The Express.
London, England, 1866-08-28 00:00:00

man more than another who lad done his beet to maintain
all that was valuable in the institutions of his country,
that man was John Bright. (Cheers.)
The addresses were carried by acclamation, and pre-
sented by the Mayor.
That to Mr. Bright concluded thus :—"The whole tenor
of your public life inspires us with gratitude for what you
have done, and with perfect oonlidence in your future
course. Whoever else may prove false to the cause of the
people, you will always remain true in the time to come
as you have been true in times past. We torn, there-
fore, to you, as to one who has never forgotten his pro-
mises, or denied his principles, and who never can betray
the cause to which his life has been devoted. We
should trespass too greatly upon your time, do violence
to your feelings were we to recount, ever so briefly,
the services which you have rendered to your con•
stituents sod your country. The page of history
will record your plea for justice to India, your sympathy
with misgoverned Ireland, your ceaseless efforts to promote
the welfare and to broaden the freedom of Great Britain.
From the moment you entered upon public life until
now you have been the advocate of all liberal measures—
of free trade, of financial economy, of non-intervention,
of a free press, of religious liberty, of parliamentary
reform. So far as these have been accomplished, we
owe them greatly to your labours ; so far as they
have yet to be achieved, we look to you as their most
prominent and most efficient advocate. In common with
millions of your countrymen, we feel towards you senti-
ments of gratitude and affection which can be but faintly
expressed in words. With eloquence unaurpassed, with
energy unrivalled, with devotion unyielding, at all times and
under all circumstances, undismayed by opposition, 1111iT-
Aktenoed by calumny, you have nobly and consistent)y
advocated the principles of right and justice towards all
classes of your countrymen. Though unadorned with
titles, though neither endowed with nor seeking the,
honours and emoluments of office, you have reaped a re-
ward higher and richer than these. You have earned the
confidenoe of millions of your fellow citizens ; you stand
the trusted andacknowledged representative of the people's
cause. Enshrined in the gratitude and affection of your
countrymen, your name will live as long as England shall
endure—enrolbd with those of Cobden, of Russell, of
Gladstone, end of reel, eonspicsous in that glorious band
of patriot statesmen to whom it has been given :

" Tb' &Wawa of Mean( senates to command,
no Wads of pan and ruin today's" ;
To *tatter plenty o'er a smiling land,
And read their history in • nation's eyes,"

Mr. SCHOLZYULD, as senior member, filet thanked the
meeting from the bottom of his heart for the unanimity
with which they had voted the address just presented to
him. On such ocaurions as these he deeply felt the want
of words to do justice to his feelings. On many occasions I
he differed from many of them, not as regarded principles
but as regarded their application, and they had treated
him not as a delegate, but as a representative worthy of
their confidence. That confidence, respect, and esteem
he was certain he should never lose. Two months ago
every town was as quiet as it could be ; now every town
and village were the centre of political agitation. The
people had been told they were apathetic, but the magni-
ficent demonstration of that day would convince those
who bad thoughtlessly uttered that statement how utterly
baseless it was. What was the cause of this chine Two
months ago they had a government in power in which
they had confidence, and now they had a government in
office on which they placed no reliance. Two months ago•
they had the prospect of a reform bill which, however
moderate and falling short of their wishes, they were
willing to accept as a substantial concession, and in
accepting the bill with all its shortcomings, the people had
been mainly influenced by the efforts of Mr. Bright.
(Cheers.) The conduct of the toriee had defeated these states-
manlike efforts, and he thanked God for it, for as in 1830
the conduct of the opponents bad ensured the passing of
the reform bill of IEO2, and as their conduct in 1846 made
the repeal of the corn law' inevitable, he trusted there
would now he a perfect reform bill. The revolutionary
policy of the tones admitted of no alternative ; there
must now be no tinkering, but a complete and compre-
hensive measure of reform. (Cheers.) Without bluster—
without undue vaunts, they must proceed steadily and
firmly under the guidance of each men as Mr. Gladstone
and Mr. Bright, and their success was as certain as the
rising of to-morrow's sun. (Cheers.) Their cause was
unassailable, for it was the cause of the constitution, and
might God defend the right. (Cheers.)
