The Express.
London, England, 1859-09-05 00:00:00

EXPRESS FROM PARIS.

COZON OVZ OWN

PARIS, lloanar Warms.
The " sensation article " in the Zedepondanee, to
which I yesterday drew attention, has been much
discussed here, and more importance is attributed to
its appearance than I should have expected. Per-
sons who are initiated into the arcane of political
journalism regard it as a communicated article—that
is to say, en article not coming from an ordinary
correspondent. The paper containing it, they say,
would inevitably have been seized by the censor had
not special orders been issued to let it pass ; and the
inference is that it emanates from some quarter ape-
cially liable to governmental action. The object in
view is probably to provoke a discussion—to draw
out the English prem. Should it produce too great
irritation, some ten days hence it will be, in some
form or other, disavowed by the government. The
system of keeping open a raw with England see=
to have an irresistible attraotion for this government.
M. Prevost-Paradol, in the Debate, follows the
P of yesterday in condemning the correspon-
dence in question. Replying to the oracular state-
ment—that France will only make war against
England in the event of England's refusing to re-
nounce a supremacy no longer in proportion with
her strength, and to return to what the prophet calls
le droit common—M. Paradol says:

It evinces either pest ignorance of, or great oontampt for,

oontsmporary hiatory to Maintain that &gland at the prc.
sent time places herself idiom the common law, or seeks to
exercise any supremacy in Europe. Oar asighbOurs are not
now so haughty, and they proved abundantly during the Let

war that they were far from pretending to an meetly* In•
Buono over the affairs of Europe. They do not in the least
require to be brought beck to sentiments of greater humility
by the three's of war which the ',dependance holds out.
But these same threats are worthy of attention. They serve
to show more end more to what extent a government, which
ham in itv hands the whole power of a great country, and I.
absolute master of that oouniry's foreign policy, exposes
itself to have its conduct &Italy interpreted.

Mark well this last phrase. It is one of those to
which the masterly writer, who pens it, not nnfre-
quently has recourse when he wishes to crush with
a silken glove on his hand. There is nothing in it
to which the most jealous censor could take excep-
tion, while it covertly conveys condemnation of an

entire governmental system.
I hear on good authority that on Tuesday or Wed-
nesday next the conferences of the Danubian Prin-
cipalities commission will be resumed.
The predominant feeling on first reading the

answer of the King of Piedmont, which you will
have received by express, is one of disappointment ;
but I think a little reflection will show that he could
hardly have said more at the present stage of the
Italian question. He evidently admits the principle
of the annexation. He receives the offer made by
the deputation as the solemn exposition of the na-
tional will, " which desires, while obliterating the
last vestiges of foreign domination, to contribute to
the formation of a kingdom strong enough to defend
the independence of Italy." But be tells the depn-
talon the annexation is too important a matter to
be dealt with by any less competent tribunal than
that of the great powers of Europe. To my mind
his answer conveys an impression that the congress
is a settled point, although his expression is, the
negotiations which will take place upon the affairs
of Italy." Before this high tribunal, he engages to
support the cause which has for its object the for-
mation of the kingdom strong enough to defend
Italian independence. The King's remark to the
intent that Europe can hardly refuse to do for Tus-
cany what, under leas favourable circumstances, it
did fir Orme, Belgium, and the Danubian Princi-
palities, is seized upon by the Pops as the ground of
enunciating an opinion which must not be allowed
to escape notice:

Greece, Delirium, and the Principalities all received from
Europe tJ•.e benefit of independence and eatononiy ; they
were separated, under different conclitkme, from the empires
to whkh they previously belonged. They than consti-
tuted new 'Wes. This id the very reveres of annexation.
The assimilation established in the royal speech between
thee* young nationslities and Tuscany am, thereirite, only

apply is co; respect—the autonomy in vireos of which Tti;-
ran, claims the right of choosing her own government,
Now this right eon only be exercised within the limits which
diplomacy shall &Ans. It Is evident, for instance, that in
1832 Europe would not hem admitted that Belgium, by
virtue of Its autonomy, should have declared itself a French
province any more than it would have Indlrecly admitted
the annexed= by the nomination of a Fran= prince.

The inference we are to draw is, of course, that
Europe will say to Tuscany, "Choose your own
government. You have all the world before you
for the selection of prince or president—but no
annexation." The antecedents of the Pays give this
passage an importance which it would not derive
from its appearance in the pages of any other
evening journal.
Prince R. Nfetternieh's visit to Bt. Bauveur, and
his subsequent departure for Vienna, are regarded
by some persons as harbingers of the assembly of a
congress; by others, said to have reference to the
meeting (announced by telegram) between the two
Emperors in Switzerland. We shall have our ultra-
montane brothers of the steel pen up in their stirrups.
Spain is rousing herself to an attempt at regaining
European influence—in a very small way. Robert
of Parma is, it seems, an infant of Spain. Oo this
' some, and by virtue of her claims as a " signitary of
the treaties of Vienna," Spain protests against the
spoliation of the little Bourbon.

PARTS, Sstransy.
A ray, and somewhat more than a ray, of light is
thrown upon the Italian situation, or complication, if
you prefer the term, by the fact, now well known in
political and literary circles, that the specimens of
pnvats correvondence, after the mode of Modena,
lately taado public by the died., were forwarded to
that journal by the government itself; and so de-
termined were the authorities to have them pub-
lished by an independent journal that M. Havin's
redaction received duplicate copies of the document.
The reason of their being sent particularly to this
journal was that M. Edmond Tether, in his corre-
spondence from Daly, had furnished a resume—a
delicate and careful one, of course—of their contents,
which resume had been published in its columns. It
is unnecessary to insist upon the obvious deduction.
The Emperor Napoleon cuts the acquaintance of the
abusive writer. _ . .

