The Express.
London, England, 1859-01-14 00:00:00

MB. ROEBUCK, X.P., AT SHEFFIELD.

A public Mello g of the people of Sheffield was
held In the Town-hall yesterday afternoon, to heir addresses
from Mims. J. A. Roebuck and George Hadfield, the
bororgh members The meeting was composed principally
of w Ming men, and the attendance was so large that otter
Mr. Roebuck had commenced his addrem, nth • tumult
arose from the crowded nate of the room as to render nets'
eery an alijOUTtalfilt to the Tempernoe Hall. Upon the
entrance of Mr. Roebuck ha was received with • Inmendens
burst of cheering, which lasted for some minutes, sad was re.
sewed whin Mr. Hadfield followed him.
The M• 7011 (Charles Atkinson, Esq.) occupied the chair,
eked briefly opened the proceedings.
Mr. Rosencx, on Min to address the meeting, wee ree
oeived with great apnoea. After g tow introduetory ohne-
mations, he said,—l em very often toed that every roan
has an inalienable right to electoral power.
W I ahat t nehe 1-
e tell
you that I don't maderatand that language. le t
alienable right? Is then any country in the world when
that power exists? No. If there were, the people would net
be oppressed. They have not then as • matter of fact, that
which they cell their inalienable right, or in other words
universal suffrage, manhood suffrage, or the other terms they
etere it. West do you mean by inalissable eight r My ob-
}ct in the matter is to make the constituent body fairly
represent the whole people; because I say that for the
government of mankind It is requisite ttou
he so. But when you tell me that moan
has the inalienable right I at coos tall you
don't understand It. I am going to tell you
what I believe is necessary to man the body of electors
pelffesent the interests of the community at large. Here
' spin it • difficulty in understanding this inalienable right,
Re en hell of the human nos are women. How Sr. they to
benne on alentre body P Thle Is a matter that has often
been discussed, and I must say that, owing everything as I do
to women, for their happiness and our own I would certainly
relieve them from the trouble of polities. By stating thia I
make at once a great defalcation from thewbole of the human
ram. But mark you if you talk about the inalienable right,
it must be for the women as well as men. Again, when
shall people have the eleetive_ peer You won't give it
to • baby at four years old ? It must come ; than
we'll strike off all under 21. Then you leave • large mem of
the adult population onrepmented. What can be dose with
them ? Heretofore the electoral franchise was in
the hands of • very small portion of the community.
From the time of William 111. downwards the
power has been in the hands of the landlords. In
1830 there was a great Reform Bill introduced by
the Whig reformers. We all know what that meant. It did
not extend to the working classes, but the working dams
aided in getting it. (Hear, hear.) They said, and In a man-
ner that weds meto them, " We know we shall not be bene-
fited by that Reform Bill," but they sold, "We will give
you that which we desire for ourselves, feeling confident that
by the enjoyment of what we seek, you will me the justice
M giving us that which we &own." I well remember that
Reform Bill. I bad a heed in stirring up the people to ask
for it. And they did ask for it, and so forcibly_that we wen
on the very brink of • revolution to obtain it. We wen saved
from that outbreak by the Duke of Wellinf_ton. Ha, by the
great power he obtained over the House of Inds,
persuaded them to yield, and you have that Redone
Bill. From the time of the passing of the Redeem Bill
there has been a pressure on the Hone of Commas
sod • peewits on every ststesom, calling for • new Reform
Bill, because then is • great body of my fellow-onstrnema
worthy to have • voice in the representation. I speak at the
working Meer. They Weresithieled by the! Re Bill;
and depend epee it that oven attempt to obtains new Reform
Bill wffi be an attempt in some way to give power to the
working clams. But, mark me well, there will be an impo-
sition practised on yen. There will be a Imp sad wide th-
ereat* of the suffrage. But will it affect the composition of
the House of Commons ? I will tell you. The tanneries*
of voting power will just return the same members that have
been returned, and liberal men will be returned just as they
have been before. Bat wbile no other reform takes pine la
the constitution the Hones of Commons will remain just what
it now is. Therefore there are two things to be considered
—first the franchise, end next the distribution. (Hear,
hear.) We ought to ascertain who are to have votes, and
next the ma of persons who shall return tepreseetativeg to I
parliament, thereby, as I believe, entirely overturning the
tended aristomacy of this country. (Cheers.) I don't blink
the question. TM* it ie. (Cheers) Now I want to know
, how we shall give to the working classes that which we de-
' sire. And truly I say it is fur the interest of the working
classes themselves that the vagabond population should not
be represented. (Hear, hoer.) Mr. Roebuck expressed his
opinion that every ma living in a house rated to the poor,
occupying the whole or part thereof, and registered as an
occupant ought to be endowed with the franchise. He then
prooeede~—l believe the Hoagie of Commons at present repre-
sents vary truly the passions and feelings whicn aro peculiar
to Englishmen. I remember making that statement once
bikes at Sheffield, and a person who was (anent Mud
me this pertinent question, "If you think the Hone
of Commons represents the feelings and passions of
the people, why do you want any reform in parliament?"
