The Express.
London, England, 1860-09-21 00:00:00

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Tux Turin telegrams it is evident did not exag-
gerate the moms of the Piedniontese in the action
of Tuesday last. No special correspondents ac-
company I:antral CI ALDI N I 111 & campaign of which
the first we heard was that it had begun, and pro-
bably we shall never get more than partial and
♦ague accounts of the movements on both sides ;
but the capitulation of the main body of General
Lanoaivicat's army after the battle in which it
was defeated tells the whole story. Com-
pletely overthrown, materially weakened by a
heavy loss in killed, wounded, and prisoners,
unable to take refuge in Ancona, and pro-
bably intercepted in the south and south-west,
the Pore's troops capitulated to the Sardinian
General, and are to be sent to the various countries
from whence they came. It was the best that
could have happened for them, and better than
they could have hoped fur. " Attack mercilessly
" and scatter these miserable foreign bandits" was
the language of Ciaimasi'm order of the day, and
it has been obeyed ; but with victory came the
time for fulfilling the KINU'N generous proclanut-
tion—" While freeing Umbria and the Marches
" from the bands of foreign adventurers which in-
" fast them you will, by your example, teach for-
" giveneas of offences and Christian tolerance to
" the man who likened love of country to
" Islamism." The Papal army no longer
exists, for the four thousand men besieged in
Ancona can have no motive for prolonging their
resistancr, and may already be reckoned among
General Cistnvii's prisoners. In a few days we
may expect the arrival, on their return from Spo-
leto and Perugia, of the young Irish gentlemen
whose clenched lip, fixed eye, and quick nervous
step—the outward signs of the hard acid deep-set
resolve within—have been celebrated in the Dublin
newspapers. They will, doubtless, come home
much wiser than they went out, and we should be
sorry to am advantage taken of their humiliating
situation. Some among them may deserve the
reproach of adventurers, but of most it may be
fairly believed that, though grievously mistaken,
they were prompted by sincere and honourable
motives. Let them pan quietly to the usefulness
of ',Hyatt' life.

Cam:neat A !menu, driven at last to bay,
dares to invoke for the worst Government in
Europe the protection of international law. This
is however not surprising. Papal mantle has
existed so long, and has au often been protected by
foreign prmix-s, that its partisans have come to
look upon it as part of the public law of Europe.
The Court of Rome, having systematically violated
every principle of public justice, claims a kind of
prescriptive right in evil doing. It is the sacred
pnvilege of the Holy rice. To every complaint,
and to every charge, it replies by the single plea of
custom. To expect the Pura to act towards his
subjecta as other rulers act, and require
him to respect public right., is an intolerable
anomaly. And his Prime Minister is accordingly
co aistently indignant that any such " new priu-
" ciples" should be laid down to the Holy Father.
All this is common-plaois enough. Cardinal Ax-
-1,0112LL1 urge, in defence of his government the
only argument he has—the right divine to govern
wrung—and, appea/a to the law of Europe in its
defence. But it is surprising that any, at least
any amongst ourselves, should be disposed to
accept this appeal as legitimate. Balch is, how-
ever, the fact. Many enemies of the Italian
cause—mid some amongst its friends—accept the
Cardinal's plea, asserting that the invasion of the

Roman States by the royal troops, U justifiable on
other grounds, is nevertheless a violation of
public law.

