The Express.
London, England, 1866-08-10 00:00:00

48

EARL RUSSELL AT TAVISTOCK.

Raid Russell delivered an inaugural address at i
the fifth annual meeting of the Devon Association for the
advancement of Literature, Science, and Art, held this
year at %mistook. The meeting wee held on Wednesday
evening, in the Guildhall, where a brilliant assembly wel-
comed the noble lord, who was introduced by Professor
Daitheny.
The noble earl's adhere was, as might be supposed, of a
very comprehensive character, embracing a great variety of
topics, including photography telegraphy, an historical
renew of poetry, Re. Speaking of the tendency of the
present pohtical and religious institutions of Europe, he
dealt 'nth the question whether, as Corinth, Carthage,
and Rome herself perished, there was not reason to appre-
hend that the chief nation of Europe might •
also fall into decay. On this subject he said—
I I can see no reason to apprehend such a
revolution—no retain to fear that the New Zealander will
ever behold the ruins of St. Paul's. Among the changes
which the last three centuries have seen there are
scarcely any, it appears to me, which do not tend to
improvement and to stability. The revival of letters at the
end of the fifteenth century revealed to Italy, to France,
England, and Germany, the great poets and historians of
Greece and Rome. The spirit of inquiry promoted by
Copernicus, by Galileo, and the Reformation, led to an
increased intercourse between nations, which has contri-
buted to promote feelings of brotherhood, while it
has in no way enervated the men of this trading genera-
tion. Valour in war and fortitude in bearing hardships
have shone no less in the wars of Europe and America
between 1850 and 1866 than in the old days of the
Crusades. Nor hes the enjoyment of the comforts and
luxuries of life tended, in my opinion, to weaken the
manly virtues, to enfeeble patriotism, or to prevent self-
sacrifice. Governments have become exceedingly suscep-
tible to the flow and ebb of public opinion without
becoming degenerate or timid. While such is the case,
what us the changes which we may apprehend ? Not
certainly such an eruption of the barbarians as that which
overthrew the Roman empire. The constant tendency of
the relations which have been introduced by conquest or by
commerce between civilised and savage nations for the last
three centuries has been, on the contrary, to lead to the
servitude or the extirpation of the savage nations and the
supremacy of the civilised communities. Even the noble
savage of North America and New Zealand seems destined
to extinction, and ethernet.s imperfectlycivilised,tithough
to a certain extent used to our European manure, appear
doomed to decay and periab. The best hopes for the
eine of civilised communities in Europe must
permanence of eivillsed communities in Europe must
ded, however, upon the maintenance of their inde-
pendence and the progress of their liberty. A single
sovereign governing the greater part of Europe and
controlling the rest would very soon establish a des-
potism quite incapable of maintaining for any long period
the independence of the nations over which he ruled.
Amu, Nis, religion, and morals, science, and literature,
would all decay beneath its blighting influence. The
history of the decline and fall of the Roman empire would
be renewed under the pernicious domination of an
absolute master. The liberties of Europe, however, do
net seem exposed to such danger. Her present state may
bat rather described as one of trial and transition, tending
to something better, but by no means assured in respect
to the farm which her various states may ultimately
adopt. Machiavelli deseiribes the Republic of Florence of
modern times as fluctuating, not between servitude and
liberty, but between servitude and license. These
lar constitutions of the middle ages were nearly 1171 51
stroyed in the sixteenth century—that of Spain by Cardi-
n*. Mamas, that of Florence by Charles V., that of
France, after receiving many ruder shocks from Charles
VU!., exceed to exist in the reign of Francis I. England
aluiost alone preserved her ancient liberties, and at the
revolution of 1680 established and asserted all the funda-
mental principles of civil, political, and religious freedom.
Pianos a oenturylaterprochimedthose liberties which have
three been known as the principles of 1789. Of some of the
States on the continent it may be said net totem hbereatern,
nee totals areitutent pati punier They cannot, however,
he said to be falling into servitude • they are more truly
described as reeking thou securitiesfor freedom which
many nations have sought in vain. Few, indeed, can yet
be said to have Nettled clown on any fixed form of free in-
stitutions. Oar own constitution, perfect as we deem it,
is too complicated, and requires too much patience and
forhearanee for successful imitation. Italy is endeavour-
ing nobly to place her liberties on a firm basis ; Germany
is only beginning her revolution, and her com-
munities, replete as they are with men of vast
learning and of profound views, are &bent, like
Icarus. to try their wings, in danger at once from the
scorching sun of military despotism above them, and the
deep sea of metaphysical speculation underneath. In
the closing part of his address the noble earl entered
at length into the question of religious freedom,
and of the prospect of its general realisation,
and concluded as follows :—The consequence of ge-
neral religious liberty in Europe has been to mitigate
animosity, to promote charity between the members of
different sects, to strengthen the authority and the
freedom of private judgment. In the United States
religions freedom is according to all testimony universal.
Willie such has been the progress and such has been the
prospect of religions liberty it would be in vain to expect
that the unity which bas sot bean effected by pomace-
tioa should be attained by persuasion. No one can
hope to see the church of Rome, the church of Eng-
land, Lutherans, Calvanists, presbyterians, baptists, con-
cregationalista, and unitarians concur in one form of
religious faith. Bat, although unity of creed cad unity
of church government is unattainable, unity of spirit
may be reached. I will explain my meaning further.
Soon after the promulgation of the Christian religion
man began to argue on questions involving most
mysterious doctrines of dogmatic theolomy. To daring
and subtle minds it appeared tame and inglorious to rest
contented with the simple precepts for the conduct of life
contained in the gospel. The less obvious the meaning of
scripture the greater the glory of the human commentator
who deduced logical propositions from that which was
hard to be understood. So likewise at the Reformation—
Luther and Calvin, Zuingliu, and John Knox, built up their
systems and organised their ecclesiastical discipline. These
speculations, while they hare tended to form churches or
religions communities, firm in their adherence to their own
standard, have not produced unity of faith, nor does such
a result appear more probable now than it did three
centuries ago, If, however, all these churches and
religions communities, keeping their own creeds and
systems of faith, would insist upon than lessons of love,
of mercy, and of forgiveness which are contained in the
gospel, the unity of spirit might be obtained ; then the
divine words, " If you love me keep my commandments," li
would receive universal application ; then, indeed, we
might hope to see the vices of our groat cities, the ignor-
ance, the superstition of our villages and rural districts,
the crimes of omission of both rebuked by the spirit of
Christianity. At present we hope we are somewhat better
than the generation we have succeeded. We might then
expect that our sons would be better than we are. Then,
ind.eed, we should understand the full meaning and intent
of that Ira of the angels which heralded the birth of
Christ "Glary to God in the highest, and on earth
=and goodwill towards man." The noble earl was
ently applauded in the course of the address.

