The Express.
London, England, 1866-04-14 00:00:00

CAMBRIDGE ELECTION PETITION.

The members of the committee appointed to try the
merits of the Cambridge Election Petition were sworn at
the table.

PETITIONS.
THE REBELS IN CHINA.
Colonel STEPS gave notice that on going into coin
mittee of supply on the diplomatic service he would call
the attention of the house to the official notification and
address of Mr. Consul Meadows respecting the danger to
life and property caused by.the proximity of the rebels to
Newehang and Hankow.
THE BURSTING OF AN ARMSTRONG GUN.
Mr. H. BAILLIB asked the Secretary of State for War,
if it was true that the seeend 600-pounder Armstrong gun
burst at the fiftieth round ; and if so, whether it would not
be advisable to at once stop the rifling of heavy guns on
the Woolwich, Shunt, and Whitworth systems, until the
War Department had ascertained the most enduring system
of rifling heavy artillery.
The Marquis of HARTINGTON said it was the fact that
• an Armstrong gun bad burst in such a manner so that it
. bad become unserviceable, but he was unable to give any
definite reply to the latter pert of the question, and the
' matter was still under consideration. He should not
" be able to give any opinion till further investigation as to
whether the system of rifling was the cause of the burst-
; ing, or whether it was from excessive charges.
' THE REFORM BILL —THE ADJOURNED DEBATE.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER presented
• several petitions in favour of the bill from places in Lanca-
shire Perthshire, and Lincolnshire, and from the town of
Caine. (Laughter.) That petition was agreed to at a
public meeting presided over by Mr. Bishop and was
signed by him as chairman on behalf of the inhabitants
of that town. (Laughter.)
The question and amendment having been put,
Mr. BAXTER, who argued that the talk about the
democratic character of the' and other reform bills was so
exaggerated that it might be thought that its provisions
were cognate to those of the charter. The very perils
which were connected with the ides of universal suffrage
' were arguments in favour of a safe and moderate concea-
-1 seen of political power, like that which was proposed by the
bill. The effect of lowering the trembles now would be
. the same as that produced in 1.832, that of rolling back
the tide of uneducated and ignorant political aggression,
. and securing many years of political quietude. The op-
pimento of the bill professed to be greater reformers
. than the government—asking a larger scheme of reform ;
. whereas i i fact they were the opponents of all reform.
The oountry, however, had discovered the hollowness of
- the pretext adopted by the anti-reformers ; and even some
of the conservative party were of opinion that its leaders
. had made a mistake in the mum they had pursued towards
this bill. The government had taken the wisest and most
honest course which was open to them ; and although the
bill did not go as far as he would have desired, yet he
frankly accepted it as a fair coneemion of political power
to the working class. He argued statistically that the
number of that elass'which would be admitted to the
franchise had been somewhat exaggerated. The only pro-
vision of the bill to which he objected was this savings-
. beaks clauses.
Sir E. It LYTTON said that the changes proposed by the
bill went far beyond the question of extension of the suf-
frage or a redistribution of seats, for it went directly to
iwinenee the character of a popular assembly which exer
abed pester control over the exeoutive of the country
than did any other assembly in the world. He pointed
out that already the working classes possessed a fourth of
the franchise, and the calculation was that the provisions
of the bill would give them about one-half. That calcula-
tion was well enough for the present year, but it did
not represent the increase in the number of 71.
occupiers who would spring up hereafter ; and •
•onileristice of the working classes would be created
' which pal liement never contemplated. Arguiwihat the
franchise ought only to be given to the intointelligent and
trustworthy members of the vrorking-claues, an to them
he would willingly accord it. he observed that, consider
Lag the position borough members held in the house, the
. operation of the bill would be to give them an undue pre-
dominance in the legislature. Dwelling on the nature
and effects of democracy, and admitting that it contained
' many elements of national advantage, he urged that it
was adapted only to the youth of nations, and was
inapplicable to the habits and institutions of an
old country like England. He contended that one
effect of tins meatier, would be, that it would emote dis-
content in the mind of every working 'man who still re-
