The Express.
London, England, 1866-04-28 00:00:00

APRIL 28, 18.

_ .
the "jou pause before. rt three/int the principle of thi tug of the franchise required a, redistribution of t
bill gt th k of thrown'. those people into a state of they were distinct questions ; and be it remembered tali
unosam aye, and of (Lacoste* ored at the risk of put- in the case of the bill of 1869, the members for Oxford,
t' s /for an indefinite L to that brilliant system shire and the University of Cambridge approved of the
of and finesse which in the recent past bad redistribution of seats, but opposed the lowering el the
beepal such immense good, and the oontinuanoe of which franchise. (Hear, hear.) The refusal to give the worlds,
for ffip future was of such vital importance as respected man the franchise without the redistribution of seats was
adainiCiallr until illewouldhad belearni. edrefutel. a
"5 et 1
the power, the resources, and the happiness of this great
country. (Cheers.)
Mr. B. JOHNSTONE said he could not pay the same fork. (Laughter.) The resistance to the bill 01 Ha van
compliment to the boa and gallant gentleman who had driven to the verge of civil war. He trusted that tsatie
just est down as that hon. and gallant gentlensanhad paid was not to be repeated. (Hear, haw.) Bet at all s.
to the speech of the noble lord the member for King's if this bill did no other good, it would acco2stek-dtWe
Lynn. The hon. and gallant gantlet's= had borrowed an the boundaries of party, and draw a sharp lino
argument from the speech of his colleague the other mem- those who were advocates for the4.vileges of thriameall
bee for Westminster ; for both had stated that a and those who refused thaw pri • (rood
gnat
great part of the speech of the noble lord was By whim wee Ws bill opposed ? as It by the
unanswerable. The honourable and gallant gentleman had middle class! No. Was it by the landed gentry! No..
however said he was going to show the house bow Was it by the territorial aristocracy as a class! Mess
much the noble lord had omitted ; how much further he certainly, no. (Loud cheers.) Let no man tell him this
ought to have gone, and that, though a small part of his the Dukes of Bedford and Argyll, and Lobster, the athis
speech was true, the larger part was untrue. And the marquis the Minister for Wass, or his noble friend*,
hon. add gallant gentleman had further said they must member for Kerry, were not as true aristocrats as the hid
not think he was a novice ; be had studied the history of of Derby—(loud cheers)—that they were not as antess
his country and the politics of the day, and he spoke fortified to preserve the balance of political power as the Oman*
by thatknowledge. The hon. andgallantgentlemanhad said, of the bill. (Hear, hear.) But on the other hand thus
'I am going to make you a confession of faith--e conies- were tones in every class, the working elms as well se the
non of a tender nature—it is a confession of a virgin &deo- middle class and the aristocracy, and it was by twin
Um. (laughter.) You must not be surprised if it calls exclusively that the bill was opposed. (Hear, hail
forth emotion, or even if I should shed tears. There is Happily wever for the peace of England, ohm
nothing unmanly in shedding tears when there is a noble was no class which as a clam was swam
and virgin affection in question." (laughter.) He (Mr. to refuse the working class its fair share of politicos
Johnstone) had tried to turn a strong light on the object power. (Hear, bear.) He held it, is fact, to be import.
of that virgin affection ; and what had he found it was! ble for any chum to plot, combine, or Om** to ~,,,,.
