The Express.
London, England, 1859-05-21 00:00:00

SPEECH OF M. KOSSUTH.

A crowded public meeting was held yesterday
evening at the London Tavern, to comae' the attitude which
ft heocues the Eaglets nation to assume in relation to the
war in Italy. The chair was taken by the LORD MAYOR,
end on the platform were, among others, Mr. W. Cowper,
M.P., Mr. C. Gilpin. M.P., Mr. Deputy Dokin, Professor
bowman, Professor Dostaldsoe Mr. White (late M.P. for
Plymouth), Monsieur Rounds, Monsieur Petit', The
appeerenoe of the celebrated ()oversee of Hungary wee the
4tual for Newel rounds of hearty cheers. Immediately in
front of the pletform were a coneiderable number of re-
served mate, which were occupied chiefly by ladies.
Hoes. KOSPOTH, who we. received most enthusiaatteelly,
said that the aloud which for more than forty years had been
overcharged had now begun to discharge the electric fluid.
In this emergency England ought to take a position of im-
grtneutrality and etriot non-intervention. (Applause )
atel by interlertng did not divert the natural course of
emits into the wrong channel, he anticipated from the war
which had jest commenced that ideates(' might arise to
the nation with which every sepiration of his heart was iden-
tified. Ile re anticipations did not arise from the excitement
of the moment, but were founded upon the uncontrovert ibis
axiom that the diflicultiesof the oppressor might of erachance
of deliverance to the oppressed. It had been said that Eng-
land would arm in order to be prepared to protect her interests.
toXsa....egood. But Interest was every vague word, and which
toreftiftWegftalftafte,...atheer, ear.) We had,
however,
_been vonchsafedlelftWlSlMeste of whit tratgas
mean. We had been told that if a French fleet entered the
Adriatic, it might be the interest of England to oppose it ;
that if Trieste woe attacked, it might be the interest of
England to defend It; and, by the ministerial candidate for
the West Riding of Yorkshire, that if Venice were mulled,
ft might be the intense of England to protect it. To pro-
tect it from what? From the great misfortune of being
emancipated from the despotism of Austria. (Applause.)
The alternative was either neutrality or support of Aus-
tria. This should never be lost sight of, and therefore
much was left to be watched, cent/tiled, and cleared
up by public opinion. The important question was,
what was the wield to unieratend by the decla-
ration that her Melody's government were determined
to take no pert in the war? Was this declaration attended
by • prove, that the war should be resteiebd to Italy, or
was it meant that England would remain neutral even
though In the natural course of events the war should extend
to other portions of the Austrian dominions? There wers
certain ideas or prejudices which, if not repudiated, would be
likely to drift England into a war. Three turned mainly
upon the erroneous inteiprefalon of the Italian queetion, the
regard fur the treaties of 1816, what diplometiets called the
localisation of the war, and the greatest of all imaginable
misconceptions, the opinion that the Austrian empire was
etheetial to the maintenance of the balance of power. Each
of these prejed;ces he would examine, and endeavour to re-
move. The Nolen question was one which arose from mal-
adminettation or misgovernment, end which might, there-
fore, be put an end to by a seasonable cencession, improve-
ment, or reform. It was a question of nationality, and
became it wee PO the first Red foremost point in it. practical
iodation was the total and definitive expulsion of the
Asstd... from Italy, in each a manner that they should not
lie WA top book audit. (Loud applause.) This admitted
ono compromise. Either the Austrian, must be finally
elected from Italy, or the Italian qmetirn would recur
again and wain. Nothing but the extermination of the
Italians could secure the rule of Austria over that peninsula,
and a mike of 26,000,000 of people could not be exter-
minated. It was on amount of this being a question of
natioaality that in 1846 the iuhebitants of tOO Papal
dominions declared that, however ineupport oble were their
particular guttering', their questions of government were of
seooadary importance. The principal interest was that of
Jtaly, sad their great objection to the papal government
was that It wee the slave of Austria. For the same reason
the whole of Italy united in a crated. against Austria,
and when the independanm of Lombardy was offered the
Milanese refused to separate from their Venetian brethren.
They fought, not for Lombardy, but Italy. For the
,same reran the people of Piedmont, although contented
with their own government, cheerfully submitted to the
dangers, the suffering* and sacrifices of a greet war; repub-
been' rallied round a king who bad heuribed "the indepen-
' deuce of Italy" upon hie banner; Tuscany had thrown it.elf
loW the arms of the monarch of Sardinia, and the Frensh
were received with rapturous joy and enobudasm. In
lett the trentactions preceding the declaration of war by
Austria, them was this shoetoonsing in the policy of the
Hebb& government, that they did sot view the Italian
question we one of nationality, bat as one which might he
solved upon the basis of Attetria retaining her poseessions,
provided A...would pledge herself not to 'etcetera with the
rut of Italy. He would not then enter into an argu-
ment to show how impossible it wan that such &pledge should
be oberved• but he asserted that unbar it was underetood
throughout Europe that the maintenance of Austria in her
111-gotten Itelien ponessions did not aster into the Intents
and purposes of the British government, England woull
weer or later be darted into the war in consequence of
entangling allistecte, for which it was evident that mighty
influences were at week. (Hier, hear.) The excitement in
Germany—attributable to a false alms, for it wee absurd to
suppose that Pram* with one rest war upon her hands,
would attack the Rhine—en attack directed, not against
Austria, but against Prusets—could not let kept op unites
it was supposed in that eonetry that the English govern-
meat sympathised with Austria, thought she wee entitled
to retain her Italian passeesion. and were (evolvable to
the idle of maintaining the integrity of her dominions.
The next point was the pretended ineiMaloility of the Uwe.*
of 1816. There could be no doubt that if England departed
from the prineip'e of neutrality in favour of Austria it would
be done on the ground or pretext of that inviolability. The
history of the last forty-four years was one continged pro-
I east against them trestle.. Every portion of them which
was favourable to liberty or the rights of mankind bad been
violated by the sovereigns of Europe without any interven-
e don of England, end would this country now take up arm,
to enforce their inviolability in favour of that Austria which
was good for nothing, except to speed &Anus end to per-
petuateslavery ? (Cheers.) Or is It true (continued M.
Kneenth), se some have told you, that Austria le your useful
ally, both faithful sad true ? (Laughter.) Useful, iodated I
I know that Austria was the tnatiaWe pensioner ot England •
that she was tbe bottom's's seek Into which England poured
minima from the life-wrest of bee indastrious people. I
Meter that io the late Engel wars you gave hoe the little
snug sum of 17 millions of pounds ; but what advantage
you have got front her in recurs, that Is not yet molded in
hietory. (Laughter.) I know that you have saved Austria,
but I do not know that you are indebted for your safety,
for your reek amongst the nations, for your pew
parity, or for your freedom to her. (Cheer.) A dear
ally she was to you, forsooth ; only too deer.
But how "woeful ?" That I have yet to learn. Austria
your ally, faithful and true I Why, gentlemen re-
member the Crimean war. Cast your eyes at the gioomy
churchyard field before Sebastopol. It te faithful Austria,
that pale phantom of death, that sent year heroes to die in
vain on that barren field, while she stood idle by without
firing a shot, without raising a finger, In return fur all your
consideration for her. (Hear, hear.) But if I can awl no
answer to the question. " What is Austria to England r I
could toll yes a tale of horrors about what Austria is to the
great birthright of mankind—liberty, what she le to freedom
of coucience, what ohs is to culture and *slighter
meet, what she ia to everything that good men
prise. Nn, England renuot, England will not, lead
herself with the reproach of oppressed millions by stepping
between Magri& and retributioe, for which ebe appears to be
marked by the finger of a long foebesoring but just Provi-
dence, whose ways are often mysterious. And why, I ask,
why should England plunge into the calamities of war to
keep that Austria safe ? One answer la given to this emestios
which brings me to the last cropter of my remarks. It te
said that the integrity of the Austrian empire is seceseary to
the
_maintenance of the balance of power. Oh, this

