The Express.
London, England, 1867-04-12 00:00:00

THE DIVISION TO-NIGHT.

Although we live in days when a mine may, as
Mr. Osborne says, be sprung anywhere, the Times has
some confidence that tonight will see the Reform Bill of
1867 secured ; in other words, that the rating franchise
proposed by the government will be preferred. Mr. Glad-
stone was arguing last night against the convictions of the
most ardent, if not the most unhesitating, of his own sup-
porters. He might detach some votes from tbe ranks
lof the government, but the gains were outnumbered by
1 the defections behind him. Nevertheless the Times has
no sympathy with the design of inflicting a pecuniary fine
on the tenant who desires to take himself out of the class
of compound householders, and when thin question comes
on, the liberal party ought to make a united and energetic
effort to prevent the realisation of such a scheme. It
believes it may be found quite possible to amend the
clauses of the Chancellor of the Exchequer so as to secure
the admission of the compound householder without
throwing on him • pecuniary loss. The answer of Mr.
Disraeli to Mr. Hibbert in the early part of the evening
showed that the government were not unwilling to concede
the point ; and if any doubts exist as to the certainty of
obtaining this modification, it must be attributed to the
unhappy division is the liberal ranks.
The fate of the government bill, says the Daily News, will
be probably decided in less thanl24 hours. If Mr. Gladstone's
amendment be carried it will result either in the trans-
formation of the measure or its abandonment. Possibly,
however, Mr. Disraeli's threats may mean no more than
his promises ; and, as he traded before in delusive hopes,
so he may now be endeavouring to profit by baseless fears.
The weight of argument, the Daily News considers, is
emphatically against the government project. In quiet
times the compound householders will scarcely sacrifice
the money, time, and labour necessary in their case to
secure • vote, but in excited times they will place them-
selves on the register in myriads. They will thus be in-
vested at once with • sort of dictatorship in emergencies,
without that training in sober views and cautious action
which the exercise of political privileges in ordinary time's
would impart to them. The bill would not insure the
country a year's quiet. Not only in different boroughs,
but in different parishes of the same borough persons
would be enfranchised or left without votes, according to
the good pleasure of local boards. The amendment of Mr.
Gladstone, which abolishes the dependence of the house-
hold suffrage in boroughs upon the personal payment of
rates, asserts no more than the principle that those who
are enfranchised at all shall be enfranchised on equal
terms. It leaves the degree of such enfranchisement unde-
cided, though, no doubt, a pecuniary limit must be fixed
if the amendment be carried.

The Mandan! is not disposed to deny that Mr. Gladstone
has pointed out defects in the bill, such as the fact that it
leaves too much power in the hands of the vestries and
municipal authorities, awl its unequal operation. But
the essential (principle—a rate-paying franchise open:to
every householder—cannot be touched. If it is to go, let
the bill go with it, and) let the issue between those who
have striven to pass and those who have banded them-
selves to defeat it be l►id at once before the country.
As far as the Post is informed, a victory on the part of
the liberals may be fairly counted on. and. if won. will of
course entail a change or government or a dissolution.
The latter procedure is threatened .by Mr. Disraeli ; but
the Post has reason to believe that the adoption of it
would lead to a further secession in the cabinet ; and the
resignation of at least one minister, of which intention no
secret is made, would indicate that a determined adhesion
to the Treasury bench is not considered in all quarters as
the true settlement of the reform question.
According to the Telegraph, the government is still
anxiously connecting compromises ; and while reedy, as
things stand, to give way upon the residential term, Mr.
Disraeli may succeed in persuading his colleagues to some
slight and shadowy concession on the more vital question.
The attitude of the liberal party towards any such modi-
fied aspect of his measure, so long as " personal payment"
is its evil characteristic, must be, and will be, the resolute
and unswerving maintenance of Mr. Gladstone's amend-
ments.

The Star reviews last night's debate with hostility to
what it calls the Belgravian party, namely, Earl Gros-
venor ; and dwells especially on Sir W. Heathoote's
speech, which it considers the most important of the night.