Mr. BRIGHT, who was received with enthusiastic cheers,
which lasted several minutes, said: Mr. Mayor and Gentle-
men,—l accept the address which the mayor has presented
to me on your behalf with feelings which I shall not at-
tempt to express. I accept it as an ample compensation
for whatsoever labours I have expended in your service. I
shall take it from this meeting and bold it as a constant
stimulus to whatever labours may lie in my power in your
service for the future. (Cheers.) There are times when I
feel no little despondency at the small remit of many years
of public labour, but to look upon a meeting like that
assembled in this hall, and to look upon that vast gather-
ing which your town has exhibited to the country and to
the world to-day is enough to dispel every feeling of fear
of despondency and fill the heart, and nerve the mind to
new and greater labours for the future. (Cheers.) During
the late session of parliament in the debate on the read-
ing of the Fraachise Bill I took the opportunity of offering
a word of warning and counsel to that powerful party in
the house which opposed that bill ; and in those words of
warning and counsel I asked them to remember that if
they should succeed in defeating that bill and over
the government there would still
remain the people of England to be met,
and the claim of the great question of
reform for consideration and settlement. We
have not had to wait long before that which I fore.
told has come to pass. In London we have seen assess
blies of people such as for a generation past have not been
witnessed. In many other parts of the country there have
been meetings greater than there have been for 30 years ;
and notably to-day there has been a voice given forth from
the very centre and heart of England which will reach at
last to the circumference of the three kingdoms. There
has been an attempt to measure the numbers that were
present. At this moment there are probably in this ball
6,000 persons. I ask any of you who are present to
reckon how many times this hall with its 6,000 parsons
could have been filled from that multitudinary con-
gregation upon which our eyes rested, but upon tie
full extent of which our eyes could scarcely reach. It is
highly probable this hall might have been filled forty times
from that multitude. (A Voice--" Look outside.") At
this moment I am told there is an audience outside far
greater than that which I am now addressing ; and what
is more, to-morrow morning there will be millions of an
audience through the whole of the United Kingdom
anxious to know what has been done and what has been
said on this 27th day of August in the great city of Bir-
mingham ; but we are not here to-night to discuss the
question of reform, because that is a question we have
already settled. (Loud cheers.) What we have to do is to
discuss carefully our present position and our future work
in reference to that great question. My honourable col-
league has said that the bill of the late government was a
bill of singular moderation. It was also a bill—l speak
now only of the Franchise Bill—of singular and most
honest simplicity, and that was the great reason that I felt
it my duty, and that you felt it your duty, to give that
bill an honest support. I will just tell you how much and
bow little that franchise bill proposed to give, and what it
would have given to the working classes of this country.
I think it necessary to state this, because of the argument
which I intend to raise upon it. The government produced
to the House of Commons a Blue-book of statis-
tics most elaborately got together, and so far as I
know, with the exception of one point, accurate.
They proposed to inform the house of the number of work-
ing men who are now upon the register, and the addition
of working men which would be made if that bill should
pass, and I differed entirely from their estimate. I be-
lieved it to have been to a great extent erroneous, and I
think I produced facts to the House of Commons which
sustained my opinion. Mr. Gladstone told us that at pre-
sent there were on the borough register in England and
Wee working men to the number of one hundred and
twenty-six thousand, and he showed further that by the
abolition of the ratepaying clauses, even if there
were no alteration in the 101. franchise, there would
be an addition to the electors to the amount
of sixty thousand. He reckoned that these would
all be working men, and then he said that if the franchise
was reduced from 101. to 71. there would be a further 'adj-
. %ion el 144,000, all of whom be estimated as working
men ; and, therefore, he said there will be on the
borough registers of England and Wales 330,000 working
men, of whom 204,000 would be new voters added
by this bill. I believe that that estimate was made
with perfect honesty by Mr. Gladstone, but that it was to
•iveS7 tarp extent erroneous. I believe I might have
goes through almost every borough in the kingdom and
showed that the number of working men is the return
was at least double, and in many cams more than double,
the actual number on the register. I estimated also
that althoegh the abolition of the ratepaying dames
might add 60,000 new voters, yet it would be very unfair

1_ •
../ ••IP• • . - f• • -T,T •ry-T
THE EXPRESS, TrJESDAY EVENING, AUGUST 28; 1866.

