The Express.
London, England, 1866-08-01 00:00:00

THE EMPRESS, W EDlr E§DAB ii EKING, AUGUST 'll' 1866.

than that. under the superintendence of General Nelson-
himself, day by day the prisoners at Morant Bay were
marched out to witness the horrible agonies of that death
to whieb they knew that, though still untried, they were
already doomed. (Hear, hear.) As we look on at these
doings the words ries of themeless to our lips—
" Man, proud men,
Premed in a little brief authority,
Like an angry ape
Plays such fantastic tricks before high Heaven
As make the angels weep."
Upon the whole, exclusive of them who were put to
death during what might be called the suppression of the
disturbances, and exclusive of those who were shot or
hung without trial, we find that just 350 persons were
executed by sentence of court-martial. Thisnumber, 350,
cannot but suggest a historical reminiacence. Home time
ago a rebellion took place in one of the countries of
Europe ,• it was the result of a deep conspiracy ; its aim
was to dethrone the sovereign and substitute an usurper ;
its chief actors were deserters from the service of their
master and king. They called in foreign aid ; they
kindled the flame of civil war, with all the bloodshed,

rapine and misery that civil war engenders. They were
overthrown, and the chief actors were tried for their lives;
not, indeed, by a court-martial of lieutenants and ensigns,
but before the highest court of justice in the land, with
every privilege—even with trial by juries of their own
countrymen. 350 of them were executed—ezactly the
same number as in Jamaica. The page of history that
presents so curious a parallel has not found great favour
in the eyes of the English people. It goes by the name of
"Judge Jeffrey's Bloody Assize." (Hear, hear.) Now,
is there indeed to be absolute impunity for these doings!
As regards Lieut. Brand and his compeers, their guilt
cannot be compared for a moment to that of their supe-
riors. But while I say that I will not deny that I would
a thousand times rather have followed a son of mine to

