The Express.
London, England, 1866-04-27 00:00:00

rrp;*, FO_C,FII,FIS§r . FRUMT,-, IifaV:ENIN9r %APRIL 2Z, 1866. I

pitie hievete by-referee/ft either to the bar of pestle
who were to have the frsnchise or to the manner in winds
they would be distributed. Alluding to the steps by'
winch the government had proceeded from the introduc-
tion of the franchise bill down to the present moment, he
owned he had never witnessed conduct on the part
of any government which was so utterly irra-
tional. Although they withheld the information
which was neceauty to enable the house to form an
opinion they nevertheless insisted upon their voting
for the seesare. As far an he could understand,

this information was kept back from mere wanton-
ness, with the purpose of seeing whether the House of
Commons could not be made to pass under the yoke. Look
at the languor which the Chancellor of the Exchequer
had used at Liverpool, when he said that he knew the sort
of people whom he had to deal with. What did that
mean but that the House of Commons at large were
better known than trusted ? Why the very object orte:
putting their bill and their own existence as a government
in peril was to humiliate and degrade the house in tla
of the country. He bad heard that one more cone
was to be offered the house. If they would only vote
the sesond reading of the bill in the dark to please
the Chancellor of the Exchequer, then he would under-
take that the two measures respecting the franchise end
the redistribution of seta should go into committee and
proceed part passu, and that one should not pass without
the other. That course might remove some objections ;
but it would not show that the hoosewere treated properly
by the government, or that they were doing their duty to
the country or adios worthy of their own dignity, and it
would not remove any of the solid objections to the course
that had been adopted. It:seemed to him that on the clearest
grounds of self-respect and honour the house ought never to
allow a government to attempt anything of the kind. As
to the effect of the bill, if it were passed, he had no doubt
that its immediate effect would be to transfer the election
of the majority of the representatives for the boroughs in
England and Wales to the working classes. Adverting
once more to the treatment of the house by the Chancellor
of the Exchequer, Mr. Lows declared that the house
had throughout been treated more like condemned criminals
than " friends in council." The right hon. gentleman
ought to have given his reasons for bringing in the bill to
the house in the first instance, instead of going down to
Liverpool, dating them at the Philharmonic Hall, and then
coming back to the House of Commons and giving them
a languid reehauffe on the mooed reading. Referring to
the argument of the Chancellor of the Exchequer founded
upon the theory of the working classes being their fellow
Christians and their own flesh and blood, he observed that
there was not a person in the country who would not
"profess and call himself Christian." That, therefore,
was an argument for the admission of persons of both
sexes to the franchise. And as to the " fiesh-and-blood
argument, that might be used for constituting a per-
liament of beasts. In short, the bill was not
founded on calculated results, but on • broad
sweeping principle, originating in the doctrine of the
rights of man, which, if it meant anything, meant uni-
versal suffrage. He inferred, from the sweeping nature of
the bill, from the manner in which it had been forced on
the house, the treatment the house had received, and the
arguments by which the bill had been supported, that it
was founded upon the principle that the franchise was due
to everyone whom they could show was fit for it, and that
the house were bound to shut their eyes to all conse-
quences, disregard all considerations of expediency, and
leave the constituencies so appointed to take care of them-
selves. Anything more dangerous than this could not be
conceived. The right hon. member then proceeded to
reply to the argument of Mr. Mill that the working dames
were not diffidently represented in the Commons, and
quoted passages from the writings of that gentleman in
1862 and 1860 to show that he then considered those
classes not sufficiently educated to be invested with the
franchise. He pointed out danger, as he conceived,
arising from the power of the working classes to com-
bine for the accomplishment of their objects, and
the ease with which trades' unions might be converted
into political organisations. Trades' unions were far
more unions against the best, most skilful, industrious,
and capable of the men themselves than against the masters.
They made war upm all superiority, skilled industry, and
capacity, and made them the slaves of clumsiness, idleness,
and ignorance. And see what a tremendous machinery
they would have in them, if they only allowed them to
possess the one thing they wanted—the parliamentary
vote. Adopt this bill and there was no saying where they
would stop in the downward direction of democracy. The
remainder of the right hon. gentleman's speech was a die.
sertation on the evil of democracy ; amongst which he enu-
merated bankrupt representatives, the profession of politics
