The Express.
London, England, 1859-10-03 00:00:00

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NIOR llkTin AT LONDON NZIDON
G. xe

LONDON. MONDAY, OCT. 3

Lost, ions Rsasau. did not lose the opportunity
dr.:wiled him at Aberdeen last week of referring to
the great home qamtion of Parliamentary Reform.
No doubt he might easily have avoided the subject or
dismissed it with a passing and perfunctory reference
had he been so disposed. The interest attaching to
the state of Italy is just now so great that he might,
without exciting adverse exiticiem, have confined
himself to foreign affairs, as many professed Li•
bends in his polities would have been glad
to do. But the _Noble Lord's convictions upon
this subject are too strong, and hie inte-
rest in It too deep, to admit of his de-
grading it to a secondary place on such an occasion.
His speech wee appropriately divided between the
great questions of home and foreign policy with
which, by character and poaitioo, he is identified.
As Foreign Secretary he speaks for England in the
Conseil, of Europe, and as • party leader he is
the representative of Parliamentary Reform. Oa
both subjects, therefore, he is pre-eminently fitted to
be the spokesman of the Government at a moment
like the present, when liberal principles are sting.
slug for asceodancy abroad. and • Reform
Bill is in mule of preparation at home.
In both, however, the Noble Lord naturally addressed
hiniseif to an exposition of principles rather than
to any minute statement of details. The ocerdes
wee • public recognition of the noble lord's dumb"
sod auger. And the speech in which he acknovr
lodged the high compliment paid him by the MM—
us' of Aelsotto well illustrates those virtues
which have enabled the noble lord to triumph over
all temporary opposition, and secure the leads,
admiration and respect of hie countrymen. Thee
are, hie courageous and consistent attachment to
Really liberal priacipleo, and his nooses in carrying
est • liberal policy. No living statesman
Gm rival Lied Joan Rusents, la the coodeteeey
of his ham. The principles he advocated at Aber-
dame last week, whisk sew seem ahead ematepliese.
see the Tory principles he urged ia Parliament upwards
of 40 years age, whoa .they maid scarcely obtain a
hearing. His my lest hash is Parliament, indeed,
was in Einar etas prhaphi thee utterly repudiated,
but now adopted by Government as the basis of its
foreign policy—the right of • nation to choose it
own governors. Few statesmes, too, here bees mere
persevering or successful. To say nethiag of his
mom in removing religions disabilities, take the
question of Reform. After having brought In a bill
oa this subject almost every merlon for a doses
years he eventually carried the great measure of
1532. And now, after two or three onenotesetal
attempts, he is engaged in the preparation of •
wood measure, destined, we believe, to be equally
hooreeful.

What the particular details of his measure are,
Lord JOIN Roseau. of coarse did not explain to
his hearers at Aberdeen. This would have ham es
impolitic es it teemed/id for. We know in general
what say Bill that the Noble Lord would approve
most contain, sad eau wait far the particulars till
Parliament mists and the measure is introduced.
Lord Joult Rosser.[. confined himself to the main
to an exposition of the principles that should
animate and guide a constitutional reformer in his
work. And this " lecture on the representative
system," as a contemporary calls it, is by no
means so unimportant or irrelevant am he seems to
think. Those who are most in earnest on the subject
of Reform will be most careful to guard themselves
from the imputation of being revolutionists. The

aim of the true reformer is to correct and improve,
not to destroy. And he is anxious to show, of coarse,
that what he proposes is not only theoretically josh
but in practical harmony with the Hope and
design of the constitution. The first conditions
of successful reformers are an intimate knowledge of
the constitution, a practical familiarity with its
working, and a genuine sympathy with its
spirit. Lord JOHN RU:SELL appropriately reminds
as that the constitution under which we live Is •
moral growth, not a mechanical contrivance. Oar
hes iostitationa, instead of being elaborated by
reasoning into the enact proportions of a logical
system, are the irregular and spontaneous reflex
of the national life. They have grown with
the growth of oar national freedom, and
strengthened with its strength. They consist, in
fact, of the various measures that have from time
to time brooms necessary for the security of
our nghts and liberties, the development and expan-
sion of our political freedom and independence.
No doubt in this irregular growth there is plenty of
scope for the reformer. There are anomalies to
correct and deficiencies to supply. But the parts
must be amended in harmony with the general
design of the whole. And this requires cautious
and firmness ma well ea constitutional knowledge
and political sagacity. Wholesale reforms of
a mechanical kind are easy enough. No.
thing is simpler than to abolish with •
sweep of the pen the present complicated
and anomalous system of representation, and sketch
one consisting of (qual electoral districts that would
be far simpler, far more arithmetically oonaistont
and complete. As Lord RUSSELL says, "any
" apprentice or clerk to a land surveyor could pro-
" duce a representative scheme of that kind." We
have a number of such schemes already propounded i•
pamphlets, periodicals, and separate volumes. Bat
fortunately they are a.eless and impracticable; and
those who urge them on public attention, however
sincere, scarcely merit the epithet of practical re-
formers. If profoundly in earnest they would surely

be lea concerned about their own hobbies, and apply
themselves to the study of the system they vegan
to improve. That system Is a practical one, formed
to accomplish certain ends. A cessideration of these
elide will suggest the direction that real and rational
reformers should take, If there is any direction in
which the system does not accomplish its obvious
design there is scope for the reformer to step in,
and by timely improvements render its working
more efficient.

Now, the object of our representative system is to
extend the franchise to all who are able to use it; in
other wards, to all who are intelligent enough to
take an Interest in public affair., and independent
enough toad without constraint.. If a number thus
qualified are by existing arrangement excluded from
the suffrage there is an imperative need for reform.
That is the actual condition of the question. A con-
sideration of the general design of the constitu-
tion, and the direction in which this design
is not fulfilled, suggests the course that reform
should take. This is the position taken
by Lord loam Russett and by all genuine re-
formers. He finds that a number are now excluded
who are in every respect entitled to possess the fran-
chise. He does not regret this, does not mourn over
as extension of the suffrage as at best a melancholy
asesesity. On the contrary, as a friend of the oon-
stitation, he rejoioes at the prospect of its being
adapted to the advancing requirement. of the people,
and thus brought into harmony with its original de-
sign. This is the true light in which to regard the quo-
tion. Every patriot ought to be glad that the time has
come for a large extension of the suffrage, and welcome
the admission of intelligent artisans to the rights of
citizenship as a national gain. The practical point
of Lord Jolts Rimini..s speech, so far u reform is
concerned, is the assurance that the gelation of the
suffrage is now engaging the earnest attention of the
Government. This is seasonable news, as a really
large and substantial measure of reform will be
looked for from the present Government without
delay. The question can be delayed no longer, but
most be entered upon at once when Parliament meets.