Why, the hon. and gallant gentleman had fallen in love throw or refuse political rights to any other close (Lendtine
with the working cisme& (Laughter, and " Hear, hear.") cheers.) It was easy to amount for the opposition of
There need be no wonder at that, because the hon. and (the opposite) side, but it was not so may to account far
gallant gentlemen had given the working men such a the conduct of the liberals who had deserted their colours,
character that a man must be made of stone who did not (Hear, hear.) They put it all down to the shame 4
fall in lovigwith them. (Laughter.) The hon. and gallant redistribution. What were they afraid of ? Were they
gentleman had said they had culture, patience, and in- afraid that government would eve greater
tegrity. He (Mr. Johnstone) had looked for some the liberal party by the mode of redistributioelrettrk:t
argument in the speech he had just heard. It was It was not necessary for him to my that the Irish Bent
full of denunciation and advice in regard to that party helped to carry the first Rdorm Bill, to edam
side of the house. They were told they were not to listen mum corporstaons, and to repeal the corn Imes. Am
to menace, and that they were extremely good, honour- now, w n another Reform Bill was to be carried, the,
able, thick-headed, and stupid people, who were not they were spin—cheers)—acting in concert by the sided
capable of appreciating good argumenta—of course such as their English brethren, an united body, with one er foe
were offered. by the hon. and gallant gentleman. (laughter.) i solitary and paltry exceptions. (Cheers.) No mat*
They were told the working classes ought to have a share what unhappy differences they had had among
in the representation. He (Mr. Johnstone) wanted to no matter how sore some might feel as to thethnere .14
know what share they were to have. The bill afforded no I measure* with regard to the social happiness of their aces.
solution of that problem, which was put before the try, in thehour of trial and of action theybad never fOnf,
house as X, an unknown quantity, and it was I they had never sulked, but they had always shown that
left to the house to work out the sum. Let : they were actuated by a common instinct and by as as.
the Chancellor of the Exchequer tell them what% was, and swerving devotion to a liberal policy. O'Connell mei se
they would work it out. (Hear, hear.) But the Chancellor I boast that while the majority of the members for
of the Exchequer wished to catch the house unawares ; and Scotland voted against the Reform iri
g t
and the President of the Board of Trade wished to drive 1832, the majority of the representatives for be.
them into a corner ; but they did not wish either to be land voted for it, and carried it. (Hear, hear.) The lea,
°aught or driven into a corner. (Hear, hear.) The House member for Yougbal had thought proper to remind the
of Ominous had • right to know the facts of the awe, and house that her Majesty's government had suspended the
ought not to be told to take a leap in the dark. For Lis Habeas Corpus Act in Ireland. That hon, plan,.
part he (Mr. Johnstone) refused to discuss the merits of neither spoke nor voted against that supenaion—ffiser,
a bill which was no bill at all. The question should be hear) —be was not in his place ;be did not think it lOW
considered as a whole, and not in parts. How did it hap- wiry to attend the house when the Suspension Bill ass
pen that the bill was brought forward after Easter, under discussion and perhaps he was not aware that the
when it was impossible that the question could be party for which he was about to vote censured he
satisfactorily settled? They knew that Lord Russell was a Majesty's government for not having owner
hear
the
great reformer, end could not help introducing reform act-
sad acted with greater rigour. (Hear, hear.) Bet the
bills, for he was born under a reform star, he was sent into hon. member must know that during the resent state hide
the world reforming. (laughter.) When he was Foreign in Ireland the law officers of the crown exhibited no via.
Secretary he tried to reform other countries. He intro- dictive spirit, and this was no appearance of their hill
dueled a reform bill for Poland, which was, no doubt, a most ing a brief from one body of Irishmen against awe*
excellent bill, but Russia was too strong for him. body of Irishmen. When the tones bad the mast id
He then introduced a reform bill for Schleswielfolatein. similar trials their conduct was characterised by great is.
