The Express.
London, England, 1859-08-27 00:00:00

EXPRESS FROM PARIS.

(WNON OCR OWN

PARIS, FRIDAY ETENINO.

Close upon the addressee of the Councils• General
to the Emperor follow the speeches of the presidents
That of M. de Money, president of the Puy-dr.
a:me, has a speciality of interest for English readers
which induces me to give it you in its entirety. It
runs as follows :

Gentlenen,—Each session of the Council-General opens
tinder different auspices. Upon every fresh occasion I seek
to learn your wants, your hopes, your disquietude.s, In order
that I may speak to you of theta as • friend in whose word
yea bar* al snip. placed °anti:lance.

- You have shared the anthusleam excited by oar victoria,
you have shared the universal gratitude of Francs for the
great moderation of the Emperor; but at the some time you
ma with difficulty explain to yourselves how this manifest
desire to avoid a European cattier ation sbo.Y, In England,
have inspired the newspaper articles, the parliamentary
speeches, and the erusamenta which have hem the mw-
gnome of it.

You we of course aware of the reasoniog by which the
laglimb explaht their apprehensions. First they my, " Cor-
relate fret, the French pram is not, therefore iaer4e heire
sot the sem character coming froin one as coming from the
other."

Error the first. Tlvre are in France no means of pre-
venting a newspaper from publishing what it likes. The
se/y min which the government has against the press is that
of warnings with alleged meter, sad suspension, which are
repreinive .ceases.

The English add: The Emperor cheetehes in the depthl
of h Meta duke to avenge Waterloo and AL Helene;
he only istnelsdad pm* with the Emperor of Reeds to
make an ally of him—he only acted to gensrordy towards
the Emperor of Austria in order to make a friend of b'm ;
and with the aid of this two-fold alliance, he calculates upon
attacking Remised." I think my opinion upon this matter
is a for words will be neither oat of piece nor inopportune.
We live In times wherein the hatred of castes and families
haa given way before the softening of of our manners;
much mom, then, have nation■l hatreds and prejudices
been etched by civilisation. New generations have some-
thing else to do binidee avenging the peat ; they are too
ealightseed to have any motive beyond the interim's of the
present and the (attire.
The Emperor end the present generation of Frenchmen
are not of there of whom it may be said " they have latest
nothing, and forgotten nothing."
With repel to this generous conduct towards the two
Emperor., it appeal. to me that to attribute it to the 'peon-
laths ends abovementioned is to reduce the settlement of the
pest interest@ of Europe to tics proportions of as unworthy
theatrical intrigue, and to debase the most elevated anti-
manta which God has placed in the heart of a sovereign for
the benefit of humanity. Nobody can estimate so well as
myealf the loyal faith of the Emperor, and hie pacific inten-
tions; foe when he did me the honour to send me to
Ruda to renew relations between the two empires, the
part of my instrectime which predomineed over all others
was thi►—to let no blow be aimed against the English alli-
ance; and far from seeking to divide the great powers, to
point out, on the contrary, that if they had the good same to
be united, and to have a mutual good nederstantlint, all the
petty difficulties which arise in Europe ma always be peace-
fully rewilved.

