The Express.
London, England, 1866-03-13 00:00:00

4.i I , ~
EXPRESS, TIESDAY EVENING, MARCH

THE

lALTEBOAT SERVICES.—During the storms of of a measure. He tainted that the house would
as." pm. the emiesee mines nestlietioe,t7 its lue- not bet asked to read the bill a second time
eel other masa antteibutod to the tot :rce=
before the middle of April. Then came the quer
asMama ensues ma mama pie
to t° the aims period ea its lliseesteelsbilameists, that whether it should be a partial or complete
to vandal £4.360 tor mimeo tan ialtn6 Sts• enn measure—whether they should deal compre-
ss/Miss 1M1U661653. hensively with the whole question. The subject of
esseedttee ot the to earnestly Syr es As
pone tee asusTatics. to enable *dal 16001 the moUmed the franchises of England, Scotland, and Ireland
Mom &mad' on the Inentattoee 163 Lifeboat Widow.
emeesemese
ere
received. by ole
./aDdo, 99.witry mu" be first oonaidered ; and then came the great,
(stars and by tba &masa mama lams. m ns- intricate, complicated, and antagonistic luestions
la. Jahn-Week Laudon. attaching to the redistribution of seats, and the
boundaries of boroughs—an essential part of any
general scheme of reform. There was, too, the state
of the law relating to corrupt practices at elections,
whioh could not be passed by, while the detail of
registration must be oonsidered. It was not to be
expected that parliament could give an adequate
attention to the whole of the question of reform
during the present session. If leave was given for
the bill, the 12th of April would be fixed for the
second reading, and if it was sent up to the
Lords by July, which would leave little more than
twenty-four clear days for the financial and other
measure of the government Why the first Reform
Bill in one of its stages occupied fifty nights' dis-
cussion in the House of Commons ; and to that
subject was devoted the whole time of two years.
There was no parallel state of things now, and the
government had resolved only to deal with that
which stood first in the question, that of enfran-
chising a large number of our working mee, and to
confine the measure which they proposed to parlia-
ment to the subject of the electoral franchise.
Admitting that the present plan was incomplete, it
might be naked if the government was prepared to
complete it, and he declined to pledge himself to a
matter which must depend much on events of the
future ; but he would say that at any rate
the present parliament was perfectly compe-
tent to discuss and decide that question.
Taking the county representation, he stated
it was proposed to reduce the county franchise
from 501. occupation to 141.--not of land alone,
but of a house, or a house with land, which would
correspond with an 81. rating franchise, and would
add to the county voters 171,000. There was
no danger in going down to 101. occupation,
but it was thought that by what was pro-
posed a large and at the same time independent
constituency would be introduchd, it being
in fact a middle-class franchise. It RSA proposed
to place the possessors of copyholds and leaseholds
in boroughs in the same position as freeholders in
such boroughs as regarded votes in counties.
Referring to " special or bye franchises," which
were in the nature of innovations, be was of opinion
that they were easily workable systems, and the
views of the government were unfavour-
able towards them, with the one excep-
tion of the savings banks franchise, and it
was proposed that all adult male depositors
of 501. for two years shall be entitled to be regis-
tered for the place where they reside ; and its effect
would mainly supplement the county franchise ;
the number which it would produce, however, would
be small. Coming to the borough franchise, he
said that the inhabitants of towns were dealt with
in four claims ; first, those who inhabited separate
houses and paid their own rates ; next, those who
inhabit their own houses, but whose rates were
paid by the landlord, or compound house-
holders ; the third were those who had now in
law a claim to enfranchisement, but which
was null, who occupied a separate portion of a
house, but not separately rated. The two first
were to be considered householders ; and the third
being lodgers, the majority of whom were in Lon-
eon, and they would be so dealt with ; whim the
fourth class were lodgers proper, who in a
manner lived with the proprietors of bonsai.
Comparing the town constituency of 1832 with
those now existing, it would be found that the total
then was 282,090, and it had increased to 512,090,
being an increase not being adequate to that in the
population. In regard to the proportion of the
working classes who possessed the franchise, the sta.
tistica showed an apparent percentage of 26, and
thus if the term working olasses was taken in a
liberal sense, which was a larger one than be had ex-
Thepec distribution of this percentage was
very unequal, and was smaller in the north than
elsewhere. He argued that the enfranchisement
of the working class in 1832 was not exonsive,
while the accession of that class to a status which
entitled them to that privilege was undoubted. He
proceeded to point out that there had not been a
proportionate increase, for whereas in 1832 they
were 31 per cent of the constituencies, they
were now only 26 per cent., and therefor*
the time had arrived when something should be
done for that class. In the metropolitan boroughs
the percentage of the working class was only 23 per
cent of the constituency as compared with 27 per
cent in the rest of the country, and yet they bad
produced the most radical members, and he offered
this for the consolation of those gentlemen who
were naturally alarmed at an increase in this class
of voters. Referring to the proposition fora 61.
rental franchise in 1860, he argued that such a bare
proposal (was one which would have been subjected
