The Express.
London, England, 1858-02-06 00:00:00

THE EXPRESS, SATURDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 6, 1858.

force been made the instruments. It was in
the prosecution of this design, while sail-
ing under a friendly flag, with regular papers
on board and with a friendly purpose, that the
Cagliari was captured by two Neapolitan frigates,
not within the limits of the Neapolitan jurisdiction,
not within range of cannon-shot from the Neapo-
litan coast, but on the broad highway of the open
seas, where no power whatsoever is justified in exer-
cising the right of seizure, except in the ease of a
pirate, who is out of the protection of all law, or of a
belligerent, who is fair prize by the laws of war.
At the time the Cagliari was thus seized on the
high seas she was not a pirate,—for she had a
lawful captain, a national flag, and regular
papers. She was not a belligerent, for there
was no war between Naples and Sardinia. She
was a neutral, manned by a captain and crew, who
having, by irresistible force, been compelled for a
brief season to subserve the purposes of those who
►ad risen in insurrection against a friendly power,
had, at the time of mime, resumed the character and
attitude of strict neutrality, and were then actually
taking the best and most available means for retrieving
the mischief of which, without any fault of their own,
they had been made the reluctant accomplices. Under
these circumstances the Sardinian Government con-

chide that the sequestration of the vessel and the
imprisonment and trial of her captain and crew are
illegal acts, and they accordingly demand the re-
delivery of the one and the release of the other.
This is the line that has been taken by Sardinia :
what has been the line taken by England ? Lord
CLAILLIMON admitted, last night, in the Hones of
Lords, that he was aware of the principles wetted
by the Sardinian Government. Had he any similar

assertion of principle to point to on behalf of Eng-
land ? Not a word of the kind. He limited himself
to the miserable topics that the engineers of the
Cagliari, although guilty of the crime of being Eng-
lishmen, had not been worse treated by the Neapolitan
Government than they would have been had they
been born subjects of Naples ; that no etepe had been
omitted which could " alleviate their sufferings
that he believed they would be fairly tried, and hoped
they would be speedily acquitted. We are not aware
that a more slavish tissue of mean and paltry
sentiments ever fell from the lips of an English Mi-
nister. The question is not whether these men have
been well or ill treated by their gaolers, but whether
they ought ever to have been in gaol at all—not
whether they are tried with no more harshness and
injustice than Neapolitans, but whether there is any
right to try them at all—not whether this great and
proud nation is to congratulate itself if, after all, they
are not condemned, but whether our Ministers are or
are not bound to declare imprisonment, trial, and
sentence to be alike a wrong, • mockery, and an
insult, for which instant reparation ought to be de-
mended, and, if necessary, enforced. The country
must look to it, that the Representatives of the People
do their duty in this matter. It can never be borne
with that those who are entrusted with the honour
and dignity of England, should have been less alive
to their duty than the Ministers of the little king-
dom of Sardinia.

Tar circumstances which have prompted the
Emperor of the FRENCH to nominate a Regency in
case of his demise before the majority of his son are
such as every one must deplore. And these circum-
stances would also induce us to take an indulgent
and favourable view of whatever measure the EM-
PEROR should devise for obviating the disastrous
consequences, even of successful regicide. But poli-
tical and historic truth demand the remark, that the
Regency which the EmPenoa has proclaimed in case
of his demise is not one likely to command that re-
spect and obedience necessary for the continuance of
the Imperial system.
The government of a woman, in the first place,
doss not suit French ideas and requirements. The
arrangement meditated in 1848 for replacing LOUIS
PHILIPPE by his grandpa., the Count of Pasts,
failed chiefly because it implied the regency of the
Duchess of ORLEANS. Every one remembers the
expressive exclamation of the French mob on this
alternative being offered to it. .The &apnea of the
Faxmcm is an amiable and a beautiful woman ; but
the task of satisfying all the hopes, and confronting
all the dangers, that beset an Imperial throne in
France, demands a very different ruler.
lithe French, unconstitutional and politically un-
gallant as they are, object to the rule of woman, still
more strongly do they object to the administration of

priest or prelate. The nomination of a Cardinal
therefore, to the Council of Regency does not add
to its strength. The lawyers appointed, Messrs. MOP-
LONG and BAROCHE, were Orleaniats yesterday, and
would be Bourbonists to-morrow. M. DE MORNY is
a Russian ; but the truths, that were the Emperor
of the FRENCH suddenly called away from the plus
which he so energetically tills, power in France
could devolve but upon one of two parties—the
Army or the Democracy. Some people are of opinion
that the one is organised almost as completely as
the other ; but dispassionate observers are of opinion
that under any circumstances the Republican So-

