The Express.
London, England, 1848-03-03 00:00:00

parallel to each other on their aides, often crammed
down and packed in by violence. From these horrid
places they are never allowed to come on deck; they
cannot be cleaned, but live in an atmosphere of fetid
gums
, receiving only one draught of water, and that
frequently impure, daily. When the length of the
voyage exceeds 20 days—and it sometimes reaches 90
—the mortality commence. ; nor does it terminate
with the debarkation ; for one-tenth of the number
actually landed, die, it is said, within eight-and-forty
hours afterwards.
Yet are the profits of the trade so great that 800
per cert. is frequently realised on the capital em-
ployed in it. The price given for the survivors can
be repaid out of their lab air in less than two years.
Nose, for these causes of this shocking mortality....
the crowded state of the slave-ships, the length of the
voyage, and the want of water—our cruising system
is responsible. The risk of the venture caused by
that system leads directly to this overcrowding of the
slavers; the number of our cruisers induces a round-
about and lengthened voyage; and as any article that
will hold an extra quantity of water is deemed an
article of slave equipment, and, as such, subjects the
vessel, if captured, to condemnation, it is owing to that
stipulation in our treaties that there is a waut of the
means of carrying water on board slavers,
Hence, in 1847, it is, as we are told, mated,
on competent authority, to Lord GEORGIC
BENTtNCK's committee, that 30,000 slaves pm-fished
in the middle passage netween Africa and Brazil,
and that 10,000 died within two days of their being
landed ; and what is there in the proceedin_:s of our
cruisers to compensate humanity for this sad outrage
on it ? Why, the annual average of the number of
slaves released by there captures does not exceed
3,000. In spite of their vigilance, 100,000 were ex-
ported in 1847 for Brazil; because of their vigilance
40,000 of that number perished!
Surely these are facts that will induce the public
to pause in tolerating a system so murderous.
But these statistics are, it may be said, exaggemted.
Possibly, nay probably, to some extent; but there is
corroborative testimony that they are an approxitni-
tion to the melancholy truth. For notwithstanding the
extraordinary demand for slaves in Brazil consequent
on the admission of its sugar toonr market, the price of
slaves in that empire has fallen.. In 1844 the price of
a newly imported slave in Brazil was about 701. At
the last dates slaves might be had in almost any num-
bers fur 341. a head. his reduction in their vane
concurrently with increased demand. is demoustrative
of the enormous extent to which they must have re-
cently been imported.
We do not, we repeat, vouch for the fidelity of these
statements ; we only print what others speak; but if
one half only be true, it is high time that the people
of this country should take the question of the slave
trade suppression, for which they arc paying so enor-
mously, "into their own hands." Ile statements are in-
' conclusive if meant to prove that Brazil, with its slave
labour, uust necessarily and permanently produce sugar
at a cost that no free-labour country can compete with.
Let free African labourers have unrestricted access to
our colonies, at the rate per head for which Mr.
JACKSON has pledged his character for experience and
sound judgment that they can be landed there, and
sugar may be made as cheap in Jamaica as in Brazil.
That, notwithstanding the liberal encouragement
given by the Brazilian government to extended
planting, the price of slaves has decreased in
Brand, is a proof that sugar production in-
creases more slowly than is alleged. Sugar pro-
duction, it must be remembered, us more a mane-
factoring than a mere agricultural process—too com-
plicated to be rapidly augmented without an wenn=
of skilled labourers as well as of uncivilised diggers
of cane holes. The importation of slaves, too, will
experience a check as soot, as their number, when
compared with that of their white masters, becomes
too great for a sense of security. But though incon-
clusive as arguments for continued exclusion of slave-
grown sugar by prohibitory or even restrictive duties,
the statements we have been referring to are conclu-
sive against our Quixotic attempt to put down the
slave trade by force of arms. They show that in
defiance of our most strenuous efforts the slave trade
has become more active, the sufferings of the slaves
have increased, and their price fallen at the rate of
i 0 per cent. in three years.

THE REPUBLIC OF FRANCE.

