The Express.
London, England, 1860-04-07 00:00:00

;Node to holders of shares.

The French government has given orders to have
the works on the railway between Rennes and
Brest urged on as rapidly as possible.
The lifesaver de Nice says :—" We learn from a
good source that the French government has given
orders to the Mediterranean Railway Company to
commence without delay the works of the line from
Toulon to Nice ; and that in consequence engineers
and surveyors are to arrive at Nice within a few
days to complete the survey of the line."
The Siock points out that the constitution of
January 14, 1862, does in an indirect way reserve
to the government the power which it has now for
the first time used, of publishing the debates in the
Senate. Art. 16 of the law on the press prohibits
the journals from giving any account of the sittings
of the Senate otherwise than by simply "reproducing
articles inserted in the official journal." These
"articles" were originally intended to be, as they
have hitherto always been, mere ',ion minutes of
the results of the sitting ; but, it having been
thought desirable to let the public read M. Dupin's

crushing answer to the pretensions of the ultra
-
monetarists, it appears to have been ruled that
the word " article" in tie organic laws is auffi-
eiently elastic to aompilee • verbatim report of the
speeches which in principle ought to be kept secret.
As few will desire to dispute this construction, even
if anybody had the power, the precedent will pro-
bably remain unchallenged. The Debate takes the
opportunity to express a hope that the exception,
by virtue of which this interesting debate in the
Senate has been made public, may hereafter become
the rule.

The Pattie is presumptuous enough to denounce
the late bull of excommunication as being null and
void, and for this position it relies upon the autho-
rity of St. Augustine, the " father " and St.
Thomas the " prince "of theology. St. Augustine
said, " Prinosps, et multitudo non est excom-
municando." It is very certain, however, that the
practice of the church is against St. Augustine's
doctrine so far as it relates to the immunity of
princes from excommunication, because princes
have many tunes been excommunicated and have
often kissed the rod with great humility. But
with regard to a " multitude " his high authority
receives strong confirmation from St. Thomas, who
says " Singuli de communicate excommunari
possunt non autem ipsa communitas." Every
rindividual composing a crowd may be excom-
municated, but not the crowd in a lump,
and St. Thomas gives as a reason that if it
were otherwise, the innocent and the guilty, the
wheat and the tares, might all be struck together.
The Patric proceeds to argue that the Pope, in ex-
communicating, without specially designating
names, all " spoliators and invaders" of the ponti-
fical domains, runs counter to the doctrine of St.
Augustine and St. Thomas, touching the excom-
munication of a multitude. I do not think, how-
ever, that this argument will hold water, because
the Pope when, although in general terms, he
excommunicates all those who are guilty very
effectually steers clear of the innocent. Moreover,
it is but lost labour to cite the fathers of the
church against the Pope, because he holds himself
and is held by catholics to be the sole
interpreter of whatever they may have said.
The most rational course for those who
do not really believe in the efficacy in this nine-
teenth century of the rusty armour of Rome, is to
admit the excommunication to be a very good and
valid excommunication but to laugh at it. This
is what the Side does in an article from which the
following is an extract :
We have not yet before us the text of the excommunica-
tion, but we cannot do otherwise than deplore the manner
in which the Comtitutionnd, in its quality of a govern-
mental journal, thinks fit to receive it. What! the Conaii-
fidionnel itself admits that this excommunication is not
based on spiritual acts, but is a simple political protest ;
and yet that journal piles up arguments to prove
that it cannot be directed against France. We blame
strongly the puerility of that policy. Why take so many
precautions? Suppose the excommunication should be
directed as much against France, against the French govern.
ment, against the Constitution/RI itself, as against the en-
franchised populations of Romagna and the King of Pied-
mont—what harm would that do? Would France be less
respected? Would the government be weakened? Could
spiritual arms of which an abusive use is made injure
temporal interests? Are we in the times of the Hohen-
staufen. and the Hildebrand.? Who troubles himself
about the excommunication, unless to blame or
laugh ►t it? Did you not perceive the unequivocal signs
of universal astonishment at the sight of the old formula
which was published? Have you not seen the clerical
party itself doubt of it—a fact, by the way, which does
little honour to their religious instruction—and ascribe it to
the imagination of a novel writer ? Why, then, does the Cow-
stitationnel defend anyone against the excommunication ?
To whom can that measure do harm, unless to those who
employed it? It is they who incur danger—they who may
be injured. But France, nonsense!
The monk " Brother Beltran," whose real name
is Remy Joly, and who, as I lately mentioned,
has been prosecuted at Metz, on account of a
lecture to the boys in the " School of Christian
Brethren," has been found guilty and sentenced to
fifteen days' imprisonment and a fine of 50fr. for
" exciting to hatred and contempt of the govern-
ment."