to revision if the bill had gone on. He admitted
that enfranchisement must be downwards ; but as
it was found that some persons, occupiers at the
present rate, owing to defects in the law, were not
in possession of the franchise, and it was necessary
to consider their claims before enfranchising down-
wards. One of those defects was the rate and tax paying
clauses, which often operated as a practical disfran-
chisement. It was proposed to do away with these
clauses altogether, which would admit at least
25,000 voters. Then as to compound householders
though the rates were nominally paid by the landlord,
they were actually paid by the occupier, and their
names not being on the rate books they often bad
no votes. It was proposed that their names
should appear on the list of voters, and should
stand on the register, being an addition of
about 35,000. Next, as to those inhabiting portions
of houses without paying rates, they would be left
as they were, and if they could prove a 101. occupa-
tion they might obtain votes by claiming them.
Is the House of Commons, Mr. Dodson took the This would cause an emancipation of 60,000. It
chair, in consequence of the continued indisposition was proposed to put lodgers proper exactly on the
et the Speaker. same footing as those who held what were &ailed
Mr. DISRAELI gave notice of the uniform oath tenements ; and if they could show that the
which he should purpose in committee on the Par- rooms they inhabited were of the clear
liamentary Oaths Bill. annual value of 101., without furniture,
lir. GREGORY gave notice of an amendment to they would be entitled to vote. There
Sir J. Gray's motion on the Irish church, to the were, however, insuperable objections to a
effect that that a reform of the Irish church was mews- chise founded on merely furnished lodgings. He
eery, and demanded the attention of her Majesty's believed that the number of voters in this class
government would be small, and it would be a middle class,
rather than a working class, enfranchisement.
The CH ANCIILLOR of the Exelizotrini rose to bring
Taking up the point of enfranchisement downwards,
forward a Bill to amend the Representation of the
He commenced by referring to the diffi-
P he proceeded to dwell on the advantages and disad-
males eople.
which surrounded him, as well as the vantages of a rating franchise, and urged that the
best plan for the basis of a franchise was
ministry and every section and party of the House
a simple one, such as gross estimated rental.
of Commons. In five instances it bad been ac-
The number of persons added to the electors of the
knowledged by governments and six times in
working classes, by the above proposition would be
Queen's speeches that an amendment of the repre-
-180,000, and a 61. rental would bring up the num-
natation was needed, and solemn pledges in that
her to 428,000 of that claws, giving them a clear
respect had been given by ministries of both parties
majority in the town constituencies. This would
in politics. It was, therefore, superfluous, after
be a sudden change in the balance of political power
such declarations, to argue the general ground and
which was not called for, and it was proposed to
justification on wbich her Majesty's government
were warranted in bringing before the house that create a franchise of 7/ clear annual value, which
would add in the gross 208,000 or 209,000, but the
question. The origin of this question was empha-
net number would be 156,000, and deducting
trolly the work of the House of Commons. In
still further for contingencies the actual number
the beginning of 1851, Mr. Locke King moved for
leave to bring in a bill to grant a 101. franchise for would be 144,000. This would enable the principle
which had been so much advocated to be
counties. The only opponent of that motion was
Lord Russell • and his government was beaten on a carried out, namely, that the working man
division ; so that' should reach the franchise. To do this, at 10L a
this might be taken as an initia-
tion of the subject by the house itself, I working man must have at least 21. a week,
and warranted government now in asking the whereas the 71. rental would place the franchise
house to accept a measure of reform. He salted within the reach of an artisan at 11. 6s. a week.
the house to assist in carrying out its own idea. On . In the counties the working class would have a
the creation of a new parliament it was the duty of smaller proportion of the constituency than they
ter Majesty's government to deal with this subject now had, while in the boroughs there would be an
without regard to the tastes or feelings of any one increase of 144,003, and the total increase of
party or the other, and to frame a measure at once constituency would be 400,000, one-half of which
prudent and effe tual, and having framed it, to would belong to the working class—by more than
stand by it with all their power and all their in- one in three in the towns. The gross constituency
fluence. Then arose the question, looking to the of England and Wales would be 550,000 for conn-
defective state of information, whether delay should ties, and 514,000 for towns ; and the total number
intervene for the present session • but at the first enfranchised would be one in four to the
cabinet held after the funeral of Lord' Palmerston it Population. It was intended to propose a
was determined assiduously to acquire the 'requisite clause disabling persons in government yards
knowledge of facts and statistics, with a view to im- from voting. He then went on to expound
mediate action. Therefore no time bad been lost, and justify the government proposition as a safe
and the mintstry was enabled to pledge itself at the and sound one, and one which gave a large addition
opening of the session to the introduction of working men to the constituencies, while it did