The Herald cannot help remarking that Sir A. Cock-
burn's charge partook ratkertoo much of forensic advocacy
end too little of judicial impartiality--a defect the more
lamentable on account of the gravity of . the issue and the
wondrous gifts of the exalted dignitary by whom the
charge was pronounced.
The Standard congratulates the public " upon the con-
dign collapse of these amateur prosecutions." Those who
suffer most are the members, abettors, and accomplices of
the Jamaica committee.

The Telegraph says that the grand jury threw out the
bills, notwithstanding the charge ; for the language of the
bench pointed distinctly towards an opposite decision.
Looking to the legal principles involved in the deliverance
it may be difficult to explain the conduct otthe jury, but
their apology will probably be found in broader consider-
ations than those of strict law, even as interpreted by
one of its most distinguished living exponents*.
The Star says that the prosecutors and those who sup-
ported them may well be satisfied with what they have
done. As they did not regard denunciation and misrepre-
sentation, so we are sure they do not desire eulogy. But
we know what the England of future generations
will thick of the men who, when the government of the
country failed to uphold and even treated with ooxtenipt
the principles of its freedom, and a large portion of the
press and the public became the elagueurs and the
lackeys of that government in its ignoble course, had the
courage and the perseverance to take up the cause them-
selves, and press it to the test of a great constitutional
tribunal. The result of their public•spirited course has
been a declaration of English law which not merely secures
the citizen rights of every British subject against arbitrary
force, but restores the character of the English nation.

EXPRESS, FRIDAY EVENING, APRIL 12, 1867.

LATEST INTELLIGENCIL

THE LUXEMBURG QUESTION.
The Courrier du Luxemburg publishes the follow-
ing petition :
To his Majesty the King of Holland, Grand Duke of
Luxeipbarg.
_

Sire,—ln presence of the gravesituation which seems to
threaten the independence of our country, the undersigned
respectfully lay before your Majesty their ardent desire
to retain an autonomy under the sceptre of the house of
Orange. Any political change which would compromise
their independence would be considered as a misfortune
for our beloved country.—Your Majesty's devoted subjects.

The Journal des Debats of to-day has an article
on the Luxemburg question, from the pen of John
Lemoinne, which terminates as follows :
"'Every one feels that the question is now mainly
one between France and Prussia. The French govern-
ment has expressed its firm conviction that peace
will not bOOdirturbed by this " incident." There
seems to be an exaggerated modesty about this last ex-
pression ; the " incident " may produce events. These
things should not be undertaken except when they are
sure of succeeding, for in came of want of success they
bring more disappointment than they would of advantage
if they succeeded. It would be much better that Luxem-
burg should remain Luxemburg if it cannot become French
or Prussian without a great war, of which no one can fore-
see all the consequences.
The Liberli says :

Far from applauding the silence of the nation at the pre-
sent moment we should feel alarmed at it ; far from encourag-
ing indifference we should make appeal to its patriotism ;
far from concealing the danger we should make it pub-
lic ; far from isolating the country by the silence of the
Chamber and the press, we should vote the urgency of the
liberty of the press and of public meeting. The journals
which are dispensed from the stamp regulation ought to
awaken the sentiment of patriotism in every cottage and
workshop. Public meetings all over the country should make
known to M. do Bismarck that if there is a German nation
there is also a French nation ; that if there is a German
patriotism which is susceptible there is also • French
patriotism which is touchy; that, in • word, the German
people excited, misled, and made to serve Prussian ambi-
tion, will find itself opposed, not only by the French
army, but by the French people, determined to defend
its independence and to tear in pieces the treaties of 1815.
The Cologne Gazette speaks as follows of the
neutralisation of Luxemburg as a means of avoid-
ing war between France and Pruasia :

Rather than unchain the pest of war it would be better
to come to a compromise which would s►tisfy all parties.
We hope that this compromise will be made in
the following way :—TheGrand Duchyof Luxemburg to be
declared an independent state. France, on her side, to
abandon her project for the purchase of the duchy, and
Prussia to give up her right to garrison the fortress. A
compromise might also be effected by ceding the duchy to
Belgium.

(aronit's MECUMS.)
ITALY.
FLORENCE, Anus. 13.

In yesterday's sitting of the Senate Court the
public prosecutor delivered a long address de-
manding the dismissal of Admiral Persano from
his command.
Count Cibrario has arrived from Vienna.