The experimental squadron, on leaving Toulon,
sailed for Hyeres, where it will practice gunnery,
and afterwards visit different points of the Italian
coast, and probably put in at Genoa, Leghorn,
Naples, and Palermo. This squadron, being in-
tended to serve as a practical school for both
officers and men, will go through all the evolu-
tions of naval tactics appropriate to steamers, and
make experiments in the comparative qualities of
the vessels. Towards the latter part of the season
it will be reinforced by the two iron-plated frigates,
Gloire and Norntandie, the experiments with
which will excite great interest, as they may lead
to the solution of several important questions,
likely to lead to changes in the present system of
naval warfare.

The new sugar bill, although drawn up in a
spirit of great fairness, appears to have been ob-
ijected to by the French refiners as fixing at too
high a rate per cent. the yield which is to enable
the exporter to c:aini the restitution of the duty
paid on the raw article when brought to France.
At present that rate is fixed at 75 per cent. for in-
ferior qualities, and at 78 per cent. for the better
kinds. The bill proposes to raise those figures to
80 and 83 per tient, respectively, and it is that
change which is objected to. TheConstittitionnet sup-
ports the opposite view of the question, and main-
tains that the French sugar refiners need not fear
to compete on such conditions with any rivals in
foreign markets. After alluding to the position of
the sugar trade in other countries, our contem-
porary says :

The question, as regards the drawback, reduces itself to
these terms : the general lowering of the duties on sugar
will necessarily have for result to diminish to a considera-
ble extent the yield of the tax for the first few years;
and the expose des motifs of the budget estimates the loss
to the treasury at 44,000,000 fr. ter 1861. At the
moment at which the treasury makes this enormous
sacrifice for a great general interest, must another be im-
posed on it for the advantage of a powerful and prosperous
branch of manufacture? The latter sacrifice would be, it is
true, of very little importance ; for under the empire of the
new tariffs the difference between the annual restitutions
of duties to be made by the treasury, whether the rate of
yield is to be maintained at 75 per cent., or the rate
of 80 per cent. is to be adopted, will only be
about 1,500,000 fr. Moreover, the interest of the
refining trade is in this matter the same as the interest of
the export trade, and of mercantile shipping. Neverthe-
less, if too great a difference between the legal yield and
the real one were allowed, quantities of sugar, more and
more considerable, would enter by the agency of the
refiuers who manufacture for exportation, and would
be consumed at home without baring paid the
duty ; and it will be seen that that would consti-
tute a not very legitimate competition to native 'manu-
facturers. Such are the general terms of the question. We
have not the pretension to indicate to the legislative body
what solution would best conciliate the different interests
concerned. We will only say that, though a fault would
be committed if oar refiners were to be placed in a disad-
vantageous position as regards their foreign competitors, an
imperative duty would be neglected if serious account ware
not to be taken, especially under existing circumstances, of
the interest of the public finances."

A ukase of the Emperor of Russia, just promul-
gated, extends to Poland the principal enactments of the
lane relative to the obtaining of hereditary and life nobility
which are in force in the rest of the empire.

FRANCE AND PRCSSIA.

(From the Press.)

We have repeatedly announced that the itnperial
policy of France, having accomplished its object on th„„l,,
of Italy, has now extended its power and influence towards
the Rhias, by opening negotiations with Bavaria for the
cession of the Palatinate, holding out the prospect to that
power of compensating herself at the expellee of Austria in
the TyroL We are now enabled to make a further eon,.
munication, which reveals, in a startling manner, how
thoroughly matured are the imperial plans for inti•r.
vention in the affairs of Germany. It is more than
probable that were Prussia to lend herself to the designs
the French Emperor, he would engage to compensate her
for the lose of her Rhine provinces by the annexation to the
Prussian crown of the province of Holstein and the king.
dam of Hanover. The Prussian court, however, is not sr
disposed, and supporta with all the power of its diplomacy
the protest of Switzerland against the violation of the
treaties of 1815 by the annexation of the neutralised
districts of Savoy to France. lu retaliation for the
opposition of Switzerland, imperial emissaries :,re
attempting to excite in Geneva itself the semblance of
popular movement in favour of annexation to France. And
in order to embarrass Prussia the Emperor has explicitly
assumed the Danish side in the question of the German
duchies. We regret exceedingly that in times like the
present, when the idea of nationality is being craftily em-
ployed as a lever for upsetting the peace and established
arrangements of Europe, the Prussian government should
appear to lend countenance to such a principle by inter.
vening so urgently in Danish affairs in support of the de•
mends of Schleswig and Holstein.

THE DUCHESS OF PARMA'S PROTEST.

