The Express.
London, England, 1858-09-10 00:00:00

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LONDON. PRIEST, SEPT. 10.

ISPOItTINO DITILLIQENCE.

A SPECIAL EDITION d the "EXPRESS,"
seataising the results of the day's Races, is pub-
lished every evening daring the Sporting Selma, at
six o'clock.

" Taut no-meaning puzzles more than wit."
Whether it be owing to the wit of the thing, or to
its no-meaning, we will not take upon ns to say ;
but certainly the comments of the Times, in its issue
of yesterday, apropos of the will of the Duchess of
ORLEANS, are sufficiently puzzling.
" The present repose of France," says the Time
ardffidarly, " and her amicable relations towards this
" senntry, ought not to be molested for any slight
" ems." " Good seutences, and well pronounced,"
as Portia says. But what is there to " molest"
these amicable relations ? Is the Emperor of the
Favecn about to insist that since the pro-
secutions of Tnuetovit and TCHIANOWSM hare
been dropped, the publisher of the will of
the Duchess of ORLEANS shall be prosecuted
instead of them? Or is his Inrsaitt MAJESTY
about to require the ►xtradition of the Prises'
of the House of ORLEANS, for having allowed
the will to be published? And, in the event of a
negative answer being returned to either or both of
these modest demands, is Cherbourg to be loosened
from its moorings and hurled at our heads ?
The Times seems really afraid that the publication
of the will of the Duchess of ORLEANS in the English
journals, if not exactly made a maw Deli by the EM-
P EROS, may be put forward as the motive of a request to
have the surviving members of the House of Oitt.r.ins
sent away from England. For the Time, has
mustered all the logic it possesses to demonstrate
beforehand that such a request would be un-
reasonable. This would have been no very difficult
task had it not been for the unlucky circumstance that
the Moire was not long ago so loud in its advo:
early of compliance with the EMPEROR'S wish to
have the Republiciui Proserits turned out of Eng-
land. Aooording to the Times the will of the
Duchess of ORLEANS is a much more periloua paper
for Lot•ts NAPOLEON than anything the liberal
exiles could publish. The Republicans and
Socialist., according to our contemporary, have
no hold whatever on the range and sen-
sible portion of French society ; Frames is
weary of them, and they may write and speak
their besets out, sad yet produce no effect. But,
according to the same authority, the Duchess's will
is a document that cannot fail to leave a strong im-
pression upon French public opinion. Its mere pub-
lication will keep the EMPEROR to his good beha-
viour in so far as the French people are concerned.
It is so charming that every Frenchman will, unless
Louis NAPOLEON is a very good boy indeed, be
anxious to get rid of him in order to place on the
throne the son of the woman who could
entertain such high-minded thoughts, and ex-
press them so admirably. The Times is
therefore in a dilemma. After insisting upon the
expulsion of the Socialists and Republicans, whose
presence here can, it says, do no harm to Louts
NA POLEON, with what face can it advocate the reten-
tion of the Orleaniat Princes, whose presence here,
it maintains, is a "standing menace" to the
NtroLzoll dynasty? The Time may have argu-
ments to show that the eases are d.fferent ; bat it
has not taken the trouble to produce them. It has
cut the Gordian knot by making its absolute dictums
stand in place of argument. It declares now that
the Orleanist Princes cannot, and ought not, to be
given up or expelled ; just as it declared formerly
that the Socialist and Republican prosrrits ought
to be given up or expelled, and does not even con-
descend to attempt to reconcile these contradictory
decisions.

For the loyal adherents of the principle of free
thought and free speech—for the loyal adherents to
England's inherited policy of affording an asylum to
all political exiles—the case has none of that diffi-
culty which it has for our rmtemporary. They do
not need to beat about the bush, and make apologies.
They are free to declare that the Emperor of the
FRENCH has so right to take umbrage at the eo♦
Booed residence of the Orleaniet Princes in this
country, eves though they have published some-
thing that displeases, and may endanger him.
The principle of English constitutional law is, that
the contendiogpolitioisns of any foreign countryshall
not fight their battles or levy war against each
other in English ground ; but that they are fres—
by their voices or their writings, or through the
press—to scold each other to their hearts' content.
Bo long as they remain among us their bands are
tied, but their tongues are at liberty.
The people of England will protect their guest"
of the House of ORLEANti so long as these guests
respect the laws of England. This hospitality they
have afforded, and will afford, to the members of that
House, not from any affection for them personally.
The males of the lionmi of ORLEANS have no claims
upon the people of England. The insidious treachery
of Loots PHILIPPE, while professing such a paternal
interest in our QUEEN, has not been forgotten ; nor
the DR JOINVILLE pamphlets, stimulating the French
people to go to war with England. The hospitality
extended to the Oatx.txe family as exiles is due, not
to their deserts, but to the character of England.
Englishmen would be degraded in their own eyes if
they refused a shelter to political exiles, even though
these exiles may have incurred banishment through
their own misconduct, and may have behaved
shabbily to u in the day of their prosperity.
It would scarcely have been necessary to Ohm
this principle ow the present °evasion bat for the
opportunity it affords to carry home conviction to
the minds of those who would deny an uylom to all

exiles, except to those with whose principles they
sympathise, or for whose rank they entertain a
servile veneration. There is no chance of our being
called upon at present to assert, either by words or
deeds, our right to grant an asylum to political
exiles. LOUIS NAPOLIWN has more sense than to
be angry because the Princes of the House of
ORLEANS are for the time domiciled among us, and
allowed to give publicity to the remarkable will of a
lady nearly allied to them, who, u she was respected
by all when alive, is regretted by all when
dead. The Emperor of the FRENCH may venture to
ask for the extradition of some unlucky Republican,
Is, in doing so he knows he would have the sym-
pathy of every despot in Europe. But he will 00i TOP
WO so much as to hint at the expulsion of Priaces,for
▪ knows that to do so would awaken the ire of every
crowned head around him. And even though Loots
NAPOLEON should in his secret soul have a hanker-
ing after war with us, he is in no condition to indulge
that amiable longing. It is all very well to talk of
his soldiers and sailors, of his cannon and his fleet.
War now, as formerly, " moves on two main nerves
" —iron and gold." He has the iron, but where is
he to get the money? It takes pretty hard work to
square his :year's incomings and outgoings, even in
a time of peace. The press of Paris is gagged ;
but strange stories circulate freely in Parisian salons
about the shifts he is put to in order to come by
ready money. How sill he raise enough of it to set
has army in motion if he go to war with m? Will
he come into the Money Market for a loan ? Which
of the great capitalists of Europe will discount his
bill when he asks for funds to equip a fleet for the
invasion of England? Will they take in pawn the
prospective pleader of London ? Will they buy the
skin of the bear before it is caught ? Even though
Louis NAPOLEON be disposed to indulge the war-
liks propensities of his army, it is not at the ex-
pense of a war with England that he will do so.