The Express.
London, England, 1848-04-12 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.

81. 10s. • Rape Cakes, 100 e to 105.. Bones, ftss.to Si.. 64.
Guano, to 91.55. Imports from the Ist to the 7th April:
Wheat, foreign. 2,096. Barley, 1,9.56. Oats, 1,110. Beans,
4,388. Peas, 176 Tares, 1,191. Linseed, 2,903 Rapeseed,
78.5. Linseed Cakes, 496. Raps Cakes, 288. Bones, 682.
Lem's, April 11.-Our arrivals of Wheat continue good ;
the demand is somewhat improved, and we report the rates
of Friday as readily obtained. Barley steady. Beans, Oats,
Shelling, and other articles as before.-Arrivals this week •
Wheat, 7,882 ; Oats, 874 ; Barley, 491; Beans, 1,780.
LetoliTON BUZZARD, April 11.-There was a considerable
supply of Wheat on offer this day, for which last week's
prices were about maintained. Barley in very shirt supply,
but no alteration in value. Wheat, per load of 5 bushels,
275. to 31s, 6d. Barley, per qr. imperial, 295. to 335. Beans,
old, 295. te 315. ; new, 22a. 6d. to 255. Peas, 25e. to 28s. 6d.
per 5 bushels.
LEWES, April 11.-The trade to-day was much depressed
for every description of grain, therefore the business trans-
acted was very limited. The Seed trade also participated in
the general dulness. Wheat, white, 121. 10s. to 131. ; red,
111. 10s to 151. Barley, 32e. to 38s. Oats, 185. to 19s.
Beans, 335. to 31x. Peas, 345. to 35.
LIVERPOOL, April 11.-The receipts into this port during
the week ending yesterday, furnish a good supply of Wheat, I
Oats, and Flour, with a moderate quantity of Oatmeal from
Ireland, but not much grain coastwise ; the arrivals from
Europe consisting of a few parcels of Wheat, Barley, and
Peas ; from the American states, a large supply of Indian
Corn, with 2,003 barrels of Flour ; and from Egypt 6,765 qrs.
of Beans. The fine, warm, genial weather noted in the
early part of last week was followed by a return of rain on
Wednesday, and on Thur-day by occasional showers; subse-
quently cold drying winds have prevailed from the east,
giving a temporary check to vegetation ; at the same time,
spring sowing progresses favourably, and a much increased
breadth of land is preparing for potatoes, induced by the
sound state in which the bulk of the last crop hart been pre-
served during the winter, and the hope that the disease, so
destructive of late years, may disappear. At our market
this morning, the Wheat trade opened with a rather firmer
feeling, and all kinds of new, which declined Id. to 2d per
701 h. on Friday, partly, but not wholly, recovered that
depression to-day ; the general runs of old, both English and
foreign, maintained the rates of Tuesday last, at which a
, moderate share of business was transacted. Irish Flour,
' being in good demand, supported late prices • and States
I brands remained steady in value. Malting Barley
of which the market has been pretty well cleared,
remained nominally unrivalled; grinding qualities of this,
grain, and also Malt, meeting little inquiry at our
qaotations. Beans and Peas dull, and easier to purehase on
rower terms, especially Egyptian Beans, which are le to 2s.
per quarter cheaper. Oats, commanding a much more ready '
sale than of late, fully realised the currency of this day
se'noight. Oatmeal, however, being still neglected, barely
sustained its previous value. Indian Corn, continuing in
lively request for Ireland, further considerable purchases
were repeated to-day ; ar,d the exports being still upon an
extensive scale, prices were again higher, in some cases
rather exceeding the rates of this day week.-Corn Meal,
likewise, was token freely, and quite as dear as then quoted.
Advices from New York to the 25th u't., state prices of
Grain and Flour generally rather lower, though still t.o
high to admit of shipments to this side without disadvantage.
Stocks at the seaporta being light, business was necessarily
much confined to local requirements; but, as the canals were
eapeeted to open in a week or ten days from the above date,
a fall of prices, consequent upon abundant supplies, was con-
fidently
calculated upon to give a considerable impetus to
the export. trade. Prices: British: Wheat, per 7011 s.
English, red, 75. 3d. to 75.6 d. ; extra, 7.. 64. to 74.9 d.; white
7s. Bd. to 7s. 104. ; extra, 7s. 10d. to Ss. ; Irish, red, k. 3d.
to 7s. ; extra, 7s. to 7s. 2d. ; white, 7s. to 7s. 2d. ; extra,
7s. 4d. to 7..64. Barley, per qr., Enal,th, 305. to 315.;
Chevalier, 325. to 3.51.; Scotch and Irish, per 601 M., 30.6 a. te
3a 94. Malt, English, perqr., pale, 5.55. to 60s. Oats, English
and Scotch, per 451 b., eld, 3s. to 3s. 3d. Welsh, old,
2s. 9.1. to 2s. Ild.•' Irish, fine sort., new, 2s. 714. to 21. 84d.;
old, 2s. 84. to 2s. 9d. ; general, new, 2.. sd. to 2, 74.;
old, 2s. 74. to 24. 8.1. Beans, per qr.,English, new, 365. te
380. old, 405. to 42a.; Scotch and rith, per 4801 b., new,
335. te 354. ; 355. to 375. Peas, English, per qr., white
new, 435. to 46a. ; ditto and Irish, grey, 345. to 365.
Flour, per 280 Th., English and Irish, fine, 365. to 375.; Paper
fine, ada. to 375. ; extra, 38s. to 395. Oatmeal, per load of
240th., Irish, new, 231.6 d. to 245. 6d. ; old, 21s. 6d. to 226. 6d.;
Canadian, old, 225. to 22.64. Bran, per 241 b. ls. to Is. 2d,
Foreign : Wheat, per 701 b., Canadian, red, 6a. 10d. to
75..; white, 7a. to 7s. ; United States, red. 70d
4d.
to 78.8 d. ,• white, 7s. 10d. to Bs. 4d. ; Dantzie, mixed and
red, 7s. 24. to 7s. Sd. ; high mixed, Bs. 4d. to Ss. 9d.;
Lower Baltic and Hamburg, red, 7s. 4d. to 7s. Bd. ; white,
7s. 7d. to 70. 104 ; Riga and Petersburg, red, 6s. 2d.
to fn. 6d. ; Archangel, 6s. 2d. to 6.. 44.; Odessa, common'
red. 6s. to 6s. 4d. ; Polish, 6s. 7d. to 6e. 10d.; French,
Spanish, and Italian, red, 61. lid. to 6s. 10d. white,
104. to 7s. 44. ; Bennet and Marianopoli, red, fie. 6.1. to
6.. 841.; Egyptian, 4a. to 40. 3d. ; Mediterranean, tic., hard.
red, 4s. 9.1. to ss. Itye, per qr., Baltic, &t.., 28s. to 30s.
Barley, per 601 b., 3s. 61. to 3s. 94. Oats, pei4slb., 2s. 104.
to 35. ; Russian, '2l. 6d. to 2s. Bd. Beane, per qr. European,
335. to gyptian, per 4801 b., 255. to '26s. l'eas,
Ix r qr., Baltic, &c., white,4os. to 425.; Canarlian,34s. to 365.
Indian Corn, per 4b011).,245. 64 to 275.64. ; Indian Meal,per
barrel of 1961 b., 10s. 64.1 Ils. 6d. Flour, per brl. of 1961 b.,
Canadian, sweet, 255. to 265. ; United States, sweet, 26e.
to 275. ; United States and Canadian, sour, 225. 64. to 245.
Arrivals from the 4th to the 10th April inclusive, into
Liverpool and Runcorn: Wheat, 7,812; Barley, 2,096;
Malt, 1,289; Oats, 7,137; Beans, 6,909; Peas, 884; Indian
Corn, 17,834 qrs. ; Indian Corn Meal, .500 barrels ; Oatmeal,
3,8.53 sacks ; Flour, 7,748 sacks, 2.003 barre's.
LYNN, April 8.-A moderate supply of Wheat, and last
week's prices fully supported ; but little other grain at
market, and prices unaltered. Wheat, 611 be. to 621b5., 46a.
to 495. ; fine, 525. Barley, heat rues, 31s. to 32a. Oats, Ild.
per stone. Beans, 36a. to 40s. per qr.
PLYMOUTH, April 11.-The Corn market to-day was well
attended by millers, who showed more inclination for put-
diming foreign Wheat; hut the transactions were very
trifling, and at the same price as last week. The weather
continues unsettled, heavy showers and cold.
SALISBURY, April 11.-Trade brisker. Wheat sold, top
prices from 535. to 54e. per qr., weighing 63Ibe to 64165. per
bushel ; second-rate, 503. ; middling, 465. ; inferior, 3Sa. to
40s. Barley was decidedly more in demand, at an advance
of Is. per qr. • beet Chevalier, weighing 561bs. per bushel,
made 345. to 3',5e. per qr. ; moderate, malting, 326.; common,
grinding, 295. to 30s. Oats were had at a decline of Is. per
qr. Prices from 18a. to 255. per qr. Beans lea, by 2.. per
qr. ; old, 44s ; new, 38s. to 40e. Peas, front 375. to 41s. Old
and new Tares, 6.. 64. to 7s. 6d. per bushel.
Sr. Ives, April 10.-The Wheat trade to-day same as
last week, but nothing doing in the market ; trade dull ;
merchants not at all inclined to buy.
SWINDON April 10.-But little Wheat found purchasers,
though offered at a further decline of from ss. to 10s. per
load. Barley was also of dull sale, though the prices were
not much lower; general runs sold at from 28s. to 355. per
qr. Oats, Beans, and Peas, were down Is. to 2s. per qr.
Limeeree, April 8. -At this day's market Wheat was in
fair supply, and prime lots sought atter ; the prices continued
firm, with a tendency upwards. The quantity of Oats
brought in during the week has been moderate ; the farmers
aremenkdefpotr iveLvi buTsyheadt
enisparinodgfotr Indianillage. eßoarnrlehy.in
bgeeozivedue-
good , hut, from the quantities arriving and expected, there is
no improvement in price. Indian Meal, Flour, and other
breadstuffs in good demand. Wheat, red, 134 d. to lad. ;
white, 154. to 16d. Oats, 81d. to 81d. Barley, 124. Fleur,
32e. per bag, and 275. 6d. per barrel. Oatmeal, 111. 10s. t.
121. per ton. Indian Corn, Galatz, 71. ss. to 71. 7s. 6d. ;
American, 71. ; Egyptian, 51. 10s. per too.

