The Express.
London, England, 1860-10-26 00:00:00

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LONDON, FRIDAY, OCT. 26.

THE interviews which lately took place between
Lord .Bons Russets. and Baron SCHLSINITZ at
Coblentz, formed, it will be recollected, a subject
of Ki ML: highly congratulatory remarks in the
Gu:Atte. From those comment' inferences
quite unwarrantable on the facts of the case have
been drawn. Pledges, it has been freely surmised,
must hate been exchanged and agreements formed
there by the representatives of the two Govern-
ments, affecting or relating to contingencies that
may possibly arise out of the present troubled po-
sition of European politics. We are glad to be
able to state, without any liability to contradic-
tion, that the inferences so drawn, and the sur-
mises that have been for the last few days preva-
lent, are utterly and entirely without foundation.
Those interviews at Coblentz in no respect varied or
modified, the public may be assured, the previous
policy of the English Government.
Amongst other objections that have been taken
to Lord Joun Ruesn.L'a despatch to Sir JAIL=
111:1"ON there is one which it may be useful to
the public to have removed. That despatch, it
has been said, offends the principle of non-inter.
vention and disregards the promise given to that
effect in the QCZYN'S Speech on proroguing Par-
liament. This objection is founded on a miscon-
ception of the circumstances under and of the

object with which the despatch wu written. If
Austria had at the close of August been attacked,
as was then threatened, in those Venetian posses-
sions which were acknowledged by Sardinia to be
hers, she would clearly have had the right to defend
herself, and so defending herself it was by no
means improbable that she would not have got the
beat of the contest. To point this out to Sar-
dinia was a friendly service on the part of the
British Cabinet—a service of which the Sardinian
Government availed itself at a critical moment.
Austria was, of course, perfectly aware
that, even if so attacked by Sardinia,
she had no help, either physical or moral, to ex-
pect from England. But Franoe, on the other
Laud, was not disposed (and the French Minister
fur Foreign Affairs had informed Prince Mcrrni-
on H of its determination on that point) to secure

Tuscany and Romagna to Sardinia iu the event of
that State getting the worst in an attack upon
Venetia.

These were the circoinstsuices under which the
despatch of the 31st August last was written, and
it is absurd to suppose or assert that the English
tlovernment was obliged by the principle of non-

to conceal from Sardinia its serious
apprehensions of the great danger she would incur
by any attack ou Venetia. Ou the contrary, and
as events now incontestably show, the cause of
Italy wee substantially helped by the warning
winch the Court of Turin received from the
Foreign (Mice in London.

Lamm from Turin, Vienna, and Paris am now
filled with discussions of the chances of • war to
sonusenced by Austria in Italy. But as there
are uo new military or diplomatic facts ou which
speculation can take hold, times discussions do
little more than show the date of extreme Der-
VOUS irritation into which all peeks have worked
themselves. Italy, of course, is as much shocked
at the military preparations of Austria as if nei-
ther GALISALDI moss CaVoUll had talked openly
and unadvisedly about an attack on Venetia.
Austria as much wonders why Viiirgia EIIVANCaL
wants so many guns, as if she had not
invaded Piedmont last year. And France, which
affects to give and withhold the peace of Europe
at pleasure, sees the proof of a conspiracy
against her in the Warsaw meeting. AU this is
perfectly natural ; so many passions and interests
are in the field that the elements of war abound.
Yet there is tio immediate occasion for those
excited cries that we hear. The war, if it does
come, will be colossal and twiddle t that is one
reason for believing that it will not come at all.
The Emperor of Avarua, we may be gam did not
send M. Hyaena to Paris to sok whether Prance
would remain neutral in an Italian war. It
does Ma take the sagacity of a Ito.useee to
rest' Alb the euo...luestion. An offensive move-
meet against Italy would be an attack on
the principle by *lnch the French Emmaus rules,
and virtually an attack on France herself. It is
simply imposaiWe that N•Pliil.r.ON could
stand with folded arms while Austria was remo-
delling Italy—it would be disgrace and certain
ruin. That he would interfere for the advantage
of Italian unity or Italian liberty we should be
slow to undertake to say ; but he would certainly
interfere, and could not withdraw until he had
once more defeated Austria. All this must be
plain to Austrian statesmen ; therefore, we do not
believe m war.

The little that we learn from Warsaw does not
favour the expectation of hostilities. We are told
that the principle of a European Congress finds favour
their. Thu Paris jounials supposed to represent the
mind of the French EMPLIUM have of late advocated
such a meeting, though whether they will continue
to do so, should it be confirmed that the Northern
Powers are disposed to agree to it, we shall be
revival to see. But a Congress is not likely to do
anything for the peace of Europe or the organiza-
tion of the tranquillity of Italy. It cannot give
Austria a bitter title to Venetia ; although, if it
would artatige t'ne tkia•A of Venzt'.:
against • pecuniary indemnity, it would render to
the v. uthl one of the greatest ser.iccs c%er per•
formed by diplomacy. It could not, if it would,