to courtier more more than one;third, or 20,000 d them taken in London the other day by the police,
being ten-pounders and upwards, would be of the clue of and it bad almost been by the military, is
working men j and ,I said, furtherl that of the oleos be- an illustration of the doctrines and the ptin-
tween ten-pounders and seven-pounders, not mere than eiples et Lord Derby'% 4affintnistration. They reckon
two-thirds of them could be reckoned as of the working nothing of the mastkutien of 'their country—a soustitm
classes. Ido not think that more than one half of than Lion which has not more regard to the crown or to the
could be reckoned as of that clam, Instead of 00,090 &Aztec:nay than it has to the people-La'oonstilutlon which I
which would be enfranchised by the abolition of the rate- regards the House of Commons, fairly- representing the
paying clauses, I believe that not more than 20,000 would nation, as being as important • part of the governmental
obtain vette by that change, and that instead of 144,000 system of the kingdom as either the House of Lords or the
working men being admitted by the reduction of the trap- throne iteelL They thus despise the roonstitution ,
chin from 101. to 71. it was a fair estimate to take two- and they likewise despise the claims of five or ax
thirds of that number, or 90,000. Therefore my millions who are unrepresented. You may work,
opinion was this, that if the bill passed there you may pay taxes, you may serve in the
would be on the borough register, of England and army and fight-70,000 or more of your brethren are now
Wales not 330,000 working DM but 179,000, and that living under the burning sun of India, and twice as many
them would no; be admisted of working men by that bill more are serving in the ranks in different parts of the
204,090, but only 116,000. (Cheers.) And now, if you world, and you, the body of the people from whom these
like,-we will take either my estimate of 116,000 or Mr. men are drawn, are not considered worthy to do so simple
Gladstose's estimate of 204,000, as the number of working an act as to give • vote in your great town for your present
men-who were 'to be added by the late Mato the present or for any future representative. (Lando:them.) You are to
register throughout all the boroughs of England and have no vote—no share in the government. The country you
Wales, and I would ask what, after all, does it come to! live in is not to be your country. You are to be like
204,000, azooeffing to the government estimates, 116,000 the muffles or Chinese imported into the Wart Indies or
according to my estimate, and in addition California. You are to work, but you are not to take an
about 200,000 added to the counties under • 141. interest in the country or to consider the country as yours.
franchise for the counties, who must of necessity be almost In addition to all this refusal of the commonest
altogether outside the class'whicb we understand when we rights of the constitution, you are insulted by the
arermeaking of the working-classes. (Hear, hear.) Now cheers- of • great party given to the language
this was a bill which my hon. colleague has described as a which I have read to you to-night. Yon are to
bill of singular moderation. •Out of five or six millions of be told that you are so ignorant, and so venal,
men in the United Kingdom who are now not enfranchised and so drunken, and so impulsive, and so unreflecting, and
the whole number it admitted of working men in England so disorderly, that it is not even safe to skim, as it were,
and Wales in theboroughs was only 204,000. Now this bill the very cream of you, to the number of 116,000, or, it may
—so moderate that I confess at first I felt the hope that it be, 204,000, to vote for members of the House of Com.