MANUFACTURES.—HUDDERSFIELD, April 11.
—Our Piece-hall of to-day has presented a very gloomy ap-
pearance; scarcely anything doing. Merchants cannot he in-
dncal to buy any quantity, wha,ever th•s price mar he. The
little cloth-mak, es are stocked out with roods which they
cannot move at any price. Things are in an awful state in
this district.

CHEESE..--CASTLE CARY FAIR, April 11.—A mo-
derate quantity of fine Somerset Cheese ; prices remain
about tke game as at Bridgewater Fair. Best dnuble white
Somersets, at from 60s. to 665. per cwt. ; single, at from 60s.
to 665.; half cowards, 465. to 485.; skims, 265. to 30s.

HOPS.—SALISBURV, April 11.—A very slack
trade. Only best bright qualities sold; such at from 41. 10s.
to 51. lsr. per cwt. ; Susses and discoloured country, at from
31. to 31. 15s.

WOOL.—IICDDERSFIELD, April 11.—We have
had very little demand for this article this week ; in fact all
demand seems to have ceased, and people only buy to serve
their pressing necessities. All are eager to sell, but buyers
are very scarce ; prices ruling muck the same as last week.
SALV,RI.7IIY, April 11.—Trade even worse than last week,
and prices lower by id. pet lb.; best Lamb, Teg, and Long
Wools, made hut from 10d. to 11 id. per lb.; second ivality,
Bd. to 91d. ; course, 6d. to 7d.

CATTLE, &c.-CASTLE CARET FAIR, April 11.-
Best fat Oxen made lle. per score ; second quality, 10s. to
10s. 6d. ; common and coarse, to 9s. Trade good,
and nearly all sold. Fat Calves were abundant ; prices for
best, 4s. Bd. to 51. per stone of Blbe. ; second rate, Is. ;
inferior, as low as 41d. to 6d. per lb. There was but a short
supply of fat Sheep of best quality ; prices wre, therefore,
up from 2d. to 4d. per stone ; some best full-mouthed
making 9d. per lb. ; second quality, 7d. to 71d. A full lair
of Lambs ; some tine Dorset', weighing 151bs. per qr., made
from 6s. Bd. to 7s. per stone ; others at from Os. 4d. to 61. 6d.
The supply of fat Bacon and Porkers was rather
small ; the best reached Ili. per score ; second qua-
lity, 10s. to 103. 6d. A large supply of lean stock ;
Trade for bet was brisk, particularly for rising two-years. old
Steer, and Heifers; ome splendid animals made from 13/.
to 15/. per head; moderate, 91. to 101. ; stall, from 61. to 81.
Some first-rate Cows made 181. to 29/. each. lieifen,l7/. to
171. 10s. Calves sold at from 7s. to 12s. each; six months'
old, from 31. to 4/. Heavy draught Horses sold at good
prices, although the demand was not so brine as during the
latter end of last year. Some fine half-bred and horn Sheep,
which found ready purchasers at an advance of from 21. to
3s, per head ; large wethen. went as high as bra. each, some
even 655. Tess, best, 505.; moderate, 455. Couplet, 60s.
to 6-se.
LITERPOOL, April 10.-The supply of stock at our market
to-day has been rather smaller than last week, with a very
numerous attendance of customers. Prices inclining ashade
higher than last quotations. Beef, SO. to 61d. -Mutton,
71d. to M. per lb.
Sardantur, April 11-Calves sold heavy, many going
remarkably cheap. Cows and Heifers sold well.
Sr. Ins, April 10.-There was • short supply of fat
Beasts in the market to-day; prices same as last week. The
store Beast market was well supplied, and business doing.
Per Testerday's.llarlseta swJan owe._

HOUSE OF LORDS.—TUESDAY, APRIL 11.
The LORD CHANCELLOR took hie wit et b &clerk.
SECOND READING.—Mutiny; Marine Mutiny; Bills.
PETITIONS.—By the Duke of BaArroar, lord JAMISON. and
Lord BrAviensr, from wweral lodges of Odd Yellows, praying that
they might be legalised—Lord Coerwar., from parnee whose desig-
nation was not beard, agalewt the Election Raeognirances Bill.
NOTICES OF MOTU:IN.—Ono FSLIOWS karma Btu..—Lord
BeAmemer, to move the 'mond reading of this bill on an early thy
- • ••-

after the Easter recess.
Fugue Besimon.—Lord STANT-6T, on Friday next, to call the
attention of their lordship% to the mode of
conducting the public
business of that and the other house ; and that he should put a bill on
the "'Abject on the table.
Lord ACIT MOOS took the usual oaths, and subscribed the

