The Express.
London, England, 1867-02-14 00:00:00

HUNGARY.

PESTII, Fn. 13.

Demonstrations against the Desk party being
projected by some persons in this city, the mem-
bers of the Left have disavowed any participation
in their views, and declared themselves to be
strongly opposed to such demonstrations.

CANDIA.
CONSTANTINOPLE, TEL 13.

Intelligence has been received here announcing
the arrival of Server Effendi on the 22nd of Jan-
uary, at Candle, where he met with a good recep-
tion. In conformity with the finnan which he held
from the Sultan, Server Effendi had caused the
election of Mussulman and Christian delegates to
be proceeded with. These delegates will shortly
set out to Constantinople.

AMERICA.
NT ATLANTIC TELEGRAPH.)
NEW YORK, FED. 12, ErniDc.

Gold, 1371. Sterling exchange on London, 1081.
5-20 United States Bonds, 109 g. Illinois, 1165.
Erie, 60. Cotton, middling upland, 331 c.

LORD ST. LEONARDS' MAsTERA AND WORK-
REN's Bil.c.—Lord St. Legmanls has addressed the follow-
ing letter to Mr. Robert Earlie, of Blarlomon-Tyne :
" Boyle Fann, Thames Litton, Feb. 7, IMb7.—Dear Sir,—
You have probably seen that I introduced my Masters
and Operatives Bill into the House of Lords last even-
ing. The only alteration which I have made is to
extend the authority of the arbitrations to future wages
for a period not exceeding twelve months. Both
masters and operatives have asked me to extend the
bill to future wages generally, which I have declined,
because I told the delegates who came here last year,
representing 100,000 men, to announce their accept-
ance of the bill. I did not think that if the state
of the supply and demand proved adverse to the ope-
ratives under the award, large bodies of them would
hold themselves bound by it, and a resort to law would
operate fatally on the plan. I have reason to be satis-
fied that the operatives generally are willing to accept
the bill. The masters, who were once strongly in favour
of it, appear now to think that it will be of no use to
thew. This, I think, is a mistake. The bill, you will
observe, is simply permi.aive. The government intended
to inquire into strikes. I told Lord Derby that, although
I approved of the step, it would be found very difficult to
deal with trades unions. They have become national, and
they have attempted an international union, and they are
now joining the Reform League. Their organization is
surprising, and their power very great. Then they
have co-operative societies, to wluch, of themselves, no
objection can be made any more than to strikes pro-
perly conducted. It is the abuse which requires correc.
tion. America, France, Belgium, and other countries are
suffering from strikes. Conciliatory means like those in
my bill may do much to lessen the evil ; already there
are non-union combinations, and these drop off front their
unions. The subject is one which demands the attention
of every well-wisher of his country. I told Lord Derby in
the house last evening that I wished to co-operate with
the government, and I would therefore read my bill a
second tune and take the sense of the house upon it, or
let it be referred to his committee on strikes, and he is to
read the bill and let me know his views. Petitions in
favour of the bill, if numerous, would be useful. It is sel-
dom that I write so long a letter, for I have no time for
correspondence.—Yours faithfully, Sr. LEONA BD& "
°Kitimat. PALACE. —Ow SHILLLNO DAT.—
WYDNICIDAT, Frs. 13.—Admissions on payment, 1,064 ;
ditto. by sows ticks* 1,469. Total Tinton, 2,533.