would pan through parliament without great difficulty"- mona. (Cheers.) This is the tory theory ; this is the
was resisted as if it had been charged with all the danger- faith of Lord Derby ; and I am not saying one word that
ous matter which the tare party actually attributed to it. is in exaggeration of the truth, for I have heard
It was intrigued against in 'a manner, I had almost said them - over and over again vociferously cheer
more base, but I will say more hateful, than I have seen sentiments such as I have described. Now the govere-
Surpassed during the twenty-three years that I have sat in ment that has been overturned was certainly • very
the House of Commons. (Shame.) And, finally, under different government. Lord Russell has no fear of free-
every kind of false pretence, it was rejected by • small ma- dom. The government that was led by Lord Russell in
jority,and thegovernment which had proposed it fellwith it. one house and by Mr. Gledstone—(cheers)—in the other
The reseal that I have given you these figures is that I was founded and acted upon the principle of tract and
want to show you the desperate resolution of the present sonfidentre in the people. (Cheers.) Some said there
government, and those who represent the tory party in was no such difference between the Derby government and
parliament, to deny to the working classes of this country the Russell government. Lord Derby asked Lord Clarendon
any share in its government. (Hear, hear.) lam not to take office in his government. (Laughter.) There is
confined to the feet of the votes of the house and the do- 'something shocking in the very audacity and effrontery,
struction of the bill, but em able to show you, by the awn- of that offer. Lord Clarendon was an eminent minister
manta upon which the tory party proceeded, that such is of • government that brought in a bill which the tory
their distinct, and it may be their rurchangeableresolution. party declared subversive of the constitution, and yet
Several of the speakers to-day might, and at least more 'Lord Derby asked Lord Clarendon to keep the Foreign-
than one of them have, referred to the slanders andealum. office in the new government. The government of Lord
Mee heaped on the great body of the people during the Derby in the House of Commons, sitting all in • row,
discussions of the last session, and although they seabed reminds one of a number of amusing and ingenious
no one, no doubt they had in their minds one member of 'gentlemen whom I daresay some of you have seen and
the house who virtually has no constituency. listened to, the Christy's Minstrels. (Laughter and cheers.)
(Laughter.) His sole constituency at any rate The Christy's Minstrels, if lam not misinformed, when
at that time is now no longer here to partake of 'they are clean washed, are white men, but they come
the strife and contacts of politics, although I prawns heti:ire the audience as black as the blackest negro ; and by
another constituent now reigns in his stead. this transformation it is expected that their jokes and
If I quote anything that Mr. Lowe—(hisses)-- their songs will be more amusing to the audience. The
said, understand me that I wish to bring no charge against Derby Minstrele—(loudlaughter)—pretand to be liberal and
him wheresoever. (A voice : "We do.") He has spent white; but the feet is, if you come near them and examine
some years in Australia, and probably has voyaged round them closely, you will find them to be just as black and
the world, and Ido not deny to him the right to voyage curly as the tories have ever been. (Renewed Laughter.)
round the world of politics. (Laughter and cheers.) Ido Ido not know, and I will not pretend to any which of
not deny him the right Ito cast his anchor in any port that them it is that plays the banjo—(load laughter)—but I
may be open to him. I merely intend to quote something have no doubt that in their manoeuvre to keep in office
that he said, because when it was said it was re- during the coming session we shall know something more
calved with rapturous enthusiasm by a great party in the about them than we do at present. In point of fact,
house who are the supporters of Lord Derby when they pretend to be liberals they are usurpers and im-
and Mr. Disraeli. (Hisses and groans.) I must ask you posters. (Hear, hear.) Their party will not allow them
to listen for a moment to this extract from the Times to be liberal; and the party only exists upon the min-
newspaper—(hisses)--s paper of which, as is well known, ciple upon which they have acted in all their
the speaker of this extract has been for many years an past history, of resisting and rejecting every proposition of
eminent writer, and over which, unless report speaks un- • liberal character submitted to parliament (Hear, hear.)
