The Express.
London, England, 1856-04-25 00:00:00

THE EXPRESS, FRIDAY EVENING, APRIL 25, 1856.

COUNT WALEWSKTS SPEECH IN THE
CONGRESS.

Ws us ambled to lay before am readers an
authentic report of Count Warmth (the Pint
Preach Plenipotentiary) important week pro-
boomed in the Cowles oa April 8. After exile
formal boning.,

Count WALE:writ roes and said : He thought it was
desirable that, before they sepantted, the plenipoten-
tiaries should exchange their ideas upon various sub-
jects which called for solution, and which it might
be useful to take into consideration, with a view to
prevent future complications. Although they had
assembled for the special purpose of arranging the
Eastern question, the Congress might, in his opinion,
have to reproach itself if it were not to take advan-
tage of the circumstanes which had brought together
so many represented' s" of the principal powers of
Europe, to elucidate oertain questions, lay down cer-
tain principles, and give utterance to certain senti-
ments-411 with the sole object of assuring the tran-
quillity of the world by dispelling, while yet they
were not too threatening, the clouds which might
already be seen lowering in the political horizon.
It could not, he said, be denied, that Greece was in
an abnormal situation. The anarchy to which that
country bad been abandoned had compelled France
and England to send troops to the Films,
and that at a time when their armies had
no lack of employment elsewhere. The Con-
gress knew what was the state of Greece at
that moment. Moreover, Congress could not
be ignorant that the condition of that country was
far from satisfactory at the present time. It would
not therefore be a preeseding without its utility if
the powers represented in the Congress were to ma-
nifest a desire to see the three protecting courts take
into their mature consideration the deplorable situa-
tion of the kingdom which they had created, and de-
vise means to apply a remedy. Count Walewaki did
not doubt that Lord Clarendon would concur with
him in declaring that the two governments were
most anxiously looking forward to the moment when
they might safely put an end to their occupation of
Greece ; but this they felt they could sot do, so long
as serious modifications were not made is the present
state of things in Greece.

The French plenipotentiary afterwards reminded
the Congress that the Pontifical States were also in
an abnormal situation. The necessity of not leaving
those states a prey to anarchy had determined France
as well as Austria to respond to the request of the
Holy See in occupying Rome with her troops while
Austria occupied the Legations. France had a
double motive in deferring without hesitation to the
desires of the Holy See—let, as a catholic; and 2nd,
uan European power. As the "eldest child of the
church," a title of which the Emperor was most
proud, his Majesty had made it a duty to give his aid
to the Sovereign Pontiff. Bat, further, the tran-
quillity of the Roman States, upon which depended
the tranquillity of all Italy, was much too closely
connected with the maintenance of order in Europe
for France not to have an interest of the highest
kind to assist, by all the means in her power, in the
preservation of order in the Pope's dominions. He
fully saw how much there was that wu aboormil in
the situation of a power which had need of the sup-
port of foreign troops is order to maintain its autho-
rity. He did not hesitate to declare, and he hoped
that Count Buol would say as much on the part of
Austria, that France wu not only ready to withdraw
her troops from Rome, but she desired with all her
heart that the time when she might do so without
compromising the interests of the Pontifical govern-
ment, in which the Emperor took so lively an inte-
rest, might not be tadeGuitely paetpoue4l. It was
most desirable, in the interest of the equilibrium of
Europe, that the French forces should be enabled
safely to evacuate the Roman States. He did not
doubt that the frank expression of these sentiments
on the part of France and Austria would do good,
and produce a favourable impression.

Continuing in the same order of ides. he felt
prompted to inquire whether it was not to be wi-hed
that certain governments in the Italian Peninsula
should by acts of well considered clemency conciliate
such of their subjects as were not perverted though
they had gone astray, and should thus put an end to
asyslem which operated directly contrary to its ob-
ject, a system which instead of restraining the
enemies of order had for its effect to weaken the
governments that acted upon it, and to augment the
number of the partisans of demagogy ? In his
opinion it would be to render a signal service to the
government of the Two Sicilia% as well as to the
cause of order in the Peninsula to enlighten that
government on the subject of the wrong courts which
it was pursuing. He thought that a warning con-
ceived in this spirit and coming from the Congress
would be well received by the Neapolitan govern-
ment, which could not possibly entertain any
suspicion of the motives of advice wining from such
a quarter.
Count Walewski next called the attention of the
Congress to a subject which, although relating more
immediately to France, was nevertheless one of real
interest to all European powers. It was well known
that in Belgium publications were printed every day
which oontained the most hostile and insulting
attacks upon France and her government, and that in
these publications revolt and essusination were openly
advocated. Very recently some Belgian j4urnsla
pronounced an sulogium on the "Marianne," a
secret society whose tendencies and objeots were
notorious. All these publications were to many
implements of war directed against the internal
tranquillity of France by the enemies of social order,
who, strong in the impunity which they enjoyed
under the shelter of Belgian legislation, cherish the
hope of sucoeeding in their guilty projects. lie
protested that the sincere desire of the Em-
peror was to maintain the beet relations
with Belgium, and he hastened to add that
his Majesty's government had every reason to
be satisfied with the cabinet of Brussels, which had
done its best to mitigate a state of things which it was
not in its power to change, because the laws of Bel•
glum did not empower it to repress the excesses of
the press nor to take the initiative of a reform which
had become absolutely indispensable. We should
regret (the French plenipotentiary continued) to be
placed under the obligation of ourselves making
Belgium to understand that it is imperatively maces-
stry to modify a legislation which is not compatible
with the fulfilment by her government of the first of
international duties—namely, that of not tolerating
intrigues having for their avowed object to disturb
the tranquillity of neighbouring states. Any remon-
strances on the part of a stronger power would so
much resemble a threat that we naturally endeavour.
by every possible means, to avoid having recourse
to them. If the representatives of the great powers,
appreciating this necessity from the same point of
view es ourselves, should think fit to express their
opioioe on the subject, it is probable that the Belgian
government, relying upon the great majority of the
country, would find itself in a position to put an end
to a state of things which cannot fail, sooner or later,
to produce difficulties and even dangers which it is i
for the interest of Belgium to avert.

In conclusion, the Count proposed that the Congress
should crown its labours by a declaration which

would mutants a real progress in international
juispentinsso, and would be gratefully auspted by
the entire The emigre's of Westphalia bad
aniseed for berty of conscience ; the Congress of
Vienna for abolition of the slave trade and the
free navigatior of rivers. It would be worthy of
the Congress of Paris to put an end to long standing
dissensions by laying down the bases of an uniform
maritime oode in time of war. The four following
principles would oompletely attain this object :-
1. The abolition of La Course. 2. That neutral
merchandise covers enemy's merchandise, except
contraband .of war. 3. That neutral merchandise,
exoept contraband of war, cannot be seized even
under an enemy's flag. 4. That a blockade is only
obligatory so far u it is real.