The Express.
London, England, 1859-01-13 00:00:00

capitol not their own. He then mote to the sub-
dof reform, which parliament would have to
deal with in the coarse of • month or six weeks.
Lord Derby's mast had been well kept. Lord John Rug-
well, who had • bill No. 2, had also kept bin mutt ; and
Mr. Bright—(loud cheery)—who was the parent of bill
No. 3, had communicated his secret to Mr. Mien, who had
no anthority to communicate it to anybody else. (Laughter.)
Bat whoever proposed • measure of reform would find him-
self la a difficulty. If Lord Derby proposed a large mea-
sure of reform he would break up his party, and if he pro-
posed • mall one he would diked the country, and he would
be told that we could not afford a revolution every ten
years. Then there was the danger ahead that, unlace the
liberal party were united, and pulled well together for •
practicable sad attainable object, instead of being disunited
sad in favour of what was impossible, the party would be
leR in rather a worse portion than they were before.
(Hear, bear.) The two great cerium which had hitherto
excited the most interest out of doom in connexion with this
question were the extension of the franchise and the ballot,
On the ballot nothing new could now be said, and the strength
of parties in the Home of Commons heal been amerteinsd.
In all probability Mr. Berkeley's proposition to have the bd.
lot introduced into the government meseure would be de-
feated. The most important question involved in any DOW
reform bill would be the extension of the suffrage. On the
eve of • discussion of the new measure he thought it would
be unwise to commit himself to any opinion. (Oh oh). But
if they asked him what were his principles and views on the
extension of the ettffrage be was prepared to give them au
answer. (Cheers.) The difficulty as to any plan that had
hitherto been proposed for an extension of the franchise wan
this. The great detect of the old R.-form Bill wan that
it established an uniform franchise, wherea before
there -were different modes of attaining it. This
uniform franohles wee based on the qualification
of property. That be considered wee detective, be-
cause if they extended It, they could extend it only in one
direction—that was, by lewateg the qualification. Well,
Lord John Russell in 1830 lowered the franchise, and made
the qualification 101. household. Twenty years afterwards
he proposed to lower it to 51. ; but the earoe argument which
was given for reducing the suffrage from 101. to 61. equally
prevailed for lowering it to fire &billings, and the 'ems argu-
ments would be equally adducible tea years after to rodeos it
to fivepance. And then they cams to universal suffrage. That
had been the difficulty in every plan for extending the W-
ings which had hitherto been proposed namely, that
they had the inevitable result that it was only
• steppiog-stone to universal suffrage, or rating suf-
frage, which Mr. Bright socepted avowedly ea a compro-
mise, as taking univereal suffrage at two bites instead clone.
(Hear, bear.) Now be would tell them the objection which
he had to universal suffrage. He was against all class legis-
lation—(mar, hear)- and universal suffrage must place the
government of the country entirely in the heads of one elms,
which were the most numerous due, and the most numerous
clam were, from the nature of their occupations, nemesarily
the meet unwinoged class. (Cheers, and marks of disappro-
bation.) Observe the object of representation was that they
should have se perfect • legielatire body as possible; that is
that their legislators should comprise men of the highest
standard of edueation, morality, and independence, end that it
should be • fair representation of all chasms end interests
in the country. They would, no doubt, all agree with him
that there were three great elements to be considered in re-
Melon—property, Intelligence or education, and mam-
as. more perfect the combination of all the three
the more perfect must be the House of Commons. If they
had • property class, an education clam, and numbers,
which were really the operative clean ; and it they found the
operative close outnumbered the others ten to one, they en-
franchised the one end awscoped the others, for they die-
franchised them as entirely as if they had struck them off the
roll. The first feeling and tendency of human nature, if
they had power in their hands, was to use it. They would
have • thousand voices in Savour of their own body. Before
the Reform Bill the electors and the House of Commons
were entirely aristocratic. The Reform Bill created an
enormous middle-else constituency, and the consequence
wee that the lament House of Commons was as to a
large section composed of the existncrecy, and as to another
large section composed of the middle classes. (Hear, hear.)
But if they went • step further, and enfranchised the opera-
tive cisme& they would swamp the other dames ; and was It
too much to say that they would make the same use of the
power placed in their kends that others bad done, and elect
men either of their own class, or Urea who would go to the
house bound to represent theviews and opinious of that class.
(" Hear, hear," and fitment.) The remelt would be, not an
equal Marthalion of the suffrage, but that the educated class
would be swamped, and the property clam disfranchised,
while the government of the country would be placed in the
hands of the operative class, necessarily the moat uneducated
class. Wee that • desirable or safe state of things ? But It
was said that theopsrativeders had increased in morality and
intelligence since the last Reform Bill. If it was meant that
the operative clam had so increased In morality and intelli-
gence as to have overtaken the dames above them, and that
the other classes had been going back, then there was good
reason for transferring the government of the country from
the rich to the poorer classes. Bat was that so ? They had
universal suffrage and the ballot in Frame and America.
Was France fun? They had there a military despotism,
and when that ceased priestly tyranny stepped m ; they had
no personal security, no one could speak or write in safety ;
they had police at every door and goes to every household;
an enormous war armament in time of peace, to keep up
which the people were taxed in both money and teen. Her
public men were the meet demoralised and corrupt, and used
cabinet secrete to enrich theuaselves on the Stock Ex -
change. France was, in • word, in a state of
slavery, such se had never been exhibited in any
nation in the world in the same state of civilisation and
1 advancement. Then M America their electoral system was
notoriously corrupt, as Mr. Buchanan had recently testified;
and with immense peeetteafona the spirit of aggrandisement
premiled ; above all slavery, that blot on humanity, existed.
He did not say that universal suffrage was the cause of all
these evils, but that this and the ballot, as was shown is
Frame and America, were no guarantees of good govern-
ment. Mr. Horeman next alluded to the proposition for the
payment of member., which he said would make a seat in
the Honer of Commons desirable for other moons than the
desire to do one's duty. How long would • House of Com-
mons elected on universal mirage act In unanimity with the
HOURS of Lords? [A Voice—We don't want a Howe of
Lairds.] (Loud laughter.) That was exactly what he anti-
cipated, and having got rid of one of their great funda-
mental institution. would they next depose the Queen ? He
ventured to say that if they had each a monarch as they
could remember, and not one who adorned ber station
with every public and private virtue, the cry would be with
the salaried candidates for membership, " We don't want
any monarchy." (Cries of "No, no.") In conclumion Mr.
Hon said it had been the fashion to call the non-electors
slaves that wee absurd. The mere change from • 101. to
a 91. homes could not constitute • man • slave, nor • change
the other way make him • free man.
At the close of the address several people rose to speak,
some of them protesting against the treatment of the non-
electors, whom, they said, he had insulted, and others calling
for • more explicit statement of opinion on the suffrage
question.
Mr. BA RNARD moved • resolution affirming that no reform
bill would be satisfactory that did not include household suf-
frage In town., 101. household in counties, equaleation of
district., and the ballot.
Mr. WINTERROTHAM, a county magisteste, moved • MOO •
lotion of confidence in Mr. Borman.
The CHAIRMAN put both DI substantive resolutions, and
Teetered both carried.
be