The following from Paris up to Wednesday noon,
appeared in a second edition of last evening's Expreu.
The following most important decree shows that
the new government, though anxious to concede all
in their power to the popular desire, will not do
anything without the sanction of a national assembly.
How the postponement of popular and loudly called
for reforms will be borne by the working classes, re-
mains yet to be seen. At all events the firm tone of
the government is creditable to it.
The provisional government declares that, inasmuch u
every new political system should include a new system of
I credit and taxes, one of the first laws to be presented to
the national assembly will be a new budget, in which the
provisional government will satisfy the wishes of thepeople
in all that concerns indirect taxes, entrance duties (octroi),
the stamp duty on the periodical press, and all other taxes
bearing upon subsistence and the expression of opinion.
But the provisional government thinks it is its most rigor-
ous duty to call to the mind of citizens, that no system of
taxation can be decided upon by the provisional government.
That it is the part of the delegates of the nation to judge
supremely in this matter, and that any other conduct on
its part would imply the rashest usurpation.
The suspension of the most important services would be
risked by it, and it would be almost impossible to think of
facing events of which France and Europe may become the
witness. For these reasons, the provisional government
thus decreez •
I. All taxes, without exception, will continue to be levied
as heretofore.
2. flood citizens are requested, in the name of patriotism,
not to delay the payment of their taxes.
3. The provisional government engages to present to the
national assembly a budget, in which will be suppressed the
stamp duty on the periodical press, the gate dune. (octroi),
salt duties, and a law modifjing the system of indirect taxes.
The partisans of the revolution already begin to
manifest the sense they entertain of the importance
of an alliance between France and England. The
exultation with which the announcement of the
second conference of Lord Normanby with M.
Lamartine was received by all parties, showed
in a very striking manner the importance which is
attached to the establishment of friendly rela-
tions with England. There was on Wednesday
a still more significant example of the prevalence of
this sentiment in the following leading article of the
National, the semi-official organ of the provisional
government, and lately so bitter an opponent of an
English alliance :
The blow struck, the Orleans dynasty banished, the re-
public proclaimed, the first attention was directed towards
the great continental states, whose displeasure will be so
greatly excited by thy news of our revolution. Eng-
land wss but the second nation to be taken into con-
sideration ; for at the very first it was judged, that however
unexpected, however prodigious, might be the advent of the
French republic, it would meet with no extreme repugnance
on her part. And the news we have already received from
the banks of the Thames serves to confirm our previsions.
Under the former monarchy, that is to say eight days since,
the National counted itself among the adversaries of the
English alliance. Yet it did not do se without its reserves,
and in all circumstances it had declared that nothing ap-
peared to it to be more desirable than an alliance between
the two people, but that it could not call by this name that
unmeaning thing which had at last received the ridiculous
qualification of entente canticle ; and, in feet, nothing was
Clear, nothing was true in those relations devoid of loyalty
which the late government endeavoured to form. The Or-
leans dynasty had in view neither the welfare of France,
nor that of England ; it was a mere calculation on the part
of that dynasty to secure to itself a support, not so much
against the eventualities from without (end the event has
most positively proved that from without there was no
eventuality to be feared), but against the eventualities from
within. 'Chat dynasty borrowed from England a certain
portion of strengh which it opposed to us; and as
the whole forte they acquired was to be employed
in • counter-revolutionary manner, it was very natural
that we, the ardent friends of liberty, should react
against any connexion which increased the power of this
fatal dynasty. That is the reason why we fought up sgaiut
the English alliance, and the English must nos be au&
cieatly enlightened by the events to comprehend that out
conduct has been sincere, and, however firm, was in tact no-
wise hostile to England. And we can now declare that we
will accept an alliance with the great English nation on condi-
tions honourable for both states, end with those guarantees
we have a right to exact.
Another point excited some opposition. It seemed to us
that the French government did not act on an equal footing
with that of England. We were so well convinced that
Louis Philippe stood in need of the hand of England, that
we could not but see in this need the motive of those e races-
sions by which he purchased her support. The private in.
terest of the dynasty was ever there, throwing a stigma upon
every transaction. It was a weakness which :cited our
indignation, and against which we were ever willing to
protest.
But now, when no dynasty has anything to demand at the
hands of England; now, when it is impossible for us to ester
upon any treaty whatever on any other than upon an ulna
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