parliamentary roll.
FOREIGNERS IN LONDON.
The Duke of BEAUFORT said the noble marquis (Lans-
downe) had called attention yesterday to the number of
foreigners in London, and he was informed that persons in
high official situations and other foreigners were now in the
metropol.s. He hoped this country would ever maintain the
character which eke had enjoyed as a refuge for those who
were driven tram their own country by misfortune. He
believed, however, that it was perfectly notorious that during
the riots which took place at Berlin emit aries from the
French capital wire seen encouraging the people; and in
Italy the same thing had occurred. A strong opinion pre-
Tailed, moreover, that such persons were in this country
prior to the presentatiou of a certain petition yesterday in
the other house of parliament, and he wished, therefore. to
know whether, since the repeal of the Alien Act, there was
any power in the hands of the government enabling the
removal of foreigners, and if such power did not exist whether
it was the intention of the government to take any steps in
reference to the matter ? 1 here was Mao a society called
the National Convention, which never had been recog-
nised by, the government, but still the society ex-
isted, and it appeared to him that the existence. of
that society ought to be taken into consideration,
and he should like to know whether the government
had any intention of taking immures to put down that
society? Year, hear.)_
The Marquis of LANSDOWNE said that with respect
to the first question he was desirous of giving the moat
satisfactory answer. There were no provisions at present,
by means of which the conduct of aliens in this country
could be controlled otherwise than es her Majesty's sub-
jects; but is answer to the question whether it was the
intention of her Majesty's government to take any steps on
the subject, he held in his hand a bill which he proposed
hying on the table to obtain powers for that purpose. Al-
though it was not necessary for him to preface any applica-
tion far laying such a bill on the table, he yet hoped, under
the peculiar circumstances, and with a view to the ex-
pediency of passing that bill into • law as speedily as con-
venient, he might be permitted to make a very tew ob-
servations. (He r, hear.) The noble marquis proceeded
I am the last person to wish that there should emst any
permanent law in this country prescribing tne conduct,
or prohibiting the iesidence of any foreigners, other than the
usual laws which exist with reap. et to all her Majesty's sub-
jects, and I have before been instrumental in procuring a
intidffication of the law on that subject; but I certainly am
of opinion that, desirable so it is that this ccuntry should
upon all occasions afford hospitality to all them foreigners,
Whether monarchical, censtitutional, or republican, who may
visit these shores, and w,.0 come prepared to obey the laws
, and to net the part of obedient subjects during the residers
they obtain under the favour of the law,—whilst I think
this desirable, my lords, I cannot conceal from myself, when
I we the causes no. in operation—when I see the increased
number of foreigners in London—when I regard the peculiar
circumstances under which they have recently visited this
country—when I know they come under various influences!,
and those not the accustomed influences of pleasure or bum
mese, but influences cf a totally different description—l csn-
net but think it tit that the government should have vested
In them the power, for • limited time, in certain cases,
to c- us.el the departure of any such prisms as they
may think fit. (Cheers.) I am authorised to state
that such is the opinion of the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland,
ao well s the rest of her Mejeety 'a government. (Cheers.)
When I hear I:, my lords, proclaimed avowedly
that there
are a number of these persons prepared to take a part in the
internal affairs of this country—above all, when I hear it
proclaimed by a person who would be equally guilty if mis-
leading his fe:lowesubjects in this respect, that there are forty
or fifty thousand persons from • neighbouring foreign nation,
prepared and desirous of taking an opportunity of upsetting
the government of this country—when 1 hear those assertions
made, and don't know the extent to which they are true—
but when I know there are crowds of persons resorting to
this country, whose motives can't at this moment be woer-
teined, it is, I believe, the duty of the government and the
parliament to stand armed in this respect against any exigen-
cies that may arise. tCheers.) I desire merely to state the
grounds on which I wish to lay this hid en the table; and, if
your lordships approve of it, I shell prcpose
the realing of it a second time on Thursday next,
and ask your lordships to proceed with it with ea
little delay's' possible. (Loud cheep.) The noble marquis
then laid the bill on the table. The noble marquis was un-
derstood to defer, or decline, answering the second question
as to the national convention.
Lord BROUGHAM did not believe that 50,000 French-
men would sympathise with the Irish traitors.
The Marquis of LANSDOWNE had morely said that
such a statement had been made, but he did not believe it.
The Earl of MALMESBURY thought the time was come
when foreigners visiting this country should be seder pecu-
liar surveiliance ; but ne knew that several foreigners in
London, among whom was Prince Louis Buonaparte. had
offered their assistance to the government to preserve the
peace yesterday. pear.)
A FAIRS OF ITALY.
Lord BROUGHAM rose to ask if there was any objeec-
tion to the production of the correspondence between the
British government and the British minister at Turin, in re-
ference to the affairs of the north of Italy, and in doing so he
would trouble their lordships with a few observations.
He looked with considerable anxiety to the events which
had taken place in Europe, disastrous changes affecting mo-
narchs and the dethroning of princes, and he regarded the
continent of Europe, whether in the north or south, and the
peace of the world, as exposed to perils which for upwards of
a quarter of a century it had not been subject to. But he re-
garded the state of the north of Italy as the most alarming.
By the treaty of Vienna the Emperor of Austria was con
firmed in the sovereignty of Lombardy. By the same treaty
Charles Albert was confirmed in the sovereignty of Sardinia,
and Genoa was stripped of her republican character and at-
tached as a province to an ab-olute monarchy. The title of
the King of Sardinia to Genoa rested solely on the treaty of
Vienna; and yet he had thought fit, on a shallow, false, and
fraudulent pretence, to make war on his neighbour the Emperor
of Austria, or to undertake what the Parisians were pleased
to call a mission, • mission to interfere between the people
and their legitimate governments, and as such missionary he
had preached the doctrine of insurrection to the Milanese,
which God knew was unnecessary. lie had followed up hie
manifesto with an army, which he sent into Lombardy—the
only promise which he believed Charles Albert had ever ful-
filled. (Laughter.) The manifesto was signed whilst Charles
Albert was making professions of the best designs towards
Austria. If a republic was established in Lombardy, it
might spread into Piedmont. In a republic great facility
was given to the scum to rise to the surface; but he thought
he might tell Venice, who had declared herself again a re-
public, that liberty was not a plant which would flourish in
[ • republic. (Cheers) If Charles Albert thought that Ise
should be elected King of the Milanese and Lombardy, he
would be bitterly disappointed; and if he hoped to hold
Genoa under his sway, whilst he was endeavouring to take
Milan from the Austrians, he believed he knew but little
of the Genoese, and would fled himself wofully mistaken.
The Milanese must, however, be careful of the man
who had before deserted those whom he had induced to re-
bel, and after having taken refuge in Florence and formed a
empej,,,, to easier the Spaniards in 1823, fonoht under the
banner et theiDuke D'A.egouleme against the Spanish con-
stitution. (Hear, hoar.) He could hot conceal from him-
self the fact that the pope, consulting his popularity infi-
nitely more than the peace of christendom, had been the
I mover of all the convulsions which at present shook Italy
and the north of Europe, and which he greatly feared would
affect the peace of the world. (Hear, hear.) The form of
constitution which he had himself established, with an upper
house of cardinals and ministers to give advice to a sovereign
who claimed infallibility, was certainly strange ; but it must
not be forgotten that he owed his triple crown to the treaty
of Vienna, notwithstanding which he had joined Charles
Albert, and had already captured • fort belonging to the
Emreror of Austria. The noble lord the Secretary for
Foreign Affairs in this country, it appeared, had cautioned
Austria against interfering with the dominion, of the King
of Sardinia, and he had no doubt that proper remonstrances
had been made at Turin, but he thought at least the King
of Sardinia should have received a similar caution
as regarded the territories of Austria. Thank God we were
in no fear of the disaffection of any portion of the people of
this country—we had a united kingdom, and as for the
flummery, unconstitutional addresses, of certain traitors to
the new republic of France, they had not called forth the
declaration of any minister, neither could they obtain the
promise of help from any minister, or any thing calling itself
a government, however it might resemble a governmeoh—
(a laugh)—but the language of clubs alone had beta ob-
tained—people who spoke big words in the names of others
from whom they had no authority—who made large pro-
mises which they never intended to perform. It was enough
for him to look to the answer, he might almost say rebuff, of
M. Lamartine, which was the next best thing to that which
he ought to have done. He should have enquired of this
Irish deputation whether they came from the British em-
bassy, and finding they did not, have said, " Good morning,
I have nothing to say to von, I only know England through
the British embassy.' The government newspapers in Paris
said that no body was so oppressed as the Irish people—no
body paid so much taxation. (Laughter.) UM. Lansarune had
believed this ; if iathatpeculiar formof government by which
the dregs had found their way to the surface—(ll hear," and
(laughter), and haring gst the country into a state of rebel-
lion by their daily falsehoods had clambered up to the
surface; if, trusting to their accounts, M. Lamartine had be.
lieved what they had said with reference to Ireland, that
the Irish were the slaves, and as they were sometimes called
in Paris the helots of England —(loud laughter); it
was also said in one of the French papers that the English
parliament never deigned to occupy itself with the affairs of
Ireland—(laughter), whereas, God help them! they were
hardly ever occupied with anything else—(much laughter).—
but if M. Lamartine had believed all this, and said, " We
will come over and assist you," so far from feeling any alarm,
he should say, if anything were wanting to rally the people
of England and Ireland around the throne and the govern-
ment, it would be those foul traitors bringing back such a
scandalous and audacious threat from M. Lamartine.
(Cheers.; The French government, if so it might be called,
was disunited. M. Lamartiae and his colleagues were in the
hands of the multitude, and although the Provisional Ow
vernment could boast of men so eminent as his friend M.
Arsgo and M. Dupont, he had no confidence ibleirhaLf Om
French people chose to submit to berverned
sons instead of the whole nation--- -