Xrd I sec all the events which preceded the wee with Austria
to prove that while the Emperor Napoleon desired to deliver
Italy, end to clear the frontier of France front the Austrian
pressure, he would rather have obtained this object by a con-
gress than bye war P The condition and the situation of our
army at the moment of the oftentimes of Austria sufficiently
prove it. And if the English statesmen who now think
enough has not been done for Italy, had expressed the fame
sympathise before the war, ft is probable that the affairs of
Italy would have been settled by diplomacy.
I repeat that, after all the Emperor has said and done, to
suspect him of darkly preparing, without any motive beyond
ancient grudges, an interpret which would completely over-
throw all the greatest interests of the world, and inflict the
most f►W blow upon civilisatien, is to doubt his word and
his heart as a sovereign lard a man. Nor do you bellies it.
Alas, gentlemen, perhaps In England also, those who die-
radiate these alarm. no more believe them than you ter I
do: But by exciting national susceptibilities—by tottering
popular lesti•c's—oewepe;rre may gain publicity end political
orators popularity, Nevertheless a great wrong is done, for
the two countries are set one against the other; vague inapt-
rim is excited; mad the coast Teener* may be that one day
some trilling incident—some mismiders.anding which might
eerily be arranged sheathe relations were sitiafectery—may
become a redone complication where there exists a condition
of mutual susceptibility.
But I doubt not time and the determination of the Em-
peror to urge France forward in the occupations and labour
of pare will get the better of these chimerical alarms.
This, gentleman, Is the sort of war we must wage
with England, let tis resolutely finish all our means of
transport and of circulation; let us bring them into com-
munication wit► our coal pis; let no lower the prices of all
our raw materiel, and ail our manufactured goods; let us
imitate the English people in that respect wherein we are
wanting; let us peek otrength in the spirit of essociation,
Instead of always having recourse to the support and
us:stars of the government ; let us learn how to make use
of mita ; let us endeavour t e conquer and to keep, by the
rodent UM we make of them, those liberties which make
man the absoluti master of his own property, and which
have net limits but the evil he may do t o other..
Tfe, let us wage with England an industrial and a com-
sctrcial war; let us engage with her in a struggle of pro-
gress and dviliestion, loyal, avowable, and profitable to all.
Thin I. the wish of the Emperor; let as sewed hi. efforts;
already the airesty is a week el pacification whkh Is the
prelude to tke system on which we am about to enter. Let
um bops It will be thus unleratrd by all the world, ch.kfiyl3
by those who are its objects.

So much for the speech of the President of the
Poy-de-Duce, which, considering who is the

speaker, cannot fail to carry with It lunch et the
importance af an imperial manllbsto. Without
seeking to combat the weak points at the opening,
it mast be admitted by the nicest caviller that the
general tone and spirit is conciliatory to England,
and pacific to Europe. Viewed as one of those
means of publicity to which the Emperor habitually
land systematically has recourse, it cannot fail to be
respired in England with satiafaction. Contrary to
what might naturally be expected, I do not find that
among commercial men M. de Morny's speech at-
tracts much attention. They give no particular rea-
son why it should not have produced a good effect
upon the public mind ; but they say it has failed to
produce such effect. Possibly the public here ev some-
what "need up" with regard to manifesto speeches
and addressee. Possibly the heat (which has here
returned with intense farce) deprives the few bad-
flees men who remain of the reactionary force by
nature given and provided under ordinary condi-
tions of being. The Press. admits that the speech
in question " has an incontestible importance." The
Bonne movements confirm the opinions expressed in
private quarters on the subject. Prices opened
lower than yesterday, never improved, and left off
with a fall in Renter of 35c. for cash and 16c. for the
account, the concluding price being 68fr. 86c. cash
and 69f•. 60. account.

It ought to be observed that the Bourse to-day
has been an absolute desert. Apart from the
brokers' clerks and the functionaries, not two
hundred persons were present. Credit Mobilisr was
822 fr. 50c. to 825 fr.

ITALY.

TUSCANY.-VOTE OF ANNEXATION TO

PIEDMONT.