truly, he has no small degree of control. He said on the What is this Derby principle ? It is the shutting out of
13th of March last, "Yon have had the opportunity of much more than three-fourths, five-sixths, and even more
knowing some of the constituencies of this country, and I than five-sixths of the people from the exercise of constitu-
ask if you want venality, ignorance, drunkenness, and the tonal rights. If one of you takes ship and goes to Canada,
means of intimidation, if you want impulsive, unntlaiting he will find the Derby principle', utterly repudiated ; but in
and violent people, where will you go to look for them, to Canadalltere is no uprooting of institutions, no destruction
the top or to the bottom ? It is ridiculous to blink the fen of property, and no absence of order and loyalty. (Cheers.)
that since the reform act great corruption has prevailed If you go to Australia you will find there that this Derby
amongst the voters of between 201. and 101. rental, the principle is unknown, yet there reigns order as it is in this
101. lodging and beerhouse-keepers, but it is said only give country ; contentment with the inventions of the cote-
the franchise to the artisans and then roe the difference." vies ; and regard for law and for property. (Cheers.) If
Farsingoverseentencewhichwasa classical illustration, and you go to those great and glorious colonies of this country
which amused the house wonderfully, but is not necessary in the United States of America—(cheers)—there you will
here,' Mr. Lowe said, "We know what sort of persons find-the people exhibiting all the virtues which belong
live in these small houses," that is, of course, the voters to the greatest nations on the hoe of the earth ;
between 104 and 71. "We have all had experience of there you will find a people passing through a tremendous
them under the) name of freemen, and it would be • good war, a tremendous revolution with • conduct, with •
thing it they were disfranchised altogether. They weredying mums, with • gene realty, and with a magnanimity which
out, lert,the 'government proposed to bring than back again have roused and attracted the admiration of the world,
under another name. What, be asked, would be the (Loud sheers.) As you come to Europe you will find in
consequence of passing the bill! He said the first stage the republic of Switzerland, in the kingdom of Holland,
would be increase of corruption, intimidation, disorder, in Belgium, in Norway, in Sweden, in France, and
and all the evils which umallyhappen at elections. What now you are about to witness in Germany also •
will be the second ? It will be this. The working men wide-spread exercise of the franchise hitherto in
of England, finding themselves in • full majority of the our time unknown in this country—(hear, hau)—and
Whole constituency, will awake to the full sense of their neither emperor, nor king, nor noble, believes that his
power. They will say, we know what we can do for our- authority, his interest, his greatness, or the happiness of
selves. Do not let us be any longer cajoled at elections ; any one of hie countrymen will be jeopardised by the free
let us set up Mop for ourselves. We have our own ob- admission of the people to their constitutional privileges.
pets to carry as well as others, and let us (Cheers.) in Germany a Tote is to be given to every man
unite to carry them. We have the machinery. We of 25 years dap andupwards, so that if we were to propose
have our trade unions, and we have leaders." a measure that would give • vote to every man of 25 years
(Cheers.) At this there was loud opposition. "We have of age and upward in this country we should not be in
the power of combination, as we have shown over and advance of the great country of Northern Germany, which
over again, and when we have the privilege to vote we is now being established. What is it that we are come to
will bring it to bear with tenfold more force than ever." in this country! That what is being rapidly conceded in
These sentiments, uttered in my bearing, were received in all parts of the world is being persistently and obstinately
the House of Commons with enthusiastic approbation by refused here in England—the home of freedom, the
the great body of the tory party—the supporters of the mother of parliaments in England, of which one of her
present government. (Hisses.) Nowobserve what this really poets has said,
is—it ia that the voters already between 20/. and 10/. are so Tho' o'er our heads the frozen Hendee shine,
bad that if you go lower, it will be something like ruin; 7Ye liberty that crowns Britannia's Isle,
that there will be more venality, more ignorance, more And makes her barren rocks sad her bleak mountains smile.
