The Express.
London, England, 1849-01-31 00:00:00

dimly advanced to render it poser le for the German
governments to lay before the Assembly n project of consti-
tution prepared in common, and to be represented therein.
The Assembly was under the necessity of taking indepen-
dently upon itself the week el the constitution, and the
passiveness of the governments (the entire force of
many of which wee absorbed be their own inter-
nal affairs), as well as the evident difficulty of coming to
• concordance with thirty-wren different and independent
states, contributed to raise high ideas respecting the extent
of the political attributes of the Assembly. Ever his ma-
jesty's government thought it incumbent upon it to lay
much stria on the situation in which the German states
found themselves, with respect to an Assembly legally
elected by the entire nation and to make all possible efforts
to avoid opposing, by a disavowal, an Assembly before which
the government lad not laid any positive proposition. His
Majesty's government, moreover, felt convinced that the
German nation was justified in demanding that the attempt
to arrive at unity soould be secured as much as possible
from external impediments. To that point did the govern-
meat direct its particular attention, alter its proposition in
favour of the principle of a coPective representation
of the governments bad failed, and after other
attempts to bring about an understanding had produced
no result. At the same time, the government, whilst
prepared, without delay, to retire for a time from the
executive power of the confederation, and to approve of its
transfer to his imperial highness the Archduke John of
Austria, supported arid upheld the central power of
Germany by the might and resources of Pamela,
with no slight resignation, and often with sell-
denial. That object has been obtained ; the National
Assembly in Frankfort has spent, in full heedom, nearly
eight months in the work of the constitution ; and as that
work appears now to be drawing to a doge, every German
government must feel that it is its duty to aid in bringing
about a beneficial result, so that any disappointment which
may arias may not be laid to its charge. The Prus-
sian government may indulge in the hope of being
altogether secured against such • reproach, hut it is
fully convinced that, single-handed, it is not sufficient to
bring about • transformation of the German constitution,
and that the failure of the great attempt would be not the
less lamentable, even if it were proved beyond a doubt that
Prussia had nothing to do with the ill-success.
Influenced by those conaideratiom„ the government possi-
bly would have tried at an tuber period to bring for-
ward • proposition respecting the drawing tp of the decla
rations expected, within& certain period, by the states of the
German confederation ; but an important period in the deve-
lopment of its own state arose simultaneously with a decided
turn in the internal affairs of Austria, which, as:the most pow-
erful member of the contederation,was the more called to take
the initiative, as the European position and high repute
tines of the imperial Austrian state, must have rendered
difiloilt its aceedirg to those confederate arrangements in
which the National Assembly in Frankfurt thought they die
covered the expression of the general wish of the German
nation. The Austrian empire is connected by ancient ties
with Germany ; and, during the exciting period of last
year, it afforded a fresh proof of that intimacy, for a
prince of the imperial house of Austria undertook
the management of the Miele* of Germany. The
Prussian government, on the aide of the other parts
of Germany, cannot renounce its old connection with
Austrir, and lent of all could it suggest a plan for the dime-
lution of the existing tie ; on the contrary, it was indis-
pensable for it to ascertain the views of the imperial Austrian
government, with reference to the constitution of Germany,
after the firm settlement of the internal affairs of Austria.
It is with deep satisfaction that his Majesty's government
clearly sees that Austria, also looking upon the German con-
federation as still in existence, persists in continuing in it,
in taking • port in its powerful developtne ret, and in
being prepared to come to an understanding thereupon
with the Notional Assembly and the government of
Germany. The nature of this understanding must be
such as not to pine any difficulty in the way of the attempt
of the imperial state of Austria, on one aide, to constitute all
its component parts into • powerful and satisfactory whole;
nor, on the other side, t r thwart the endeavours of Germany
to bring about the formation of a political body, which, in the
eyes of foreign Teatime, will appear intimately con-
nected, as well as to ell ct • fusion of its com-
mercial and material interests, and en equalisation
of its intermit laws. It is to be expected from
the imperial Austrian government that it will also lend a
powerfully helping hand in those respects, awl, during the
settlement of the internal affairs of Austria, have the greatest
possible regard for the retatione with Germany. But
if Austria should be of opinion that it could
not July co operate its the already dr scribed develop-
ment of Germany, nor allow either of the fimeeseay limitations
of the sigl.t of sovereignty in favour of a powerful central
executive or of the motenot connection of the interests of its
German lands with Germany, then it naturally fol-
lows that Austria on one aide cannot desire to
exercise rights without ;fulfilling corresponding clo-
th a, and that on the other aCo the remaining
German states ct tr'd nut concede to the representatives of
the entire popula'i in of the Confederation, and to a confede-
rate government directing the general 'Rein (a government
in which Austria should claim its piece), rights relating to
foreign and commercial policy, internal laws a, el 114380 e,
rights during the exercise of which the national re-
presentative and the national government, would
not bind the Austrian confederate territory in sub-
jection to the Central Executive. The inference, how-
ever, must not he drawn that Germany exeusively must
return to the important principle of • confederation of
states, and that the enthusiastically adopted plan of • con-
federate Mete must be entirely abandoned. The main-
tenance and dev,lo,iment of the Games confedera-
tion, inclueting Austria as well as the German ter-
ritories of Hulland and Denmark, and of the position in
Germany due to the imperial house of Austria, will be per-
fectly compatible with the formation by the other German
states of a closer union of a confederate state within the
contederatiou.

