The Express.
London, England, 1858-08-02 00:00:00

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LONDON, MONDAY, AUGUST 2.

SPORTING INTELLIGENCE.

A SPECIAL EDITION of the "EXPRESS;'
containing the results of the day's Races, is pub-
lished every evening during the Sporting Season, at
six o'clock.

LORD STARLET indicates his sense of the impor-
tance of the new proclamation of sovereignty which
must be made in India by saying that Government
have time to consider the character and form of that
announcement, as the new Act does not come into
operation till thirty days after its passage. From what
fell from his Lordship on Friday night, it is to be
hoped that the Government are considering, gravely'
and anxiously, what it is precisely that they are
going to announce to nearly two hundred millions
of our fellow-subjects, and the form which will beet
convey the truth to minds so different from our
own. It is satisfactory to find that on one point, at
all events, they appear to have made up their minds.
The Proclamation, in whatever precise form it may
be drawn up, is to include an assurance that the
transfer of Government is to make no change in the
policy of religions neutrality which has hitherto
been observed. This is well; but it is not
all. There are a few documents in the world
which are a sort of political Scriptures—not
only immortal in political history, but revealing
and imposing the terms of political salvation, and
exhibiting, avowedly or tacitly, the alternative fate.
Our Magna Charts, the American Declaration of
Independence, the Oath of the French National Con-
vention in 1789, the Will of Peter the Great in
Russia, the Capitularies of Charlemagne, the De-
claration of War of Gustavus Adolphus—such docu-
ments ifs these in civil history, and the Popes' Bulls
of the first magnitude, and Luther's Theses in the

Ecclesiastical world, not only record history but
generate it. They operate for ages; first, as the ex-
pression of the sense and sentiment of the hour, and
then through the principles or the institutions which
they create or consolidate. Among these ought to
rank such a production as this new announcement to
the nations of India of the nature and terms of their
Political existence from this day forward. Thirty
days are by no means too many for the considera-
tion of such • work; and the clearest sense,
the ripest experience, the most generous de-
votedness could not find nobler employment than
in introducing the vast multitude of the
natives of India to a new phase of political
existence. It is no easy tart. It is to be done in
an hour of tempestuous passion, amidst a lurid
present, and under a dark future, when the only
thing which we know with certainty is that the
people of India do not understand us, nor we them.
They did not understand the rule which has just
expired, and they are less likely to comprehend the
sew one which is to ensue; and as for our inability
is meet their ideas, and to engage their affections,
we need only point to the condition in which our
Indian Empire is left by the ablest and beet-inten-
tioned Government that ever held sway through
successive generations. The opportunity of this
, Proclamation is one which ought to be used for the
11114111100 of establishing some understanding between
the Sovereigns of the British Empire and the largest
body of their subjects ; but it needs a prophet whose
lips are touched with fire from the altar of wisdom
and devotion, to speak the fitting word to each
listeners at such a season. There are some condi-
tions, however, so clear, some considerations

so plain, that any thoughtful observer may recognise
them ; and something will be gained if such consi-
derations are placed before all minds at the same
time, so that there may be some ground of agree-
ment as to what ought to be proclaimed to the
people of India.

- First, the Proclamation is to be addreesed to u
great a variety of peoples as Europe could present on
a similar occasion. If Europe were to be inundated
by a people from some remote Continent—a people
incalculably superior to us in knowledge, in the
arts, in civilisation as a whole, and (in their own
belief) in religion in particular-4 people whose
entire structure of ideas was different from the

European, and by whose morals and customs our
lives and ways wore judged to be false, frivolous,
immoral, and indecent,—how might such a proud
and imposing power address the peoples of Europe
—from Romish Spain to Greek Russia, from Cal-
vinistio Soothed to free-thinking Germany? Must
it not be, if at all, by finding some set of
ideas and sympathies existing among them
all ? Such most be our method with the many na-
tions and tribes, of virions religions and orders of
mind, whom we clan together u the People of
India. The one object of homage to them all is
Power. The power may be of different kinds, from
that of divine vindictiveoess, the dread of the
Hindoo, to that of the sword, wielded in the name of
• Prophet, which eaptivates the imagination of the
Mustlman ; but Power is the attribute which men

in their stage of civilisation moat nearly agree in re-
*peeling. The leading point in the new Proclama-
tion should therefore be the announoement that the
Quittx, their ruler henceforth, is Sovereign over the
Company which has hitherto been the embodiment,
in their ryes, of strength of all kind.. It meet be
made as clear as ►anguage can make it that the pre-
sent change is not owing to any conflict of rival
powers, such as they have been accustomed to wit-
ness as the cause of change of rulers in the native
states; and, on the other hand, that John Companies
is not in disgrace at Court, as they will certainly sup-
poes if any room is left for the supposition. The light
in which tho occasion is presented to them may
surely be one favourable to all partial' I, sad propi_
tiatory to the anxious listeners to the Clunnee first