The Express.
London, England, 1867-04-09 00:00:00

THE. LIBERAL SCHISM.

The doctrine of passive obedience to a political
chief, says the Times, has broken down on its first practical
application. Mr. Coleridge's retreat last night was com-
plete, and a position was won by the government. Never
in parliamentary history did au opposition select a worse
method of attack. They had the choice of ground, and
pitched upon a position in every respect to their disad-
vantage. Had a division been taken upon it, the ministry
would have appeared as the proposers of a universal rating
suffrage, the opposition as desirous of bringing it hack
to a limit of 5/. rateable value. It is true that the govern-
ment requires the personal payment of rates by the voter,
but this is a condition which might or might not be a
bar to the acquisition of the franchise, according to the
energy and prudence of the occupier. On the hustings
the restriction would have dwindled to nothing.
Even now Mr. Gladstone, as the amendments of which he
h.s given notice will show, cannot persuade himself to
to give up his :V. or id. rating franchise. This is a palpable
error, but it is an error which will iloubtleis be corrected
before Thursday. If the leader of the opposition would
secure the tontinuml allegiance of the recalcitrant mem-
berg from below the gangway, who aisemblial in the tea
room yestenlay, be must abandon the hope of establishing
a limited rating franchise, and devote his ingenuity
to the best method of obtaining an improvement of
the conditions under which the universal rating
franchise of the government is offered. The Tinits
concludes by assuming, as the result of yesterday's debate,
that a reform act will appear in the statute-book of 1867,
conferring in boroughs a rating franchise subject to per-
sonal instead of class conditions.

The jubilation of Mr. Disraeli and his party, the Daily
remarki, is natural. Mr. Chulstone has hail the de-
'durable weakness to yield to the dictation of a fraction of
the party—sacrificing the 2.33 inciabera who were true to him
to the forty-eight who were false. It is for Ishii to consider
how far he can, with self-respect, accept a merely titular part
in which he is to be habitually slighted and oserruled. Ile
has been desirous to prevent disunion among the liberals,
but in reality he has only prevented a notorious and visible
disunion from displaying itself in a particular form and on
a particular occasion. Mr. Gladstune's fault is not to
know his importance to the nation, and to yield where,
with the general sense of his followers supporting him, ho
should insist. He is far more essential to his party than
any section of it is to him. The Daily N.,. further urges
that four.tifths of the liberal members are pledged to
opposed the principle of personal rating and the inequali-
ties between voters, and it does not despair that at some
future state of the measure means will be found ut guard-
ing against the dangers which the bill in its present state
would occasion.

The Post describes the withdrawal of Mr. Coleridge's
instruction as the first substantial victory the government
have gained during their tenure of Mike. If the proposal
to draw a line is treated as a restrictive measure, the op-
position will encomiter the same risk of a damaging defeat
iu committee. The tide has turned, and everything now
promises success to government.

The Ileruld makes spurt of what it term; the great
liberal fiasco, and the Siamlard considers it as proved
that Mr. Gladstone will not have the support of his party
in any move that is contrary to the principle, or likely to
prevent the success of the measure.

While the Tch ymph is surprised at the self-willed action
indulged in by a section of the liberal party, it sees no
reason for much regret. Either they will or will not find
their hopes realised ; they will or they will not be able, in
alliance with other members, to make Mr. Disraeli drop
his devices. if they can do this, they will obtain a very
considerable measure indeed—a measure which its authors
will view with a chagrin as peat as the country's satis-
faction. lf, on the other hand, Mr. Disraeli gets fresh
favours front " the bands of fate," and twists and turns
through the perils of committee ; if his bill can pass the
House of Commons—and in such a house we know not
what disaster is impossible—then the reform movement
must and will begin again.

The stor declares that a measure combining more ele-
ment. of evil and more claims to contempt than any oun-
stitutional scheme the world Las ever seen, has been
allowed to slip out of the hands of the House of Commons
with its absurdities unprotested against. Tho inference
the public will draw is that the House of Commons is
incapable of rising to a great legislative and constitutional
occasion. That Mr. Disraeli is preferred by such a repre-
sentative assembly to Mr. Gladstone is only the crowning
evidence of its being no representative assembly at all.
The Day says that Mr. Gladstone, with all his large
knowledge of political questions, with all his accomplish-
ments in the fields both of literature and philosophy, has
yet to learn the character of the British House of Com-
mons. In speeches such as those of Mr. Lowe and Mr.
Osborne last night, the Day sees only the impotent walk*
of disappointed faction, not the patriotic protests of con-
scientious statesmen.