word, spectra as it is, that cannot 'stand the . light I
of common MAN this word is a terrible Moloch, to which
right, jostioe, political morality, freedom, sad the
exigence of nations have been immola'od as
so many holocausts. (Hear, beer.) Let it not be said that
England pr,isted in perpetnatiog tbo ancrifice. I chaff not
now eater on a theoretical elucidation of the fal'acies of this
cabalistic abracadabra of belance of power, which, unlike
that of the olden Syrians, creates the discuses which it is in.
tended to me. I shall restrict myself to one remark of
a practical character. Artificial states, without either
organic cohesion or harmonising cement, are an incitement
to war, Mimed of conetitotiog a check upon it. (Hoer,
beer.) Against what bind of preponderance is the
Austrian empire meant to constitote a barrier? Eel-
dectly either against Russia or easiest France. Well,
a. to &labia. There are in the Austrian empire
17 millions of people belonging to the Slavonic race; all of
than disoontentsd, because not only oppressed politically, but
also deprived of national existence. Now, imagism Route
desiring to strike an ambitious blow snywhere. Will Austria
be a barrier to her P Was eh* ever • barrier at say Conte
moment of the prat ? Why, Russia awl only to say, es the
Cast Alexander instructed Admiral Teiteakoff to ray if he
found Auatria playing fast and loose, "Ye 17 minimus rise
against the oppressor of your nationality—here I am to help
M:" sad they will rise; and where will Austria be? This
is the reason why Austria did not dare to draw her sword in
the lets Crimean war. Is shot a barrier P Why, it is s high
road inviting ambition to an easy march. (Cheers.)
Now reverse the picture. Let those 17 millions
be delivered from the Austrian yoke, and they would be what
Slavonic PAand wee till quartered with the concurrence of
Austria. Again, as to France. Oa the 19th of November
WA !Volts at Glasgow the following words :—" In any war
in wni& France will stand on the one side and Austria on
the ether, France has but to advance to the frontiers of an
of the natirrnalitive oppressed by Austria sad say, ' Reset
am to W, you, sire and throw off the yoke of Austria, and
the, will hail the invitation with entbw.issre." Yon
are Ina on ohs eve of Gering this anticipation
realised in Italy. As the French advance you
ens in them new Deucalion, raking up in armed