The Express.
London, England, 1866-01-24 00:00:00

4

MR. MILNER GIBSON, M.P., AND 018

ARHTON-UNDEE-LYNE, TUDIDAY &WINO.
The Right Hon. Gentleman the President of the
Board of Trade tattooed a amorous meeting of his con.
ditneets this evening, in the Towa•hsll. _ .

Mr. ihrETHOIST, tM mayor, who presided, in introducing
the right hon. gentleman, expressed (a hope that he would
give them some very dear idea of the reform bill. (Loud
cheers.) He had heard it said that since the right boo.
realm= had got into a snug berth be had beat a little
bit of a " trimmer,* sad done vet? little for his consti-
tuents. He did not ogres with that opinioo, for the right
boo. gentlemen had done • great deal for them, and he
certainly could not fear a reform bill, for an extension of
the constituency would only increase his majority in
the borough. He believed that the influence of
the right hoe. gentleman in the cabinet, al-
though quiet, had been very great, especially
with reaped to Mr. Gladstone, who had not come forward
and made himself known for those popular opinions which
he now professed until Mr. Gibson joined the cabinet. Mr.
Gibson has, in fact, been a sort of schoolmaster to the
cabinet, sad he would now be able to go back to his col.
leagues led tell them that reform was no ahem, but an
earnest reality. (Cheers.)
Mr. M. Gums, who was received with great cheering,
proceeded to account for what had been called his " quiet.
nese by the great amount of work attached to his depart-
ment, which absorbed so much of hie time. Speaking of
the new parliament he said he could see no signs of the
oonservative reaction once spoken of. He thought Mr.
Gladstone had been retuned for South Lancashire through
the strength of the liberal party there, and not from con-
servative forbearance. In the course of his speech he re-
ferred with plasm, to the continued development of our
trade with &trope, consequent upon the French treaty, and
to the restoration of our trade with America. Astir the former,
the value of our exports had risen from between 68,000,0001.
and 69,000,0001. is 1860, to upwards of 100,000,0001.
in 1864, and as to the latter, our trade wan now in as
satisfactory • state as at the commencement of the war. He
expressed hie gratification that the instincts of the great body
of the industrial classes, despite their interests, had kept
them right during the American war, and had led them to
desire the restoration of the Union, though it might be that
many of the roasters sympathised with the South-
ern cause. Coming to the question of a re-
form bill he said 1 may be asked how we
mean to extend the suffrage to the working clones. What
1 say is this, that the government, whatever may be the
details of the bill, will propose a measure which will admit
to electoral privileges a fair number of the upper portion
of the working classes of the country. (Cheers.) That I
believe will be the substantial effect of the meant. I
cannot tell you—to use the words of Jeremy Bentham—
what the vote-making habitation is to be, but I suppose it
will be some sort of vote-making houses. What I should

