mr. HUNT moved for leave to bring in a bill to provide
for a common basis of value for the purposes of government
and local taxation, and to promote uniformity in the
ssiessment of rateable property in England and Wales.
He apologised for introducing the measure while the
house was yet excited by the expositions of the
government with reference to the course it intended to
pursue on the question of reform, but observed that

as long ago as 1850 the subject of the discordant
valuations of property for assessment hail attracted
the attention of the house, and as Sit George Lewis had
stated before a committee of the House of Lords, that there
was a great diversity in the mode of assessment to diffe-
rent rates, and expressed his opinion that it would be ad.
visable to have a uniform system of rating based upon
the assessment of the poor rates. Subsequently Sir
George Lewis and Sir George Grey introduced a
bill in accordance with these principles, but it oc-
curred to the government that they might be carried
further, and applied to all principles of taxation.
The hon. gentleman referred to the diverse systems which
were at present in operation for making the assessments
upon which imperial taxation, local rates, and county '
rates were levied, and stated that, in providing a remedy
for • oondition of things which no one could regard as
' creditable to the country, the government had endea-
voured to make use as far as possible of existing
machinery. Their object was to provide for the unifor-
mity of deductions in each county ; and to attain that
object they proposed that each county should have a valua-
tion board, which would be constituted of two members
from each assessment oommittee, wherever it was possible
one of those two to be a magistrate. As they took the
area of counties they proposed to include all towns
lying within the boundaries of each county. Where
towns had no assessment committees they would
be required to appoint them, and if none of
their member* were magistrates the difficulty
would be met by having members nominated
by the town councils. The functions of the valuation
boards would relate almost exclusively to the fixing of a
scale of deductions, which would be followed throughout
the whole country. With regard to the gross value, they
proposal that the overseen should make out the valuation
lists as now, and here they intended to introduce a new
eleMent into the system. The bill would provide that the
surveyor of taxes should have • locus stanili before the
assessment committee, and should be empowered to state
what was in his opinion the right amount at which the
gross value should be fixed, it resting with the ratepayer
to show that that amount was excessive. The assessment,
when made, would be transmitted to the valuation board,
who would take care that their instructions as to
the scale of deductions had been carried out. The
present appeal to the quarter sessions would be
abolished, but there would be substituted for it an appeal
to an *glamor, who would be a barrister to be appointed by
the valuation hoard, with the consent of the Treasury.
The assessor, who would practically answer to the assistant
barrister who presided over the courts of quarter sessions
in Ireland, would have power to order a survey and valua-
tion if necessary. The surveyor of taxes would be
authorised to appeal against any assessment, and one union
or one parish might appeal against the assessment
of another. The assessor would be appointed by persons
who were the representatives of the nitepayers, but at the
same time, as one half of them would be justices of the
peace, the magisterial element would not be lost ; and as
his appointment must be sanctioned by the Treasury,
impend interests would be properly guaranteed. The
bill would not apply to the metropolis, but if its principle
was adopted by the house, a proposal would be made to
extend it to London. The valuation which would be
framed under its provisions would be available for the
purposes of imperial taxation, both income tax and house
duty, for local rates, to derive the qualification of jurors
and guardians, and to settle the value of houses for pur-
poses of licensing.
Mr. CHILDERS abstained from committing himself
to the provisions of the bill, but expressed his general
approval of the principle of the measure.
Mr. BAXTER bore testimony to the exeellentworking of
the Scotch system, which was somewhat similar to that
which the hon. gentleman proposed to introduce into Eng-
land.

Mr. P. SCROPE approved generally of the measure, and
Mr. AYRTON expressed his satisfaction that it would
not apply to the metropolis, the circumstanoes of which
were altogether peculiar.
Mr. HUNT, in reply, said that it was not intended that
the assessors should be permanent judges, but that they
should be appointed from time to time.
Leave was then given ; the bill was brought in and read
a first time, and was ordered to be read a second time that
day three week'.