as a List resource when every other had failed, a
ispoel-
tion to war, opposition to free trade and the concentration
of power. He shadowed out the results of democratizing our
Constitution on such questions as the church establish-
ment, an hereditary peerage, and the character of the
House of Commons, maintaining on this last point that
it differed from the Assemblies of France and the United
States, elected by universal suffrage, and that it would
be necessary to separate the functions of the executive
from its present close connexion with the House
of Commons. In an argument appealing to the
example of Australia and the United States, and quoting
from various speeches of Mr. Bright, he attempted to show
how unfit this country was for democracy, and how, in
process of time, it would sweep away all our existing in-
stitutions, such as the aristocracy and the bench, to re-
place them by others more representative, and conse-
quently more dependent on the people, and would
ultimately leave the monarch face to face with a
democratic assembly. It seems to me (added
the honourable gentleman) that we have more
reason every day we live to regret the loss of Lord Palmer-
ston. (Opposition cheers.) By way of a mortuary oon-
tribution it seems to me that the remaining members of
his cabinet laid in his grave all their moderation, all their
prudence, and all their statesmanship. He was scarcely
interred before they set to work to contravene and coun-
teract his policy. Because it had been his policy—the
policy of a man who understood the people of England
and bad achieved unexampled success, they thought that
the way to continue that success was entirely to reverse his
policy. And so before he was hardly cold in his grave
they set to work to do the very thing of all others that if
he had been living he would have disapproved. Well,
they have done a great feat. The right hon. gentleman
and the noble lord at the head of the government
have performed an immense exploit ; they have carried
the great mass of their party, men of moderate opinions
and views—they have carried them over from their own
views and laid them at the feet of the hon. member for
Birmingham. (Loud opposition cheers.) They are brought
into contact now with men and principles from which six
months ago they would have recoiled. (" No," and oppo-
sition cheers.) That is what has happened to part of them.
The rest of us are left like sheep in the wilderness. And
after the success of this extraordinary combination—for I
can give it no other name—we who remain where we were
are charged with being conspirators and traitors. The
bonds of party allegiance are strained till they are ready
to crack, in order to keep the party together, and we are
told that we are bound by every tie to act according to the
policy of Lord Russell. I dispute that. I never served
under him. I have served, unfortunately, for a little less
than ten years under two prime ministers, one being Lord
Aberdeen and the other Lord Palmerton. Both those
governments Lord Russell joined ; both those governments
he abandoned, and both those governments he assisted to
destroy. I owe him no allegiance. lam not afraid of the
people of this country ; they have shown remarkable good
sense, remarkable indeed in contrast with the harangues
that have been addressed to them. (Opposition cheers.)
Nor am I afraid of those who lead them ; and here I differ
from my right hon. and gallant friend the member for
Huntingdon. Demagogues are the commonplaces of
history ; they are found everywhere where there
is popular commotion. They have all a family
likeness-(opposition cheers)—their names float lightly
on the stream of time ; they finally contrive
to be handed down somehow, but they are as
little to be regarded for themselves as the foam which rides
on the top of the stormy wave and bespatters the rock
which it cannot shake. (Opposition cheers.) But what I
do fear, what fills me with the gloomiest misgivings, is when
I ace a number of gentlemen of rank, property, and intelli-
gence carried away without even being convinced or even
over-persuaded to support a policy which many of them in
their hearts detest and abhor. Monarchies exist by loyalty,
aristocracies by honour, popular assemblies by political
virtue. When these things begin to fail it is in their loss,
and not in comets, eclipses, And earthquakes, that we are to
look for the portents that herald the fall of states. I have
said that I am utterly unable to reason with
the Chancellor of the Exchequer, but happily there
is one common ground left to us, which is the second
book of the ffineid. My right hon. friend returned again
to the poor old Trojan horse. I will add one more excerpt
to the story of that noble animal, after which I will pro-
mise to turn him out to grass for the remainder of his life.
(A laugh.) The which I wish to call his attention
to presents a etch of the army, and not only of the
army, but of the general also
Arduus armies medils in nwentbus means
Pundit equal', victorque Boon incendia miscet
pons : po' aid bipatentibus adsunt,
?Ma quot maguls imminent sclera Mrcenla.
The fatal horse pours forth the human tide,
Insulting ninon flings his firebrands wide:
The gates are burst the ancient rampart falls
And swarming myriads climb its crumbling walla.