Everybody said that was an excellent measure ; but dictiveness. He doubted very much whether this Isi
Count Bismarck smashed it. (Hear, hear.) It was not parliamentary exploit of the hon. member for Youth'
Lord Russell's object to carry reform bills ; would secure for him a crown of laurels, though it bet
his object was to introduce them ; and if be secure for him from the hon. member for Trisity Octhp
carried a reform bill his occupation would be gone. and the hon. member for Belford a chaplet 41
(" Hear, hear," and laughter.) They could not have their orange blossoms. (Cheers and laughter.) One word is
cake and eat it ; but they could cut it into *dozen slices such the subject of the speeches delivered by members of be
as redistribution, extension of franchise, the boundary government during the recess. They had been (mite a
question, Sic., and they could eat a slice when their apps - godsend to members on the opposition side of the boa
tite wan sharp set. (" Hear, hear," and laughter.) This, He read the speeches of the Chancellor of the Pachmer,
however, was not likely to be a successful way of meeting and never raid speeches with greater pleasure. He ass
the question. He believed the reform question never delighted to find a minister in his position agcpeeg
could be settled until that aide of the house was taken towards Ireland a toss so wise, so generous, and so calas
into the confidence of the party who tried to carry it. lated to remove from the minds of the Isiah people ths
(Cheers.) Although there were on that side of the house impression that it was impossible for them to be mini
some members who were opposed to all reform, the feel- with England and at the same time to be prospwna 211
ing was not universal, and any one really anxious to such a minister he was irresistibly drawn, and he beef
carry • reform bill would say, as Mr. Cobden Amid, that he might be able to carry' out those principles el p.
" Get all the support you can for the measure you have in "liniment and of policy, of wise and generous ocean*
hand. Do not do all you can to irritate people." Those which could not fail to cement a union of interests whisk
who wished to carry reform must not only conciliate all would be the commencement of glory, and power, tal
the support on their own side, which the government prosperity to the empire. (Cheers.)
party had not done, but they must also get as much sup- ML A. GRANT said a question had been put co Gel
port as they could from moderate men on that (the con- side of the house why had her Majesty's government haw
servative) side of the house. (Cheers.) If reform was to duped this bill, and the reply was that it was in
be settled it would not be by a conference, but by some- tion of a pledge. But there was no pledge given except t
thing like a tacit understanding between the heads of the advanced radicals, and the house was hound to eir
both parties in that house as to what was a satisfactory eider it a bill emanating from the hon. member for Bib
massure. But no measure could be satisfactory that was minigham. He did not, however, think there was say is
not upon the table. (Hear, hear.) The government merit in it on that account, for he had no doubt of tie
brought in their Reform Bill like a thief in the night ;it honesty of purpose
was masked, half its features were disguised, and yet they tended to detract from the dangerous doctrines pre=
were surprised that the house did not fall in love with the hon. member it was the courage and honesty of purism
the object. (Hear, hear.) The hon. member the Chan- with which he advocated them. His objection to the Issa
cellor of the Duchy of Lancaster had said he had heard it member's doctrines was that they were not isle he this
stated that they were shuffling their cards under the table. country. The model he set his mind upon in hie=
(Hear, hear.) Why, that was what the government were days was the Chancellor of the Exchequer, said be n
doing. He (Mr. Johnstone) did not say they meant to if ever he got into parliament to endeavour to imitate his .
cheat, but they did not mean to show what (A laugh.) To his mind the right hon. gentleman was the
they were doing. (Hear, hear.) That might be con- foremost mind in this country, and the man who mod
sidered honourable warfare, but it was not likely possessed on most questions the confidence of the people if
to conciliate support. With regard to the working classes, this country. He hoped the right hon. gentleman would
they were so numerous a family that if great care were not excuse this apparent fulsomeness, for these sentiments
taken in admitting them into the legislature they would were the sentiments of his heart. He thought that the
swamp every other class. A baby would tell them this. right bon. gentleman's conduct in reference to this bill wee
In his (Mr. Johnstone's) opinion those who had opposed not a) much his own as that he was acted upon by Isms
the second reading of the bill deserved well of their pressure from behind, which he thought he wadi
country and their party. If that party had allowed them- regret. He objected to this bill because it was ad
selves to be dictated to by the government, and the extreme brought forward in a straightforward manner, and bet
section of the reformers, between whom and the government cause it bore on it the stamp of batty legillatibi. II
a wider chasm existed than that which separated the non-official legislation, and of irresponsible
lultnlantet
government from the opposition (hear, hear) the It was not to be supposed that the government
government would become so democratic that theta without some motive the course they had taken ; ithe
who represented the real mind and feeling of the house had a right to know what that motive was. For his
country would not only be banished from office for years, own part he was a reformer, and was not averse eves to a
but would cease to exercise that beneficial influence over lowering of the suffrage ; but he objected to any medal
the legislation of the country which he believed the with the subject until they had a complete bill before then.
