The Express.
London, England, 1867-04-06 00:00:00

[STAMPED, Id. ADDITIONAL ]

motion, it assumes that he will leave the chair and
assist the committee in the discharge of their duties. Pn-
doubtedly there are other reasons why the basis of the
borough franchise should he presented in that form. And
for this reason especially, that if, from the arrangement of
the clauses in the bill, we should otherwise be compelled to
deal with the borough franchise in the most inconvenient
manner, and it would not be until we had arrived at the very
cod of the hill an d came tobting up new clauses that we should
know what the essential feature of the borough franchise
was to be. The consideration I mainly wish to put before
you is that if we are to entertain the plan which I take it
parliament thinks • good one ; if we are to draw • line,
this is a policy to which the committee can only give effect
by our instructioc. Now, there is another point. I laid
it down, and I feel it ex strongly as any one before me can
feel, that, in discharging the difficult and responsible duty
we have undertaken, we must endeavour to avoid any
semblance of hoatilit7—(bear, hear)—hostility to the pro-
VisiOnl of the bill I do not think it is possible to avoid—but
hostility to the government as a government, or any mani-
festation of • disposition to get rid of the government by
imposing on them unreasonable conditions—that is the
hostility which it is oar duty to avoid. It is, then, im-
portant to consider who is to be the mover of the instruc-
tion, and I hope it will have your approval that, having
taken advice in various quarters, I have ventured to
request Mr. Coleridge to undertake the duty. I think
there is no man who enjoys better favour with both
sides of the house. There is no man who propounds
his views with more refined delicacy and high prin-
ciple than Mr. Coleridge—(loud cheersl—and,
Mr. Coleridge professional position enables him to
deal with • question requiring some professional know-
ledge in the most satisfactory manner. (Hear, hear.) The
instruction is, and you all see it is, simply confined to
conferring upon the committee this extraneous power,
and indicating the reason why this is dose :—" That it
be an instruction to the committee that they have power
to alter the law of rating, and to provide that in every
parliamentary borough the occupiers of tenements below a
given rateable value be relies-eft from liability to personal
rating,. with • view to fix a line for the borough
franchise at and above that at which all mealier% shall be
entered on the rate-book, and shall have equal facilities for
the enjoyment of such franchise as a residential occupation
franchise." (Loud and unanimous cheering.) I think
it is not too much to say that, looking to the substance of
that instruction,which goes merely to confer the power
necessary to raw a hue that reduces the matter to
the simplest issue, perhaps we may be inclined to
ask each other what ia likely to be the effect of proposing
this instruction. Well, we are in a position of great
responsibility. I feel even more strongly than at the com-
mencement of the session that it is not the party that
sits on the government benches, but that which sits on
the opposition benches, hich will he held releineible fur
the failure or success of this bill. Your responsibility is
great, your power is perfect, but your power depends on
your union. (Loud cheers.) My belief is that if you make
a reasonable demand on the government it must succeed—
(cheers)—but I own I ilo not think you would obtain con-
cessions from the government unless they are concessions
which you manifest your power, I will not say to extort,
bet to obtain foryounelves. Whaeverconcenions you show
your power to obtain for yourselves you will obtain from
the government. (Cheers.) That is the sense which I place
on tliedeclaration of the government, sod that is the sense
in which I invite you to act. I have spoken to you in this
and in previous addresses as one who felt the difficulties
of the situation ; but still it is one not destitute of the
elements of encouragement. Look at what has happened
during this week, although it has been • tranquil
interval. I thought it well to ask the Chancellor of the
Exchequer whether it was his intention to introduce site-
tieing into the hill. Either on Monday or 'Tuesday I put that
question, and then hedistinctly informed the house that he
intended to abandon the clause with respect to the dual
vote, but that with respect to everything else we must
enter into the discussion on the bill, trusting to the good
faith of the government. But rumour has been busy
during the intermediate days. It became known, I have no
doubt, that it was your intention to press strongly for the
enlargement of the franchise to be given by the govern-
ment bill, and the consequence was that last night we
were told that clauses were in preparation which were not
in the nature of alterations in the bill, but of additions to
the bill, and were intended to assist the compound
householders to obtain enfranchisement. Whet may be
the value of these clauses it is impossible now to say.
Whatever be their value, I cannot see that it can be other-
wise than wise to move that instruction, because that in-
struction contemplates drawing a line which the committee
would not otherwise have the power to draw. I think,
however, we may assume that the clauses are intended
to make the bill more acceptable to the liberal party,
and if so. I shall contemplate them with great satis-
faction, because I feel they will make it much easier for the
government to accede to the principles we lay down, to do
away with the frivolous and needless distinction between
man and roan, and to concede frankly to the principle that
the franchise should be enjoyed equally by those in scondi-
tion of life and • position of independence which will give
them a title to the franchise. If it had been in my power
I would not have requested your attendance here until we
had been in possession of the new clauseri, and if this was a
time when an opposition should search for causes of com-
plaint rather than look them over and treat them lightly,
I think that we might complain that these clauses
touching a moat important part of the subject—because two-
thirds of the householders below 10/. are compound house-
holders—that these clauses, I say, will not be in our posses-
iiionuntil to-morrow morning, and that we have, therefore,
no power to take a parliamentary step upon them before
the bill goes into committee. No one here will he fettered
in his discretion in discussing these clauses by any-
thing which has now pissed or which may be agreed
upon. (Hear, hear.) Being totally ignorant of their cha-
racter, I cannot speculate on the subject. Our duty has
been to call you together at the latest moment when we
could premed in conformity with parliamentary rules, and
give due notice of our intentions. If we have not done all
that is desirable, I trust that you will see that we have done
all that is in our power. (Cheers.) I think if we are enabled
to proceed, as thus far we have proceeded —I mean unitedly
—we have every prospect of bringing this difficult and con-
tested question to a satisfactory solution. (Cheers.) Ido
not think that that is a state of things in which we should
feel any distrust of ourselves or of the prospect before us.