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the revolution had been effected by a very small portion of
the people of Paris—if they chose to submit to be so
governed, they had an undoubted right to do
8, so. If
wthey
eek
chose to let M. Louis Blanc take poesemion of 0001. a
of railway stock, and the Provisional Government te seize the
bank and issue a paper currency to the eitent of four hun-
dred millions sterling, they bad • right to do so ; but he
hoped the meeting of the national assembly would open
their eyes. It was, however, to be feared, when •
government became too weak to perform its functions, that
a despotism would succeed—(hear, bear); and it was well
known that if • general at the head of 10,000 men was to
march into Paris, there would be an end of the rublic at
once. (Hear, hear.) No men knew so little of ther pros.
peas as the Provisional Government. But the experiment of
• republic must be tried for a time in France. When Louis
XVIII. was restored it was the custom to call himt
coat
the"the
second restoration, and it was considered ineritable--(hear,
Iwo): so he believed a republic at present was l inevitable.
He regarded F.Agland, however, as safe from any peri
security of ce.r institutions was deeply laid in the
affections of the people, which could only be gained by con-
stant good offices, and only be kept by unvarying good faith.
Noe arena neque thesauri regni pretstdia twit versos amiei.
(Cheers ) lie would not detain their lordships further; but,
perhaps, he might say that, notwithstanding the reports
which had been circulated as to foreigners being driven out
of Pb
he was confident they were se sate there as in any
part of England. The noble and learned lard eoncluded by
moving for the correspondence which he referred to in the
commencement of his Address.
The Marquis of LANSDOWNE thought it necessary to
speak cautiously on the subjects to which the noble and
learned lord had referred. No doubt many of the reports
which bad teen made, and which the noble and learned lord
hadradicted, were untrue, and amongst others that which
stated that the noble and learned lord was about to be natural-
ised and become a member of the Provisional Government
himself. (Laughter.) The measures taken by the King of Sar-
dinia had not been regarded with indifference by her M
a-
jesty's government ; but he was not prepared
commit the government in reference to a state with
which we were on the most friendly terms. Her Majesty's
government had advised the King of Sardinia, unsuccessfully,
not to interfere, as well as communicated with Austria on
the subject, and they regretted that the King of Sardinia
had not taken their advice. Alter a few other observations,
which were inaudible in the gallery, it was understood that
the noble marquis granted the correspondence for which the
noble and learned lord had moved.
Their lordships adjourned at 5 minutes past 7.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.—TUESDAY, APRIL 11.
The &sneeze took the chair at 12 o'clock.
PUBLIC BUSINSSS,
PETITIONS.—By Mr. F. O'Cosson, from ameeting held last even-
ing, in London, against the Crown and Government Security
BiIL—
By the Sheriffs of the city of London, against the exemption at pre-
sent enjoyed Is, members of parliam nt from srresit for debt.—Mr.
J. (Morisco, from numerous parishes in almost every county in
Ireland, in favour or a repeal of the union.—Mr.Cowss, from the free
church of Scotland, against the bill for establishing diplomatic relas
time with Rome.
FIRST It PADING.—AIienS Removal
COMMITIEFS.—Crown and Government Security; Public Works
Completion !Ireland! ; Bilis.
NOTICS.S OF MOTION. —Cantos AND GOVEXXIMT Sart. arm
Box —By Mr. P. Woos, in ease the words and advised speaks
mg" be retained, to move as an addition if such speaking shall
occur within two years from the wen* of this act."
80 sit. Datirs.—By Mr. it. Cocas..., to introduce a bill to amend
the law for recovery theme
POST•OFFICE—OPENING OF LETTERS.
lily. S. O'BRIEN said that he had received a letter
through the Postoffice that morning, which had been
opened. He wished to know whether the government had
given orders to open his letters.
Sir G. GREY said he must give his unqualified contra-
diction to the assertion that the Post-office authorities had
opened any letters. No orders of the kind had been given.
He would recommend the hon. gentleman to send the letter
to which he referred, to the Post•office authorities.
CROWN AND GOVERNMENT SECURITY BILL.
On the motion that this bill be committed,
Mr. F. O'CONNOR rose to oppose the motion, and de-
signated the bill as an unconstitutional, base, bloody, and
brutal one. It this bill was passed, the Attorney-General
ought to be the prime minister of the country. Any wily
lawyer might so construe the bill as to Keep the worst of
governments in office. All the legal argument in that house
was against the hill. As long as they admitted free discus-
sion he would never counsel resistanee to the law. But if
this bill was passed he would proclaim himself a republicao,
because there would be more security under such a form
of government, than under a government which could pass
such a Lill as this. The meeting of yesterday had been
alluded to in another place, and a noble lord said that one
policeman had dispersed the meeting. He thought it was
old policy in those who said the object of such meetings
was to violate the peace, to taunt them afterwards with not
doing so. (Hear, hear.) If this measure was paned
secret societies would be formed, and these might become
really dangerous to the government. lie protested against
the policy which would 'dace England and Ireland on an
equality with respect to high tie aeon, but left the greatest
inequality with respect to political rights. He should op-
pose the bill in every stage, and he hoped that he would be
supported by the Irish members and independent English
members.
Mr. HORSMAN said that there were some members who
were opposed to this measure altogether. There were others
who would support the bill if certain words were left out, or
if the bill were only temporary. He would move, out,
or
clause came to be considered, that the words alluded to be
struck out. He thought that strong language on both aides
should be avoided. If he wan defeated in his motion, he
would not offer any further opposition to the bill, notwith-
standing the declaration of the hon. gentleman that he
would proclaim himself a republican. (Hear, hear.)
Mr. 1111:ME said that the present bill was the worst attack
made on public liberty since he had a seat in that house.
(Hear, hear.) lie wanted to know whether the words of
the clause objected to would affect members of that house
speaking in their places, and whether, for words spoten in
that house, they would be liable to be transported to Botany
Bay ? This bill was a violation of all constitutional right—a
right to which he attributed a great portion of the liberty of
England. He also wished to know Irons the right hon. gen-
tleman (Sir G. Grey) whether what had been stated by a
cabinet minister in another place was true, that the meeting
of yesterday had been dispersed be a policeman, or whether
they dispersed of themselves The house might not be
aware of the effects which yesterday's meeting would produce
on the continent. (Hear, hear.) What would foreign go-
vernments think of the Duke of Wellington having to be
called out, and Somerset-house and other places occupied
with horse, foot, and artillery, in order to suppress the
meeting of yesterday ? He believed that all they did was to
create as unnecessary alarm; and that they did much mis-
chief by their unnecessary preparations. He believed that a
continuance in such a system would be productive of serious
consequences to the liberties of England. (Hear, hear.)
SIBTIIORP tendered his best thanks to the govern-
ment and to the right hon. gentleman the Secretary of State
for the Horn' D. pertinent, for the firmness he exhibited
yesterday, and the determination he showed in proposing
this Slid. lie hoped the government would not alter a word
of the measure, and he only regretted that it was not ten
time' stronger. With respect to the question of the hon.
menib.r for Montrose, be had no hesitation in saying that if
that gentli:lcan vitiated the act in that house he would
move that the hon. gentleman be committed to the Tower.
(Laughter's)
Mr. AGLIONBY expressed his concurrence in what had
fallen from his hon. colleague. Ile deprecated the exprm-
siou of extreme opinions on either side. (Hear, hear.) He
supported the hill because he believed it was due to the
safety of her Majesty's subjects. He believed that those who
bad so large a mejority ahuuld satisfies:with that, without
cahilittiag strong feelings of satisfaction. Their triumph
miehtlbe firm, but it ought to he temperate. (Hear, hear.)
MrfriRATTAN said it was no reason for inflicting this
measure on England that Ireland was in a state of distrac-
tion. He gave credit to the government for the best inten-
tions. but he predicted that this bill would be ineffective.
What was the meaning of the words " open and advised
words ?" Such words might he easily mis-quoted and mis-
represented. Such a law would not be worth anything, he.
cause it was contrary to first principles and to the opinions of
the sblest jurists, as II de. Foster, and Blackstone.
lie asked whether this law would put down the manufac-
ture of pikes for illicit purposes, or suppress illegal political
societies? He expressed his coutidence that the natural
sense of the Irish people, their natural g iod feeling, would
keep them, as a nation, frou any insurrectionary outbreak.
Mr. REYNOLDS opposed the bill, though with little
hope, after the division of last night, that any am, lioration
would be made in the provisions of the measure. lie con-
tended that so venal were juries in his country, that no man
would be safe from government persecution if this bill were
passed, the more especially that convictions wider it would
shut out thet posibiliiy of that appeal to the House of
Lords whichremedied the imustiee done by a packed
jury to Mr. O'Connell and I. i 6 associates. He appealed to
the gallantry of the house ti exempt, at all es ents, the ladii s
from the operation of the measure. Al the bill stood any of
the female tea and tract parties 89 prevalent in Ireland
might be indicted for treason or sedition, if the company
happened to turn the conversation upon political matters.
I A laugh.) lie denied that Irel .nd was disturbed. There
were but two newspapers in Dublin which incul-
cated violence, and in his confident belief nearly nine-
hundredths of the population of Ireland repudiated
the wild and extravagant doctrines oth se
e two journals.
Cork was quiet, Limerick was quiet, f Clonmel, Waterford,
Belf.st, all the towns of Ireland with large populations were
quiet and obedient to:the law. There was, indeed, dissatis-
faction, for there was almost universal misery. In the last
eighteen monttus one mblion of human beings had sunk into
the grave in Ireland from sheer famine, and hundreds were
still dying in the same way every week that passed over our
heads. There was but the other day a case in Galway in
which a man was charged with sheep-stealing, and it was,
indeed, proved that he bad stolen the animal but under
what circumstances ? Why, these that his family and
himself were absolutely starving: that two days before one
of his children had died of famine, and that, in the despera•
tion of hanger, the mother had absolutely gnawed the flesh
from her dead child's arm. All this the poor man bad wit-
nessed before he committed the act with which he was
charged. The hon. member ricemmended the postponement
of any further proceeding with this bill until after Easter.
The present were angry times, and the popular discontent
should not be exasperated. That discontent was now peace-
ful enough, if one might judge from the hon. member for
Nottingham's exhibition of veeterday, which had passed
over as quietly as a Quakers meeting, all the grand pre.
parations of military and polite having proved quite unne-
cessary. (Oh, oh.) He feared he had hurt the feelings of
some of the special constables of the occasion—(laughter/,
but he could not help thinking that their enthusiasm had
beeu needlessly wiought lle repeetcd hope that tee
bill might be poetponed until after Baster.