moderate liberal party possessed upon the great questions The hon. member for Westminster had often been appealed
of the day. (Cheers.) to as an authority on reform, but he found that that Cora'
The O'DONOGHUE said the right hon. member for tleman was in favour of admitting females into that been
Caine bad yesterday reminded the house that he had
nothing to say to the arguments of the Chancellor of the If that were done he (Mr. Grant) should pity the Spahr
who would have to maintain order ; for he feared that
Exchequer, and he (the O'Donoghne) thought he might hon. members would pay far more attention to the
tell the right hon. member for Caine that the house feminine gender than to the business before the hoses.
had nothing to say to his arguments. The royal (A laugh.)
word of the Sovereign bad several times been pledged Mr. HIBBERT said that in hie borough (Oldham) those
to her people that parliament would deal with the question were 107,000 inhabitants, but only 2,200 had votes. Be*
of reform, and both sides of the house had declared their that could not be called a representation of the people. CI
intention of dealing with the question. The speech of the those
2,200 only 316 were returned as working men ; "
right hon. member for Caine was useful as indicating the he was inclined to think that the government had boa fir
bias of some hon. members, and as showing how ardent too liberal in their application of that term, not iis 4
reformers on that (the conservative) side of the house could Oldham, but throughout the country. (1•4
cheer a speech that was diametrically opposed to all re- bear.) If he wished for delay he should as
form. The various constituencies were watching with tainly vote for the amendment ; but wishing e
interest and anxiety the issue of this debate. The inteW- be did to see the ret esentation of the people become a
genoe of parliament was ordinarily applied to the solution real thing, he ghoul d cordially support the second raiding•
of questions of social well-being or the mate- Judging from the past he should say that the govenuest
rial progress of the people, or questions of foreign and would have had no chance of carrying their bill if they bed
colonial policy affecting thenational prosperity and honour. introduced into it clauses for the redistribution of seta.
It was now performing • more serious duty, involving the The people of this country were too reflecting • ropig.
solution of the question of the government of the country, they read too many newspapers, and they were too wits'
and upon the result would depend the future legislation of awake to be deluded into the idea that the amenimest
the country. They were all aware that the object of was intended to further the cause of reform. Moto
government was the promotion of the happiness of the over, he should like to have the terms of the
people, and when he came to consider the various amendment a little more defined. What did it mean
forms of governnent he owned to a strong partiality by the word "settlement!" Did it mean s settle*
to that form for which mankind in all ages bad meat in a conservative or in n liberal sense ? It seemed
exhibited a preference, commensurate with the to him that a settlement which would he satisfactory to the
growth of intelligence and civilisation. (Hear, hear.) opposition could hardly be so to his side of the hoes&
It was unquestionably true that both absolute monarchy (Hear, hear.) Mr. Hibbert having quoted largely hew
and the ride of an aristocracy became distasteful and un- the electoral returns, in order to expose the fallacy of the
bearable as the mind of a nation became developed by statement that the working classes possessed and re 6
education, and that men sought relief in such systems as share in the constituencies of the large towns, and teas the
those of the United States and of England against class number of electors had increased as rapidly as the P°Pl.ll.