drunkenness, more means of intimidation, more that is In this England 5,000,000 of grown men, representing more
impulsive and violent. Mr. Lowe, in fact, nays that the than 20,000,000 of the population, are to be persist-
working men to be admitted will be like the old entry denied that which makes the difference between
freemen, who have a sort of corrupt monopoly despotism and freedom all the world over. (Cheers.)
in certain boroughs, and that all this class of I venture to say that this cannot last very long. How does
persons should be disfranchised altogether, and he it stand at this moment ? That the noble and illustrious
says if the bill 'passes, it will cause an increase of lady who site on the throne of England—(cheers, and cries
corruption, intimidation, and diaorder ; and that to • of " God save the Queen ")—she whose gentle hand wields
House of Commons in which the landed proprietors have the sceptre over the wide empire of which we are the
always acted, as far as the bulk of them go, as a general heart and the centre—she was not afraid of the
trades union, to have raised the price of bread and died- franchise which the late government introduced
eland the size of the loaf as long as we would let them— during the late session. Seven times, I think, by
to such a House of Commons Mr. Lowe says that there her own lips or by her pea she has recommended to parlia.
will be combinations of working men for their special meat the admission of a large number of working men to
objects. Therefore this is his conclusion—" Shut them the parliamentary franchise. If this proposal were so de.
out for ever ; bolt the door—say loudly, boldly, roe, the structive, would not the Queen be the first to discover it,
, parliament of England, to the five or six millions of and would the thirty millions of the people of the United
men who here now no votes, and whom you pretend to Kingdom not have been able to produce • single meeting in
represent, not one of you who cannot pay a rental of 101 condemnation of it! Look at the middle chases of your
shall ever speak bibs direct representativewithin the walla towns ? They are a oat majority in favour of it. Look at
of this house. (Cheers.) Now that is the policy I (Mr. Lowe) the meeting of to-day ; the whole of the middle cleans of
recommend." This is not important at all, because Mr. Birmingham have sympathised with the proceedings of
Lowe recommends it—its important only because it hu been this day, and by-and-by we shall have in the populous
accepted and approved of by the great tory party in MOM- districts of Lancashire and Yorkshire assemblages fol-
ment. I say, I who am charged with designs against the lowing those which have been held in London and in
safety of the institutions of this country, that that is a Birmingham. If we go to the House of Commons,
, daagerous policy, a policy which in other countries where although it is elected, as I have said, by thelandlords' arm-
it has been carried out obstinately has done great things; plosion in the counties, and by corruption, intimidation
through it crowns and coronets have sometimes been lost, and tumult in the boroughs, do not suppose that lam
and I am not NM that it is a policy that can charging the House of Commons that it does not itself
be safely maintained with us. (Loud cheers.) I admit'and acknowledgethis. Haveyoureadthe reports of the
asked one of the most trusted and intelligent commimion for Yarmouth? Did not you read that • late
and excellent Frenchmen that I am acquainted with— member for that borough is said to have spent no less than
one of the most confidentiul friends of the dynasty 70,0001. to maintain him seat? Did you read that one gen.
of Louis Philippe and the Orleans family—what it was that tleman, the junior partner of • brewery, unbeknown, as
drove that family from France. I referred to stories of Mrs. (lump would say, spent 4,000/. for the election of
corruption amongst ministers, and to other rumours which his senior partner? That another person, knowing no.
had been circulated in public and in private, and he thing of the borough, went down and spent 6,000/. to
said that none of these things did it—it was the contest it in a few days! Bat do these things only
attempt of the King to govern France by a parliament happen in Yarmouth, or any other borough that is
that represented an insignificant minority of the brought before the public? It ia only the sample
people, and which parliament he thought he could perpe- of • very considerable sack, and for every such
Melly manage by a judicious distribution of patronage. It borough (there are probably ten other boroughs
is on this principle, of governing the country by a Perlis- which are to • very large extent in the same
ment elected by an insignificant minority of the people, position. But notwithstanding this, the prin.