Mr. SADLEIB. supported the bill, as a nemeture which,
while it would tend to suppress the open and scandalous in-
culcation, by word or deed, of seditionr treason, w
would
not
prevent the statement on the part people oflreland
the grievances which were felt througall hout the
ses, width and
breadth of the country on the part of clas grievances
which filled the whole population with *belief that the go-
serum. nt had wholly lost sight of the promises which as se
opposition they had held out to Ireland, and were indif-
ferent, if not callous, to the physical miseries of the s
people of that country. lie approved of the bill as calculated
to save from transportation hundreds of unhappy men who,
if the career of their seducers was not checked, were likely
to become the victims of a political delusion • but, he re-
peated, it would not suppress the declaration of popular dis-
content. The only mode of removing discontent was to re-
move the causes of discontent.
Lord J. RUSSELL utterly denied that th go
egovernment
had manifested any indifference to the physical sufferings of
Ireland. (Hear, hear.) He had, indeed, said that it
was not the business of the government to interfere between I
the various relations of social and industrial life, but he had
never put forward any proposition that government slid not
consider themselves celled upon to come forward when mea-
sures were required to meet some marked; physical
destitution in Ireland. (Hear, hea lie could not
have said any such thing; such a proposition
would bare been wholly opposed to the whole
conduct of her Majesty's government. (Hear, hear.) Last
year that government had obtained the means from parlia-
ment of providing daily relief for three millions of persons in
Ireland—(hear, hear), a step certainly evincing no
Ii
to the physical condiuon of that country. In the
present year, again, although the poor law heel been placed
in operation, the governmeat had felt that at so early a
stage of its proceedings the attention of the general govern-
ment might still be needful, and he had therefore trans-
mitted instructions from the Treasury to Ireland, that in the
event of peculiar suffering manifesting itself in any of the
unions, whether from actual inadequacy of funds, or from
the non-payment of their rates by persons fund
,pay pay, but
exempted from payment by the negligence or connivance of
the collectors, a report should be made of the fact, in order
that means of relief might be considered. He
repelled,
therefore, the suggestion that the government was indif-
ferent to the physical condition of Ireland as wholly libellous I
and calumnious. (Hear, hear.)
Sir D. L. EVANS said that having on a former evening
claimed on the part of his constituents the protection el the'
government against the violent and tumultuous proceedings
which were anticipated from the meeting of yesterday, be
felt it his duty to take the first opportunity that presented
itself of thanking ministers for the admirable arrange
melts
which they had made against any violation of th. public
paste. (Hear.) There never hod been an occasion when
greater provocation had been offered to the hor
austitiewhos than
had been given by the menaces of those perons en-
couraged and promoted the proceedings of Monday, and if
the whole city was not now deplonng the effects of those
proceedings it was because the government had done its
duty. (Hear.) At the same time he must say that nothing
could have dune the inhabitants of London and Westminster
pester honour than the conduct of the people generally I
during Monday. The meeting was n w
o characwas to terised
be
as
contemptible. If it was so, the government
thanked for that fact. Again he begged, on the part of hie
constituents, to reiterate his thanks to the ministers.
Mr. MASTERMAN expressed some surprise at the ob-
i serrations made by the hon. member for Montrose, and had
great pleasure in returning thanks to the government for the
exertions made by the authorities to preserve the peace in I
the city of which be had the honour to be a representative.
Sir G. GREY said that he had been asked by the hon.
member for Montrose a question, to which he felt it his duty
to give a distinct answer. The hon. member
take whether
the meeting had been forcibly dispersed Mypolice
whether it tad peaceably separated. He begged to state
that the meeting was not forcibly dispersed by the police,
but that the police commissioners acting under the autho-
rity of her Majesty's ministers, had notified to the persons
composing and heading it that means would be taken to pre.
vent the proceasion approaching the House of Commons or
any of the public offices, and thereupon the meeting was
peaceably dissolved. But, at the same time that he stated
this tact, he must say that he could not admit the inference
drawn frum it by the hon. member fur Montrose—namely,
that the preparations were useless or uncalled for. (lie 'r.)
It was those preparations, and the knowledge that they had
been made, which gave confidence to the loyal and well-dis-
k
Posed inhabitants of the metropolis, and struc
terror into the minds ef the disaffected and
moters of confusion. (Hear, hear.) Nothing could
be more meritorious than the conduct of the great body of '
the people had been during the whole of Monday and that
circumstance would have its effect throughout the country.
Indeed, it had already, he believed, had a beneficial effect, I
for the telegraph had brought him intelligence that morning
that the best effects had already been produced in the gr
provincial towns. He, therefore, entirely coincided in the I
opinion that had been expressed, that the result would prove
most beneficial, not only in England, but also throughout
all Europe, as it would be manifest that the authorities had
been aided in the performance of their duties by the cordial
co operation of the great body of the people themselves.
Mr. IIUME said, that both the hon. and gallant member
for Westminster and the right hon. baronet (Sir G. Grey)
hod misstated his former observation. What he said was,
not that the government were wrong in making the prepa-
rations they had done—On the contrary, he said they were
right in so doing; but that he thought them wrong in having
en ated a very disproportionate degree of alarm, as compared
with the real apprehensions they entertained.
Mr. F. O'CONNOR said that before any communication
had -been received from the commissioners of police, and
even before the procession started for the place of meeting,
it had been resolved that the assemblage should disperse
after they had reached Kennington-common, and that no
attempt to have a further procession to the house should be