ditties will be put down by the Army.
But how comes it that the Army is so powerful in
France ? As it is indispensable in France to keep
tip a large military establishment, and to spend the
greater part of the revenue of the country and the
patronage of the Crown in military appointments
and commands, the first duty of a French ruler,
one should think, and the great necessity of
the Government, should be to counteract the natu-
rally enormous influence of the army by consti-
tuting the civilian body strongly and independently.
This the successive governments of LOMB XVIII.,
CHARLES X., and LOUIS PHILIPPE fully accom-
plished. The representative government which they
introduced and sanctioned had at lout the great
merit and result of making the sword yield to the
toga, of paying respect to greatness, forensic and
parliamentary, and of lifting the car of state, as
the French are fond of calling their political system,
out of the military rat. Since the elevation of the
EMPEROR, however, the whole civilian class has
suffered an eclipse. It has not brought forth one
eminent person. Nor, indeed, is there a possibility
of civilian eminence, since the Bar, the Press, the
University, the Parliament, even the Ministerial
Office and Diplomacy, are one and all in a state of
studied discouragement. The EMPEROR is every-
thing. Civilian France is nothing. If we tarn
our telescope upon the public stage of that country,
we see nothing but the feathered hats and starred
breasts of general officers, with a tierce mob
scowling on all around. Bat even an Empire
cannot dispense altogether with civilian eminence.
In no case or contingency was it more needed than
in the formation of a Council of Regency. Yet we
see one named, in which can be found neither birth,
wealth, talent, dignity, nor independence. These men
are all cyphers, of value ea long as a unit, like NA PO-
LLON 111., stands before them; but of themselves, and
with the task of governing France, they are absurdly
and unfortunately unequal to their position.
There MU no greater cause of the first NaPoLson's
unpopularity than his rendering every civilian pro-
fession subordinate. The Restoration of 1816 really
restored the non-military half of society to ea
equality with the wearers of epaulette. Aad yet

NAPOLEON I. did far more for civilians than NAPO-
LEON 111. has done. The patronage he extended to
men of science, and the Institute which he formed of
them, were alone glorious exceptions. There is no-
thing of the kind at present. There are now arising
the self-same complaints so prevalent from 1800
to 1815, that the soldiers formed a dominant
class, that hustled and insulted and looked down
upon all the non-military as Pekin,. Some of
the large garrison towns in France have, we under-
stand, become insupportable, and impossible for
families to live in, on this account. The military,
especially since the last war, give themselves the
same airs, and claim the same superiority as that
averted by the men of Wagram and Austerlitz.
We have just had some samples ourselves of the
_ . _

outrecuidance of certain French officers. It is indeed
not surprising that there should be found colonels
of French regiments, who propose to " walk into us,"
because certain conspirators against the life of the
EMPEROR have passed through England. And if
there are " eaters of Englishmen" in France, we
have, no doubt, gentlemen amongst =seine who
would not make two bites of a Frenchman. Such
extraveganose will occur in the natural course of
things. But why publish such vulgar malignity
in the Mositeur ?

The professional portion of the French army,
like the professional portion of almost every army
but our own, desire war—no matter with whom
or on what grounds. Bat a large proportion
of the French army is not professional, and
only anxious to lay down its arms, its term of
service expired, and return to labour, marry,
and make provision for old age. A ruler of France
will have the professional soldier with him, what-
ever be his policy or his quarrel. But to engage in war
for a mean cause—to strike at England, for example,
because she refuses to drive innocent exiles from her
shores, when culpable men are guilty of crime--this
is a cause for disturbing the peace of Europe which
neither the French public, nor the French non-pro-
fessional soldiers, nor the French civilians would
sanction. All these are at the present moment
reasoning beings. They were not so in 1800. The
effort now to fetter and to blind them may be as
strenuous, but it is not so effectual or complete. Nor
has the extinction of Parliament and Press destroyed
those habits of political sentiment, criticism, and
discussion that three-and-thirty years of a constitu-
tional government had engendered. The civilian
and industrial element in France is twenty-fold
what it was at the commencement of the century ;
and no military tyranny can for any long time abuse
and oppress it.