ROYAL NATIONAL LIFEBOAT
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TO 001.1JOTONDIIII1S.
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AYMARA=
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PILINCEDIS.
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HIGH MAT= AT LONDON-31MM
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LONDON. TUESDAY. MARCH 13.

Ix the Roues of LORDS, the Princess Helena's
sad Prince Alfred's Annuity Bills passed through
committee.
Lard D MOUNT asked the First Lord of the Admi-
ratty whether it was the intention of the Admiralty
to adopt the cupola or turret principle invented by
Captain Cowper Coles, R.N. ; and if so, whether
it was true that the assistance of the inventor
(although offered) had been refused and his extra
pay sad allowances stopped; and moved that an
bumble address be presented to her Majesty for re-
ports of the committee of naval officers appointed
to examine the design of a turret ship designed by
Captain Cowper Coles.
The Duke of Swimmer in substance said that so
far from desiring to interfere with Captain Coles,
the Admiralty was always anxious to promote his
experiments.
A long discussion ensued before the subject
aroPPBd.
The Sale of Land by Auction Bill passed through
committee.
The Salmon Fisheries (Scotland) Bill was read a
@mond time.
The house then adjourned.

• .

13;

not give them the majority. Whatever difference this evening. But after all these superior examples
of opinion there might be as to the character of the of sincerity and wisdom, one question still remains
measure, he could say that the government bad to be answered. Are the portals of the Constitu-
done their best to bring forward such an one as tion closed for seer to all who will not break into
would be at once salutary to the country and
practical in its operation, and a settlement for a them by violence or by fable keys I Mr. Home/at
long time of a complex and difficult question. He threatens the country with a series of abort Perlis-
hoped if issue were to be taken on the measure) it mental and a snooession of wait Ministries, •
would be taken at once, and urged that those new chronic disturbance of that tranquillity which
citizens whom it were proposed to admit into the Lord pAmnomoN bequeathed to as, if this ire,
constitution should not be received as dangerous
tion of Reform is not settled. And how does he
and to be avoided, but be welcomed as of the
strengt the safety, and glory of the land. propose to settle it By a majority against the
Mr. Mszeit at once opposed the bill, believing it second reading of the present Bill of the " true and
to be the beginning of the end, which would be I trusty Liberals "on both side&
universal suffrage.
A discussion of a somewhat desultory kind arose,
in which Sir J. Fergusson, Mr. W. Martin, Sir F.
Crossley, Mr Crawford, Mr. Serjeant Gerais°, Mr.
Dutton, Sir H. Hoare, and others took part.
Mr. LUNG, in a comprehensive speech, objected
to any attempt at parliamentary reform unless a re-
distribution of seats and a final settlement of the
question were involved in it ; but in the end ex-
pressed his belief that no reform at all was Deese-
eery, and, in fact, opposed the bill.
Captain Geosirsitos supported the bill on the
ground that it went far to prove the principle of
admission of the working classes to the franchise ;
and, if not the best possible measure, was yet the
only one which was likely to be passed.
Mr. Bowman characterised the bill as another
bid for power, another promise made to be broker,
another in a long list of political frauds and parlia-
mentary juggles, a mere product of incapacity and
weakness. He gave a sarcastic history of the
various Reform Bills since 1852, and generally ope-
rated against the present measure by ridiculing all
idea of any such legislation being wanOd by the
country ; and a personal criticism on Mx. Bright,
Mr. Gladstone, and Lord Russell.
On the motion of Mr. Lowe, the debate was
adjourned to this day.
The other business was gone through, and the
house adjourned.