I hear, on very good authority, from Washington,
that all thought of impeaching Mr. Johnson by the
present Congress has been abandoned, but that the
work will be taken up, and prosecuted vigorously,
by the next one, which meets on March 4th. Of
course it is only about the first of these statements
that there is, or can be, much certainty. It is
very difficult before a Congress meets to say how
it will act on any question of importance, and espe-
cially any question which excites much feeling.
The temper of a body which in America is al-
ways sure to contain a god many new members,
is difficult to determine beforehand. It is difficult !
to say, for instance, to what extent those who are
sure to make themselves most prominent in the
impeachment miter are likely to secure the leader-
ship of the majority ; and it is difficult to say, too,
what the temper of the public will be, or how far
Congress will be affected by it, when the impeach-
ment movement comes really to a point, which,
as I have already told you ,it has not yet reached. But
still I think the chances are that the impeachment
will be vigorously pushed. Singularly enough,
however, the probability of a conviction excites
very much less interest just now than the question
whether the President can be suspended from office
while the trial is going on. This Wendell Phillips
! and General Butler both pronounce vastly more
important than even conviction itself. Everybody
! of course knows how long an impeachment may
drag on ; what with discussions on points of law
and points of procedure between the prosecution
and the defence, and discussions between the ma-
nagers on points of expediency, there is, of course,
no reason why tke proceedings should not last till
long after Mr. Johnson's term of office had expired.
This the promoters of the impeachment know per-
fectly well, so that they really care much less about
being able to prove their case than about getting
the President out of office at once. Accordingly
the power of the Senate to suspend from office
pending the trial has become the main question.
How this will be decided it is, of course, impossible
to say. I have reason to believe that the majority
of the Supreme Court would decide that the
Senate possesses no such power, and this view
is supported by the records of the debates on the
constitutional convention of 1787. This very ques-
tion, whether provision should be made for the sus-
pension of the President from office while his trial
Wm going on, came up, and was fully discussed,
and decided with all but unanimity in the nega-
tive. This of course goes far to decide what the ire
tention of the framers of the constitution was ; but
then the Supreme Court will have nothing to do
with the trial, and is not likely to be consulted
about it. All questions which may arise on the
trial as to the power of the Senate will be decided
by the Senate itself—the Chief Justice of course
presiding ; and there is not, I think, much likeli-
hood that the Senate will decide a question of this
sort on considerations purely legal. It would no
doubt be influenced to a certain extent by legal
arguments, and would not act in direct contraven-
tion of an express provision of the constitution.
But then on this particular point the constitution
is silent, and the Senate would doubtless
decide the doubt as to its own power
in favour of the course which was most
strongly recommended by expediency, and,
most agreeable to the majority ; and it would not
only be agreeable to the majority, but seems abso-1
lutely necessary to them, that the President should
' cease at once to exercise his functions. The main
object of the impeachment is to give Congress the
means of carrying into execution its own legisla-
tion. This, it says, it cannot do as long as Mr.
Johnson is its executive officer, and any faults he
may have at present would be pretty sure to be
i aggravated while he was writhing under the pro-
; vocation of a trial. Therefore, if he is tried, it is
of the last importance that while being tried he
shall not be President.
There is, I believe, little question that he would
submit quietly enough to an impeachment ; but
whether he would submit quietly to deposition
pending the impeachment is more doubtful. But
nobody's opinion on this point is of much value.
He probably does not know himself what he would
do if the Senate were really to order him to vacate
the presidential chair. Many people think he
would resist ; while others are satisfied he would
do nothing of the kind, and I do not know enough
about his character, or the character of the men
who most influence him, to hazard any opinion on
the subject. If he should resist, I do not think
his resistance would last over a few days, or would
receive sympathy or encouragement from any
' sect or party. I say this with the greatest confi-
' dance, in spite of the strong language occasionally
used by some of the democratic newspapers and
orators, some of whom just now blow a very loud
trumpet ; most people know what this amounts to,

as wo had plenty of it during the war.
The sensation of the week has been Mr.
Seward's extraordinary letter to Mr. Motley,
which has shocked men of all parties to a degree
seldom witnessed, and given a death-blow, I think,
to what was left of poor Mr. Seward's repu-
tation. In fact, even those who had the
poorest opinion of him are at a loss to account
for this extraordinary outburst of folly and vul-
garity, and those who do attempt to account for
it give reasons for it which I do not care
to repeat, but which have a wide currency.
The folly and vulgarity of the letter, however much
they make people ashamed, are not the charac-
teriatics which provoke them most. It is the
renewed assertion which the despatch contains of
the doctrine that ministers abroad, as well as the
home officials, are the servants and creatures of the
executive, and are bound not only to believe in
his policy, but to abstain from all expressions of
dissent, even in the bosom of their own families.
The expressions imputed to Mr. Motley, as
reported by the eavesdroper who wrote to Mr.
Seward, were clearly uttered by him, if uttered at
all, in his own house. Of course, every one con-
siders the charges ridiculous, and that Mr.
Seward should not so consider them mortifies
people inexpressibly. This incident, trifling as it
is, gives a good deal of fresh strength to the int-
peachment party, who are much encouraged by it-1
They point to it as proof that both the President
and his vizir are irreclaimable that they have
learned nothing, and are learning nothing from
the course of events ; and that, in fact there is

nothing to be done but get rid of them by hook or
by crook. They ask, with triumph, what chance
of improvement there is in a man who, at
Mr. Seward's age, and with his experience, is
capable of writing such a despatch as this to Mr.
Motley, and what chance there is of being relieved
of Mr. Seward as long as Mr. Johnson is at the
head of the government,