Tax Sanitary Commissioners of the Army have
established the startling conclusion, that the British
soldier's occupation is almost without exception
the most unhealthy of all the occupations in
the United Kingdom. How comes it that the
soldier's life during peace should be so short-
ened? No doubt the collecting of masses of
men almost always generates disease. A given
locality, perhaps, cannot accommodate so many,
or the sanitary precautions of the district
were originally calculated for a smaller number.
In war men may perish by companies from
exposure, from fatigue, from starvation. This is
natural enough, but the difficult problem is this:
why the rate of mortality amongst civilians
should be just one haft the rate of mortality that
is found to exist among 60,000 picked men,
distriboted in bodies seldom exceeding 1,000
among a population of 28,000,000, and that in &time
of profound peace, and in a country not only the
healthiest in Europe, but possessing the greatest
facility of communication and the most abundant sup-
. . . . . .

plies. This question, indeed, looks more like a paradox
than a serious problem : nor con we doubt that if
the facts upon which it is based were not verified by
official men and official documents, we should be
told that the problem itself is insoluble because the
facts have no existence. The Commissioners, how-
ever, have spent seven months in attempting its
solution, and their conclusion is supported, not
only by an overwhelming weight of evidence, but
by the obvious probabilities of the case itself.
Now there are four causes to which the high rates
of mortality in the army have been attributed. First,
there is night duty ; but that is common to the police :
second, there is want of exercise and suitable em-
ployment—a cause serious in itself, but by no means
sufficient to account for the extraordinary results
witnessed : third, the intemperance and debauched
habits amongst the soldiers, as to which, it is ob-
served, that though certain species of debauchery
may be more common in the army than amongst
young men in civil life, still there is no reason to
suppose that soldiers are more drunken than their
neighbours : fourth, crowding, and insufficient
ventilation, and nuisances arising from defective
sewage. Now, without in any degree under-
valuing the importance of the other causes
of mortality, there can be no doubt that
destruction to life among soldiers in time of peace is
chiefly produced by the disgraceful condition of the
barracks, which occasions the crowding and bad ven-
tilation complained of. At the same time, if this is
the case—if the barracks are the grand agents of
death—the War Minister, Lord PANMURE, has mach
to answer for. In 1855, as the Report before us
states, a Committee sat to examine into the existing
construction and arrangements of barracks, and to
report upon the necessary changes. Certainly it ap-
pears that the new barracks erected since that date
are infinitely superior to the old ones ; but it does not
appear, as the Report also states, that any important
steps have been taken towards supplying the defici-
encies of ale older buildings, and in these some ef the
most WNW evils remain still sinremedisd. The old
story again ! Months of inquiry, cartloads of blue-
books, admirable suggestions, the Minister wearing
his heart out in the public service, the evils portentous,
the remedy the plainest and cheapest in the world;
and yet, after all, nothing done. The truth is, we
have no real rulers. The Government goes on just as
well whether the Minister is in Downing-street, in
bed, or on the moors. This automatic system is,
perhaps, extravagant, but the Roue of Commons
don't care ; and Joint Btu. hates change, and fears
change may mean jobbery instead of reform.
In attributing this cut mortality to the barracks,
the Commissioners appear to have hit upon the right
. . . . . .

cause. The mode in which they have arrived at their
conclusion is not without interest. It is en established
fact that affections of the chest, such as spitting of
blood, consumption, chronic catarrh, asthma, and
difficulty of breathing, prevail in the army to an
extent far greater than in civil life. The number of
foot soldiers of the Line who die of such diseases ex-
coeds that of civilians who die in the same way by
three-fifths; and taking the number of deaths from
all causes in the army we find that above 87 per
cent. of the infantry of the Line, and nearly 68 per
cent. of the Guards, die of pulmonary disease. In
civil life scanty clothing, bad and insufficient food,
sedentary and unwholesome occupations, besides a
vitiated atmosphere within doors, powerfully contri-
bute to propagate such disease. But in the
army there is neither bad clothing, bad food, nor
an occupation in itself unwholesome. Nono of these
can be the active predisposing cause of this extra-
ordinary mortality. The only remaining cause is a

vitiated atmosphere, and if it can be shown that the
soldier in barracks breathe' one which is polluted
and noxious, the excessive liability of the soldier to
pulmonary disease is at once explained. For it is
well known that consumption, chronic catarrh, spit-
ting of blood, asthma, and difficulty of breathing, are
directly due to impure air. The cause, therefore,
is ascertained. The only question concerns the ex-
tent of its operation. Now it seems that this impure
atmosphere alone, aggravated in some degree by a
certain amount of exposure, actually kills every year
a number of men in the Infantry equalling, and in the
Guards exceeding, the number of civilians of the same
age who die of all diseases put together. The Com-
missioners conclude that "the ravages committed in
" the ranks of the army by pulmonary disease are to
" be traced in a great degree to the vitiated atmce-
" phere generated by overcrowding and deficient
" ventilation, and the want of proper sewerage in
" barraclui."