The circular then contends that a closer union of
that kind, in a political and commercial view, can
duly exist without disturbing the other alliances;
declares that the Prussian govcromt at recognises the
duty of proceeding in the way already pointed out by
the convocation of the National Assembly, and pro-
poses to that Assembly to receive fr.( ne the German
governments, befure the second rt ading of that part of
the constitution which refers to the cen-
tral power, the head of the empire, &e.,
whatever statements they may think necessary to
make. The German governments, it is added, never
renounced the right of being consenting parties with
refer( nce t) the constitution. Their exclusion
would not only prevent the constitution from
being carried out but would bring the greatest evils
on Fatherland. The true interests of the German
governments go hand-in-hand with those of the
German people, and it is probable that in all
important points the former will consent to the
provi.i. ns of the constitution. The circular sets forth
that Fratileort is the best place for the assembling of
the pleniuotentbries of the various governments ;
that there should be no delay ; that Prussia is not
straining after any new dignity or aggrandize-
ment ; that it only requires that influence in Germany
to which its position and power entitle it; that it will
accept no position without the free consent of the
united governments; but that, on the other
hand, it is ready, even by making sacrifices
to afford any service to Germany. It next
states tlatt the King of Prussia and his gover-
ment do not entertain the opinion that the creation of
a new imperial dignity is necessary for the attainment
of true unity ; but, on the sontrary., that such an ar-
rangement should throw obstacles in the way of that
unity. Some other form must be found.
PRUSSIA.—We have Berlin papers of the 29th
instant.
Neatly every post that arrives is Berlin from
Sehleswick-Holstein brings fresh accounts of the
military preparations of the Danes.
The Preussische Staata-Anzeiger of the night of the
28th inst. announces the release of Herr Temme from
prison. It is stated that the grounds for such a step
on the part of government are, that the supreme tri-
bunal of Paderborn has declared: that it is not com-
petent to try him, and that the minister of justice is
unwilling to keep the above-named judge in custody
pending a dispute respecting the question of compe-
tency. The real ground, however, for the sudden re-
lease of Herr Temme is, that the Frankfort National
Assembly has claimed him as one of its members.
AUSTRIA.—We have letters from Vienna to the
25th Jan. _ _ _ _ _ _

The governor of Vienna hu informed the district
chiefs of the National Guard that they may resume
their arms and do military duty; but that, every
twenty-four hours, they must bring their weapons to
the next military posts. The chiefs, however, declined
to accede to those terms. " What will you do, then,"
asked the governor, in an angry tone, "if any enemy
appear before your gates?" "In that case," res-
ponded a national guardsman, " we shall hoist the
white flag."
According to the Breslau Gazette, a plot has been
discovered in Prague for the purpose of seizing on the
royal residence. It is added that the ex-emperor
intended to leave the Bohemian capital.
• Amongst the rumours of the day in Vienna were