monopoly of power. He could not understand how the tion, said that the seven towns in which the zotuZ
right hon. member for Hertfordshire arrived at the con- classes had more than 50 per cent, of the voters
elusion that democracy was the form of government best nixie conservatives, one liberal conservative, and only two
suited for the youth of a nation. History led them to an liberals. If, therefore, the country was exposed to a°;
entirely different conclusion. (Hear, hear.) The youth peril from the bill, the danger seemed to be lest it mono
~,i
of a nation was the period when government would best j hand overits destinies tothe tion.gentlemenopposite.(llelf•l
fit one or a few vigorous hands, but when that nation grew j Since the Reform Bill of 1832, the great proportion of per-
older its repugnance to an absolute monarchy or an i sons added to the list of voters consisted of the occuPwfe
oligarchy soon became perceptible. The moat highly lof houses from 10f. to 30/., the numbers so added being
civilised nations of the continent longed for a share of , 371,000 out of 577,000. They consisted for the most part
political power, and it was idle to infer that the of small shopkeepers ; yet having a preponderance of tht
working classes of England felt differently because at pre-lnumber of votes it was rarely if ever that they returned
sent they were at no pains to disclose their inclinations. ! persons to parliament who were taken from their own
(Hear, hear.) Successive administrations had recognised' class. He denied altogether that if the franchise was now
the desire of the working man by the introduction ofj enlarged the members returned would be found to
measures ; but care should be taken that such a measure devote themselves to the consideration of questions arising
was a reality, not a sham. (Hear, hear.) The Reform' out of trades unions or disputes about wage'.
Bill of 1832 did peat things for the middle clames, but little The battle upon those questions would have to
or nothing for the working classes, whose case her Ma. be fought without the wall" of parliament, while
jesty's government was now taking in hand. He believed the general advancement in education and mates"
that the working classes would be perfectly satisfied with' wealth during the last thirty years was such em
the bill on the table—(bear, hear)—and as prevention eminently to fit the working classes for dischanal
was better than cure, he hoped that it would receive ac- the duties of constituents. On this point he On
ceptance from the house. (Hear, hear.) For his part, the recent pamphlet of Dr. Watts, for the mass
he felt bound to do all he could for the bill, which he pose of showing the large capital which the working clamed
believed had been introduced by the government in • possessed in their investments in co-operative stores, build'
genuine and sincere spirit of liberality and pa- mg societies, savings banks, and trade union subscriptions.
triotism. (Loud cheers.) The Reform Bill of 1832 was He considered there was no just reason for excluding the
based on giving political privileges to a class which (lid 71. occupier from the exercise of the franchise, and et-
not then possess them, and the bill of the government was pressed a hope that the time would soon come when, in
now opposed on the same principle, the opposition being of the words of Burke, the Commons House of Parliament
precisely a similar character. It proposed an extension of would be returned by the commons of England. (Chen'.)
the franchise, and for that reason it was opposed. (Hear, j Sir M. BEACH supported the amendment, and retorted
hear.) In fact, the franchise was the real pivot of reform. on the so-called liberal party the taunt that the compere!:
A man might object to the redistribution of seats and still five" were opposed to any lowering of the franchise.
.15
be a reformer • but a man who refused to enfranchise the seemed to him that the object of the measure WaS to give
1 working classes could only be classed sa an anti-reformer. the whole preponderance of political power to one putt'
(Hear, hear.) What the people wanted was a share of po- cular class of the community. The government asked them
litical mower. Let them agree on that point, and the rest to plan this bill first and then promised to intbduce e."
was only a means to an end. The question arose, were bill for the redistribution of the seats; hut the
they all equally desirous to extend the franchise to the supporters of the bill in that case would not have the
working classes? He believed not, and that from the die- opportunity of explaining their views and reasons to their
inclination to do that arose all the opposition to the bill. constituents, and acting with that political honour and
(" Hear, hear," and cheers from the opposition.) Yet all dignity which they would maintain if they voted for the
the speeches that had been made in support of the amend- amendment. Great objections had been urged on all wwlee,
"
went of the noble lord the member for Cheater had been to different parts of the bill, and he contended that J
peaches against the loweringof the franchise. (Loudcrles of measure for the redistribution of seats would in any way.
' Hear, hear.") Why nobody could Wertthnt the lower. cure the radical defects of this measure, which the (Mem