The question remains whether the condition of the
barracks in which the soldier is lodged is such as to
confirm this conclusion. What say the witnesses ?
One declares that a soldier never knows a healthy
home as regards air and space till he commits some
crime, which brings him into the thoroughly venti-
lated cell of a military prison. Dr. BALFOUR, the
Secretary of the Commission, states that a soldier's
barrack-room at present has not the least
pretension to the comforts of an ordinary
dwelling-house; and, what is infinitely more dis-
graceful, that there is not even the attempt made to
introduce into it the decencies of civilised life. Sir
Joule M'NEILL states that the Scotch paupers are
better lodged than our soldiers. Whilst 480 cubic feet
per bed are insisted upon in the Scotch workhouses,
and that amount is generally exceeded,even less than
the regulation-450 feet—is allowed in the soldiers'
barracks. Some distance between the beds isvitsl to
health, yet in barracks the regulated one foot between
each bed is practically unattained. The buildings are
so badly constructed that ventilation is almost impos-
sible. Indeed barrack-rooms are occasionally found in
the basement underground, approached by descending
steps, the tops of the windows, which open on one
side only of the rooms, being little, if at all, above the
surface level ; and in such low rooms men are crowded
in beds so closely that the side of the one bed touches
that of the other. But stranger still, in these rooms
are persons of both sexes. Is there no separation,
asked Sir Lulu CLARK of a sergeant, in the barrack-
room ? None whatever, was the answer. Some-
, times there are curtains, sometimes none. There are
other details given by Sergeant Josflue SOTHERON
in his evidence which we shrink from transcribing.
They are a disgrace to the Government. But we
' must add, that in those horrid dens the men are ex-'
petted to take their meals and to spend their leisure.
The result is that the air is never purified. Even
the sergeants cannot bear it, but are compelled to
have the windows opened before they enter.
" Thus," say the Commissioners, " the soldier sleeps
"in a feetid and unwholesome atmosphere, the
" habitual breathing of which, though producing
" perhaps no direct immediate effects, probably lays
" the seeds of that pulmonary disease so fatal to the
" British army."
In short, if foal air produce disease, the barracks
seem to be built for the purpose. If soldiers are to
be demoralised, the best way of effecting the pur-
pose is to drive them out into the gin-shop by
making their quarters intolerable. If the public
money is to be squandered, the destruction of
carefully-trained soldiers is one of the speediest
methods of doing so. Perseverance in a course
of neglect so imbecile seems incredible. No
one would object to the reform, and it would be one
of the cheapest ever set on foot ; for the
Commissioners declare that the cost of accom-
modation for the men in a barrack amounts to
but one-fourth of the whole. If, therefore, a
barrack, with all its appurtenances, cost at the rate
of 1001. a man, only 251. would be the sum appro-
priated for barrack-rooms. It is only, therefore,
upon this 251.—this fourth of the whole cost—that
any increase of outlay would be needed in order to
give that accommodation which the health of the

men so imperatively requires. The additional outlay
would be far more than re-placed by the diminished
expenditure for procuring and training new soldiers
u the old are prematurely killed off. The public
will be surprised indeed, if this subject is not at
once ventilated in Parliament