Ir the whole duty of an English parliamentary
statesman, and the whole object of his legislative
existence, consist in making once or twice a session
a granddisplay of "constitutional opinion"and a tri-
umphant "vindication of oonstitutional principles,"
as the member for Stroud did last night, so much
to his own satisfaction, and, we must honestly

add, to the amusement of • crowded and inte-
rested audience—why, then, let us accept Mr.
ROSMAN for the Boa's of an age of Britannia
metal and electro-plste, and, after admiring his
intellectual efforts on the floor of the House of
Commons, let us follow Uncle TOBY'S advice, and
" say no more about it." We should be sorry to
appear insensible to the charm and dignity of that
highest order of speaking which is freely devoted
to the noblest causes, and consecrated without
price and without alloy to the service of the
country. But really, with unfeigned respect for
Mr. HORAMAN'S brilliant faculty and disinterested
cultivation of a fins memory and a ready manner,
we cannot as we read his performance of last night
escape a feeling of pity for that unhappy victim of
his ingenious solicitude, the British Constitution.
Surely when Mr. HORMAN wee a political child
he must have ridden a rookiog•horse called " The
"Constitution." In his riper years he treats the
House of Commons like a circus, and puts the
Constitution, like one of those meek old pink-
eyed animals of the arena, through all manner of
examine of the haute kale ; he rides the three
estates of the realm all abreast, and jumps
through the hoop of a moderate Reform Bill,
on to the back of the wild steed, "Democracy,"
in dazzling style. It is all very fine end rather
fanny ; but, as Mr. COBDIN might have said,
what next f The bottle is well corked and opens
with • fizz, and the wine is very sparkling, and
inebriates even less than it cheers, for it is all
froth. But apris Mr. ROSMAN is entitled to
a good reception, not only by right of his lively
and pointed speaking, but of the elaborate study
and preparation which his occasional flights of.
eloquence exhibit. His speech last night had the re-
motest reference to the question before the House ;
it might have been delivered on the production of
any conceivable or inconceivable Reform Bill, or
on the production of no Reform Bill. It never for
an instant touched the merits or demerits of the

Government measure, or the details of
Mr. GlLLnirrons's statement, or the re-
turns on which that statement was based.
It said absolutely nothing of this or that
contemplated reduction of the county or the
borough franchise, of the new lodger franchise, of
the admission of a larger percentage of the work.
ing class in towns " within the pale of the par-
" liamentary constitution" without giving to them
a preponderance. It left unnoticed altogether the
principles from which Mr. GLADSTONZ had pro-
ceeded, the statistics he had cited in support of
legislation, and it left them unnoticed, we daresay,
for the beat of all reasons—that it was composed
before the debate began. It opened with an attack
upon Lord Rosanna and Mr. Belmar, more
remarkable for the extravagance than the novelty

of sentiment and languages and ended with a
tremendous declamatory movement of all the
"instruments of percussion" in the Conservative
orchestra. One of Mr. Honouree favourite foots
is to quote extracts from old platform speeches
of Mr. Barsirr with the victorious air of a Van
Amburg putting his head into the lion's mouth.
But after all said and done, what next, Mr.
Hoasiirsf You give a tolerably exact and faithful,
lend certainly a ludicrous and pitiable history of
the performances of her Margery 's Governments
r with reference to Parliamentary Reform during
the last fourteen years. You show forcibly
and keenly enough how the question has
been played with and petted, and put in
a corner and fed with sweetmeats, like
a wayward and wilful child ; how it her been ap.
preached and appeased and exorcised like an idol
that is adored to-day, to be whipped or burnt
to-morrow ; how it has been a perturbed
spirit that only Lord Prudiuurrort could lay. You
denounce amidst echoing cheers the hypocrisies
and insincerities and false pretences of all parties
and all governments in one Parliament after
another since 1862. Yon accuse Lord RussRLL
of having been the only Minister, and Mr. BRIGHT
of having been the only Member of Parliament who
has ever honestly desired to carry a Reform Bill ; you
inflict a monumental panegyric upon Lard PAL-
erxesrom for having alone had the courage to do
nothing ; you taunt the present Government with
its desire to "do something" towardsa settlement of
the question for perhaps a generation ; and after ce-
lebrating the ideal perfection of lard PALMILRESTON,
you demand that any English statesman worthy of
the title shall not be content with carrying on the
affairs of the State from day to day, but shall " pro-
" vide, foresee," and meet the growing requirements
of the age. The true modem* of an English states-
man consists, it seems, in making slashing speeches
in behalf of the British Constitution, and turning
out any Government which tries its hand at prac-
tical legislation in the sense and direction of par-
liamentary reform. In all this there is less mis-
chief, perhaps, than in the member for Wick, who
is one of these who object to a moderate Reform
Bill because it is not strong enough, and to a
strong Bill because it is not moderate enough.
Mr. Lowe, who moved the adjournment of the
debate, will follow, no doubt, on the same aide

OUR CONTEMPORARIES.
(THIS DAY.)