The Express.
London, England, 1866-09-18 00:00:00

TIM FRISCH CIRCULAR.

The Times describes the above circular an
thoroughly in keeping with every word and act of the
French government since the Emperor has seen that the
calculations upon which certain pretensions of France were
based were nullified by the swift result of the war. The
great opportunity had slipped through his fingers. The
circular is neither more nor leas than an acknowledgment
of the great principle that whatever is is for the best, or
to please the lovers of greater precision, whatever is ia!
The Emperor thinks the recent changes in Germany make
little differenoe to France, and the Times agreeing with
him, proceeds to instance several occasions upon which
France has been prevented from attempting anything on
the side of the Rhine by the consciousness that the
German people and their governments would join their
forces against • common enemy. Wnatever changes war
or revolution may bring about, the position of France, as
for defensive purposes the strongest nation in Europe, will
never be in the least affected. The Emperor cannot re-
frain from a castigation of Italian impulsiveness, and he
has it In his power is zhqw off the ingratitude of the
Itsli"..:Us In all its enormity by taxteating the Roman
question as satisfactorily as that of Venetia is iilW being
brought to its close by the joint exertions of himself and
Prussia. The September convention is to be loyally tarried
out, and the interests of the Pontiff are to be secured.
The French troops are to be withdrawn, but the Pope will
abide under French protection. The Sphinx is oracular 1
as usual ; but the time for the solution of the riddle draws ,
near.
The circular, the Daily News says, is addressed directly
to public opinion in France, as • temperate &poloist for the
neutral policy of the Emperor, and indirectly to foreign
governments and public opinion abroad ; and among the
many reassuring and calming compositions which have
been edited by the French Foreign-office since the empire
was first declared to be peace, the present circular is not
the least remarkable in tone and purport. A more deli-
berate rebuke to what M. Thies' admirers and disciples
would consider the inspirations of a lofty and exclusive
patriotism, could not be administered. It is the Emperor
himself who dictates this magnificent vindication of the
foreign policy of the empire, this inauguration of a new
era, though he designedly divests it of a too exclusively per-
soul initiative. The wo-Als have almost the solemnity
of • political testament, and there is no precedent
for so much unreservedness in any pre% loin state
paper. The sentence upon the Papal question admits
of ambiguous interpretations, but is perfectly compatible
with simplicity and directness. The pontifical throne
whoee interests are secured by the convention of Septem-
ber must be the spirited throne—the throne of the
supreme bishop of the church of Rome ; for as to the tem-
poral throne, undoubtedly when it is left to take care of
itself it must be subject to all temporal sicissitudes, and
depend for its stability on the national will of the Roman
people, and no longer on the " protection of France" alone.
The Herald finds in the document the usual superfluities
and circumlocutions, but accepts the residue as satisfac-
tory. The upshot of the letter is that with numerous
irritating circumstances to rouse it, " the empire is peace,"
and the resolution taken does credit to the Emperor's head
and heart.
The Past regards the document as a practical Piastre-
tion of the pacific, principle with which the French go-
vernment is animated, and the Telegraph lends the
courage and wisdom of the manifesto. To the French
people Napoleon owes his own power. He is more tine to
the new " jus divinum" of his line than his own people,
A word from him would have plunged France into • fatal
war, and he has been too prudent, too peaceable, to
speak it.