Or the many great men, who have been stricken
down by the weapons of the enemy, or by the de-
stroying climate of the country, during the calami-
tous mutiny in Upper India, there is not one whose
name will be more honourably remembered in history
than that of HENRY MONTGOMERY LAWRENCE.
But, unlike HAVELOCK, NEILL, Ntcwomote, and
other cherished military heroes, the war which cut
short his life did not make his reputation—it had
been made long before the outbreak ; and history
would have dwelt fondly on his character and his
exploits, if the rebellion, of which he was one of the
noblest victims, had never swept over the land.
By long and distinguished berries in many parts
of India—from the jangles of Burmah to
the mountain passes of Affgbaniatan and the lakes
of Cashmere--he had laid, broad and deep, the
foundation of a great name as a soldier and an ad-
ministrator, when the outbreak of the mutiny found
him at his post, at the head of the government of
the newly acquired province of Oude ; and then
commenced those brilliant defenaive operations the
glorious result of which he was not destined to see.
But it is not of these things that we would now
speak. Sir HENRY LAWRENCE will be long remem-
bered as a moldier and a statesman; but it is mainly
because he was also a philanthropist that it is pro-
posed to hold, this day, • public meeting in his
honour—a meeting which many eminent men have
signified their desire to attend, and at which the
great worth of this truly " happy warrior" will be set
forth in far more fitting language than we can bring
to our aid. We purpose, therefore, only to says few
words regarding the practical objects of the meeting.
It was during his early period of regimental ser-
vice that the heart of HENRY LAWRENCE was first
touched by the pitiable sights continually presented
by barrack life on the plains. Being an artillery
officer, he was brought into contact with the Euro-
pean portion of the Indian Army, and looking upon
the soldier not merely as a component part of a bat-
talion or a necessary appendage to • gun, he regarded
his humble comrade with the tenderest interest
and compassion, as • man—perhaps, as the had
of a family—and yearned to ameliorate his
condition and that of the helpless ones who claimed
his protection. European life in India, under the
most favourable circumstances, is a struggle against
climate, a struggle against disease. The dweller on
the plains, even in a spacious well-ventilated house,
with crowds of servants to administer to his wants,
with horses and carriages and all the appliances of
wealth, is but a sickly exotic. His wife languishes ;
his children fade away. He is compelled to send
them " home to England." But the European
soldier, with nothing to counteract the baneful effects
of the climate, has no resource of this kind. The
scanty accommodation of the barracks, the dete-
riorating diet, the want of those ministrations
which are neoawary even to the humblest Ewa

pean in such a climate, all tell destroyingly upon the
wives and children of the European soldiery. The
children are unlike any other children in the world.
Pale, emaciated, feeble, they hang about the barrack
steps, or dawdle about the barrack square, hearing
bad language, contracting bad habits, their moral
and physical life equally deteriorated by the noxious
atmosphere which surrounds them. A large pro-
portion of these little ones die in infancy. The few
survivors are forced into an unnatural pm-maturity;
the girls marry while mere children, to raise an
offspring even feebler than their own generation ;
whilst the boys, joining the regimental bands,
soon imitate the worst vices of the adult
soldier. Over this lamentable spectacle of
the waste of European life ; the degene-
racy of the Anglo-Saxon race; the absence of all
healthy moral training, and of religious culture—the
sure attendants of barrack life on the plains,—LAw-
HENCE had long pondered, not without a hope of
some day being able to counteract, or at least to
mitigate, the evil. He often spoke, he often wrote,
on the subject, and when the reward of distinguished
service came to him in the shape of high office and
large emoluments, one of his first thoughts was to
turn the means thus placed at his disposal to good
account, in rescuing from destruction the children of
the European soldiery who were sinking into their
graves, or rotting into live corruption, by hundreds,
on the steaming plains.
To one who knew all parts of Upper India well,
who had ascended the steep hill-aides and breathed
the cold bracing atmosphere of the Himalayan
range, the remedy seemed easy. He would transport
these children to • more congenial climate ; he
would place them under more salutary control; he
would do all that could be done to develops their phy-
sical and moral energies, and to train them up in the
knowledge and the fear of the Christian 00D.
Full of that practical enthusiasm which was
so peculiar a feature of his character, LAWRENCE
determined to establish, at one of our hill-stations
in Northern India, an asylum for the reception of
the children of European soldiers ; and, let it entail
what personal sacrifice it might, he was resolute to
carry out the project. He knew that he would be
supported by many English residents in India—men
never backward in giving towards a good object—
and he hoped, not vainly, that the Government
would extend its patronage towards so worthy an
undertaking. So one day, in 1846, a meeting was
held in the head-quarters camp at Lahore, and the
scheme, which had so long been taking shape in
LAWRENCE'S mind, became a substantial fact.
Money was raised; a tract of ground near Bussowlie
was purchased ; the erection of a building was
commenced; and in the spring of the following year
sufficient progress had been made for the reception
of a number of children. From that time the Law-
rence Asylum grew steadily in bulk and advanced in
utility. The founder himself contributed annually a
thousand pounds towards its support; and, as a mark
of the high estimation in which GROLAS SING, the
Maharajah of Cashmere, held Sir HENRY LAWRENCE,
he sent a donation of 10,0001. in furtherance of the
objects of the institution. How far those objects have
been attained—how many children have been
rescued from death, how many from perdition—will
doubtless be told at to-day's meeting. It is enough
that the Lawrence Asylum, in a humane if not in •
financial sense, was soon a great success ; and the
people of England are now called upon to perpetuate
an institution which, under Providence, will prove a
blessing to unborn thousands.
It will be said, perhaps, that an institution of this
kind is a national institution, and that it behoves
the Government of the East India Company to
maintain it from the public funds. The East India
Company have always contributed largely to the
support of the Lawrence Asylum, and since the
death of the founder have directed the Government
of India to make good the loss entailed upon the in-
stitution by that sorrowful event, and, if need be, to
double the amount of the subscription. When Sir
HENRY LAWRENCE left in his Will the Asylum at
Kussowlie, another more recently instituted at
Mount Aboo, and a projected establishment of the
same kind at Ootacamund, to the care of the
East India Company, which he had zealously
served for more than thirty years, he knew that
he was consigning them to the guardianship of a
Government which, whatever may be its defects
whatever its shortcomings, has never been charged
with neglect of its servants, or with disregard of
the widow and the orphan. But there is room still
for the exercise of private generosity. It is on such
occasions as these, that the community should go
hand-in-hand with the State. Let them share, then,
between them the duty and the privilege of perpe-
tuating, more worthily even than by a statue in
Trafalgar square, the memory of so great and good a
man as HENRY MONTGOMERY LAWRENCE.