FLORBNCE, almost 21.
Yesterday Florence was sole witness of a
grand public act indicative of that tree and univer-
sal feeling of the country which ea many have ques-
tioned, not a few denied. On the 18th August the
representatives of Tuscany met in the old Hall of
the Cinquecento, and there, without one dissentient
voice, proclaimed the dynasty of the House of Lor-
raine incompatible with the true interests rod happi-
ness of Tuscany. It was on this occasion that the
Marchese Maori proposed the annexation of the
Grand Duchy to the kingdom of Sardiaia, and it
was to vote upon this motion that the Assembly was
yesterday convoked.
At one o'clock precisely the chair wee taken by
the president, Signor Coppi, and shortly after the
Professor Giorgini prooeeded to read the report of
the sections on the motion of the Marchese Manzi.
After showing that the exclusion of the Macro-
Lorraine dynasty from the throne of Tuscany, and
the union of Tuscany with as many Italian states as
possible under the sceptre of Victor Emmanuel, were
two inseparable consequences of one premise, he
proceeded— There was at the present moment one
universal belief prevaling in Tuscany, viz., that the
aggregation of the smaller states under the sceptre
of Savoy was the political form most adapted to the
demands of nationality. This was the new
order of things, courted by all minds, the objec.:
of all wishes, the only end which could finally
bring about the quiet and repose of Italy.
How this idea of a great monarchy under the
sceptre of Savoy had sprang up and become of late
years identified with and inseparable from the senti-
ment of nationality was known to all. He would
only remind them that the idea of Italian Confede-
ration, so prevalent in '49, would be universally re-
jaded were It now brought forward—a fact very
remarkable, but notorious to all who had observed
and meditated on the events of the last tan years.
This change was doubtless brought about by the ex-
perience of '4B, when the idea of a confedera-
tion, though enthusiastically received by the people
and openly professed by Italian princes, was found
incapable of adapting itself or giving a form to the
national movement. Norcould this idea be reproduced
under better auspices, since the mutual distrust and
aversion of the princes who would be there brought
together had led to a positive incompatibility, the
more an that the peace allowed the Austrian domina-
tion in Italy to continue, and held out no hopes of
seeing corrected the abuses of the clerical govern-
ment and the theocratic regime of the Papal States.
The princes of the Housetof Lorraine, moreover, had
avowed an anti-national policy, and rejected the
love of people who now refuse to permit their
return under any possible contingency. Then,
too, the pious and noble example of Charles Albert,
the warrior and martyr of. independence, who
expired on the Douro dreaming of Italy ; the ten
years of the new reign ; and, lastly, the figure of the
king exulting in the dangers he so generously en-
countered on the fields of Palestro and S. Martino,
had so worked upon the hearts end imagination of
the people, had won for the prinoes of Savoy so en-
tire a confidence, that the idea of a confederation, in
itself too complex and at the same time too abstract
and refined an idea ever to be truly popular, had
day by day become less prominent in the opinion of
Tuscany, while the name of Victor Emmanuel was
bound up in the minds of all with that of
Italy. After • digression to show that this tie
between Italy and the House of Savoy was no new
bond, but the inevitable conclusion of three centuries
of Italian history, he continued—The commission
which had sat on this motion cams before them as
interpreters of the prevailing sentiment of Tuscany,
not conceiving themselves called upon to examine if,
or when, in the present condition of Europe, the de-
*sof the country would be listened to. They were
there united to depose to present facts, not to events
taunt and uncertain ; to tell what Tuscany wished i
and what they themselves most unquestionably
know ; not what Europe desired, which
they neither did nor could know, and
which possibly Europe did not know herself.
No! They stood not there to divine sagaciously the
wishes of others, but frankly and consistently to
affirm their own. The vote which they proposed to
declare bad in it nothing that could offend Europe,
either in substance or in form : in substance, since
their object was solely the vindication of their own
sacred and incontestable rights, not the usurpation
of those of another; in form, since their earnest soli-
citation—being, in fact, nought but the expression of
a desire—recognised and respected that supreme
arbitration whereby Europe would finally decide
upon their lot. This brought him to what be was
most desirous of doing, and what the motion had
already done—viz., to the recommendation of their
cause to the wisdom and justice of Europe, to the
liberal sentiments of the government and people of
England, and in an especial manner to the Emperor
Napoleon HI., than whom Italy never had • more
powerful or generous protector. His sword
was sheathed, not broken ; nor was it possible
to say the advantage his patronage might
be to them in the cannons of Europe. Nay,
even if the justice of men failed them, and
their votes were unable to obtain the immediate
effects they proposed, their deliberation would re-
, main a great national act, and afford an additional
reason for not despairing of Italy, being a solemn
manifestation of that sentiment whereby the Italians
after ages of mutual ignorance and bloodshed recog-
inised each 'other as brethren ; of that sentiment
which was blood, life, and new youth infused into
Italy, and cast by the hand of God as a germ for a
new structure, atter ages and ages of ruin.
After a few words from the Avvocato lelaseei, in
I which he reminded the Assembly of the importance
of an unanimity of opinion, and instituted aeompari-
son between the condition of Tuscany at the present
moment and that of England in 1689, and France
in 1830 and 1848, it was proposed and carried that
I the secret vote by ballot should be adopted. An
I hoar passed by before the representatives had depo-
, sited their votes in the urns. When the last name
—the well-known one of Zanetti—had been called,
the President rose from his chair, and after •
momentary examination proaouneed that the motion
had been unanimously carried. Oce hundred and
sixty-three delegates were present; one hundred
and sixty-three black balls aneounced the unanimity
of their opinions. The applause and enthusiastic
cheers which ensued were checked in a few minutes,
and the white and black balls counted and verified.