(Cheers.) I have now, sir, traced as well as I could what
I believe would be the natural results of a measure which
seems to my poor imagination destined to absorb and
destroy one after the other those institutions which have
made England what she has hitherto been, and what I
believe no other country ever was, or ever will be.
Surely the heroic work of so many centuries,
the matchless achievements of so many wise heads and
strong bands deserve a nobler consummation than to be '
menfieed to revolutionary psasion,or to the maudlin enthu-
siasm of humanity. But if we do fall, we shall fall deser-
vedly' if unconstrained by any external force, not beaten
down by any intestine calamity, in the plethora of wealth
and the surfeit of our too exuberant prosperity, we are
about, with our own nab and unconstrained bands, to
pluck down on our own heads the venerable temple of our
own liberty and our law. History may record other mess
as signal and an disastrous, but none more wanton
and more disgraceful. (Loud opposition cheers.)
Mr. HODGICINSON (whose opening sentences were lost
in the noise made by members leaving the house) said the
amendment seemed to be cunningly devised to catch
waters, sad to wigs those who ware lukewarm ht their

- - -
allegiance to break the word of promise to the hope and
keep it to the ear. Bat he warned hon. reembem that
though they might delude themselves, they would not de-
hide others. They were asked to affirm the principle of
ea extension of the suffrage by giving to this bill a second
reading. Hon. memben opposite did not like the bill, nor
did they like any bill of this nature ; and yet they were
afraid to meet the question with a direct negative.
Mr. YORKE thought the house might content itself with
the defence which bad been offered for it by the right hoe.
gentian= the member for Caine.
Mr. LEMAN described the amendment as an attempt
to shunt the question of reform from a main line to a
siding somewhere between Chester and King's Lynn. He
was old enough to remember the speeches made in parlia-
ment upon the Reform Bill of 1832, and he could not help
remarking their striking similarity to the arguments of the
right hon. member for Caine. Such was the lan-
guage of the Evelyne and the Winchelsesa with
respect to the 101. suffrage, and the house was told that to
pass that bill was the next thing to sweeping away the
church end state and the house in one general ruin ; and
a similar picture the dangerous faculty of imagination had
enabled Mr. Lowe to draw now. The bill would not have
the effect of admitting to the exercise of the franchise the
idlers and loiterers in the Seven Dials, the railwa navvies.
the uneducated colliers and minces of Staff , or, in
a word, any of that class which, in common parliamentary
language, was designated as the dangerous class. On the
contrary, it would admit the best of the skilled workman,
men who had distinguished themselves by enormous ad-
vances in education, by vast ingenuity, by the most un-
shaken loyalty to the throne, by the greatest self-command
under circumstances of deprivation and distreas—and, in
point of fact, men who had they existed at the passing of
the Reform Bill of 1832, would certainly have been en-