If we might presume to offer a suggestion to Lord
Palmerston, it would be to prepare himself for the
debate of Monday evening by a diligent perusal of
Lord Hawkesbury's reply, in 1802, to the applica-
tion of the First Consul, relative to the English
Press and Foreign Refugees. The following pas.
sage of this able and dignified state paper especially
deserves the attention of one who—as we were once
told in the Rouse of Commons—is neither the
Minister of Austria nor of France, nor of any foreign
oountry,but emphaticallythe Minister of England:-
4' GUI GOVERNMENT NEITHER HAVE, NOB WANT,
ANY OTHER PROTECTION THAN WHAT THE LAWS OF
THE COUNTRY AFFORD; LED THOUGH THEY ARE
WILLING AND READY TO GIVE TO EVERY FOREIGN
GOVERNMENT ALL THE PROTECTION AGAINST
OFFENCES OF THIS NATURE WHICH THE PRINCIPLE
OF THEIR LAWS AND CONSTITUTION WILL ADMIT,
THEY NEVER CAN CONSENT TO NEW-MODEL THEIR
LAWS, OR TO CHANGE THEIR CONSTITUTION, TO ORA-
TIFY THE WISHES OF ANY FOREIGN POWER."

ELECTRIC TELEGRAPHS IN TEDIA.--A new line
of electric telegraph hes been put up between Cal-
cutta and Madras. Formerly the telegraphic com-
munication between these places was effected via
Bombay. An alternative line is now provided
connecting the three Presidencies ; and in the
event of the line between Calcutta and Agra,
via Cawnpore, being broken, the Government
of India can communicate with the North-West
Provinces and the Punjaub via Madras and
Bombay. The celerity with which this new
work has been put up is worthy of note and charac-
teristic of the energy which has always been exhi-
bited in the Indian telegraph department. The line,
which is about 900 miles in length, was sanctioned
by the Court of Directors subsequently to the news
of the outbreak reaching this country, viz., in August
last ; and on the Ist January a flying line had been
completed and was used as an instrument of convey-
ing messages for the Government. In a month from
beused
that timbey thitweupuexblipl7ted that it would be ready to

We read in the Cambridge independent :—" A
congratulatory address to the Queen vrlll be voted at the
Senate Rome to-day gistardayb and it is expected that her
'Majesty will appoint KOMI dme next weak for receiving it
upon the Throne. Ilrhosever an 'adzes...from Oxford is
presented to the Rem, Lord Dirby, as their Chancellor,
entertains the deputation at a luncheon in St. James's-
square ; we may reasonably expect, therefore, that on the
premed happy °minion the Royal Chancellor of our Uni-
versity will invite the deputation to taste the bridecake,
I sad drink health awl bet:pima to the nearly troodra cowls.'