made:
Mr. S. CRAWFORD wished to know whether, as the
hon. member for Carlow had stated, there were in future to
he no witnesses required to depose as to sedition or treason-
able expressions under the bill ?
Sir G. GREY would answer the question when the bill
was in committee.
On the motion that the Speaker do leave the chair, cries
of " divide." and " no, no," were raised.
Mr. F. O'CONNOR said that as those who promised to act
faithfully with him in oppasing the bill now cried " no"
to the division, he should not press his claim.
Mr. S. CRAWFOILLs then claimed a division, on which the
gallery was cleared.
321
For going into committee
Against it
The SPEAKER left the chair.
Mr. BERNAL at the table moved that the preamble be
postponed.
Clause 1 was agreed to.
Clause 2 being put from the chair,
Mr. J. O'CONNELL moved that the clause be omitted,
in order that Ireland might be excluded from the operation
of the bill. The hon. in mbar said, that the measure was
ill-advised and untair. 111-sdvised, because the people of
Ir. land bad the impression that nothing but coercion and
harshness was ever practised towards them, and that the
government had not made one step towards fulfilling its pro-
mises of equal justice to Ireland, made two years ago. The
bill was unfair, bemuse it would have an es post facto effect,
and punish a man for what he said before it became law.
For these reasons he should divide the committee on the
motion which he made, that clause 2 be struck out.
Sir O. GREY asked the hon. member whether there was
any reason to be alleged, why the law concerning high trea-
son should not be the same in Ireland as in England. All
that the bill proposed to effect, was to bring under the power
, of the law those who incited to treason or to compass the
death of her Majesty and there eould be no reason why
thee same law that prevailed in England should not prevail in
Ireland. He did not mean to assert, nor did he believe, that
these were any persons in that country who wished to com-
mit the crime tie had described, but there could be no ground
for refusing to epee to a law for Ireland which was in force
in England.
After some discussion between Mr. F. O'Connort, the
Arroetege-Clanestalt, and Mr. GRATTAN, the clause was
agreed to.
Clause 3 was read and amended by substituting the words
" united kingdom " for " realm."
Sir G. GREY said that the house was by this time aware
of the real nature of the bill. Several amendments had been
proposed during its progress, but, with the exception of the
' introduction of the words " by open and advised speaking,"
the powers contained in the bill were precisely the same as
those contained in former and existing acts of parliament.
Th. ressen for inserting to
ose w orde was, that the
existing law was found to be inefficacious as re-
garded persons who excited others to sedition and treason
by their ape chi s; and in Ireland even when persons who
had used seditious and treasonable language were suhjec'ed
to prose cutiott for the same, they we re under the existing
law still able to continue in the commission of that offence
' even during the interval of their being accused and held to
hail. and of their being tried. The house was already aware
from the observations of the Solicitor-General, that
emus important alterations had been proposed in the bill,
and with respect to the difficulty that had been suggested of
rendering words spoken Haile to the penalties inflicted by
the measure, he was ready to admit that more deliberation
was requisite to produce a written than to utter a declaration
of sedition or treason ; but when he heard such declarations
made day ai'er day, in speeches at public meetings as well
allas
private meetings, then he must say that they possessed
the character that could be attributed to tke most deliberate
writings. But he was ready to how to the feeling
expressed on this subject by the house and to
guard against too great a severity of the applica-
tion of the law in cases where such severity was
not called for. At the same time ministers did think that it
was advisable to constitute such off. noes of a higher degree
than misdemeanors, and to declare them to be felonies, for
in the latter case the per-on so accused could not repsatnot be
ha
offence before be was brought to justice, as it would
bailable under the proposed law. When, however, it wall
said that this was the first time any minister proposed to
make such an offence as words advisedly spoken a felony,
and to subject the speaker of them to the penalties of the
bill, this was errtne .us. The second clause of a bill intro-
duced by Mr. Patin the 36th Geo. 111, contained a proviso
much more strineent than that in the bill before the house.
That measure, h .wever, he was ready to admit was only a
temporary one, and was afterwards repealed. There was
contained in it a clause whereby it was rendered
necessary, in order to bring any pet ,:m under
its operation, that the information of his having uttered
Ire aeonable or seditious expri ssions, should be deposed on
e ath before two justices of the peace, by two witnesses, within
three days of the time when the expressions were uttered,
and also that the person accused should be brought to trial
within three months of the time when the deposition was
taken bythemagistrates. That proviso and the precautions
taken by it were altogether fair, and ministers were ready to
adopt them, and to insert them ni the present Lill.
The amendments the hon. member had indicated they were

willing to adopt, but they could not and would not recede
from the rinciple making this offence felony.
In answer to Mr. F. O'Corrison,
Sir G. GREY said that in prosecutions under this act, the
printers of newspapers in which inflammatory articles ap-
peared would be held accountable, unless the party writing
the article chose to declare himself the writer.
Mr. F. O'CONNOR complained of the harshness of this
provision. In several instances he hacl been prosecuted for
r
paragraphs which bad appeared in his paper without
cognisance. Surely, then, the law as it stood, was sufficiently
stringent. Ile feared that the panting of this law would be
the signal for the formation of secret political societies all
over the country.
Mr. AGLIONBY wished to move an amendment in the
third line of clause 3. The clause ran : " And be it enacted,
that if any person whatsoever, after the passing of this act,
shall within the realm or without, compass, manioc, invent,
devise, or intend to deprive or depose our most gracious lady
the Queen," &c. His amendment was, that the words " do.
prise, or" be struck out. Be considered the wording of the
clause to have a most dangerous scope. According to his
construction the clause, as at present worded, would subject
to transportation any person who should propose the separa-
tion of any_of the colonies from the mother-country.
The ATTORNEY-0 ENERAL said that the wording of
the clauses was copied from the 53rd George 111. They
would not subject to the penalties of transportation a person
who should discuss the question of the separation of a coicay
in ale gel and constitutional manner.
Mr. E. OSBORNE suogested that the addition of the
word " forcibly" would answer the hon. member's purpose.
Sir G. GREY denied that the words " deprive or depose"
would subject to transportation any person proposing to par-
liament the seputtion of a colony in a legitimate way. To
insert the words " forcibly or by arms" would render the
clause insuflicient. Suppose •general to give up to the enemy
a fortress entrusted to his charge ; that would be treason,
but would not be an act perpetrated forcibly or by arms.
Mr. MARTIN feared that the clause as it stood would
subject to transportation any person agitating the question of
the repeal of the union.
Mr. ANSTBY said that the advocates of the repeal of the
union did not seek to separate the countries. Their object
was to have separate legislatures, united by the golden link
of the mown.
Mr. R. PALMER considered that the clause referred
only to such compassing and imagining as were treason
under the existing law. (Hear, hear.)
Mr. MOWATT said it appeared to him that in the
matter of thin bill the house and the government were
legislating under the influence of panic. I Hear, hear.) lie
considered it monstrous that government should endeavour,
under such an influence, to pass a law making felony that
which had never been felony before, and trying it 1,, evi
dence such as never before bad been admitted in similar
cases. it was only under the influence of panic that the
house would listen to such a proposition. He called upon
the government to alter the clause.
Mr. AOLION BY was induced to withdraw his amend-
ment, on the understanding that the question involved was
to be re-opened on the third reading. The house should,
however, distinctly understand, that any person "compass-
ing, devising, or imagining," to deprive the Queen of any
of her posseasions, whether by force or otherwise, would be
subject to the penalties of this act. (Hear, hear.)
After a few words from Mr. lloan and the ATCOHNEY-