franchised in one way or-another.
Lord ROYSTON considered the present a mere attempt
to retain the rainistryin office by the adoption of what they
considered a popular cry, followed up by the introduction
of a sham measure which the government never intended
should be passed ; and he pointed to the fact of the de-
clension of the liberal majority of 60 to a minorty as he
believed would turn out to be the case, as a proof that the
liberal party generally were quite aware of the deception
which the government wanted to play off upon them. He
confidently expressed his opinion that the bill would be
lost on a division, and would do all he could to contribute to
that result.
Mr. ALLEN agreed with the right hon. member for
Caine as to the admirable manner in which parliament was
at present constituted, and he would go further and say
it was the first representative assembly in the world. But
what was the reason of that! It was bemuse in the main
it represented the wishes and feelings of the people of this
country. The great principle involved in the question of
parliamentary reform was to adapt the House of Commons
more fully to the wishes and feelings of the people, and
therefore it was that he was prepared to support
the present measure. He could only regard the amend-
ment of the noble lord the member for Chester as a
plausible attempt once more to get rid of the question of
reform. (Hear, hear.)
Mr. D. BROMLEY thought that this question of reform
bad been too long tossed about as the football of party.
(Hear, hear.) Parliament was pledged to some measure
of reform, and the principle of justice ought to be the first
consideration in dealing with it. (Hear, hear.) If it were
proved to be just and fair that a large borough
constituency should overshadow a county constituency, he
had no doubt many county members would be perfectly
prepared to retire into that position of dignified insignifi-
cance which nature perhaps intended them to occupy.
(Laughter.) He did not, however, consider this bill an
honest one, and therefore, while he professed to be a most
strenuous advocate for some good and comprehenaivescheme
of reform, he strongly objected to the baptism of this
ricketty political baby. (Laughter.)
Mr. OnWAY was not surprised, from the acquaintance
which the hon. member had had with the poor of the me-
tropolis, that he should feel that there was a necessity for
a Reform Bill. (Hear, hear.) Now, the constituency
which he (Mr. Otway) represented would be injuriously
affected by this bill if the 16th clause should be retained,
and consequently if the bill should be read a second time,
and that clause not expunged in committee, he should
strenuously oppose the third reading of the bill. (Oh, oh.)
It was for the interest of the conservative party that this
question of reform should be settled, and he
could not understand why that party opposed the
wishes of the people. (Hear.) The heart of the people
was set upon a settlement of the question—(hear, hear)—
and they would have their political rights. (Hear, hear.)
Mr. R. W. DUFF said he should support the amendment
of the noble lord the member for Chester. (Hear, hear.)
He was sorry the government bad determined to treat
the amendment as one of want of confidence,
because that involved the breaking up of the
liberal party or a sacrifice of independent convictions.
(Hear, bear.) They came down to the house acknow-
ledging that they had not had time to frame a com-
plete measure,and they therefore introduced an incom-
plete one, on the principle that a bad reform bill
was better than none at all. For five years he had been a
consistent supporter of Lord Pslmerston's government,
and if he were now acting in opposition to the opinions
recorded by most of those with whom he bad been ammo-
dated, it was because he preferred hie own honest convic-
tions to following leaders to whom he had been proud to
give a general support, but who on this particular subject
had forfeited every claim to his confidence. (Hear.)
Mr. E. JAMES said that he looked upon this bill being
read a second time in no other light than that in which he
regarded the amendment of Lord Russell to the Reform
Bill of Lord Derby's government, simply as an assertion
on the part of the house that a measure of reform
was essential, and that there should be an extension
of the franchise. Looking upon the matter in that
point of view he should give the government his cordial
support (Derisive cheers from the opposition benches.)
In doing so he conceived he was fulfilling the pledges
which he gave to his constituents. (" Oh, oh," and
" Hear, hear.") He had pledged himself to support an
extension of the franchise—(oh, oh)--but to watch that
that extension should not be mischievous. In voting for
the second reading of the bill, he stipulated for the right
and freedom of opposing the measure—(" oh, oh" and
laughter)—at any future stage, if the promised bill did
not satisfy him that there would be an honest and fair re-
distribution of seats. His desire was to protect one class
against the undue predominance of another, and he sin-
cerely hoped that the government, having already made
considerable concessions to meet the views of their own
friends—if this bill passed the second reading, as was most
likely—(cheers and counter cheers)—would endeavour to
render it more consistent with the true principles of re-
form by bringing in the bills which they had promised,
or by inserting in the present bill such clauses as would
make it • complete measure of reform. (Hear, hear.)
Mr. SCHREIBER urged that the tendency of the mea-
sure would be to make the counties dependent on the
charity of the towns, and give an enormous additional
taxing power to those who did not contribute to direct
taxation. To give a preponderance of power to such a
class would soon stimulate them to raise the cry of "Down
with the customs and excise, and up with the income tax."
Mr. CHILDEBS, speaking from personal experience,
explained the satisfactory working of democratic insti-
tutions in Victoria, a colony which he declared was
inalienably attached to the British crown and con-
stitution. Observing upon the inconsistencies of Mr.
Lowe, he read a number of extracts from speeches deli-
vered by the member for Caine containing sentiments
similar to those which be had condemned as coming from
Mr. Bright, and in which he lauded the example of
America, and described the British parliament as "blind,
ignorant, and besottedly stupid." The house might by an
unnatural combination of parties place the government in •
minority, but how, he asked, could the supporters of the
amendment afterwards agree among themselves to improve
their victory by carrying a comprehensive measure of
reform!
At midnight Lord CRANBORNE moved the adjourn-
ment of the debate.
Captain VIVIAN protested against so early an adjourn-
ment, and reminded the house that during the debate on
the corn laws it used to sit until 3 and 4 in the morn-
ing. He invited Lord Cranborne to make his speech at
OnCe.

