The Express.
London, England, 1860-06-09 00:00:00

gbe ersrelSO•

TO 001111OPONDENTS.
llwAlssnaab hissid 4 Ifs ltzprew London aintas
:=mob M M Oho Mink 14 &unlit street, by Two
11 as Os eg ridings%

agmAiumr.

TEM TO IFAXLILT YCUT. Mr Buckstnne:
Wm Atte —IIIIIIMTIMI OY YITfAYYTHL HALL
Mr. beek•t•roe.-00011218 OW WI OHIO. The Lerleregs—
Aud A IX Tin DUX. MX Clark Mlas L. Weekea.

.111INMM.

Two tyrrnms, riche. F. Itoblnion,O.
Garden, and Offaltla ; New WOW'. Sew
lorkrvi rhl Ilesda —And PAULIN& leeers.
Pbore C. LiCkWO4.

IlllTAltlfLA.

Tun amuse. Til 1111111.6111. Nowscillfpro I. tri
PI inry, sad Ilkot nesuld.—PAOL n.• or.
L.. 1 ire Pet litlascarl ; 10. &/s* lbw W.
tutor!. Kiss Whea.—AM TII =mem OP MUM

MOH WATER AT LONDON SRI DOZ.
TIN DAT ail Afternoon, RNo.
Tuitoakuir —Mani& IL .... Afternoon, 1111.

LuNDON, SATURDAY, JUNE 9.

Eves the loss of Sicily, it seems, cannot
awaken the King of NAPLES from the dream in
which los early life has been passed. Three weeks
have sufficed to destroy his boundless confidence
in the vigilance of his police and the power of his
army. The capital of Sicily has been taken, not
as in 1848, by surprise, from a weak garrison, but
by main force, openly and after warning, from an
army which, according to all military calcula-
tions, ought to have sulked to make insurrec-
tion impossible, andto secure the peace of the island.
He sees no chance of regaining Sicily with his own
forces, but still he oanfidently expects to rule
again over his revolted subjects. Of course it
must be the duty and interest of all Europe to
keep him on his throne, so he appeals to the Great
Powers, and sake them to intervene and secure
to him the integrity of his States.
This unhappy ruler, it seems, fancies that
Europe is still, as in the blessed days of Verona
and Laybach, a joint-stock asinillikel 00ESpsay for
Kings. Probably he has never bee. told that if
the monarchical principls, amidst severe
preserves its vigour uninspired, it is just Weaves
monarchs have been careful to make their govern-
ments as much as possible unlike that of Naples.
In these days the governments of civilised states
put forward the good of the governed as the object
of their endeavours. Of course there is about their
professions a deal of the hypocritical pretence
which always accompanies the acknowledgment of
a right standard of conduct. Of course there is
much juggling with " ideas." But the principle
is recognised that the institution of Royalty stands
for something higher than dynastic interests or
personal caprice, and attains its end in proportion
as it embodies and illustrates the sovereignty of
law and right. The King of NAPLIN can hardly
be expected to understand this. He has been
educated in the belief that he is the sun and
centre of his kingdom, and thinks, doubtless,
that he is so regarded from every throne. Can
it be nothing to Kings and Emperors if the stars
begin to fall from heaven
The answers to his appeal, which the Kiwi has
by this time received, must, we should think, open
the eyes of the most infatuated court of Europe.
What the Kiwi asks is simply impossible. His
MaJorre's system of government would break
down the strongest guarantees which human in-
genuity could devise for his security. It is not
constitutions, and oaths, and good laws which the
Kingdom of the Two Sicilies wants, for it has had
then, in abundance : what it has not had is a King
who kept his word. Fassieui, like Ficaouranto,
has been a praise to evil doers and a terror to
them that do welL Any time these twelve years
every King and Emperor in Christendom has had
a good ground of complaint against the King of
N A rffas, for bringing monarchy into contempt.
The KIN6'B advisers must be blind to the state
of the world to ask that his revolted subjects may
be brought again under his yoke by foreign agency.
Where is the state in which coercion of this kind
is now permitted ? Look over Europe, and it is
true you will not find satisfaction, tranquillity, con-
fidence. You will even see swollen war-budgets,
great armies, advanced posts on frontiers, and other
signs of apprehension and distrust. But every-
where in military and absolute monarchies, as well
as in constitutional States, you will see govern-
ments seeking to draw closer to the people. If
Lours NAPOLEON is strong enough to frighten all
his allies, it is because he has taken pains to study
and gratify the mass of the French nation. The
Emperor of RUSSIA is taking immense pains and
incurring some risks in order to attach
millions of emancipated serfs to his throne by re-
collections of gratitude. The Prince-Regent of
PILVANI A is making patriotic speeches among his
people ; soul even the Emperor of Avarius is seen
relaxing something of HAPSSURS obstinacy, calling
men from all parts of his dominions around him,
and, with more or less sincerity, taking them into
his confidence. No wonder, then, that govern-
ment after government has declined to come to
the help of the King of N•rimi against his sub-
jects. In times past they have all done their part
in giving him advice. It is not for England or
France, whose saving counsels he has rejected, to
set his tyranny once more on its pedestal. If
any Powers have given contrary advice it is not
for them to come in and increase the misery they
have caused to a nation. The course which
our Government would take was to be foreseen.
Any action of ours must be limited to that im-
partial and simply humane interference which is
consistent with the strictly neutral position of our
Government. How careful we have been to
avoid any act even of humanity- which might
seem to impair our neutrality is seen in the
conduct of the commanders of our ships, who
witnessed passively—but, one may be sure, with
suppressed indignation—the bombardment of the
town of Palermo, justly stigmatised last night by
Lord Raw ~11tIg as en offence of unexampled atro-
cit/. The noble and learned lord remarked
poignantly that " even the most execrable tyranta
" ancient unite was only charged with standing by

TEE .`l.l

" in levity while Rome was burets& sod IFNI
" never accused of setting fire to the city for the
" purpose of destroying amongst 600,0001
" human beings, those who were his enemies.'
He added that, " though the principle of non-1
" intervention was sacred and ought to be scrupn-
"'may observed, if it was unhappily proved that
" this bombardment had taken place, he must say
" that that principle of non-intervention would be
" tried to the utmost. That principle was sacred
" and inviolable, but it did not and could not
" extinguish in their bosoms the natural feelings of
" humanity—eould not prevent them from hear.
" ing with indignation and horror of those crimes,
"or prevent them from wishing and praying for
1" the speedy and entire liberation of the people of
" Sicily, even by the downfall of their tyrants."
All British hearts will respond to this eloquent
language. Yet we cannot, on a view
of all the bearings of the came, regret
that our faithfulness to the principle of
non-intervention has stood this severe trial. It
is only by leaving the Italians to themselves that
we can expect to see the difficulties in which they
6nd themselves, and which are in great part the
work of Europe, overcome ; and for the sake of
this result we may not unwisely resign ourselves to
the spectacle of much present suffering.