GENERAL,
Mr. G. THOMPSON said that the first sentence of the
clause constituted a new offence. Witn respect to the re-
mainder he was not satisfied to accept the construction put
upon it by the officers of government. A person indicted
under the act would be tried by its letter, and would not
have the benefit of any comments that might be delivered in
that house.
A desultory conversation followed, in the course of which
several hon. members found fault with different words in
the clause. At its termination,
Mr. HORSMAN having riven to take the sense of the
committee on the words " open and advised speakine,"
Mr. AGLIONBY expressed his willingness to withdraw
his amendments, sad leave the matter in the more able
hands of his colleague.
Sir G. GREY said it now appeared that they were going
to have a full discussion on the wording of the clause. That
being the case, and he having undertaken that the hon.
member for Limerick's motion should come on at five
o'clock, he thought the better way would be to report pro-
gem, and ask leave to sit again at 12 o'clock tomorrow
(
this day). (Hear, hear.)
IG.IKRAN reported progress at five minutes to four
The L
o'clock, and the house adjourned till five.
KINSALE ELECTION.
The SPEAKER reported that the recognisance* entered
into by the petitioners in this case were uno' actionable.
NEW WRIT FOR BEWDLEY.
Captain RUSHOUT moved that Mr. Speaker do issue his I
warrant to the clerk of the crown to make out a new writ
for the electing e burgess to serve in this present parliament
for the borougn of Bewdley, in the room of Thomas James
Ireland, Esq., whose election had been declared void.
Sir J. HANMER moved, as an amendment, that the
return for Bewdley having been declared void fur bribery
and corrupt beating, and other corrupt practices stabdition to
have prevailed there, it is necessary to consider the con
of the elective franchise in that place, with a view to its
reform, and in the meantime to suspend the writ.
Ile adopted this course not merely in reference to the
borough of Bewdley, but because he considered a general
question arose out of the corrupt practices which had been
proved to have taken place there and elsewhere at the last
election. The pernicious practice of bribery destroyed the
pride and purity of citizenship, and if it were not put a stop
te it would lead to &result affecting tbe honour, the inde-
pendence, and perhaps something more, of that house. Ile
admitted the difficulty of dealing with a great national settle-
ment of a question such as the Reform Bill, hut after the
repeated instances of bribery and treating which had been
proved before committees of the house, deal with it they
must sooner or later, and the sooner, in his opinion, the
better fur the country and the honour of parliament. The
example had been already set in the disfranchisement of
Sudbury. That the present law was defective was shown by
the fact that the member whose agent, against his
express authority, committed an indiscretion, was placed
in the same position as the man who carried on the most
systematic bribery. On the other hand, it was idle to un-
seat members and permit corrupt constituencies to pass
unpunished. The practical result of such a course was the
existence of boroughs just as corrupt as Garton or Old
Sarum. He wished theretore to provide, whenever an electien
was declared void from bribery, that ulterior measures should
be taken, either for the purpose of further inquiry or of
punishing the constitueecy. He admitted that the law upon
treating required to be altered, for he considered that there
was too much prudery and severity upon the subject. (Hear.)
Mr. HUME, in seconding the amendment, said that he
went still further than the hon. gentleman; for in his opinion
a large and sweeping measure of reform waarequired for that
house.
Mr. BLACKSTONE briefly supported the motion, and
opposed the amendment as indefinite.
Sir J. HANMER was ready to propose a definite plan,
and only abstained from doing so at present out of respect
for the house.
Mr. W. Wrens said a few words against, mid Mr.
BWAHT in favour of, the amendment.
Lord CASTLEREAGH said there were strong reasons
for endeavouring to correct the electioneering practices at
liewdley ; but he thought they ought to deal with this
borough in the same way as with Harwich. If a future re-
form bill were called for, it would be well to begin laying the
' axe to the root of the tree in these boroughs, nod he shuuld
be ready to mete out the name justice to them all.
The house divided—For theamendment 3S
Arrainsta it SO-12
The writ was then ordered to issue.
REPEAL OF THE UNION.
Mr. J. O'CONNELL, after presenting a petition from a
piece in Roscommon, praying fur a repeal of the legislative
anion, moved that ft should be read by the clerk at the table.
This being done, the hon. member said the petitian con-
tained the whole case for the repeal of the anion. Its state-
ments had often been put forward by the Irish people, and
they were convincing reasons why the house ought to take
the subject into consideration. He was aware the subject
presented itself under great difficulties• the house was
already exhausted with the discussion of the new Coercion
Bill ; but he felt bound to proceed with his motion. Other
difficulties were, the feebleness of the adroc tie, the pre-
possession of many hon. members against the motion,
the love of domination, and the feeling of self-
interest. He would not attribute all the opposition to the
motion to the two latter feelings ; the probability was that
its opponents were actuated by a ear of injuring the welfare
of the united kingdom by any change. Self-interest doubt-
less actuated many. who feared that their particular inter-
ests might be weakened. Recent proceedings in Ireland
had strengthened the aversion of the house to consider this
matter, and no one deplored, t n this account, more than
himself, the wild language and dangerous doctrines which
had been promulgated in Ireland. He had always told the
people that their appeal ought to be to this house, and was
now prepared to lay their claims before it. He w,s con-
vinced that repeal would not only benefit. Ireland but Eng-
land also, otherwise he would not support it. Many
hon. members, be understood, were more disposed to
entertain this subject than they were a year ago ; and
I he hoped the recent proceedings in Ireland would not
deprive him of the support of these members. While depre-
cating the menaces that had been thrown out, he could not
but feel that if he were prevented from simply bringing in
this bill, with the view to its further consideration after
Easter, the effect would be most disastrous ; the minds of
the people would be inflamed, and the influence of those who
sought to keep them peaceable would be greatly diminished.
He trusted he was not mistaken in hoping that he should be
allowed to introduce the bill. That repeal was the demand
of the people of Irelend themselves, few persons would be
disposed to deny. Even when battling for catholic emanci-
pation, the late Mr. O'Connell had been frscinently urged to
postpone that question to that of an Irish parliament ; but
he thought that, until an equality of civil rights was
gained, there was little chance of obtaining sated
he
peal
of the union. When emancipation was gra,
could not forego the struggle for repeal, without
abandoning his duty end appointed mission on earth.
Had be done so,the people would have gone on without
him, and other leaders might have led them on to violent
measures. Early in 1833, the agitation for an independent
legislature had attained ouch &height as to attract the notice
of the ministers of the crown. In 1834, Mr. O'Connel had
brought the question forward in the legislature ; but he had
been met by a pledge, that though repeal could not be
granted, full justice in every other particular should be
promptly conceded. This pledge had all the force of an act
of the legislature, for it was concurred in by both houses and
by the monarch on the throne. Accordingly, for six years,
the agitation ceased, at considerable sacrifice of confidence
in Mr. O'Connell, which affected him to the last hour of his
life. In 1840, the agitation was renewed; in 1843, those
sublime demenearations wire made, whiat astcLizhci the
world; and thus the people irrerersibly recorded their

