The Express.
London, England, 1858-02-18 00:00:00

LONDON, THURSDAY, PRBRUARY 18.

Ir was startling to England and to Englishmen
to find themselves, some short time since, rabject to
the hostile denunciations of M. DE MosNy. We are,
however, affortiod some comfort and consolation by
finding the same personage direct a similar denuncia-
tion against the Stitesmen and Politicians of France ;
in fact, against the whole of the intelligent and edu-
cated class of Fri nehmen. These, we are told, will
not rally to di.: Government, will not sit in its
Councils or its Chambers, will not take the 33,000
francs salary a' lotted to every Senator. The notabi-
lities of the country, whether Royalist or Constitu-
tional, have determined to look on tranquilly, but
not approvingly, until the bearer of the BONAPARTE
name and claim wears out the prestige which is
a principal source of his strength, and consumes
that stock of popular reverence and gratitude which
constituted the best pert of his inheritance.
These are not to be our only allies in the war with
which the French ultra-Imperialists threaten us.
A series of measures and appointments have pro-
claimed the profound mistrust entertained by the
ENPEROR of the whole host of civilian functionaries
of the country. At the bead of these was the Home
Minister. This great office is now filled by an im-
perial aide-dc-camp and a general of cavalry. The
chief magistrate of Paris used to be its Prefect.
His dignity is overtopped and his supremacy set
aside by the new place created, or rather the
old place revived, for the Duke DE MaLautorr,
who, it may be conjectured, will be entrusted
with the mlnagement of the next Paris elec-
tions. The shopkeepers of the metropolis took
great part and influence in the last. Instead of
having them regulated by civil magistrates they
will now experience the control and interference of
the military authority. We may, therefore, con-
sider the shop population of the capital, and, of
course, of other cities, as falling into the same cate-
gory with the statesmen and politicians, and being
considered unworthy of Imperial trust.
Whilst the higher and middling, the political, the
trading, and the functionary clus are thus all put in
the category of the disaffected, the working classes
alone remain. But these, too,are declared to be in a
yerydangerous and disaffected state. The Imperialists
have discovered, and declare they have discovered,
that numbers were expectant or prepared on thel4th'
of January to take advantage of any catastrophe; it
follows, therefore, that some thousands of individuals
in Paris knew perfectly well those coming events of
which the police and the Government were ignorant.
If such and so many are the enemies of the Imperial
rule, upon its own showing as upon that of M. DE
MORNS', when_ are its friends?

In Mr. BUCKLE'S recent " History of Civilise-
" tion," the truth is illustrated with considerable
ability, that a country advanc-v or retrogrades
precisely in proportion to its checking and con-
trolling, or favouring and undergoing, the ascend-
ancy of the military and the sacerdotal spirit. It
is not pleasant to be compelled to admit that
the Government of the Emperor Isisroi.neirr 111.
seems to embody both these retrograde influ-
ences, and that he acknowledges no other. The
Church, however, can give in France no real and
efficient support. It might swell the list of votes
throughout the most uneducated and unintelligent
pacts of the country in favour of the candidate of its
predilection. But upon those really intelligent, and,
therefore, influential districts, the great cities and
towns of France, the influence of the clergy is null;
worse than null, indeed, for were the clergy to step
beyond its 'phi re in he half of any candidate or cause,
it would work them far more detriment than good
amongst the intelligent population.
The Army, indeed, has never ceased to be popular,
except in the years of CHARLES the TENTH'S reign.
But were it to become evident that a tyrannical and
iniquitous Goverrunent was supported solely by the
bayonets of the soldiery, whilst the functionaries of
repression were chosen from the officers of that Army,
then the military ‘eould themselves become unpo-
pular. In that case, an anti-military feeling, already
manifest in the upper classes, and perceptible in the
middle ranks, would soon gain all classes, and would
occasion deep and wide dissensions in the Army itself.
renewed and recruited as it is.

This splitting of the Anny,as well u the feud be-
tween it and the population, would, it is argued, be
totally stopped and prevented by seer. Successful
and continuous war would rally to the EMPF.IOI
and his system all the warlike spirits of the nation,
and at the same time fascinate the vanity and pride of
every class. And this, it is to be feared, makes part
of the ultra-Imperialist calculations. War, how-
ever, to fulfil these hopes, must, first of all, be
tolerably just, and niure than tolerably sucoesaful.
Next of all, it must pay itself; for the French have
neither revenue nor sapital which will bear taxation
greeter than that which they already pay. Parlia-
ment does not (Nist, nor freedom ; there is no public
press, and conbequrntly no public spirit. Taxation,
direct or bid net, would thus assume the aspect of
a forced levy. This would require the Army to be
kept at home, in order to act as tax-gatherers, instead
of being sent abroad to gather laurels. As to loans,
those raised during the late war have proved a oon-
siderable strain upon the savings of the population.
A military Government with a warlike policy would
thus have to encounter the greatest difficulties ;
whilst a military Government without a warlike
policy would break down under the popular odium,

and by the parties which must spring up in the
Army itself. Whenevt r a French ruler, therefore,
manifests the purpose and the policy to boas and to
conduct his government solely by the Army, this
indicates what oar neighbours are wont to call the
1" beginning of the end."