My answer was, They represent the feelings and pas-
ears of the people; but they don't represent the interests of
the people." (Cheers) Mr. Roebuck proceeded to eulogise I
the gentry fur their charity end kindly feeling, sad said—'
But I would not allow them to remain in their present pod-
don, because it ie one of temptation. They ought not to
have the power of doing tolachiel. I think it is utterly im-
posnble to have squares or electoral districts. I don't think
It is possible to enter into any human mind to form such
a plan. I would increase the representatives of the larger
towns. Take Sheffield with her 160,000 inhabitants. I
would divide Sheffield into two, and I would give to each
division of the town two members. But I would take
sway the members from all boroughs under 10,000 inhse ,
bitants. In this way you would get about 120 membees.
Then you would have to distribute them. I would give
them to the large towns and to the West Riding of York-
shire, which ought to have an increase of representatives,
end ales to Lancashire. Whet chance is there that we
shall obtain anything like this ? First and foremost there is
sot such • feeling on the part of the people about reform as
to force on the House of Commons such • change as 1 have
seated. 1 remember during the last reform agitation people
said there would be a civil war. The whole country was
moused; Moil, woman, and child could talk of nothing elm.
Now there Is an apathy about reform, and till you can per-
mute the House of Commons that it would be dangerous to
resist, you cannot expect such • reform es I have propounded.
Well, then, we must wait. Depend upon it that England at
the present moment is better governed than any other part of
the world—l don't me whore that other part is. (Cheers.)
lam told to look at America. Look at America, en Are
there not 6,000000 of slaves in Ananias, end does not the
Declaration of Independence of the Republic state that all
men are born free? It should have said all white men. In
England • man can say pretty well what he line, and can do
what he pleases, so long as he don not interfere with
hie neighbour. This is rationed freedom. (Cheer.) But
there is one thing which I hope for In a reformed parlia-
ment—l mean economical government. But before you ex-
pect a reformed perlisment you must reform yourselves. I
don't think economy will come from 101. home/widen. The
old parlisment bid an expenditure—l was ping to say not
half so heavy as this, and since the Reform Bill, or the 101.
householders voted, the expeditors has increased every
year. One thing I must remark as to the competition of ad-
ministrations. It was fancied when the last Reform Bill was
introduced that the aristocratic portion of the Walden
would for the future have no monopoly of the governing
powers. But I reoillect that in the first reform parliament,
when a hope was expressed that Mr. Hume, Mr. Warburton,
and Mr. Grote would be members of the goverement, it was
received by all the wbippereinappers of the !aristocracy with
yells of contempt. But • great change has come over the
house. We are not now wedded to the notion that there
are only three men who can take the government of the
°entry—Palmerston, Russell, and Derby. (Cheers.)
It is supposed that among the 26000,000 of Eng-
lishmen• Prime Minister can be found besides these three.
I will now turn to another point—" Do I believe that the
Reform Bill will be the great businesses of the ssion ?" I
do not believe it will, and I will tell you why. England
foamed in the race of government with the great nations of
Europe pretty much upon an !quality. There was a certain
degree of freedom in all. Years went on, and fortune
favoured England, but did not favour the continent of
Europe. The result has been that England stands alone
amount the great powers of Europe ea the hope of
our common humanity. Despotism reigns in Austria,
Francs, Prowls Russia, and in Italy. We are lying on
the outside of Europe, and the jealous eyes of every
Nieuwe of Europe le upon us. We have a difficulty in
maintaining our petition ; all the world of tyranny ermine
England, which Is the great light of mankind. (Chests)
Depend upon it we are on the eve of great champ" fa
Europe. During the disastrous year of 1648 the popuistwas
of Europe rose op against three despotieme, but were so totally
incapable of governing themselves that It has ended, os
you have seen in Fence, enlightened and greet es she is, in
• pitiful despotism. (Hear, hear.) With France w
But
e have
been allied, and with her we are now upon good terms.
*eery turn of the wheel is watched in order to do ore harm.
We are insulted wherever we can be. It there is • question
upon which Englishmen have been
dive for the last half
century it has been upon the slave trade. At last our great
and friendly ally has cast in our Me an insult such as Eng-
land never had before to beer Well, we bore It, and I sup-
pose we shall bear • good deed more. But if you give a foot
you will be asked to give • yard. Stop at once. Say, no,
we will not retreat. We have obtained the good will of man-
kind by our protection of the unfortunate slave, and we will,
under Providence, continue that protection, and woe be to him
who attacks us. (Loud cheers.) Europe is on the eve of war.
Depend upon it our foreign relations next year will tenders
with our domestic concerns. I therefore entreat you not to
misapprehend the doings of your representatives!. I and my
honourable colleague wall do all we can to forward your
views. but they will be crossed ; I do not believe be Garcia
so, but 1 am sure of it. England will find that she cannot
touch pitch without being defiled. Oar Menaces ought to be
with freedom everywhere. (Cheers.) A deeps however the