The Venetian papers of the Bth announce that
committee, formed in Venice for the purpose of
iaing the meeting there against the law upon
C—liberty of the church, had decided that the
titling should take place on the 10th instant, and
the following resolution should be proposed :
—" Venice considers inopportune any law favour-
able to the liberty of the catholic church while the
temporal papacy still remains in Italy." The local
authorities, however, would not permit even the
announcement of the meeting to be made, and de-
clared that in the existing state of the public mind
the government had resolved to prohibit such
meetings throughout the kingdom.
At Padua the same thing had happened. We
read in the Giornale di Padova:
The prefecture of Padua sends us the following com-
munication requesting its early publication :—" The Gior-
nale di Padora, in its number of the 4th inst., announced
that a meeting was to be held in this city on the 10th inst.,
in the Teatro Societe, for the purpose of protesting against
the bill presented by the ministry to the Chamber of De-
puties for the liquidation of the ecclesiastical property,
and the regulation of the relations between the church and
the state. The king's government, under present circum-
stances, considers there is danger in such popular assem-
blies, i.e., that they may occasion, or be the pretext for
undue excitement, and perhaps even disorder. For this
reason the local governmental authoritieshave earnestlyen-
deavoured to persuade the promoters of the meeting to de-
sist from theirintention, andalso ontheground of the unsea-
sonableness of provoking popular judgments upon a very
grave question which is about to be resolved by the na-
tional representation. It trusts that the citizens, from
respect foe the authority of parliament, and from a desire
that public tranquillity shall run no risk of being disturbed,
will also on this occasion display their moderation
and abstain from similar manifestations, relieving ailtho-
rity thus from the disagreeable necessity of preventing
them with the means which the law allows."
The Diritto of the 10th says :
Our readers will remember that a week ago the Diritto
called upon the country to hold meetings to discuss the
important subject of the Scialoja law. Since then we
have received many letters apprising us that it was the
intention of several citizens to give effect to our sugges-
tion. It having become known, however, that the com-
mittees of the coaraber had decided against the measure,
it appeared opportune to suspend for the present this
design. They were free to meet ; they were free not to
meet. But the prefect of Padua dues not see the matter
in this light, and he has on his own authority prevented
the meeting that was to take place on the 10th. The pre-
fect of Padua either does not understand his business, or
treats the citizens as Toggemburg of unhappy memory
might treat them. The Paduans are wrong to pay atten-
tion to their prefect. They should bring an action against
him before Baron Ricasoli for abuse of power.
The Diritto of the following day says :

As in Padua so in the other cities of Venetia, Venice,
117 dine, k.c., The meetings in the name of the law have
everywhere been prohibited ; the places intended for this
purpose are closed and guarded by soldiers. In this
manner are the use and the respect of liberty initiated in
the Venetian provinces. Meanwhile numerous subscrip-
tions are being opened in all the cities for the purpose of
protesting against the work of the government. The
ministry has touched its limit ; in a few months it has
seen the city of Verona rise against it, unjustly wounded
in its dignity, and now it sees all the Venetian cities pro-
test in the name of violated liberty.

- - -
THE PARIS EXHIBITION OF 1867.

—from St. Cloud to the Pantheon. One melan-
choly sight is here, viz., the abandoned carcase of
the Permanent l'niversal Exhibition that was
planned a year or two ago. The branch line to the
Exhibition starts from Point--du-Jour, which it
reaches by a daring curve. The testing was a bril-
liant success. The ceintrire line (left bank) is the
dearest line that has vet been constructed in France.
The branch to the Exhibition will be opened in a
few days.
That part of the French Exhibition which is to
serve as a contribution to the history of industry
has been placed under the direction of M. Du Som.
merard. The collection will be an exceedingly rich
one, from private as well as public museums, and
it will include manyceetly, a.-ticles—so costly, indeed,
that it has been deemed prudent to divide the gal-
lery in which they will be displayed into rooms
guarded by massive doors that will be hidden
with tapestry by day.
M. Pierre Petit is hard at work in the Pallas de
L'lndustrie, taking the portraits of applicants for
season tickets. The plan has succeeded ; and
already people are discussing the many uses to
which it may be turned. I expect that the French
railway companies will insist upon it when they
make their future issues of season tickets. The
' Exhibition season ticket is a folded one—the two
inner squares being covered, one with the revile-
', tions and the owner's signeenre, and the other with
his portrait. The lively French mind has suggested
many inconveniences which these portrait tickets
may occasion. He who buys his ticket to-day is
in the rudest health. His fat and ruddy face is
' taken by Petit. He falls ill, and before the sum-
mer comes he is a livingakeleton. Even his friends
pass him in the street. Will they pass him into
I
' the Exhibition bearing the portrait ticket he bought
in the fulness of health Gentlemen of changeable
I I toilette habits are warned how they use the razor,
or have their hair cut after they have bought their
• season-ticket. Ladies must adhere to a costume
and coiffure of one character for the Exhibition
o i season.

The subscriptions to defray the expenses of pro-
ri ncial schoolmasters to the Exhibition have reached
the sum of 16,000 francs.
The Imperial Commissioners have resolved to
I have an exhibition of the grapes the wine-presses,
and the wines and brandies of all nations at Billan-
court. The wines will be exhibited in half bottles,
land will be on sale for those who wish to taste and
compare them.
There are already loud complaints about the un-
necessary delays made by the French railway
authorities in forwarding cases. There are instanc-A
where cases have occupied three days in their transit
from Batignolles to the Champ de Man I