The Express.
London, England, 1859-03-29 00:00:00

'Ent the classes on whose behalf Lord CIARENDON
spoke are not so ignorant of the causes of the present
alas as not to know that the chances of a real, that
is to say a solid and permanent, peace in Italy are
just in proportic to the probability that Europe is
about to do justice in a great national interest, in
which it has hitherto only interfered to do wrong.
It matters very little whether Lord COWLET went
from London to Vienna, as Lord MALMILIMITZT
sures us, " without any instructions whatever," or as
Lord DERBY doubtless more correctly says, " with-
" out instructions den official character ;" but it is
important to note that while our diplomacy was in
this dumb and helpless condition, Russia took a bold
initiative, and made a proposition which it was im-
possible to resist.
More important still than all this, which the public
had previously read in the newspapers, is the con-
firmation of the statement that the extent andsubjects
of the labours of the Congress have not as yet been
settled with Austria ; in other words, the basis of the
negotiations has not yet been ascertained. Until
the conditions of these negotiations are known, the
nation will have no security that its influence and
power are not being employed to prolong a tyranny
which hu not even the wretched excuse of being
profitable.

An European Congress may be able to suspend
hostilities, but to replace Italy, and therewith the
relations between France and Austria, in a normal
state of peace will be difficult. No one of what
may be called the arbitrating Powers is about
to interfere with that singleness and intelligence
of purpose which is calculated to lead to high
or satisfactory results. Russia cores little for
Italy—lees for its progress or independence. To
flatter France, pet Sardinia, and snub Austria, will
probably constitute the depth of Russian statesman-
ship. As to England, if represented by Lord Mauna-
Bunt, its influence will no doubt be exerted to
smooth asperities, conciliate differences, and remove
obstructions. Our Minister will act, to the best of
his abilities, as a buffer, to prevent the shock
of German and French interests, German and French
pride, beyond the Alps. But England, without
any views of its own, fearing to meddle with
Italian politics or institutions lest we should
be thought liberal propagandists, and shrinking
from even offering advice to the Porn, because,
forsooth, we are a Protestant power, will do
nothing but patch up the status quo ander cover of
a truce, which the first Italian insurrection will
rend asunder.

A thoroughly English Statesman ought, neverthc-
less, to have views of Italian polities very different
from those of either France or Austria. For
centuries the Courts of Vienna and of Paris have
eetabliahed, maintained, and extended their influence
in Italy by means of dynasties, their connexion with
which has been strengthened by marriages and by
' special treaties. The triumph of Austria in 181 b
gave it, of cootie, great advantage, but still the re-
stored dynasty of France saw branches of its House
upon the thrones of Spain and Naples, and the
House of BOURBON was not altogether eclipsed by
that of LORRAINE.
The Emperor NAPOLEON 111. now conceives that the
power and influence of France beyond its frontiers
ought not to be diminished in consequence of a
change of dynasty. The BomsrArtrr.s, in his opinion,
ought to wield the same degree of preponderance as
the BOURBONS. The occupation of Rome, the
diplomatic threats and rupture with Naples, the
marriage with a Sardinian princess, have all been

steps to re-seize that share of authority and consi-
deration in the Peninsnla, of which warand revolution
have deprived the present rulers of France.

England ought not to subscribe to the views and
pretensions of either. What we want for Italy, as
for Spain and Greece, is that it may be strictly
national, and independent, as far as may be, of
family compacts and connexions, and of exclusive
protectorates. The way to get rid of such is to set
our faces against all. For, as long es we maintain,
no matter by virtue of what treaty, Austrian prepon-
derance over the Peninsula, we at the Lame time
sanction and necessitate that French antagonism to
it, which hu just now a colour of liberalism and
generosity, and which, put forth on certain occasions,
and within decorous limits, we are unable either to
oppose or gainsay.
That England should take up an independent
position in these matters is neither hazardous nor
Quixotic. The majority of European Powers are
interested in supporting this view. It is for the
interest both of Russia and of Prussia that neither
France nor Austria should predominate in
the Italian Peninsula, as it is the interest of France
and Austria that Ramis lama not predominate- to
the countries of the Archipelago. If European
Congresses were so managed that they would always
contain a majority against interested threats, spoils-
ticm, or invasion, then, indeed, those assemblies
would become the great arbiters to check ambition,
and advance civilisation and peace. But there must
be some country and some statesman to take the
lead bravely. England might be that country, and
one of her sons that man. But if we are repre-
sented by Lord MALMESBURY, who prefers being
governed and led by events to either governing or
leading them, we shall have a Congress which, like
that of Paris, sacrifices people@ to potentates, with-
out satisfying either the one or the other, end patches
up agreements and arrangt meats which do not sur-
vive the signature of the treaty, being radically in-
compatible with facts and with the current of events.
Yet the task of the Paris Congress was easy, com-
pared with what that of the coming Congress will be.
, There came together in Paris the representatives of
. .

triumphant and of beaten parties. War had given its
award. But at Baden or Mannheim the Plecipoten-
dories of Emperors are to be brought together, each of
them feeling strongly convinced that he is able to beat
his antagonist. Both Austria and France are confident
that the result of a struggle would be favourable each
to itself. How mediate between Powers that are so
convinced? How inspire them with moderation,
how teach' them forbearance? Solely by displaying
the rest of Europe u animated by • resolve to do
away with injustice, and to obviate the necessity of
war, by giving autonomy and independence to the
people about whom their neighbours are quarrelling.
It is time to tell Austria, that if she is to remain
in Italy, it must be as a strictly Italian Power—that
she must cease to Austrianise Central Italy—and that
Italian Sovereigns, of whatever kind or connexion,
must learn to subsist by the support of their people
if they would not perish.

NEW AUSTRALIAN BISTIOPRICS.—Her Majesty's
government hare gives their consent to the erectioa of two
now bishoprics, nun-17, the bi-hopric of Brisbane (Maroon
Bay) end the bishopric of Goulburn (New Sooth Wales).
Tower& each of thew saw sew the Society for ihe Prop-gt-
ties of the Gospel la Foreign Pests has contributed 1,0001.
KM OF RZNTS IN Till HIGHLANDS.—An stra-
ordisary rise has takes place in the rented of s due sheep
farms recently let is the Hiehlende. Among otivre, we
msy mention the farm of Biallid end Loch•Errochtside
Mi, Badesoch, which have hitherto tarried a black-
Tt le in
k, sad were ample 1 by Mr. lieephanon, Maid*.
The kat rent wee 3151. The farm was ht the other day for
7801. Sewn' smaller faros in Badenoolt, the property of
Cluny Macplaerom and Mr. Baillie, Kingcunie, hove ben
let ea se borrow ranging from 20 to 60 per mat. The fine
Cheviot farm of Keerow, la Strathoisia, on the property of
The Chisholm, is is the course of beteg let. The competi-
tion Is very pear, and the sow rent will exceed 9001. That
paid at pessaat to, we Wiens 61$1.—loserrerse Charter.