Mr. ROUVERIE deprecated the idea of whole eovies of
members rising in all parts of the house, and expecting to
be allowed to make speeches.
The CHANCELWII of the EXCHEQUER reminded
the house that the government had not " put up " more
than one speaker during the whole night.
Mr. WA KIN suggested that the house should meet at
12 o'clock this day, but the proposition was not received
with favour.

After some discussion, which occupied sufficient time
for the delivery of two or three speeches, the debate was
adjourned until this day.
THE PARLIAMENTARY OATHS AMENDMENT
BILL

Sir G. GREY moved that the lords' amendments to
this bill be agreed to. The right hon. gentleman said that
the three amendments made in the preamble, and in the
lid and 6th clauses were perfectly harmless, and the house
would do well to accept them. He was glad that this
measure had met with the general concurrence of all politi-
cal parties in both houses, and that now all distinctions of
the religious creeds of members in coming to the table to
be sworn would be disregarded. (Hear, hear.)
Mr. WHALLEY proposed to add to the oath, after
clause ending " her heirs and successors," the words
" being protestant.," explaining that his object was to
secure the protestant succession to the throne of this
country.
The proposal not having found a seconder, it fell to the
ground, and the lords' amendments were agreed to.
DRAINAGE AND IMPROVEMENT OF LAND
(IRELAND) BILL
This bill was read a third time and passed.
CONFERENCES DET'WEEN LORDS AND
COMMONS.

On the motion of Sir G. GRIT, a motion was agreed to
to the effect that messages might take place between the
two houses instead of conference,.
CONTAGIOUS DISEASES BILL.
This bill was recommitted.
Mr. AYBTON objected to the bill as promothig immo-
rality.
Lord C. PAGET said the object of the bill was to enable
Magistrates to direct a periodical examination of prosti-
tutes in order to prevent the spread of disease.

2dr. HENLEY said the bill was applicable only to oer-
tain places, and asked c what principle its area was not
extended.
Sir G. GREY said the object of the bill was to prevent
the spread of the disease in the army, which jnined ex-
ceptional legislation. It wee intended to apply only to
places where a oonsiderable portion of the population be-
longed to the army or the navy.
-•• • • •

-- _
Mr. AYBTON moved an amendment against the system
of inspection and certificate.
For the amendment 5
Against it 76-71
The remaining clauses were agreed to, and the bill passed
through committee.

HOP TRADE BILL.
The house went into committee on this bill, when
An HON. Idewsss, having moved that the house be
counted ; that having been done, and there being only
nine members present, the house stood adjourned at ten
minutes to two o'clock.

iLatu

InCt.

COURT OF BANKRUPTCY.—Aran. 26.
(Before Mr. Oommiedester Hobert)
Ilt to DUIEWPAII.-7111 001011111CLILL UNION wnm
onakury (zawnso.)

The bankrupt described as a gentleman, of Croydon, was
a director of the above named company. This was the
Bitting for examination and discharge.
Mr. B. Bead, for the assignees, stated that the ban
was liable to the amount of 13,00 M, in tespectorge
Commercial Union Wine Company (Limited), now in
course of winding-up. Most of the directors of that coni-
c/711rd oome to this court. At the last sitting the
pt had been called on to give an account of the
expenditure of money on behalf of the company, also of
the dates at which wine warrant, and other securities
were deposited with certain creditors ' • but these -
tions were unanswered, and the bankrupt his
inability to answer them.
After hearing Mr. Brough for the bankrupt,
His Honour adjourned the can for additional accounts.