The Express.
London, England, 1866-05-01 00:00:00

TH* EXPRESS, TUESDAY E

ci before a Select Committee since the snap ion of
writs ; and in the present session, Egiultapl
Wakefield, and Canterbury have lippeated bef .i
Parliament. But, owing to 416 squiring:process,
only one petition—that for Wakefield—lto been

tried, and the evidence, although not connecting
the sitting member or his agents with evil prac-
tices, established beyond all doubt that bribery is
not eradicated in that borough.
We have seen that the course of disfranchise-
ment is not popular with Parliament, and is vir-
tually not now adopted ; but even if it were
otherwise, how could Parliament disfranchise a
borough in the face of the nets constituency which
the Reform and Redistribution of Seats Bills will
call into existence ?
And it is manifest that the mere suspension of
a writ does not, in fact, operate to prevent
bribery at the election following the issue. What,
then, is the practical utility of the issue of Com-
missions under the Act of 1852 Y The whole
proceeding seems vain and futile. The Select
Committee report that they have reason to believe,
from the evidence before them, that extensive
bribery prevailed at the last election. To whom
is it of the slightest importance how JOHN JONES
got his 10/., or SAMUEL &ogee his 201.,
or who paid the money, and in what way it was
found? The information is interesting, no doubt, to
those who are engaged in the dirty work of bribery,
and who by disclosures similar to those made
before the Commissioners, are able to devise new
dodges, which make the discovery of bribery .sore
difficult. Does, in fact, any practical good result
from the disclosures made by the Reports of the
Commissioners ? and has, in any single instance,
the putting in force an indictment by the Attor-
ney-General been attended with any success
Certainly not. While, on the other hand, the
country has had to bear the burden of many
thousand pounds, the expense of the Commission.
In fact, the cure of bribery is not to be found
in its exposure, or in any scheme of punishment
which can be suggested, for the greater the penalty
the less likely is it to be applied. Bribery, in fact,
is not regarded as a crime to which moral grilt
attaches, but merely as a something which is pro-
hibited by law.
The member who has been found guilty of
bribery at one election is returned at the nex.,
and takes his standing and position in the House as
though he had never been under any ban. And so
long as this is the prevalent feeling with reference
to the offence of bribery so long will bribery con-
tinue, unless some means can be devised for
making the expenditure of money at elections so
uncertain in its result as to disincline candidates
from paying it for a very inadequate risk.
Many have been the methods that have been
suggested for doing away with bribery, but it would
appear that only such as would make the result of
the expenditure an uncertainty has any chance of
success. Now, if we can do away with the concen-
tration which, especially in small constituencies, is
so easy, we shall take a step in the r direc-
tion. What is the case in nine boroughs out of
ten where the constituency does not exceed 1,000?
The electioneering agents on both sides can, with-
out difficulty, go through the register, and
" spot " every man who is amenable to a bribe.
The day of election comes. At 12 o'clock it is
known how many of those who are open to pecu-
niary influences have voted, and the pressure is put
on in proportion. Two o'clock arrives, and the can-
didates are able to calculate their forces with the
greatest nicety, and to act accordingly.
Now, assume that a considerable number of
the boroughs in a county (large and popular con-
stituencies being excepted) are grouped together
for the purposes of election, and allow the voter
in each of the grouped boroughs to vote for the
whole 10 or 12 members, as the case may be, and
it will be seen that the result of expenditure
of money would be so uncertain that no
candidate would run the risk of mak-
ing it, and a combination amongst the dif-
ferent candidates would be practirelly impossible.
In counties there is a comparatively small amount
of bribery. Why I Not because the constituencies
are purer or that the cane dates are less willing
to spend their money than the candidates for tie
boroughs, but simply because the concentration
which is a condi'sion of success is wanting.
So much uncertainty as to the result attends
bribing, and in consequence of the number of poll-
ing places it is so difficult to know precisely
howthe election is going, or in what particular direc-
tion money influences can be brought to bear at
particular hours of the day, that candidates do
not risk their money. it is accordingly suggested
that the application of the same conditions to
the boroughs would practically result In the
abolition of any extensive system of bribery.

oust ooNirt4

ORARIES.

