The Express.
London, England, 1859-04-05 00:00:00

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LONDON. TUBBDAY. APRIL 6.

MINISTERS have advised the Qua= to dissolve
Parliament Lord DERBY in the Upper House and
Mr. Duns= in the Lower announced the decision
of the Cabinet yesterday evening; and thus put an
end to all surmise as to the first consequences of the
great vote of butt week. Putting aside all con-
siderations of party convenience or advantage, it
cannot be denied that they have taken the constitu-
tional coons; and that, as compared with the alter-
native imputed to them by some of remaining
in office without attempting to amend their Reform
Bill, or to produce another, they have acted
with becoming spirit. What they promise to them-
selves as a party by an appeal to the constituencies
we own ourselves at a loss to conceive. But there
will be time enough hereafter for discussion on
that subject. To-day we are occupied with the
reasons assigned by the Government for offering
the advice they have done to their Sovereign in the
present condition of affairs.
Lard Densx's speech was in the main an in-
vective against the majority of the present House
g Commons, and the leaders to whom various
sections of that majority are supposed to be attached.
According to the noble Earl, the cohesion which for-
merly existed amongst the members at either side of
the SPEAKER'S chair being no longer discernible in
the ranks of Opposition, !public business is liable to
be impeded ; public men are placed at a great disad-
vantage ; it is no longer possible to calculate before-
hand how many scores of men are certain to vote, for
or against any particular measure; and therefore,
according to the FRESHER, the constitution is in
danger. Amid the fluctuations and uncertainties of
opinion, stands the party of Conservatism, which by
contrast its chief would represent as presenting a
firm and united front, and containing within it
whatever there is of hope for the maintenance of
good government at home, or of peace abroad.
Considering all we have heard of late of disunion
and divergency of sentiment amongst Tory gentle-
men, and even amongst members of the same Tory
Cabinet, this it must be owned is rather strong.
Tree it is, indeed, that Messrs. WALPOLE and HMI-
LET, after quitting office sooner than scent to the
Bill af their colleagues, voted with them eventually
foe the second reading. True it is that the inflexible
NEWDEGATE and the inappeasable BENTINCE Wen
found at lest in the same lobby with the utilitarian
SrAxxsv and the casuistic Nowrneova. A like
unanimity on particular occasions is the ground of
Lord DERBY'S taunt against Liberals; bat he thinks
himself warranted in denouncing to the country
those who form, by his own confession,
an overwhelming preponderance in the pre-
sent House of Commons, because their per-
sonal attachments to particular statesmen
have sometimes led them to take different views, and
because those statesmen have not shown any mean
or factious readiness to disguise their differences of
opinion in a grasping or greedy impatience to re-
cover
power. We do not believe that the country
will think the worse either of Liberal msjorities or
of Liberal Mammon on that account.

Bat what is this insane superstition about identity
and uniformity which seems to bewilder the brains of
Lord DERBY and his colleague ? Some of them
were never Liberals, and may be forgiven, therefore,
for misapprehending wherein the life and spirit of
all progressive partite consist. But Mr. DISRAELI
and Sir E. BVLwER Lvrrox once were Radicals
when Lord DERBY was once a Whig. How
is it that they have so utterly forgotten,
as well as forsworn, the principles they once affected
to revere P Liberalism is the protestantism of poli-
tics; the very essence of it consists in freedom of
inquiry, liberty of opinion, difference of view, and
nonconformity of sentiment to any rigid standard.
Uniformity may par for the creed of Toryism, and
consistent followers of that way of thinking may be
summoned unfailingly on all occasions by beat of
drum. We blame them not for their fidelity to the
cause which they think right; we impute not to
them mean or unworthy motives; we desire not to
abridge in aught their liberty as a political sect, or
to question their right to boast of an identity of tone
and seeming which we do not believe them capable
of at heart. But it is sheer insolence and intolerance in
the high priests of Toryism to lay down rules for the
mental and moral guidance of those whom very theory
of political thought and action is irreconcileably
opposed to theirs.
Identity of views amongst Liberals, indeed !
Lord DERBY ought to recollect that from the
first day he opened his lips as a Whig declaimer
to that on which he finally deserted to Con-
servatism he was himself incessantly engaged in
controversies, which his petulance seldom failed to
embitter, with leading men on the side he then
espoused. His first hit as an orator was a caustic
and bitter reply to the late Mr. Hume on the Irish
Church question. The following year he toek office
under Mr. CANNING, regardless of the indignant
protest of Earl GREY. As a member of the Reform
Government of 1830 ha was perpetually at fend with
Mr. O'Comsli.l.; although hedid not scruple when it

111110'
w neossmu7 to lend him important support when
candidate for the city of Dublin. He has had the
temerity in his speech of bet night to refer to the
Appeopriation Clause et 1894. It was Lord DERBY
himself who, after a Bill containing that memorable
;Revision had been introduced as a Government
meesure, suddenly recoiled from the principle it Co..
taped, and did all that in him lay to break up the
Cabinet of Lord GREY, because it would not
abandon it at his bidding. His subsequent
course while hovering between the two hostile
camps in 1895 was equally indecisive—was what
he then called independent, what he now
calls unconstitutional. Sometimes he voted with

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