I saw yesterday a gentleman just returned
from St. &wear. He tells me the Emperor rarely
allows himself to be troubled with state matters, hu
very few politicians about him, and does little be-
sides baths and take exercise ; in short is resolved
completely to unbend the bow, which even in the
case of his cool head and phlegmatic temperament
must be at a tolerable pitch of tension after the mar-
vellous events which have followed one upon the
other sines New Year's-day. The Emperor is in re-
markably good health.
To the class of politicians who incline to
telescopic views of public affairs, I recommend
the perusal of the second Paris letter in
this day's bedependonee. There they will find pa-
bulum for many days' digestion, and if alarmists,
cause of many nights' wakefulness. I know the
writer to be commonly "well inspired," as
the saying is ; nevertheless my own impression
is that the article is what is called in
America a "sensation article," meant to set
people talking a little in these dull times. It is
evidently written with great care, and takes the
form of a sort of Hide of the Imperial policy. The
writer, who " believes hie appreciations to be well-
founded," tells us that Napocon had no reason to
dread a coalition after the battle of Solferino, because
he bad made up his Nand to pursue the system of

offering terms of peace after every battle he should
gain—only, as in the famous Seteßine cue, the mo-
difies@ to be imposed would each time become
harder. By this means the neutral powers would
never have been lustified in denouncing him as
obstinately persevering in the war, and consequently
would not have coalesced against him. I think this
is rather a non sequitsw. 'Tbe campaign which ended
with Solferino is described jauntily enough as " an
effort which had strengthened rather than tired his
army." This is a discovery. It had generally been
believed that the campaign in question had produced
some of the most terrific struggles known in history,
and that no victories on reaped had been more
dearly bought than those of Magenta and Solferino.
But to proceed. The sensations of the three neutral
powers at what is called the " Charlemagne of Villa-
francs" are thus particularised. Prussia and
England found that they must organise new modes
of defence. Russia was disgusted at the discovery
that instead of half she must be satisfied with one-
third only of the " sick man's estate," Napoleon of
course claiming " thirds !" The objective policy of
Napoleon lII.' it appears, is now turned to-
wards England. Do not let us have any misun-
derstanding on that point. The treaties of 1816
are to be completely torn, and England is to
descend from the pedestal on which the said treaties
placed her. Not that timid people need bo at all
afraid of a war between France and England. Oh,
no! no such thing. Napoleon I. deeply regretted his
inability to make a solid peace with England. His
successor, wiser in his generation, has made that
solid peace; but this does not prevent him from me-
ditating, as the one end of his reign, the wresting
from England of her naval supremacy. You may
smile, gentlemen of England, who sit at home at
ease, bat that is the fact. To be sure the writer
offers you • very easy mode of escape. Here it is.
Beep Lad Palmerston in power, and you will have
no war—which, between ourselves, I think very
lthely, though I do not come at the conclusion
in the same way es this ingenious writer:
" Soling ea Lord Palmerston is in power we may
be sure that, come what may, the fleets of France
and England will not come in hostile contact. To
resume, then, war is preparing on both sides of the
, Channel, but it will only break out if the English
nation insists upon maintaining a maritime supre-
macy which is considered to be no longer in harmony
with her strength." This letter re castigated
with perhaps even too much severity by M.
Nefftzer, in the Prase ; but he evidently thinks
such edged tools as this correspondent plays
with are dangerous in indiscreet hands. " The
Prone," he says, " has too recently exposed its
views on the Anglo-French alliance to make any
repetition here necessary. We will, therefore, con-
tent ourselves with saying that we consider such
lucubration as these blameable in every point of
view. If they were really founded on a just view of
things, and upon the knowledge of the intentions of
the French government, they would be a clumsy
and unjustifiable piece of indiscretion."
Though our weather is none of the brightest, the
practised Parisian requires no evidence beyond that
of his own eyes as to the breaking up of the London
lesson. Your countrymen are swarming over the
Channel and thronging to this fair city as the first
stage of their vacation journey. They are, for the
most part, as grotesque as ever in regard to the
outer man and woman. Paris is to them a larger
sort of watering place. A Frenchman allures me
he saw last autumn a party parading the Boulevards
armed with long Alp staves surmounted by chamois
horns—English, eels ea sans dire. It all goes down
to the national credit for eccentricity. While on
this subject, it may interest the British Alpine tra-
veller to know that the Eastern Railway Company
(of France) has made arrangements by which excur-
sion tickets are issued, running for • month, and
enabling the bearer to travel on alt Swiss railways.
The price seems marvellously low. For 121 f. and
91f., according to class, you go from Paris to Bile,
either by Strasbourg or Mulhause ; from Bile to
Berne, Thuo, Neuhaus, Interlaken, Lucerne, 8:0., and
back to Paris. A month now enables a tourist to
see as much as could formerly be seen in thrice the
time—less pleasantly no doubt, but the order of the
day is pace. Man goes faster, and time certainly
goes farther than formerly.
The Bourse was heavy to-day. Scarcely a trans-
action in Bente", the closing prices of which, 69 to
88.95, were nearly nominal. Credit Mobilier fiat-
-810 cash, 816 account, being a fall of 10f. and 2.50.