mained excluded from the franchise. He would assume
that Mr. (Redstone was not in favour of universal suffrage,
.bat he would be unable to resist it when asked for it by
those whom he had designated as fellow Christians and his
own flesh and blood. He elaborately argued against the
predominant WILLOWS of any class in parliament, and by
consequence of the working class, urged that there was no
security that a bill fer the redistribution of seats would
follow this bill, and warned the liberal members who in
reality objected to the bill to be wise in time
and reconsider their determination to vote for
it. Let me in conclusion (said the right hon.
baronet) address a few words with great respect
to those more moderate liberals who really do not desire to
be buried alive in that honourable place of sepulture, West-
-minister Abbey, in which the last of the whip is
•to rest, and his countrymen be thankful that he
can repose. May I address to them the pathetic
warning addressed to them by the Chancellor of
rthe Exchequer, " Be wise and be wise in time." (Cheers.)
Be wise before you cross the Rubicon and burn your boats.
(Renewed cheering.) Sir, there is a story of • celebrated
French pr reacher who, in delivering a sermon upon the
duty of wives, said,, I see opposite in the congregation a
woman who has been guilty of the sin of disobedience to
her husband, and in order to point her out to universal
• condemnation I will fling my breviary at her head." He
lifted his book, and every female head instantly ducked.
(Loud laughter and cheers.) I will not name those who I
think are guilty of detesting this bill in heart and yet
mean to vote for it ; but if I wished to point them
out to universal condemnation, and if the rules
'of parliament would permit rue to fling this
book at their heeds, so many beetle opposite would
duck awl dive that nothing short of • general amnesty
teould cover the multitude. (Laughter and cheers.) Sir, I
am the last man to disparage loyalty to party. It makes us
all subordinate our individual opinions to the decision of
those whom we recognise as our leaders. I do not for a
moment impugn the perfect honour of any fellow member
who detests this bill and yet will vote for it ; but I do
think that gratitude and respect are due to that large por-
tion of the liberal party who, on • question so grave and
involving consequences so irrevocable, prefer what they
believe to be for the welfare of their country to blind rub-
:mission to a government that has not even the courage to
avow their own opinions—end that does not dare to invite
totheir councils the powerful oracle who tells them the way
that they should go, and so make him responsible
to the sovereign for the counsels which he dictates to her
minister. (Loud cheering.) For my own part, I can
.honestly say that, looking to the nature of this bill, to the
mode in which it is introduced to liament, and to the
;arguments by which it is defended, my vote against it
Swill be given, not as conservative against liberal, not as
employer against workman, not as Englishman against
Ifmgha}inlan but as an Englishman, for the safety of our
common Fngland. (Vehement and long-continued
cheering.)
Mr. J. S. MILL said that Lord Stanley, who had said j
the worst and the beet that could be said against this bill, I
lad pointed out as the extreme danger of proceeding with
it the chance that a measure for the redistribution of seats
might be dealt with by a house elected under an extended
franchise. That argument could have no weight with
those who wished an increase of the suffrage, for they
armlet think that such a house would be best
qualified to deal with its constitution. A measure
of enfranchisement like this, though perhaps too
moderate, was worthy of ace optanoe, even if no
further measure were oceitemptated. A bill going
.ao short a way as this raised no question of principle be-
tween opposite parties ; it was not • democratic measure.
bad no connexion with the numerical theory, but belonged
to the clam theory, and only carried out the theory of the
constitution of the representation of all claim* by taking
in the working class, • class which some thought
No
dangerously powerful, but which had so care-
fully abstained from exercising their power that gentlemen
were frightened at their abstinence, and recoiled
from the abyss into which they had not fallen. He
further elaborated this argument against the notion
of the political predominance of the working classes, and
equally elaborated the claims from character and intelli•
. genre of that class to the suffrage. While admitting the
great things which had been done by parliament as now
eoestitutel, he pointed out that then were still great
mead reforms to be carried out ; ignorance and pauperism