The Express.
London, England, 1866-09-19 00:00:00

OUR CONTEMPORARIES.

(THIS DAY.)

Y. ng tarsr.grns'a
Premising that the above document was intended
as a manifesto to the French people no less than to
the nations of Europe, the Times shows the cha-
racter of the task and bow much tact and ability were
required for it. Differing from his Majesty in the
portion of the manifesto relating to the founder
of his dynasty, the Times expresses an opinion that
the Third Napoleons • far more practical, less ab-
solute and inflexible man than the first. The hint
at the vast growing power of Russia and America, and
their possible co-operation in the forthooming crisis of the
Ottoman empire, constitutes in our contemporary's opinion
the most serious point in the circular. England is not
mentioned, because in all probability the Emperor thought
he was always sure to have us with him. The circular
only takes into consideration the modifications intro-
duced into the balance of power on the Continent ;
there is nothing in its contents that could
naturally suggest the mention of this country, nor
should any sinister construction be put upon what
the Emperor says about the " irresistible power
which impels peoples to unite themselves in great masses
by causing the disappearance of minor states," or about
" annexations dictated by an absolute necessity of uniting
to the country populations having the same customs, the
same national spirit as ourselves." The Emperor has in
repeated instances given the best assurance of his good
will towards the King of the Belgians, and of his friend-
ship and gratitude to the Swiss republic. He, we feel
sure, harbours no evil thoughts against the independence
of those inoffensive no leas than defenceless neighbours.
To impute such designs to him is almost as wicked as it
would be on his part to entertain them.
The Daily News also describes the imperial writer as
addressing the French people throughout, in order to re-
concile them to results which are in no sense the result
of French policy, but which, on the contrary, are distinctly
opposed to expectations not long since expressed by M.
Drouyn de Lbuys, the Emperor's late Minister for Foreign
Affairs. The consideration on which its conclusions are
based are far more wise, just, and liberal than much that
we have had to read during the last two months in
the French journals unfriendly to the Emperor. The
circular represents the foreign policy of the empire
at its loftiest height, and were the Emperor laying down
principles to guide a regent during the minority of his son,
he could hardly bequeath a more valuable legacy. After
showing that we naturally escape criticism in the despatch,
the Daily News concludes with the remark that if there
is any state which the circular is calculated at a
first glance to disquiet, it is perhaps Belgium, though it is
satisfactory to observe that the reasons which are Designed
for the recent absorption of smaller states do not apply in
this case. Both France and Prussia are too powerful to

require the destruction of Belgian nationality for their own
aggrandisement, and too just to make the Belgian people
feel that their interests are not sufficiently protected by
their free institutions and the public law of Europe.
The Star believes that the protection which the
Emperor speaks of as guaranteed to the Pope means no
more than the chance shall be provided him of coming
down from hil temporal throne and throwing himself into
the arms of the nation, which would look on him as their
spiritual chief.