The President they proposed a vote of con-
fidence in the government, and the Assembly
wee twarogned.
The moment the President quitted his chair, the
joy and enthusiasm, so long restrained, burst forth
in all its force. The signed was given by the Depu-
tise, who sprang from the benches, waving their hats,
with loud cries of " Viva Phalle r "Long live the
King !" In a moment the vest crowd who occupied
the other end of the ball replied with a still louder
shout that made the old roof ring, and then the
numerous throng without gave back an answering
cheer that was heard far along the Arno. As the news
spread, the streets and squares, the oaf& and market-
plams broke out into acclamations, whilethebanner of
Italy and the cross of Savoy were in ten minutes
waving from every window and parapet in the city.
The feelings of the crowd who thronged the old
hall had been worked up to such a pitch that as I
passed through the dense mass I saw men sobbing
in each other's arms, while others were giving way to
every sign of extravagant joy. The fact was that
although there never existed any doubt that the an-
nexation would par by a vast majority, the most
fervent even among the deputies had never dared to
hops that the expresaion of the voice of the country
would be unanimous. It is an unquestionable
fact that up to a late period the court
of Turin discouraged the hopes of the national pirty
in Tuscany on the subject of the annexation. It
was also generally believed that the "private docu-
ments" referred to in the speech of Ricasoli at the
opening of the chamber, and which he promised to
lay before the sections, were neither more nor less
than certain despatches in which the Sardinian go-
vernment had declared the impossibility of accepting
the annexation, even if passed by the vote of the
Amiably. It has been mainly owing to this feeling
that the idea of a kingdom of Central Italy has
gained ground so rapidly in every direction,
but it is none the lees a fact that the
tone of Sardinia has lately undergone an entire
change, and that Tuscany now begins to believe
that she will be allowed in some shape really to form
part of a strong kingdom in Northern Italy. There is
no doubt that this is the lot to which the coun-
try most earnestly aspires. The mission of Prince
Joseph Poniatoweki—if it be true that he were the
bearer of any mission at all—proves the immense
importance that Austria attaches to a pied de terre
in Central Italy, if its terms were, as lam informed by
a person than whom few have better op-
portunities of knowing the truth, that great
concessions were offered to Venice, if Tus-
cany would again receive the House of Lorraine.
Riessoli is said to have replied that if Francis
Joseph had the interests of his relative so much at
heart the easiest way of arranging matters would
be to proffer him the throne of Venice, for that
Tuscany at least was unanimous in his rejection.
Yesterday morning, before the opening of the
Assembly, a despatch arrived here from Massimo
d'Ateglio,who, after congratulating the country on the
unanimity of her counsels, is said to have held out
decided hopes that Tuscany would be allowed to form
part of a constitutional kingdom under Victor
Emmanuel.
A belief exists very generally in Florence that the
change in the tone of' the SArdinian cabinet may have
been induced by advice from the cabinet
of St. James's, nor are there wanting per-
sona who see in the mission of Count Reiset
and Prince Poniatowski nothing but a desire
on the part of the Emperor to shift the burden of
responsibility from his own shoulders. Whatever
be the turn of events, it is quite evident that with-
out the assistance of France or Austria the fugitive
princes will again occupy their several thrones.
The army of Central Italy now numbers upwards of
40,000, nor are the mesas of increasing it far beyond
this number now wanting to the country.