If any oue has a right to feel this it is I. I have the
most painful conviction of my inefficiency in giving
effect to your wishes in circumstances so difficult as those
in which we are placed ; but I do not wish to shrink from
endeavouring to attain whatever is possible. (Loud cheers.)
To attempt the impossible is not the act of • rational man;
but to attempt the possible is, and if I am favoured with
the hope of being able to assist in maintaining that union
and concord in our ranks which we have thus far main-
tained, I shall go forward cheerfully to discharge my part
of the duty, and I shall endeavour to discharge it in the
spirit in which you wish it to be dischaiged, and with every
hope of success. (Loud and prolonged cheen. I
Mr. Loexe—The instruction to the committee should
be limited to that portion which gives them the power to
alter the law of rating. If you take the other part of the
instruction it is open to objection. It way be urged very
strenuously by those who are opposed to it that by taking
the other part we are lessening the number of persons to be
placed on the register. In one direction it would incrense
that number, but in another it would diminish it, be-
cause it proposes to draw a particular line below which
persons cannot have the suffrage. Now, the proposi-
tion of the government is this—that a MALI who is a
householder and pays his own rate is to have a vote ; but
this proposition goes to this extent, that if a person is a
householder, but is rented below • particular line, he is
to have so vote. Therefore whatever may be our view on
the subject, I think it would not be advantageous to us to
put the *hole of this instruction on the paper, because
objections might be made to it by many gentlemen who
take a different view from that which is embodied in the
instruction as to the mode in which the question should
be settled. But if we adopt merely the first part of the
instruction, it will be equally competent afterwards to
move the latter part, or, indeed, any other amendment
which any ben. member may wish to move.
Mr. Avuroa—lt is oar duty to consider, in the first
place, whether we cannot find any common ground on which
we tan act. We are about to take a step which demands
forbearance from our side, and tends to obviate contro-
versy on the other aide of the ham. Let us hope that
while we are obviating controversy with the other side,
we may also avoid controversy against ourselves, and with
that view, when • proposition is made by our owe leader,
we must not be quick to take exception to it. The instruc-
tion may be regarded as • disappointment to a certain
view which may be taken of the franchise. I will not stay
what my view is, because my wish is to adopt wane pro-
petition one common ground for Ile all, and, therefore,
without reference to any own opinion, that it seems to
me that an appeal should be made for individual
forbearance, and for each of us to make concessions
so as to get • common ground of mutual action, I
think the right bon. gentleman will find that common
ground in committee on the course he now ).ropose.
We are not now finally disposing of the question. We
should do well, if, in grappling with the government
who have introduced a very had bill, we were to put our-
selves into the hands of the leader of the opposition. and
deal with the matter as if he were the leader of the govern-
ment and had introduced a reform bill Anal I am sure
that the more bon. gentlemen will forego their own per-
sonal pretensions, anal will allow the leader of the
liberal party to deal with the bill in committee as he deems
advisable, the better it will he for the country and for the
liberal party, snit the more likely to result in our obtain-
ing • good measure.
Mr. CLAY—The beet way is to go into committee armed
iwnitothasgu:odh be necessary to turn a bed bill
see how far it will help us, and how far it will impede us
powers as
"loolinaayt that instruction very much to
in committee. If the instruction had been simply to confer
powers on the committee of dealing with a subject with
which it could not deal without that power, I for one, and
I believe every gentleman hem would have done nothing

[TWOPENCE

but accept it with pleasure. But that purpose is carried
out in the first line ; and I should Lave much liked
that the instruction should have stopped there. But
the instruction goes ou beyond and lap down a parti-
cular phut. Now, such is my 000fidence in the right
bon. gentleman that I should be ready to adopt that or
any other plan that he might propose. But I say that
it is not necessary to lay down such a plan in the
instruction. However broadly you do that you mum in
contact with the small rag of principle that is left in
the goveroment bill—the personal payment of rates. It
is very true that the Chancellor of the Exchequer
has given evidence of an unusual disposition to be
guided by the House of Commons to make the bill along
with the House of Commons, and in aoconlance with their
wishes—to grant almost, if not everything we wish. But
he will not make concessions before going into committee.
His promises of concessions point to concessions to Le
made in committee, and although my opiuion may be of
very little value, I give my opinion with the deepest sin-
cerity that that instruction is fatal to the bill, whereas
we might make a good bill if we contented ourselves with
the first line only.
