The Express.
London, England, 1867-12-09 00:00:00

LONDON, MONDAY EVENING, DECEMBER 9, 1867.

FRANCE.

(mow aro owx

PARIS, SATURDAY Emma.
I cannot adapt the opinion of the clerical and
republican journals, which with one voice, and
almost in identical language, regard the vote of
December 6th, the transcendent importance of
which is admitted on ail hands, as a parliamentary
victory gained byMM. Thies and Berryer over the
Emperor's government. It may be true that but for
the frantic applause which greeted M. Thiess'
'speech, the Emperor would for some time longer
have left his intentions regarding Rome veiled in
that obscurity which the Marquis de Moustier's
successive orations in the Senate and Corps Legis-
half 'tediously failed to remove. But I oannotfor
a moment believe that he suddenly changed
his policy from any fear of • hostile vote in
the Chamber. Even the Senate, where the clerical
party is far stronger than in the Lower House,
voted with docility the order of the day demanded
of there, although they had nothing better to go
upon than the uncertain word, since so grievously
complained of by the ultramontanist organs, of the
Minister for Foreign Affairs. No doubt the Mar-
quis de ?dowdier spoke from instructions different
.from thorns which M. Rouher subsequently re-
ceived. In all probability the Emperor bad not
thought fit to declare his whole mind to
his foreign minister. It is known that after
M. Thiers' speech M. Rouher had a long au-
dience of his Majesty, and in this interview ho
must have been authorised to make the
declarations which he did make with startling
effect. I cannot, however, suppose the Emperor's
policy to sit so lightly upon him that he could
have changed it radically within twenty-four hours
at the bidding of M. Thies. It is far more pro-
bable that, having made up his mind some time
ago that Italy should never have Rome, and know-
ing that event& must soon bring this determination
to light, he thought it better on the whole, when
pressed by M. 'Mien' searching questions, to let
the truth out a little sooner than he had intended
to do. It is not presumable that, had it been M.
Rouher's cue to ask with a high hand for a vote of
confidence without explanations, he would have
failed to obtain it now mon all former like occasions.
Whatever may be the result of the next general
elections, which are expected to take place next
year, and perhaps early in the year, very few indeed
of the present majority could hope to be returned
again without that government patronage to which
they owe their present seats. The strength of the
opposition lies not with the clerical, but with the
republican party. This fact results not only from
the overwhelming majorities which returned the
present sitting members for most of the large towns,
but from the constantly growing minorities in the
province* which partial elections have recently pro-
duced. The hardy assertions in the Senate,thatFranoe
is the most catholic country in the world, must be
taken with many grains of salt indeed. When
Macaulay laid down the doctrine that every purely
catholic nation had degenerated, he did admit
France to be an exception to his rule, because he
said the catholicism of the great majority of
Frenchmen was but nominal. That is just as true
now as when the great essayist and historian wrote
it. An infinitesimally small proportion of those
who goto mass from habit would feel " wounded in
their oonsciences" if the Pope were no longer King
of Rome. It may, moreover, be said, without un-
fairness, that the catholics in France who make
the most noise about the temporal power are moved
by political rather than religious motives. That
the faith of the catholics in France, as indeed of
the 200 million of catholics said (with Foss exag-
geration) to exist in the world, cannot be of a very
lively and stirring nature is sufficiently shown by
the plaintive admission of M. Mien, that the
Pope is at this moment suffering from extreme
poverty as well as being utterly defenceless. If the
Pope wants men and money at this time of day,
heaven knows it is not for want of asking. The
begging box has been going round for years, sup-
ported by all the eloquence and industry of an or-
ganised priesthood receiving orders as one man from
Rome. Yet the sum of money raised is but
as a drop in the bucket of the Pope's necessities.
If this were an age of crusading, the Pope might
long ago have had the beat-tilled exchequer in the
world, and an army of his own, composed of volun-
teers from all nations, strong enough to resist not
only revolutionary bands, but the regular army of
Italy. And yet, after two years' hard recruiting,
it was only by the aid of the French
government, and by the encouragement given
by the French governmee,, not to volun-
teers, but to its own soldiers, to enlist
under his banner, that he was able to raise
that small force which it is admitted was not a
match for Garibaldi alone. No ;it cannot be the
fear of the opposition of the clergy in France
which can have decided the Emperor to take the
resolution now announced. The few great terri-
torial nobles, the De Luynes and Rochefoucaulds,
have not much influence with their neighbours in
an electoral campaign. They have no tenants at
will to turn out of their holdings, and in no respect
hold • position analogous to that of an
English lord or squire. The curs is no
doubt a useful electioneering agent for the prefect,
but he is no match for the civil power. There is at
most but one curd in • village, but there are the
mayor, the adjoint, the schoolmaster, the commis-
sary of police, the gendarmes, and the garde
champittre, of whom the peasantry are far more
afraid, and by whom they are marshalled to the
ballot-box. I look upon the theory of the French
papers as to the Emperor's sudden yielding to the
clerical party as chimerical. But if, as there
is too much reason to fear, we are gra-
vitating towards an European war, it is ex-
tremely likely that the next general elections
may be made under the combined influence of
Chauvinism and Popery, and then the aid of the
church against the " revolution " would be very
useful.

The Mats expresses a fear that M. Rouher's
declamation against the revolution bodes no good
for the liberal measures of January 19. It says :
is really wonderful that a man of M. Rouher's supe-
rior talent and high position, the first minister of a great
empire, should have taken the trouble to make a collec-
tion of the eccentricities am extrarsoarioes of the Omens
Congress, and "baud Mrs aimed betore our eyes a revo-
lutionary magic lantern as something serious. Are we
again about to be frightened with the red spectre ? Have
we brought from China the painted lions and pasteboard
dragons which the warriors of the Celestial Empire use to
dare their enemies? What does M. Rouher mean when he
tells us that Garibaldi wants to destroy the spiritual
power! Where and bow can you get at the spiritual
power! It exists in Rome, France, England, America,
Cochin China--everywhere, for consciences who desire to
redgnise it; and all the Garibaldi' in the world can do
nothing to put it down. It is, therefore, only as a moral
symptom that M. Rouher's violent sally alarms us. . . . .
Is it • signal of reaction, not only against the Italian but
against the French revolution? What is said in Italy
renders us uneasy on our own account, and when we find
such language in the mouth of a minister we cannot but
have misgivings about the liberty of the press, the liberty
of public meeting, and all the other liberties'with the
promise of which our eyes were dazzled* little while ago. ,1
The Emperor went out shooting yesterday at
Conflans 'accompanied by Marshal lillahon (just
arrived from Algeria), General Bourbakif, and Dr.
Nelaton. The party bagged about 700 head of
game.

The Bonne opened with much firmness on the
news of M. Lana having been elected President of
the Italian Chamber, but subeequently there was a
reaction to nearly yesterday's prices, on • rumour
that on the receipt of M. Rouher's speech the par,
liament at Florence had unanimously renewed its
vote of Rome cipital.