Now, though it is quite needless formally to
justify such a noble enterprise by the mere letter
of any inertly conjectural and traditionary kw,
we may fairly ask whether there is in this
case any real violation of international law.
The correspondence between Count Cavoca
and l'ardinal ArirosmAd raises this question.
limo Sardinian Minister charges the Peri
Government with organizing an army on prin-
ciples 'wooed to that recognised by " all
" civilized governments." Its army, instead of
being composed wholly or chiefly of "the citizens
•• of the country," is made up of foreign ineromuuT
troupe, men of all languages, natioca, mid religions.
The local influence of such troops is irritating and
dangerous in the highest degree. Their presence
Wheels the national sennumut of the people,
wink, their swaggering carnage and monsoon
tend to provoke open revolt. This serious danger,
Count Ciiwca adds, is not confined to Papal
Italy. " This presence of foreign troops, which in-
" sults the national feeling, and prevents the
" manifestation of thu wishes of the people, will
" infallibly cause the extension of the move-
" await to the usighbouruig provinces." Having
thus referred to the illegal constitution and
dangerous influence of this foreign army, the Sar-
dinian Minister proceeds to the meet serious point
of all- the purpose hr. which it is organiaed and
nianitanied. " King Virtue Misnaecses eon-
" abeam does not permit him to remain a passive
"spectator of the bloody repression with which
" the area of the foreign mercenaries world ea-

.` lesq.etaik rr.ry noah,frei:stion of mafiosot feeling
" is Daiwa bfe,,d. goveriumant has the right
"of abandoning to the will and pleasure of •
" horde of soldiers of fortune the property, the
hu:i.,ur, and lives of the inhabitants of •

THE

" civilised country." In a word, the P
foreign army is organisee'for the of
making war on the fors's subjects. Therare
there to massacre and pillage those who ail Me
justice, to repress all movements amongst the
people, and tread ruthlessly out the faintest spark
of national life. The men against whom these

mercenaries are employed are Italian. The monarch
who protests against their presence and demands
their removal, is an Italian monarch speaking on
behalf of Italy. What rule of international law does
this demand violate t Strictly speaking there
can, indeed, be no question of international law at
all, Italy being one nation. But, waiving this
consideration, can the Pori appeal to the law of
nations in defence of his position 1 AsToirin.o
attempt; to do so by saying that "many Govern-
" mental of Europe have foreign troops in their
" pay." This is really no reply at all to Count
Covous's indictment. The question is not
about having foreign troops in pay, but about
the nominal ruler of a country employing
a mercenary army to suppress the nation he pro-
fesses to govern. Is there any other Government
in Europe that does this t and if so, can such a
course be justified by the principles of international
law 1 There is no other Government in such a
position, and if there were it would be obnoxious
to the same condemnation. A Government that
cannot enlist in ita support any of its own sub-
jects or citizens stands self-condemned, and must
inevitably fall unless artificially upheld from with-
out. But if foreign aid is sought and obtained for
such a purpose the principles of public law at once
apply. For, unless, according to the maxim of
the Grande Monarque, nations consist only of •
crowned individual, there are two parties whose
rights are equally to be considered in any domestic
struggle. And if the ruler calls in • foreign force
against his people, the people are entitled to call in
help from without against their ruler. This is exactly
what has taken place in the States of the Church,
with this single and most important difference,
that while the force the POPE has brought in
against the people is not only foreign but bitterly
hostile, the people have simply invoked the willing
aid of their fellow-countrymen. The King of
Soaursio, in responding to this righteous call, has
violated no law public or private, national or in-
ternational. The Pops is, in fact, a political out-
law. He cut himself off from all appeal to public
right from the moment when, failing to conciliate
the support of any section amongst his own sub-
jects, he conspired against them and employed a
foreign army to crush their resistance. This act
of suicidal aggression places him beyond the pale
of international law, and be now appeals to it in
vain. To • ruler who has voluntarily cut himself off
from his people, and hopelessly destroyed the very
foundations of his power, the principles of the laws
of nations do not apply. Jostles 11. might just as
well have appealed to international law against
the English people as Pius IX. against the revolted
inhabitants of the Roman States. The Poiturr
is already politically dead, having for ten years
past been propped up in his seat of nominal
power by foreign bayonets. His outraged people
very justly appeal to Europe, and claim, on the
principles of public law, to be allowed to work out
for themselves, and enjoy in their own way, that
national existence of which they have been so long
and so unjustly deprived. This claim may not,
indeed, bo formally recognised in any existing
rule of public law : but it recta on what must
be in the last resort the foundation of all inter-
national rights and laws—on the reason and con-
science of men, reflected in the maxims of
international morality.