The following text of the protest of the Duchess
of Parma has been received at Mr. Reuter's offic..:

We, Louisa Maria of Bourbon, Regent of the
Stet"
of
PDX= in the name of Duke RobertL:

In presence of the facts which have just been acoom.
palled in the States of Duke Robert 1., our well-beloved
son, and in particular in presence of the pretended popular
wishes issued illegally on the 11th and 12th March iso.,
and of the usurpation of the lame States, consummated by
their annexation tot neighbouring State :
We consider it a sacred duty to again raise our solemn
protestations.
We protest at first against the pretended right of dt'di.
ties proclaimed in favour of the peoples, a new encourage.
meat brought forward to withdraw them from obedience to
the constituted governments.
" ' "

Against the Pr'oceedin taken by the govermnent of his
Majesty the King of Sardinia to Obtain, at any price, the
manifestations of the populations of the Duchy in his own
favour.

Against the violence imposed upon the Parmesan peoples
by the agents of the Piedmontese government. We know
of old the true sentiments of the inhabitants of the Duchy.
We have had numerous proofs of them in memorable error.
rences during our regency, and even at a more recent period.
The sentiments are those of attachment to the autonomy of
their country, of fidelity to their legitimate sovereign. ft is
under the intimidation of threats, under the corruption of
intrigue, under the pressure of terror, it is after
the oaths to the King Victor Emmanuel which have
been imposed under the penalty of destitution
to the employ's of all the branches of the a.
ministration ; it is in consequence of the general discourage.
meet produced by nine months of uncertainty skilfully
maintained and of terrible dangers ; it is by such means that
the manifestations of a suffrage, falsified beforehand, were
extorted from a considerable number of individuals. These
manifestations, planned abroad, contrary to the permanent
interests of the populations, as well as to the rights of the
sovereignty and to the independence of the State, cannot
have the least moral value ; and we therefore declare them
to be void and of no effect.

We further protest,
Against the annexation of the states of our well-bcloved
eon to the dominions of the House of Savoy—aa annexation
accepted, consummated ; and therefore we protest no less,
Against the acts of acceptation, and the taking powession
of the aid states, than

Against whosoever has contributed, by his counsels or his
aid, to encourage it or to effect it.
This annexation is a flagrant violation of European trea-
ties, of all the principles of international right, and .f the
inviolability of stake and of crowns.
This annexation could not be claimed as a legitimate con.
sequence of the war ; and we intend to repel always, and
above all, the false reasoning put forth by the Piearnoutese
government, notwithstanding the sense of the purely defen-
sive treaties between the Duchy of Parme and Austria, in
misconstruing the facts in order to bring the duchy to the
condition of a belligerent power in the conflict which had
arisen between Austria, on the one side, and France and
Piedmont on the other, and thus to procure for itself an
apparent title to make it an object of conquest.
The whole world knows perfectly that from the moment
when war was declared the only object of our irrevocable
conduct and our pencvering efforts was to protect the in-
dependence and the well-being of our peoples, while ob,
serving an attitude of neutrality.
This neutrality, such as was permitted to us by the
treaties, but nevertheless true and legitimate, was violated
by the entry of the foreign troops at 'Pontremoli. We pro.
tested at that time, and we did not leave our states until
our protests no more sufficed to protect the sacred rights of
OUT 1100.

Our neutrality rested upon solid reasons of right and of
fact, which have served to owe the rights of the Duke of
Parma to be recognised and reserved in the treaties of
Zurich. It is nevertheless always superior to the condi•
tions and to the vicissitudes of that treaty. Founded upon
international right it is imperishable.
The right of the Duke Robert to the States of Parma is
ancient, acknowledged, confirmed, soil entire. It has been
guaranteed by the European Powers in the treaties of lels
and of the 10th June, 1817 ; it has received an impieit
confirmation of the King of Sardinia by the niters
national treaties concluded since that epoch, and especially
by the treaty of peace stipulated between Austria and Pied.
moot, the 6th August, 1849, to which by Art. 5, the Duke
of Parma was invited to adhere, which be did. This right,
according to the principles recognised, and supported
up to the present in EunTe, cannot be replaced lay a pre.
tended right of popular suffrage, still less by the unlimited
right which would have peoples give themselves to a foreign
sovereign.
Therefore the offer of the States of Parma, which the
Piedmontese government has procured for the King of far•
dinia by revolutionary means, their acceptation, ass! their
consummated annexation by the decree of the King Victor
Emmanuel, of the 18th March, 1860, are acts of a guilty
and odious spoliation, to the detriment of our beloved sou
bake Robert I. and of hisauccemors.

Mother, Guardian, and Regent,
We protest anew, in the interest of our drnaPty and of
the peoples of the States of Parma, against the unjust
seta which we have just noticed, as well ns against their
consequences.
And without waiting an examination, to which the
Powers of Europe could subniit (even by Article 19 of the
treaty of Zurich) the new order of things created in Rail
we appeal to the said Powers, we claim their support, *A
we trust to their equity as well as to the justice of God.
The present protest will be notified to all the Powers who
signed the treaties of 1815 and 1817, and to the other
friendly courts. Louisa.
Zurich, March 28, 1860.