IAY.)
• I= CRITICAL' *ATE Or r0110PW4•
Gathering up the various professieals and pro-
testations of Austria, Prussia, and Italy, each entertaining
a bad opinion of the other's good faith, frankness, and
honour, the Times observes that the future alone can
show who are the dupes and who are the deceivers, and,
above all, what is the machinery that is thus sporting with
the passions and destinies of mankind. There is some-
thing behind to which we have no clue—some perverse
element, like Puck, in the Midsunourr .Niyht's
Dream, which delights in setting friends by the
ears, and involving its victims in the most
incomprehensible discord. One question which must occur
to everyone is why does France, who has hitherto ex-
ercised such oontrol over Europe, permit the breaking out
of this conflict It seems to rest with her to say a single
word and these threatening preparations would subside ;
but in France itself the idea gains ground that the far-
sighted director of her destinies views with no very serious
annoyance the present conjuncture of affairs. The con-
dition of Austrian and Italian finance, if nothing else,
should deter those countries from these costly de-
monstrations ; but experience tells us that when
nations arrive at a certain point of exaltation the advice of
well-meaning friends is little attended to. With the
wounds of centuries unhealed, they threaten to involve
themselves in an exhausting struggle, the result of which
they might find to be that they had laboured for the be-
nefit of another power, which, having been a calm, but not
uninterested, spectator of the conflict, would carry off the
prize for which the rivals were contending.
Although at first sight, observes the Daily News, it
seems as if the telegrams accumulated rather than selected
by Mr. Reuter were intended to bewilder, it is easy to
perceive from them that in the countries likely to become
principle in a war, the minds of men are wrought up to
a state of extreme tension. One of the most striking
features is the profound distrust with which the leading
governments regard one another. Prussia, which has
shown itself more false and perfidious than any other
power during the last three years, is the most exacting in
the guarantee she requires for the truth of Austrian pro-
fessions, and the conduct of Austria in its sudden
preparations seems inconsistent with the declara-
tion of its government, that It. attitude in Italy
was strictly defensive. The Daily News trusts that
its Italian friends whose difficulties are undoubtedly
great, may not be courting danger, and that
the steps of their government may be ordered at this
time by statesmanlike wisdom, and that they may be
able to advance the cause of national unity without
entailing upon their country the miseries of war, and
degrading it by alliances with unprincipled adventurers,
who, it may be, would use them for a temporary purpose
and then cast them away, their ends unattained, and the
goodwill of Europe alienated from their country.
The Herold thinks it mendacious on the part of Italy
to pretend that Austria was the first to arm. There is
evidence of some sort of partnership with Italy, some
design, imputed to the French government of taking a
part in the discussion that it may reap its advantage from
the settlement whatever it be. Whichever way it is
viewed the Herald fears it must be admitted that the
German question is daily becoming more threatening to
the peace of the world.
According to the Advertiser, the sympathy felt in this
country for the Italian cause has, in consequence of the
unholy alliance with Bismarck, not only been greatly
diminished, but will, if Italy does not at once retrace her
steps, entirely cease to exist. The Advertiser is in a posi-
tion to state, from a source of information " than which
none could be more trustworthy," that Garibaldi entirely
disapproves of, and is deeply pained at, the course which
the Italian government are punning.
The Telegraph balances one probability against another.
Italy, to which the Quadrilateral is a standing menace,
cannot and ought not to refuse any tangible opportunity of
obtaining a settlement of the Venetian question by war.
But the Italians do not lack acuteness, and they must see
that Prussia would find it difficult to render any effectual
aid to them without the acquiescence of France. The im-
pression of the Telegraph is that Italy will not consent to
begin hostilities until Prussia shall in some way have com-
mitted herself to war.