Mr. JACKSON, M.P., AND HIS CONSTITUENTS.—
On Monday evening Mr. W. Jackson, one of the members
for North Derbyshire, addressed a numerous body of the
electors and inhabitants in the large room of the Bull's
Head Inn, Buxton. After several questions on general
matters had been put and satisfactorily answered, three
chews were given for Mr. Jackson ; and after a vote of
thanks to the chairman the proceedings terminated.

MAJOR ANSON, M.P., ON THE LIBERAL CAUSI.-
On Wednesday Lord Alfred Paget gave a fate to his poli-
tical supporters at Swinfen-park. With the toast of
" The Liberal Cause " was emaciated the name of Major
Anson, M.P. In response the gallant and hon. gentleman
said of the late Reform Bill, he objected to the manner in
which they brought the bill forward, the hurry in which
it was introduced ; escondly, he disarproved of the bill
itself. It was very complicated, and hardly bad a good
*lame in it. ("Oh, oh," and loud laughter.) The next
objection he had was to the manner in which they pressed
the bill upon the country, and he thought they deserved
great blame for that amongst all moderate men ; and
the' manner they pressed it forward was bearing its
fruit in the present day. They misrepresented things
said in the heat of debate by members of what
were called the Adullamites, and, amongst others,
by Mr. Lowe. (" Hear, hear " and laughter.) There
never was a grosser case or anything more unfair than the
mannerin wUch ithat he (Mr. Lowe said about the work-
ing classes wee brought before the country by Mr. Glad-
stone aid lie. Bright. (Applause.) Mr. Lowe made use
of expremiees that were twisted into what they called
slanders of the working classes of this country. (Hear,
bear.) Lord Rich° was brought into the same boat, and be
knew both well and intimately, and there never were two
men lees desirous of insulting the working classes. Mr.
Lowe was pointing to a fact which no man could deny,thel
there was amongst the lower clams • great deal
of venality end drunkenness. (" In all classes.") He
challenge any one to deny it. What had been said
by the present guide, philosopher, and friend of
the working classes—Mr. John Stuart Mill? Why, be
summed them, up in a few words thus " The upper
classes do not lie ; but the lower classes are habitual
liars." (" Don't believe it." Loud laughter.) Those mesa.
here who steadily voted against the government did to
with the www•entions belief that the bill was a bad ewe,
and not beanie they were renegades from theliberal mass.
They (the Aden/mutes) should not forges the manner in
which they were misinterpreted when they were toldthey
were eviler one thing and meant another. (Right.) Nor
should they forget the manner in which they were misre-
presented in what fell from speakers of their party in the
heal of debate. Nor should they forget the gentlemanly
language of Mr. Bright, who said they were " a set of
dirty emesplrators." (Quite true.) He believed the Adel-
Wades were all good and tree liberals. At all events he
had always been • moderate liberal ; he was one when
elected, and be had nos changed his opinions since they
elected him. (" You voted against everything." Loud
laughter.)