The Express.
London, England, 1858-03-16 00:00:00

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LONDON, TUESDAY, MARCH 16.

Ws wish we could believe, with Lord MALMES-
BURT, that the Correspondence, which he teat night
presented to the House of Lords, " puts an end
" to the misapprehension which unfortunately ex-
" isted for a short time between the two countries."
To us, we frankly confess, it appears to leave
matters exactly where they stood before. If this
Correspondence is to be, indeed, "the be-all and

" the end.all " of the controversy, no more fitting de-
signation can be applied to it than the title of the
last chapter of " Ramada/ "—" The conclusion, in
" which nothing is concluded."

As far, indeed, as mere language goes, the final
Despatch of Count Wsutwent is unexceptionable. It
overflows with professions of amity for England, and
of respect for the laws and institutions of England.

‘.
Bat it must be remembered that the exceptions taken
to Count WALEWSRI'S original Despatch, and to the
manner in which it was entertained by the late Mi-
nisters, were twofold. The insinuation that the laws
of England favoured assassins and instigators to
assassination was resented as an outrage in words.
The implied expectation that a threat—so thinly
veiled that it could scarcely be called covert—would
induce the Government and Parliament of England
to repeal laws which the experience of centuries has
taught us are the best bulwarks of our liberties,
was resented as an insult in act. In the new
Despatch of Count WALEWSKI the offensive phrase,
it is true, is withdrawn, but the threat is persisted
in. Perhaps it would be more correct to say that the
threat is repeated with greater emphasis.
Count Watewset—we quote from the official
translation—after repeating the unproved assertion
that a sect of foreigners who elevate assassination to
doctrine have been harboured in England, and have
thence sent eight assassins, in the space of six
years, to strike a blow at the EMPEROR, proceeds to
say :—" All these attempts, like that of the 14th of
" January, have found the EMPEROR impassive.
" Putting his trust in the protection of Heaven, his
" M.tiEsrlt views with profound disdain the attacks
" which are directed only against his person ; but
" the country has shown itself to be deeply moved
"by them, and as, at the time when I addressed
" my Despatch to you, no repressive measure
" had been taken in London, public opinion
" in France, without taking into account the nature
"of the institutions of England, nor the motives
" of discretion of which Lord MALMESBURT'S corn-
" munication speaks, was astonished that so much
" audacity should have remained unpunished." This
is plain speaking. France is said to have been
indignant because "no repressive measure (aueune
mesure rlpressire) had been taken in England."
It is not the punishment of the guilty to deter
others, but a " repressive meuure," such as is un-
known to the laws and customs of England, that is
sought. Then follows :—" Moreover the character
" of our proceedings was laid down to you [M. DE
" PERSIONY] in the clearest manner by the Ere-
" 'Ewa himself, who wrote to you towards the end of
" Jantiary:—' I do not deceive myself u to the
" ' little efficaey of the measures which could be
" ' taken, but it will still be a friendly act, which
" will calm much irritation here. Explain our
" position clearly to the Ministers of the QUEEN ;
" is not now a question of saring my life, it is
. question of miring the alliance.' " In other
words : " Whether what you can do to oblige me in
" this matter can be of great or of no service to me
" is my concern ; I insist capon its being done ; it is
" a question of saving the alliance." The Ministers
of the Queen of ENGLAND were told that unless
they did what the EMPEROR asked of them the
alliance between the two countries was in danger.
The statement made in the EMPEROR'S letter in
January is repeated in M. WALRWSKI'S despatch in
March :—" The EMPEROR, M. le Comte, has never
" intended to demand the support of foreign Govern-
" masts to increase his personal security. A more
" elevated sentiment, an interest greater in his eyes,
" have guided him—namely, the maintenance of the
" good relations existing with the neighbouring
" States." The French Government still give us to
understand that, if something at least equivalent to
the passing of Lord PALMERSTON'S Conspiracy Bill
is not done, the good relations between France and
England cannot be maintained. The offensive ex-
pression about Eaglish legislation is expressly with-
drawn; but the pregnant hint about the consequences

of not adopting souse " repressive measure " is not
withdrawn. "It is unnecessary for me," says Count
WALEWSKI, " to te I you that it never entered into
"my thought to consider English legislation as
" designedly sheltering the offender, and, to bOrrow
" Lord NIALNIESIWRI.B own words, as screening him
" from punishment. In giving these assurances to
" the Principal Secretary of State, yon will be as
"good u to add that, as the intentions of the
" Estrtaoahavebeen misapprehended, his Majesty's
" Government will abstain from continuing a die.
" carrion which, by being prolonged, might prejudice
" the dignity and the good understanding of the
" two countries; and that it appeals purely and
" simply to the loyalty of the English people." This
is exactly the language of the duellist, who declines
a railing controversy, but abides by his demand for
"satisfaction." The Estrutoa's Government has told
the English people what it want, I Urethan to argue
the matter any longer; and it waits to see what the
English people will do. The Este tot's Government
reserves its right to act as circumstances may dictate ;
it does not so much as take the trouble to give an
assurance that the alliance between the two nations
will Temkin on the same footing as before.

This is a most uncertaia tad unsatisfactory stab)