The Express.
London, England, 1860-06-28 00:00:00

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LONDON, THURSDAY, JUNE 28.

Ir appears that Plums H. of Naples is not
altogether without powerful friends in the hour
of his abject humiliation and distress. A dis-
tinguished potentate, who takes a friendly inte-
rest in his neighbours' affairs, and diligently culti-
vates a natural talent for correspondence, has
recently, we are told, written the youthful monarch
a letter of good advice. We have no wish what-
ever to check the feeling of admiration which
a disinterested act will naturally excite. To
sympathise with virtue—especially with royal
virtue—in distress, and speak words of guidance
and consolation to the afflicted and unfortunate,
is always praiseworthy. But, after all, the
feelings are not the safest guide in the compli-
cated affairs of life, and a generous impulse may
often lead astray. Sympathy confuses what in
practice ought to be kept perfectly distinct.
The compauion, for example, which is due to
misfortune cannot with propriety, or even with
decency, be extended to crime ; and help extended
to the guilty is a curse rather than a blessing.
We are far from saying that the Imperial
monitor has fallen into any such confusion
of ideas; but it is possible, nevertheless, that
in a moment of self-forgetfulness his dis-
interested affection for minor sovereigns may have
hurried him into an act capable of such a con-
struction. We cannot of course deny the
right of any sovereign to give advice to another
with whom he is, at least ostensibly, on amicable
terms. But for any European power to appear
as the friend and protector of the King of NAPLIII
at the present moment would be a very bold
proceeding. Such an expression of sympathy
with his position would argue an insensibility to
the atrocity of the crimes of which he is now reap-
ing the just punishment. Without assuming that the
Emperor of the Flaxen wishes to assume any such
invidious and dangerous position, the time he has
selected for offering his advice is so peculiar that
his conduct will naturally awaken inquiry and
provoke criticism.

One cannot help asking, why should the Emperor
of the Faioeu give advice to the King of NAPLES
at this juncture f Why should he at such a crisis
depart from the professed policy of non-interven-
tion in favour of a hated ruler who has justly
forfeited his throne, and is virtually a political
outlaw amongst European powers 1 When the
fatal rupture between the monarch and his subjects
has taken place it is surely too late to give advice.
While the catastrophe might still be avoided it was
no doubt the duty of friendly powers to point out to
the infatuated monarch the inevitable result of his
perversity and perfidy, and advise him to adopt a
juster and safer course. This was done abun-
dantly both by the French Government and our own.
Lord JOHN Ressett and our Ambassador at
Naples repeatedly addressed urgent remonstrances
and friendly warnings to Fate= IL But he
turned • deaf ear to all advice, and treated the
friendly remonstrances of foreign powers with
scornful indifference and contempt. Now, when
the domestic calamities so long predicted have over-
taken him, in the true spirit of a coward and a
bully be rues for assistance to the very powers
whose advice he despised, and whines miserably for
help at their feet. Bat the wretched appeal
comes too late. Having obstinately chosen to
take his own course, he should be left to abide
by the result. Having wantonly provoked his
subjects to revolt, he must be left to settle
the dispute with them am he can. Neither
England nor France could with dignity or self-
respect, to say nothing of consistency, violate
their engagement to respect the principle of non-
intervention in the affairs of Southern Italy.
Now, however, we are told that the &maws has
written a letter in which he practically assumes the
repudiated office of mediator between the KING
and his revolted subjects. Simple-minded men
naturally ask, what is the meaning of this ?
The alleged contents of the Imperial letter are
not reassuring. They consist of various proposals
which, though intrinsically innocent enough, are,
politically, open to grave nurpleion. The Emilia"
rltSella eltatiges in the constitution ant:
adrnieistration of the Neapolitan Government, all
of which would be decided reforms. But when a
great Power like France presents to a small
Power like Naples, at such a moment, a definite
plan of this sort, the offer involves something
more than advice—it is an indirect guarantee of
protection if the advice be followed. No doubt
the suggestions of the letter are in themselves
worthy of all consideration, and, if substantially
adopted and faithfully carried out at an eligible
season, would have constituted • reform great
enough to have averted the revolution. But what
is the use of offering them now, or of their being
for one moment accepted bya beleaguered Govern-
ment in exfremis, and acting under the strongest
compulsion, moral and material? Of course the
propositions have been accepted. What die '
could be done under the circumstances 1
We are told that after reeding the Dere-
Polio letter the council of ?wets 11., by
a majority of nine to three, peened resolutions in
favour of a constitution, of a general amnesty, of

THE

a total change of ministry, and last but not least, I
of an alliance with Piedmont ; and that the Kau'
has himself ratified this decision of the comma.
We confess our inability to bee how this at all

really alters the situation. It is the old game
over again. The same promises have been
loads over and over again. When the
Knco is reduced to extremities, when he can no
longer massacre his subjects at will, he grants a
constitution. We should hope the Neapolitans
are not likely to be deceived by so worn and
crooked a device, and that they will require a
stronger guarantee than the word of an hereditary
perjurer before they consent to desist from their
just efforts to secure a bond
fide government.
POl2lO and his noble companions were the victims
of precisely such a compromise as is now sug-
gested, and they will scarcely be avenged by •
repetition of the same fatal imposture.
It is refreshing to turn from delusive
rumours of political intrigue to the triumphant
career of GARIBALDI in Sicily. The hopes of Italy
centre in the great soldier of her independence;
and his acts both in the council and the field ►bun-
dantly justify their enthusiastic trust. By the
latest news he was just about to march on Messina.
The expedition against that stronghold had been
carefully organised, and the army was to

commence its march from Palermo about the
28th inst. A camp of 10,000 men had already
been formed four leagues from the town, and
the attack is ready, as soon as the order is given.
Is it likely that it will be averted, or even delayed,
by the changes, on paper, of which our correspon-
dent at Naples sent us a telegraphic summary
yesterday? We should think not. This is not
the first time the Neapolitan BOURBONS have pro-
mised constitutional government and representa-
tive institutions, as thousands of honest men know
to their sorrow. But their fair words have ever
been a snare to those who trusted in them. Gam-
-6A LDI and the Sicilians will know how to deal
with the bombarder of Palermo. The mistake of
1848 cannot be repeated.