Mr. Gi.aonroor—Allow me to say that it is totally im-
possible for me under any circumstances and conditions
whatever to accept the suggestions which Mr. Clay has
made. He sap that we ought to content ourselves with
asking for power to alter the law of rating. But so long as
I am your leader, and I have the responsibility of the posi-
tion, I must consider the ground on which I move. U I
ask you to vote for an instruction to alter the law of rating,
what is that but placing you before the government as men
in favour of limiting the sulftege in oar diseseiew, with-
out showing your readiness to enlarge it in another, apt,
therefore, without vindicating this grounds on which you
act? I do not doubt the good intentions with which Mr.
Clay's suggestions were made but I cannot accede to then).
Colossi FRE); 01 sulgesteci that Mr. Gladstone, as the
ablest member of the betel party, should himself move
the instruction.
Mr. plasm—lt seems to me that we are now bound, in
consideration of our position as a party and in the inte-
rests of this great cause, not to act in a manner that should
be, or should appear to be, hostile to the bill of the go-
' vernment. We who are in favour of reform are in a
majority in the house. Those who Kit opposite us are
not remarkable for their affection to the cause. Being
a majority of the house and being reformers, we
have a right to say that whatever bill shall pass
through the house shall be a bill satisfactory to
the majority. who are reformers, and shall not be
squared according to the pattern of the minority, who are
not reformers. Having come to that conclusion, I think
there is another easily arrived at, and which we have ar-
rived at before. That Is, that the bill as it now stands
is not a parable bill, and cannot be accepted in its
present shape. Well, before we go into committee, the
advantage of the future rests with us ; but if we go
into committee having drawn no line and decided oo
policy, then depend on it the advantage on all future
proceedings will rest with the government, and the
party whom they represent, which party is not in favour
of making this bill a satisfactory bill. Well now, what is
it we are proposing to do ? Mr. Gladstone called it putting
a gentle—l hope everybody in the house will be of opinion
that it is gentle—but, at say rate, a wholesome pressure
on the government. Now, Mr Disraeli, in every speech he
has really made, has asked, " Are there no patriots to
come and help and assist me in laming • god bill, and
settle this question on a firm fouudation r Well,
this is all we propose to do by the instruction that
has been read to the meeting. It is easy to say that the
government bill confers a large extension of the franchise.
It does give such a franchise in a small number of boroughs,
but in a greater number of boroughs it gives a franchise
little snore extended than at present ; and the objection
to it is, that in one borough it gives nearly household
suffrage, and in another a suffrage little more extended than
at present. Therefore it is impossible that the bill can be
accepted as it is. Then comes the question whether the
house will agree to alter the bill so as to make it con-
fer household suffrage universally. I don't believe that
the House of Commons is in favour of the change.
I wish the house were. I should support it with a great
deal of pleasure ; but, the house not being in favour of
this, I should be sorry that the Lill should come out of
committee as it goes in, and without sonic provision for
a wide extension of the franchise in the many boroughs in
which it will remain limited under the government bill.
I understand the proposition of Mr. Gladatoue to be that
rather than have this confused and absunl system, we
will take another course, and propose something that will
give for all boroughs equally a very wide and generous ex-
tension of the franchise, such as the great majority of the
house will assent to, which irillput au end to all agitation,
and will satisfy the people. I think we ma attain name
good result in that way. Mr. Gladstone referred towhat was
said last night in the house. Of coure the Chancellor of
the Exchequer knows exactly whiu these meetings are to
be held, and perhaps the announcement which he made
last night was not uninfluenced by our meetinghere today.
Now, it is just midrib!s that he may propose to place
the compound houeeholders under lig. in as good a
position as the compound householders above 10/. If he
purposes that I think be would do that which it will be
very amusing to see the conservative party consent to.
But be would propose that which many of use here are
nut able and are nut disposed to reject. Therefore it
is just possible, although we are only three days from the
motion that the Speaker leave the chair, it is just pos-
sible that a proposition may be made by the government
that will render it unnecessary and undesirable to take any
steps before the bill goes into committee. But stand-
ing as we are, and knowing what we do know, I give my
most cordial assent to the instruction. I give my most
cordial assent to what we have heard from Mr. Ayrton.
If any member of the house be placed in the position
which Mr. Gladstone occupies in regard to this party— I
hope almost, if not entirely, by universal ooesent— we
shall avoid finding faults, which any one eau do in anything
human, if ho will only take the trouble, but we should
give him our confidence, anal give it to him
cm the principle that Mr. Ayrton so well laid down
—that we should give him the None kind of confidence,
give it him to the same extent and support him in the
name manner that we should don members of this party,
if he were at this moment leader of the House el Com-
mons or Prime Minister of the country.
Mr. Hectors asked why no reference was made to the
lodger franchise in the instruction.
Mr. GLAInvroNE-14 is not necessary to give the com-
mittee power by an instruction to deal with this point. I
regard a lodger franchise, however, as essential to a good
bill. Indeed, I have the strongest opinion in reference to it.
The proceedings then terminated.