the grave than have had him sit on that court-mat :nil, and
show himself so lost to every sense not only of humanity
but of personal honour—so dead to every generous youth-
ful impulse as to have stooped to the utter degradation of
being merely the executioner, the hangman, the base in-
strument used by the authorities for consigning these
400 trembling wretches to the whipping post and the
gallows. (Cheers.) But while our indignation against
them is largel qualified by contempt, what shall
we say of Brigs• -General Nelson, who, day after day,
wrote " approved and confirmed" against everyone of
their proceedings ? What shall we think of the tremend-
ous responsibility incurred by the governor of the island,
who looked on with such cold indifference to the anguish
of the people who had been entrusted to his protecting
are. 'My dreary task is done. It is now the grave duty
of the house to decide whether it will indeed give its sanc-
tion to these doings. It is rumoured that the government
will neither accept these resolutions nor meet them in
front, but that they mean to get rid of them by a side
wind of argument about some technical difficulties of poli-
tical etiquette, as if, forsooth, the British people had
not the right to form its own opinion upon these
misdeeds and demand punishment of the guilty. I can
hardly believe that the government would stoop to such •
pitiful evasion. It will be understood by the people of
England, and in America, and in Europe, where this
matter has been watched with great anxiety, that the
broad question on which we shall divide to-night is the
question whether, on behalf of the British people, we ap-
prove, or whether we condemn, these doings. I trust that
at any rate the great liberalparty will refuse toidentify itself
with this butchery. I appeal to the right hon. gentlemanthe
bead of the liberal party in this house to come forward in
our behalf and renounce all complicity in them. But must I
look forward to defeat, or even to resistance, from hon.
gentlemen opposite! The chief of that party, Lord Derby,
admired for his splendid powers, has endeared himself to
his countrymen by the part he took in the calamity that
fell upon us • few years ago, and among those who sit on
the treasury bench, and above and near it, are mon whose
lira are ennobled by their zeal in every cause of humanity.
I ask them whether they in their hearts believe that the
course aaken by the authorities in Jamaica, breathed a
spirit of wisdom and sound policy, or of wild
rage and vengeance ! Do they think it an
example to be followed by governors elsewhere, or
or one to be repudiated and abhorred! Do they think it
threw a ray of glory over the name of England, or has it
covered us with shame! Do they think it was worthy of
us as the professed servant of Him whose name is Mercy ?
I implore them this night to trample under foot mere pre-
judice and party feeling, and to ask themselves solemnly
whether, acting as the government and representatives of
the British people, they dare in the hoe of the world and in
the face of Heaven to stamp the seal of their deliberate
approval on these ruthless deeds. (Cheers.)
Mr. ADDERLEY said it could not be seriously supposed
that anyone approved of the transactions in question, and
it was • gratuitous assumption to suppose that the ques-
tion was to be treated as one of party. The report of
the commission had been accepted on all bands,
and he must decline to reopen the case and
try it over again. The question now was whether the
house should pus resolutions on the report. The
insurrection in Jamaica had been treated as •
very small affair, but as news had recently arrived that
another outbreak was anticipated, and the governor
had sent for reinforcements, perhaps Mr. Buxton would
take it in hand. He urged that the resolutions were inad-
missible, and ought not to be agreed to, and eepeoially be-
cause they only endorsed the censure which had been
passed on the officials of Jamaica, without saying a word of
the praise which had been bestowed upon them. He con-
cluded by moving the previous question.
Mr. S. MILL said that he and those who acted with him
might well be content to let the subject go forth for the
opinion of the country on the speech of Mr. Adderley. He,
however,had to move an amendment that the recent trans-
actions in Jamaica required investigation of a character
which could only be satisfactorily made by a judicial tri-
bunal. Whatever difference of opinion there might be as
to the degree of culpability of the actors in these trans-
actions, there was no doubt expressed as to the fact of cul-
pability, and that the lives of persons had been wrongfully
taken. Therefore • criminal court alone was competent to
deal with that culpability.
Mr. W. E. FORSTER said that be intended to vote for
the first and second resolutions of his hon. friend the
member for East Surrey. He understood the right hon.
gentleman opposite to admit the principle of compensation,
and therefore if the government pledged themselves to
look thoroughly into the question he thought that his
hon. friend must be satisfied with their assurance, and
need not press the resolution which related to this subject
exactly in the words in which he had moved it. He
trusted, however, that whatever was done in the way of
compensation would include a compliance with the prayer
of Mrs. Gordon's petition, which asked for the vindication
of themecnory of her husband. The last rebellion in Jamaica
itself was a much more grievous matter than that now under
discussion, but even then so many persons were not executed.
He did not think be spoke too strongly when he said that
the execution of the last 150 or 180 persons in the late
outbreak was a legal muaacre. If they had been put to
death in Ireland after an Insurrection there had been
suppressed to prevent it breaking out again, what would
be said? And Governor Eyre could not have thought that
the disturbances were likely to break out again, as while
the executions were actually proceeding he countermanded
the order for troops from Halifax. Holding those opinions
it might be asked why he supported the resolution and
not the amendment of his hon. friend the member for
Westminster. The reason was that be believed
Governor Eyre acted according to the best of his
discretion. (Hear, bear.) That alone, however, would
not be • sufficient reason, as the lives of her Majesty's
subjects ought not to be left at the mercy of any one's
discretion; but in the case of Governor Eyre, he was by
the force of the circumstances in which he was placed, and
placed by the imperial government, almost forced into
proclaiming martial law. He mftde a most deplorable
mistake, but he acted for the best according to his discre-
tion. It should be remembered that when martial law
was once proclaimed there was • suspension of all law ;
everything was left to the discretion of thechief authority,
and if it could not be said that he had a bad
motive in his acts he (Mr. Forster) could not
see how • prosecution could be sustaired. Two
things were clear : first, that the outbreak was not put
down by the proclamation of martial law, but by the action
of the troops; and next, that if the obligation of pro-
claiming martial law in the colonies under certain circum-
stances were continued, the imperial government were
bound to issue regulations defining the position of the go-
vernors. (Heir, hear.) He agreed with • definition of
martial law that he had seen, namely, that it was the
devil let loose ; and it certainly ought never to be pro-
claimed while the troops were able to act with efficiency
without it. If they ought not to prosecute Governor Eyre,
fortiori they ought not toprosecute those who acted
under his orders. They were un, however, to consider
how such deplorable events could be avoided, and to arrive
at that conclusion they shoukl considerhow they hadalready
happened. He believed they had, to a great extent, arisen
out of contempt for an inferior race. (Hear, hear.) This
feeling ought to be got rid of ; they should declare that
there was not one code of morality to be regarded towards
one race and another towards another. Ovelty was as
unwise when used towards the black men as towards the
white, and mercy to the former was as wise, as just, and
as much a duty as to the latter. (Cheers.)
Mr. B. COCHRANE was surprised that throughout the
debate there had been no expression of sympathy with or
commiseration for those who had been the first sufferers by
the rebellion. An officer whose name had been mixed up
with these unfortunate proceedings had con'mitted
suicide, and looking at all the circumstances he (Mr.
Cochrane) thought it would have been better not to
have brought forward this motion. However, knowing
as he did many of Governor Eyre's friends, end what
his character WlB as • good and • brave man, he was glad
before the session had closed to have had that opportunity
of expressing his feeling at the difficulties in which
Governor Eyre had been placed, and the able and sue-
useful manner in which he had surmounted them.
The A/TORNILT-GENERAL deprecated any judgment
of the Loose as to the legality of matters on which judi-
cial proceedings might yet be taken. He objected to the
resolution for compensation, which must come from the
imperial revenue, and to that which recommended a remis-
sion of the sentences ; but the government, deploring, in
commie with the rest of the house, the frequency of the
punishments which had. been inflicted, would net object to
Mr. Buxton's first resolution.
Mr. CARDWELL explained the reasons which induced
the late government not to deal with Mr. Eyre by • cri-
minal prosecution, but simply to &smite hire, and reminded
the hones that instructions had been issued to institute la-