MR. ILEBIVILII. M.P., ON THE REFORM BILL.

Mr. S. T. KEKENVICH, M.P. for South Devon,
addressed • meeting of his constituents at noniron, on
Saturday, and in the course of his speech he eal4 :—Gentle-
me, you are well aware that there is • very important
swim opening before us. There are many people, whey,
who think the erasion will be of greater importance than I
do. I think those questions, which we often hear spoken
of ea "looming in the distance," when they come before us,
will be settled with much wester ease than we are led to ex-
pect. (Hear, hear.) Among the questions to be intro-
duced in the Hoye of Commons will, I believe, be one
relating to parliamentary reform. (Cheers.) Now, I
have looked at all the reports in the papers, whether
of meetings of the "Ancient Order of Foresters" or
of the "Ancient Druids" (Linehan) —or of other
meetings, and I cannot discover, looking carefully at the
words of the different speakers. that any penes is aware
of any settled plan of reform. (Hear, hear.) We all know
that the question of perliementery reform is to be brought
forward, and I think you will Agra) with me filet, as the
measure has been promised from the throne, there cannot
he • more fitting time to bring it forward, when, if I may
to slyera it, there I. a sort of lull in political affairs. (Hear,
hear.) I have never known the people so happy and corn.
tented ; I have never known commercial prosperity so great,
and all intervals in the community so quiet and peaceable
as they are at this moment. (Cheers.) I do not, therefore,
think there can possibly be a better time chose at which
to bring forward a question so exciting as political edam,
when there is mildly nothing to call the melons of the
people into existence. (Hear, hear.) As you are aware,
gentlemen, during the past few weeks a worthy gentleman—
Mr. Bright—has been endeavouring to excite the people on
the subject of political reform by eloquent speeches. New. I
believe that if that gentleman were to some here, we should
rush to hear him speak, but I do not believe one of us would
entirely agree with him in his opinions on reform. (" Hear,"
and cheers.) What the plan of reform to be predated Is
note of us, I trlieve, know it is entirely confined to the
government, and I do not believe the subordinate members
even know what the measure will be. If I may be allowed
to we • hunting phrase, we know the fox is to the bag, and
ere min wind him afar off. (Laughter.) We do not know
the complexioa of his coat nor the length of hie brush, but
we know that on a wilds day—probably in March—he will
be turned out oa the floor of St. Stephen's, when there will be
• greet hue and my, and we shall hope to ran into him and
[ kill him in the month of May. (Cheers sad laughter.)