The Express.
London, England, 1858-08-27 00:00:00

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A SPECIAL EDITION el the .4 EXPRESS,"
containing the results of the day's Races, is pub-
lished every evening &fin the Sporting Season, at
six o'clock.

Tun Address of M. DE PERSIONT to the members
of the Council Omura of the Loire will be read
with great interest on both sides the Channel.
IC Di P!LSIGMY has two strong claims to atten-
tion. He is not only one of the moat sincere
and enthusiastic supporters of the EMPEROR, but he
is the devoted personal adherent of Louts NA PoLLoN.
What he says, therefore, of the Empire may be
taken as the candid expression of real conviction
and intimate knowledge. He wee Ambassador from
France to Great Britain during the eventful crisis of
the Cotwpiracy Bill, and returned to Paris ere the
excitement of that crisis had subsided. What he
says, therefore, of the Alliance may fairly be re-
garded as the testimony of a witness who km,
at all events, had the best means of knowing the
troth.

That portion of his address which concerns the
Empire, its rise, its development, and its future, has
a more direct interest for France than it has for this
country. With regard to the Empire we have
nothing new to say. As long as France acquiesces
in it, we at least are bound to accept it. It is
• fact in politics, like any other fact, which
we politically are only ooneerned with in its direct
bearing on our own national interests. It is for France
to protest, if protest he necessary, not for England.
We are not, indeed, obliged to accept every
theory of the Empire which its advocates choose to
set before us. If we are expressly invited into the
arena of opinion, we are free to avow—we are bound
to avow—one real opinions. M. DI Peastost has a
perfect right to ventilate his theory that the task of
the NAPOLEONS is "not to destroy ancient liberties,
" but to consolidate new ones ;" ha has a perfect
right to esprote his conviction that " the
" Goyeelr!lent tt NdrOLLON 111. is organised I.
" essitedaass wit► t►e principles and ideas of the
Revolution of 1789." We, on the other hand, have
an equal right to ask, •ot without surprise, what
and where these new liberties are which it is the
task of the NAPOLEONS to oonsolidstei and in what
sense the Imperialism of 1838 can be regarded as an
organisation of the principles of 1789 ? So again
M. DE PIMIGNY is pleased to prophesy that " True'
" Liberty will thrive all the more vigorously, because
" it Is cultivated in • prepared and tempered atmo-
" sphere." Our experience would teach us precisely
the reveres; all that we have learnt from history
tells us that this plant is no pony exotic, but a hardy
native, whose growth is never more vigorous than
when it is exposed freely to the autempered atmo-
sphere of open discussion and the unrestrained play
of popular emotions.

Oa these and kindred points we of OMEN differ
utterly and irreconcileably with M. one PZILZICNE.
But the *Stir after all is primarily a matter for the
Freoeh people. If they prefer " the prepared and
" tempered atmosphere" of Imperialism to Liberty,
in the English sense of the term, it is no business of
ours to Interfere with them. It is more to the purpose
to note the admissions that M. DE PZESIONT makes is
this part of his address as toe portion of the Imperial
Institutions, which bstalisost ventures to premeoess
defeetive. " It is teas; he is so good as to state, "theft
" the liberty of the puss—which either vivifies Of
" kills all other libertiss—is very materially ow.
" (Need by the system of warnings." There is
something positively refreshing in this. A man in
the vigour of existence is soddenly turned off the
improved drop at Newgate, or deprived of his head
under the guillotine. Mauch a one let it be said
henceforth, that his powers of life are "very mate-
" 'tally modified " by the system of public executions.
But, on this part of the case, M. DZ PIRSIGNT makes
au important admission. " Aesaretily," he says, "no
" one can regret more than I do myself that,
" owing to the present system, the inflames of the
" press upon public opinion is insufficient either to
"enlighten the Government or to prevent private
" interests, under the masks of public interests, from
" taking the name of the ENPILLOR in vain." This
is but an Imperialistic way of expressing a fact, the
existence of which constitutes one of the principal
dangers of the Imperial system. With the higher
literature and intellect of the country in a state of
antagonism, and with the press powerless for en-
lightenment, though powerful for incendierism, the
dynasty or the Boyar/ axis can hardly be regarded
as having struck firm sad vital roots into the under-
sea of French society.
Let us turn, however, from M. Di PHILBIGNY'II
lucubration* oo the Empire, to his remarks on the
English alliance. It is quite true, as he declaims
that the crime of the 14th of January was at GIMP
stigmatised by the loudly expressed execration of
the English people. LOMB NAPOLEON sever so
narrowly mimed being generally popular in this
country as is the few days that immediately fol-
lowed the attempt of °mixt. What suddealy
changed the current of the national sentiment? We
believe that M. Di PAILMONT gives the true and

Meat waver. It was the "palatal utettisbassot

•
which pommeled the English people at finding that they
were amisamieratood in Francs—at perceiving (we
will site M. DX PLUTO:WS own words) "a disposi-
" tioa on the part of France to render England
" responsible for the attempt of the 14th, and to
" hold her in snapieion." When, in addition to this,
the English people saw an attempt made by their
own Minister, to alter the immemorial safeguards
of English freedom in order to appease an irritation
which they knew to be unfounded, and to allay a
suspicion which they felt to be unreasonable, then
the spirit of the nate. was stirred within it; the po-

pular indignation swept all before it. A Go;flawent
was annihilated—an alliance was endangered.

Now that all is over, we may tenni* admit than
the Emperor of the FEINCU has ilipbrAittlesider- '
able sagacity in discerning the true canes and nature
d the English manifestation, and considerable firm-
in repressing the impetuosity of French resent-
pm. At was a crisis out of which unwary or unscru-
Governments, on either side of the Channel,
'sight without difficulty have manufactured a war—a
consideration which may be commended to those who
persist in thinking that the EXPIIIOII still harbours
belligerent designs against this country. That the
crisis has pawed away, not only without arty
. _

momentary rupture of the Alliance, but with as
increased sense in both nations of the value and neces-
sity of preserving it, is unquestionably in great part
owing to the tact and firmness of the Emperor of the
FPANCII. Thus much it is due to truth to acknowledge
—thus much and something more. Rulers, even the
most despotic, are in modern times, either consciously
or unconsciously, the representatives of those they
rale. The great popular instinct—the " common
" sense of most "—is after all, more or less, the law
of the modern world. It is, we firmly believe, in
obedience to such an instinct that the Governments
of both countries have acted in their recent manifes-
tations of renewed cordiality. We agree with M.

DE PERSIGNT in this--" that the new inatincta of
" England carry her as naturally to a union with
" France as formerly they promoted a separation:"
he is right when he asserts that " the great English
" public sincerely desire the friendship of Francs e
and we are willing to believe that he is equally cor-
rect in declaring that reciprocal sentiments of good
will quite as strongly animate the French. That
these feelings of amity may daily increase in
warmth and strength most be the ardent desire of
every wall .wisher to his country and mankind.