like to see established is a household suffrage, but this is
not the plan likely to be submitted. I shall be prepared to
give my rapport to any measure which does not compromise
principles, and which is in itself a substantial boon to the
working classes of the country. (Cheers.) The difference
between a bill for the admission of new voters, between one
bill and another, provided that it makes • sensible
addition to the number of electors, is a difference
in degree and not a difference in principle ;
and I think that every tree reformer should be
guided, not by a pedantic adherence to some particular
figure, but by the consideration whether the bill on the
whole does admit • sensible number of the class which it
proposed to enfranchise to the electoral list. I think that
every true reformer should be guided by the substantial
merits of a reform bill on the whole, and not base his
opinions on some particular point of detail. When you see
the bill you will be able to judge whether the govarnmeat
is acting honestly, and whether it desires to make • step in
the direction of enfranchising the peat body of the people.
It will speak for itself ; but until then I most leave the
matter where it is, as I feel that I could not with pro-
priety enter into details. Whatever Earl Russell will
propose I have no doubt he will endeavour to the utmost of
his ability and all his energy to pass into law. He will not
propose a measure for the success of which there is no
*banes ; but I have no doubt, although there may be a
fair chance for the success of the measure which he will
propose, that it will not be carried without • very coma-
durable straggle. A great deal has been said about instal-
ments, and that any measure will be a lever by which
something else is to be carried. The spirit in which the
government—l speak for them—will propose a measure is,
th►t it shall be a measure which at the precept time will
confer benefits on the public ; and with regard to the
future, will leave the future to take care of itself, and
leave other statesmen, if they think fit to deal with the
queetion, to decide what is the best for their time. The
government will endeavour to do what they believe
will be in itself advantageous, and confer prac.
tical benefit' on the people of this country. There is
another question which has occupied • great deal
of attention—the question of Jamaica. When the news
arrived of the shameful proceedings which bad occurred in
that island, it was felt at once by the government
that there was a prima facie case for an
inquiry ; and I may say that at the very time
when a large and important deputation was urging on the
Colonial Minister the propriety of holding-an inquiry, at
that very time Sir H. Storks, the chief commissioner, was
on his way from Malta to waded it. I can say most un-
feignedly that nothing could have given greater pain to the
head of the government, and to all his colleagues, than the
narrative of those dreadful proceedings in Jamaica. It is not
for me either to condemn or to indemnify ; it is not for
me, standing here, to pass any opinion whilst the inquiry is
still going on ; but I have no doubt from what I
know of the character of the commissioners, who are men of
honour and of great knowledge, that the inquiry will be
• dispassionate and a fair one, and that the British public
will be put in possession of the whole truth, and can then
act for itself as it thinks best. I may be wrong, but lam
one of those who conscientiously believe that it is possible
for a black and white community to live together on good
terms, provided you enact jest and equal laws.
I believe that all men, without reference to colour,
are conscious whether the laws' under which! they live
are enacted in a spirit of justice and equality, and I hope
the remit of this inquiry will not only make clear what has
been the justification for the great sertaity that has taken
place, but' also show to the country what ought to be the
policy sad the laws calculated to carry on a quiet and happy
government io that island. (Cheers.) The negro popu-
lation no doubt is powerful in numbers, and if so I can
easily understand that the white inhabitants might be
seized with a sudden panic; but the best preventative of
a sudden panic of this kind will be the general conscious-
ness that the laws by which they are governed are just and
generous, and that the people, whether black or white,
are contented with the system under which they live. I
thank you for the kindness and patience with which you
have heard me, and for the confidence which you have
invariably reposed in me. I have never been invited to
support a narrow and selfish policy, but I have been invited
to do my best to support • broad, enlightened, and liberal
administration of affairs. In this district we have reaped great
triumphs ; we have seen this district take a prominent part
in carrying free trade, the emancipatioa of the press, sod
various measures of vast importanoe to the welfare of the
country. There are other triumphs in store for us ; and I
hope that Lancashire and the manufacturing districts, is
which are seated almost the whole political energise of
England and Wales, will take the lead in this question of
reform, and that if the government bring forward • measure
worthy of your support, you will give that support in no
grudging spirit. (Cheers.) I believe teat your support is,
or all others, the most likely to insure suceess—that to Lan-
cashire and the manufacturing districts we are mainly ie.
debted for the progress which has been made in civil
liberty, religious equ►lity, and commercial freedom ; and
upon those three great principles I believe that England's
greatness is founded.
The right hon. gentleman rammed his seat amid great
cheering.
In reply to questions from the body of the hell,
Mr. GresoN said the government bad given power to the
local authorities to make almost any regulations they might
consider necessary for the prevention of the spread of the
cattle disease. He had rewired no information with regard
to the Fenian conspiracy. He had no objection to fancy
franchises, although be wee not particularly fond of them.
The bill of Lord Derby proposed that • man
who paid Se. a week, or 20/. a year, for furnished
or unfurnished apartments, should have a vote. He thought
if they were to have • lodger franchise that that was too
high. With regard to doing away with the Irish church
establahme•t, that was not as easy • matter as many
supposed , at the same time he had so objection to say
that he considered the Irish church establishment unsuited
to the popuhition of Ireland. Bethought ft was • monstrous
thing that they should have in Ireland an establishment
of one religion. while the peat 'majority of the people were
of another. (Cheers.)
The proceedings were then brought to a close by a vote of
Moab to the right boo. gentlemen.