The Express.
London, England, 1867-08-23 00:00:00

REAKFAST.-EPPS'S COCOA.

BROWN and POISON'S CORN FLOUR
tar CMILDREN'B MIT.
To obtain extra profit by the we other blade are sometimes
altered instead et BLOWN and POLBOTS.
"John Brown," "John Pelson," is signed by the makers on
sorb packet

COVENT-GARDEN CONCERTS.
COVENT.fARDEN THEATRE—EVERY EVENING at 8.
Under the sole Direction of Mr. JOHN RUSSELL.
Mille. Savona. Mahe. Erscleo, Mr. .1. M. WehN, Mr. R. Levey,
Mr. Reynolds, the Contiois Union, and Band of 100 performers.

Conluctor—Aignor BOITZSINt.
Conductor of the Dunce Music. Hen Johann Strauss, from
Vienna

noi-offiee open from 10 till 5. Promenade One Shilling. Doors
open at half-past 7.

zhe erpreofs.

TO CORRESPONDENTS.
advertlaemente Intended for " The Erprest," London Evening
Ta
per must must be at the Moe, 10, Bouverle-street, by Two
(docka'r on Use der of publleatket.

IIAYMAARIT.

THIS F:TrNixo, AN I. Mews. Buckstone,
• I.7.iiiCTArrIA7CI
ChippeudAe, Rouen. Kemal , Clark. Weathersby, R.c..• Meg-
dimes Sedimlek. ?IWOMaio, tc.—TO PARIS AND BACK YOR
AS. Mr. MucAstonc.—And PETKIt &MINK.

BIITAICIRA.

TRr EFRittiin. THE 1..A3FK1V47 OR, THE MISER OF
ELTHAM OREEN.—The Brothers Hanlon; Mr. and Mrs Ode.
man and Mr. W. Brown ; the Champion skaters: Mr. J. Plump-
ton; Mr. C. Woolmaa.—And THE LAST sHILLLNG.

HIGH RATA AT LONDON BILTDOM
TN= DAT —Kornis*. 711. Im..—..Afterooolt. 7h. 3an.
To-11101low—Morning. SO. 4c0..--Afternoon, 8/a. tOs.

LONDON, FRIDAY. AUGUST 23.

Ir is useless to expect that the enactment of a
large measure of Reform will cause the working
classes to abandon their political organizations.
Although they are rather peremptorily asked what
more such organizations have to do, and are ac-
cused of ingratitude when they resolve to continue
them, it would rather seem that their enfranchise-
ment would render political organization neces-
sary instead of rendering it needless. Toryism, at
any rate, does not consider that the passing of a
" Conservative" Reform Bill is an event which
necessitates the dissolution of its Working Men's
Conservative Associations ; on the contrary,
we hear of their continued formation and
rapid extension. We are quite ready to
grant the probability that these associa-
tions may fairly claim exemption from any
of the pleas which are urged against Reform
Leagues and Working Men's Unions, for their con-
nexion with the working clans is only remote,
they are pre-eminently respectable, and are gene-
rally under distinguished patronage. But as there
are two classes of working men—those who delight
to be patronised, and those who choose to patronise
themselves--it is difficult to gather the former
into Conservative Associations without admitting
the right and even suggesting the duty that the
other class should form themselves into such asso-
ciations as they may believe will strengthen their
political power and advance their political creed.
The evil of such associations is not in their poli-
tical complexion, but in their class character ; and
that is an evil which Toryism is doing what it can
to promote. It is in every way desirable that
working men should organize into such associations
as may help them in the discharge of their
political duties, but they should go into
them not merely as working men but as English
citizens. We readily admit that the tendency of
the working classes to put themselves into a spe-
cial category, and to regard themselves as having
interests different from the rest of the commu-
nity, has been created by legislation. Excluded
as a class from participation in the privileges of
the Constitution, they have united as a class in
the endeavour to attain those privileges, and
have thus formed the habit of class association
and action in political matters. But that ex-
clusion no longer exists. The middle wall of
partition which kept the working classes in the
outer courts of the Constitution has been broken
down, and they have been admitted to an equal
share of its privileges and duties with the middle
classes. All attempts to put the new voters in
a special category—dual voting, longer residence,
and fancy franchises were defeated by
the Liberal party, and there is now no
distinction of classes at all in the electoral
body. But does not this common share in political
rights suggest the necessity of common action in
party organization T Of course, so far as legisla-
tion specially affects a particular class, it is na-
tural that that class should combine to influence it
—and so far as it affects labour, it is quite just
that those who live by labour should combine to
see the right done to them. So far, too, as our
legislation still proceeds on class distinctions, such
as the " unconquerable bar" which the system of
army promotion puts in the way of the working
class, the unequal law of master and servant, and
the refusal of ordinary protection to the funds of
Trade Unions, the working men have special
grievances which they may well unite to re-
move. But it will be a great calamity
if the working class, now that they are enfran-
chised, raise any demand for special working class
legislation. Such a demand will be worse than a
mistake, for it will frustrate itself, and will excuse,
if it does not justify, the class legislation of former
times. What we need now is not the substitution
of one kind of class legislation for another, but the
abolition of all class legislation whatever. We do
not want to substitute legislation in the interest
of the poor for legislation in the interest of the
rich, but to carry out a legislation which, being
based on wider knowledge of the needs of all
classes, shall be in the interest of the people as a
whole. Class distinctions belong to social orga-
nization, not to politics. They necessarily
exist in the most democratic communities, and will
probably continue to exist while human nature
remains what it is. Even Christianity itself only
softens the antagonisms they create, and does not
obliterate them. But the complete carrying out
of the principle which the Liberal party has suc-
cessfully established in legislation excludes all
such distinctions from the political sphere.
Neither the voter at the polling-booth, nor the
member of Parliament at the table of the Rouse,
is asked to what class he belongs, whether he is a
workman or a manufacturer, a tradesman or a
private gentleman, a rich man or a poor man.
Such distinctions have disappeared from politics,
and they are rapidly disappearing from our legis-
lation ; nor do we believe that the working
classes will desire to recall them in their own
favour. They have asked for equal politi-
cal privileges, and those privileges have been
granted them. They have claimed that their voice
should be beard in legislation, and the claim has
been allowed. But in making their appearance on
the field of legislation they will not come to take
part in a scramble for the spoils of power; they
will (None to give the legislature that universality
of interest in the people, and of knowledge of
their needs, which will ensure the enactment of
wise and equal laws by which no class shall be
specially advantaged, and none shall suffer.
We believe that half the fear that is felt at the
progress of democracy arises from a onesided
view of it. When political philcsophersdeciare their .