that Lord Derby comes into office—(sheen)--and judging ment of England is about squally divided, and about
from the speeches and votes of the last session of [Arlin- half of the house was in favour of the late bill. Well,
merit, the party intends as long as possible to govern wails he so; what is there wanting in this priming and
upon that' principle and upon that policy. Working balancing of the scale! It only wants that the working
men in this hall, I wish my voice had been loud men of England should boldly throw their influence into
anongh for met° have said whit lam about to say to the *be side which is for their interest, and that side will pre-
'net multitude which we looked upon thia atatatal, but I viol. (Chun.) You have before you to-night my friend
say tern, and through the press to all the working men of Mr. peaks, and you have the National Reform Lampe
this kingdom, that the accession to office of Lord Derby is whose headquarters are in London. Mr. Beaks brows:
, • declustion of Mar apart the working classes. (Loud you know, that I have preferred that the franchise should
cheers. and 'a my 'of "We accept it.") The conies .„,,,,,liaea- en what I consider to be -the

ancient principle of the country. I am not
afraid of the principles of the Reform League. I have no
fear of manhood ea/rage, and no man is more a friend of
the ballot than I am. It is a peat eases whir I. offered
to your notice to-night, and it is a grand and noble flag
under which you are asked to enlist yourselves. What
I would recommend you to do is this--and I imagine
myerif to be at this moment speaking in the hearing of
every bitalligent and sober and thoughtful working man in
the three kingdoms : Let us try to march on together ; let
us not split hairs on this question. Let us do as your
forefathers did 34 years ago. Let 111 have associations
everywhere—let every workshop and every factory be a
reform association. (Cheers.) Let there be in every one
of them a correspondent or • secretary, who
shall enrol members, and shall in every way he
can shift this great and noble ores. I would
recommend that the parrs I have read from that ode-
hinted and unhappy speech should be printed on cards,
and that a card should be hung up in every factory and
in every workshop, and in every room of every factory, and
in every club-house--and in fact in every place where
working men are accustomed to assemble. (Cheers.) Let
us raise the spirit of the people against these slanderers of
• great and _noble nation. (Loud cheers.) There
• eoma soon another election. (Renewed ann.)
The working men may not be able to vote, but they can
form themselves into a powerful body, and they can throw
their influence in every borough on the side of candidates
who pledge themselves to the question of reform ; and ff
they do this depend upon it they will change many seats,
and give a certain majority few reform in the next pariia.
maw It may be necessary and dateable to meet puha-
rent again with petitions from all parts of the country.
signed by numberless names. There is no effort which the
constitution and which morality permits as to use that
we should leave named and unmade for the
purpose of furthering this great cause. And
let net be sure of this, that we demand that the
question of reform shall only be dealt with by a govern-
ment honestly in favour of reform. The address which has
been presented to me has referred to the time of 183 E. I
remember that time well. My young heart then was
stirred by the trumpet blast that sounded from your
midst. There was no part of this kingdom where your
voice was not heard ; and let it sound again. (Cheers.)
Stretch out your hand to your countrymen in every por-
tion of the three kingdoms. Ask them to join in s
great and righteous effort on behalf of that freedom which
has so long been the boast of Englishmen, but which the
majority of Englishmen have never yet powered. (Cheers.)
I shall esteem it an honour which my words cannot de_
scribe, and which even in thought I cannot measure, if the
popilation which I sin permitted to represent should do
its full duty in the great struggle which is
before us. (Cheers, and cries of "It will." )
Remember the great object for which we strive ;
care not for calumnies and for lies ; our object
is this, to restore the British constitution, and with all its
freedom to theßritish people.

The hon. gentleman, &ger; minmildng en hour, resumed
his seat amid the loudest demonstr►tions of applause, the
cheering and waving of hats and handkerchiefs lasting
several minutes.

A vote of thanks to the etnuigers who bad kindlyamisted
at the morning's demonstration was acknowledged by Mr.
Jones, and the usual vote to the Mayor for his courtesy in
presiding brought the proceedings to a termination.