The Express.
London, England, 1860-11-26 00:00:00

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LONDON, MONDAY, NOV. 26.

Tr/ Park Moniker, hailing the anticipations
expressed in our paper on Saturday, announces
some changes in the constitution and composition of
the Imperial Administration, and with them the pro-
mise of some modifications in the system of govern-
ment which, if not immediately important, are
capable of becoming so. We must leave our
French contemporaries to appreciate the conse-
quences of the redistribution of depart-
mental duties consequent on the suppression
of some ministries and the contraction
or aggrandisement of others. The personal
change which will excite moat interest in
England is the return of Count WIAZWIIIII
to office. Although 11. WA L CWIIII succeeds,
not M. Trot:lves= as Minister of Foreign
Affairs, but M. Foote as Minister of State, it
is natural to think of the reappointment of a
statesman who administered the foreign affairs of
the Empire for a longer period than anyone else
has done as in some way likely to affect the French
policy in Europe. We are not aware that there
is reason to suppose that the Count is less
friendly to this country than most of the public
men in France eligible for the post he has taken.
The interests of the two countries point so plainly
to the maintenance of friendly relations that a man
should be much more adventurous than M. WA-
LIIVIIK I has hitherto shown himself to do anything to
impair them. During his foreign administration be
always professed the utmost good will for Isersrd.
and certainly the diplomatic intercourse of the twe
countries was not strained so tightly weds le
ministry as it soon was after he had been sigh sea
by M. Tatman. The Italians hen al a
pleasant remembrance of 3L Wiitsweir, for he
was the steadfast mid streneons opponent of thdr
union. This is a thing to be rennabared
perhaps it has no imediete prestioal bearing en
the prawn stele of thins in Italy.
The Imperial Decree, " giving to the great bodies
" of the State a more direct participation in the
" general policy of the Goverment" is one that
will read straegekr to Neglisanies. Anode. to
our maim a amte vltivi inlet Owl se awe
for Fleas Sons 101 PIE Imply sissidl pos•
coed from the general sopssosei of all the pans
in the State, mad not le ellseled by the exam
tire, " desirous of slag • delting token of in 1
" confidenee." We ahead sonelder that if cos ef
the pest bodies el Ale State, in this WEE the
Legislative Corps, ociatinted really • reprisals.
tion of the nation, then its participation in the
general policy of the country followed se • mar
of course ; bet it we were told that the natio%
consulted by means of a plebiscite, had sequinned
in • form of government which excluded that par-
ticipation, then we should certainly think that when-
ever the time came round for a reform of the con-
stitution and the extension of the privileges of
the representative body the nation should in some
way be consulted as to the quality and mane of
those changes. Perhaps, however, these an mere
insular prejudices, If the ens were one, which
happily we have diMoulty in convolving, we should
probably do, thoogh with mach grumbling, what
we hope the French will do—accept any and every
change for the better, and set to work to improve it.
When, however, we turn trap the grave and
stately preamble of the Imperial dean, to look at
what it contains, we admit at me that it
was not worth the Iternoe's while to put any
Jody about for the sae of what he wanted to do.
The three articles which have to sustain the
weight of the Imperial promise prescribe for the
conduct of business in the Legislative Corps regula-
tions of such • nature as every truly free legis-
lature lays down for itself. When we read in the
Imperial Decree that " every year, at the coin-
" mencement of the Swaim the Senate and Corps
" Leigialatilf shall vote an address in reply to our
" discourse," the words place the enslavement of
those bodies in • light so striking that we feel it is
in vain to try and keep up the decent fiction
that a real legislature is here in question.
What can we say of • legislative body that may
not open its mouth to speak to the executive
without previous permission I What but that it
is worthy of any amount of confidence its master
may like to place in it. That which has been said
of the right to address the Throne is equally true
of the liberty given to the Legislative Corps to
discuss the Government measures in secret com-
mittee of the house before appointing a special
committee to report on them. The
takes can that the regulation shall never be seas
the means of securing increased deliberation in the
treatment of important matters ; for it withdraws
from its operation all business which it asay dew
to introduce as "urgent." The publication oft e
debates in the two corps would he important if
accompanied with guarantees of independence and
fidelity. The reports, however, will be at the
mercy of the Government in all ways ; it appalls
the reporters who take, the presidents who
authorize, and the editors who publish, the
speeches. Publicity of debate, however, is ft
powerful a stimulant of public life, list
even with these restrictions this concession
must be regarded as surpassing all the
others in importance. The fault of these
enlargements of the powers and functions of the
Corps Legislatif is not by any means that they are
gradual in their introduction ; in a healthier state
of things that fact would contain • guarantee for
their consolidation. But they come from the

wrong side. It is not in this way that free par-
liaments hare ever been formed. The part of the
Sovereign, at every iIICTOSIN or elevation of their
attributes, has been the rsoognition 4.4 a natural
and spontaipuous growth of the institution, the
pruut ite abounding life. Such u the oconosesious