determination to real. Thouh eircurana.-_,
including the awfulhave calamitpey of tut yearg, had delayed its
triumph, the feeling of the people was as powerful now in
favour of repeal as in 1843. Their determination was not
to be repressed by any MOMS; it displayed itself in the pe-
titions he had that night presented. The bill he now pro-
posed to introduce was one " the better to enable her Ida-
, Pete to summon her parliament in Ireland,'_' which had '
been prepared by the late Mr. O'Connell. The preamble
asserted the necemity of repeal of the union, on account of
its injurious effects. The first clause enacted the repeal;
the second secured the succession ; the third related to the
regency, the fourth to the House of Lords, and the remain-
ing clauses allocated the 300 representatives to be given to
Ireland to the different towns and districts. This was in
substance the whole of the measure. lie was aware
that technical objections might be raised as to the relative
contributions of the two countries to the expenses of the
state, the terms of commercial intercourse, and so en ; but
these were all matters which might be settled independently
of the bill, either before or after it was passed. As, at the
union, the articles were embodied in a separate treaty, so
the articles of the repeal might be separately agreed en. In
his view the Irish parliament ought to be constituted before
these terms and treaties could be fairly entered into. But if
it wero held that the treaties should first be Bette d. some
such bill as this would be necessary as a groundwork. There •
fore, no technical objections of this kind ought to avail. In
support of the demand of Ireland for a separate legislature,
he had to arraign the union, which now existed for 48 years,
as unjust, injurious, and unwise. It began in injustice be-
cause Ireland was no consenting party to the union. It
protested against that act. lie had the authority of Lord
were
70 and the late Earl Grey for that statement. There
were 707,000 petitioners against the union, and only 3,000 in
favour of it. That measure was passed by means of
the greatest corruption and intimidation. There were 40
peers, 12 bishops, and nine judires made with a view
of carrying it. One person had got 8,0001. for hi+ vote, and
some besides the money had got other substantial advan-
tages. He would not allude to the rebellion of 1798,
although there was abundant evidence to prove that the go-
vernment connived at and encouraged that rebellion, in
order to effect the union. (Hear, hear.) But he denied
that the parliament had the capacity of voting the union.
It was commiesioned, in the words of Lord Plunliet, is
make laws, and not to supersede constitutions. There was
no doubt that the union was commenced in injustice, and
that it was continued in injustice. (Hear, hear.) Even at
the time of the union Lord Castlereagh declared that Ire-
-1 wiand was entitledrm to 108 memb.vs, but there they were, even
th the Refo Bill, with three members short of that
number. (Hear, hear.) The truth was the Irish members
had no power in that house. All other interests were at-
tended to in it The West India interest had lately had a com-
mittee granted to inquire into their grievances. But there was
no hope of a committee to inquire into the grievances of Ire-
land. Another great disadvantage was, that the seat of legisla-
We was too distant from Ireland. Public opinion in Ireland
had too far to travel b fore it reached that house, and it was
utterly weak when it had to contend with English prepos-
sessions. (Hear, hear.) The right hon. baronet, the mem-
ber for Tamwerth, and the noble lord, both declared that
Ireland should he placed on a footing of equality with this
country. He believed that they were bete sincere in that
declaration, but the fact was, that they could net carry out
their intentions in consequence of the difficulty of getting
English members to give their attention to the case of Ire-
land. Tney were too much afraid of an English nvjority to
be able to do substantial justice to his country. Ireland was
still subject to numerous anomalies, electoral and municipal.
' And it, the poorest country in the world, was saddled with a
rich church to which the great body of the people did not
belong. If, according to the maxim of the chstitution,
representation was to be based on taxation and pop lation,
Ireland was at least entitled to 230 members, while England
would be entitled to 419. The act of union had moreover
inflicted on Ireland the greatest financial injustice. The
whole expenditure of the government of Ireland had been
'defrayed since the union from the revenues of Ireland, and a
balance of 20,000,0001. had been moreover remitted to this
country. He admitted that Ireland ought to pay her share
of the imperial burdens, besides her own expenditure for
local purposes, but she ought, also, to participate in the be-
nefits arising from imperial expenditure. That was not the
case however. He thought he had shown that the union
had been productive of continued injustice to Ireland. Ile
would now come to the next point, and would show that the
union had been injurious to Ireland. Ile would first pro-
duce testimony of the state of Ireland before the union and
after the union. The hon. gentleman then read statements
of the late Lord Clare, the chief artificer of the union, and
Lord Plunket, which represented the progress of Ireland
in material prosperity before the union as unpre-
cedented and astonishing. The hon. gentleman then quoted
the evidence, Wien before various committees of that house,
showing the misery which existed in Ireland since the union.
She was never in so distressed a state as at the resent mo-
ment. Lest year there were 4,000,000 of person pt receiving
alms ; 1,000,000 had perished from the face of the earth ; a
quarter of a million hail emigrated, and of these 30,000 had
died. lie hoped, therefore, that he would hear no more of
the argument that the union had been productive of benefit
to Ireland. lie was prepared to show that the union wes
the cause of the "fractal condition of that country, because
it drained away its money which was the sinew and life-blood
of the body politic. It deprived her of trade and commerce,
and left her population totally dependent on the land—the
competition for which was one of the greatest evils of Ire-
land. Her outgoings in the shape of absentee rents, paments
far manufactured goods, &c., amounted to 17,750,0001.,y whilst
the value of her corn, linen, manufactures. and cattle ex-
ports did not amount to mare than 12,500,0001., leaving a
balance against the country of more than 5,000,0001.
He contended that the union had occasioned the drain from
Ireland of her corn and other articles of consumption year
after year, and this at times when in Ireland herself the
people were famishing for want of the very food thus taken
from her. The union, too, had occasioned the curse of
absenteeism, which had inflicted such evils upon Ireland.
He complained that Ireland was most unfairly taxed towards
the eapen-es of the empire, considering the limited character
of her resource', as compared with those of England. Since
the union the imperial parliament hail relieved England of
taxation to the extent of .51,230,0001., but Ireland only to
the extent of 2,900,0001.; while during the same period
the revenue of England had increased from 37,000,000 to
.54,000,000, that of Ireland had only increased from
3,700,0001. to 400,0001. He admitted that England
paid 12,000,000 per annum of separate taxation, but
this was less than the amount which, even at the
time of the union, is advocates declared that Eng-
land should fairly pay in the way of separate taxation.
lie contended that if the union were repealed the effect
would be so great upon the condition of Ireland, her pros-
perity would so speedily and so largely be rained, that she
would he able, ere long, to contribute a far greater amount
of taxation to the resources of the empire, than she ever
would while she remained united. lie was convinced that
she would be able to contribute fully 7,000,000 to the
general exchequer, and thus relieve the right hon. gentle-
man opposite from any necessity for new taxes. The fact
was that Ireland was impoverished, from having every acre
of her land mortaaged for the enormous debt of Great
Britain, which weighed down her energies like an incubus.
In calculating the imposition of taxes it had been the
custom of the imperial government to estimate the pro-
portion of Ireland at one-ninth of the whole, whereas,
did the prosperity of Ireland, as it should do, equal
the prosperity of England, her prop,rtion should be that of
her population, one-third. lie contended, in the third place,
that the union was not only nationally injurious to b alb par-
ties, but politically unwise, as a measure which kept Ireland
in a constant state of excitement and discontent. and ren-
dered her a constant source of anxiety and alarm to this
country. lie would admit his belief that the government
would be able to put down the existing agitation, which
injudicious or mischievous men were creating, or rather
fomenting ; but he would put it to the gout ument well to
weigh the immense expenditure, not simply of blood, but of
hard cash, which they must inevitably incur in the struggle.
How infinitely better, by the timely concession of just claims,
to avert this fearful crisis, and secure for ever the affections
of the Irish people. Tnat people had no desire to evade the ,
contribution of their fail share of the burdens of the em-
pire ; all they asked in this respect was to be
enabled to provide the means out of their own soil. He
urged that England should take timely measures to secure
Ireland from throwing herself in her desperation into the
arms of a foreign power. Such a course on her part-1
which might God avert—would, no doubt, prove her ruin ;
but it would also be a most destructive blow to England.
He contended that Ireland had a clear statutory right to de-
mewl an independent parliament. A, to the argument that
the restoration of the Irish parliament would be an injun,
to the Irish people, from the corruption which pest exaeri-
ence had shown to pervade an Irish parliament—this, at all
events, was a matter for the election of the Irish people,
and they all preferred a parliament of their own, even were
it a corrupt and boroughmongericg one, such as that of
former periods—which need not at all be the case—ti an
imperial one, which paid no heed whatever to the national
interests of Ireland. As a catholic, he would even add, that
he would prefer the revival of the penal laws t 1 the perma-
nence of a system which forbade Ireland to legislate for her
own affairs. I: had been very unfairly tirg.d that the Irish
parliament had always been a truckling parliament to the
English legislature. True, it had been so; but nevertheless
it had always protected the purses of the people, and had
prevented the finances of Ireland front being unjustly bur- '
dened. In 1724 there was a surplus revenae, and the Irish
parliament, fearing that the English minister would seize on
it tor the purposes of England, resolved to prevent this by
expending it on works executed for the sole benefit of Ire-
land, in canals, bridges, and public buildings. This had
been the cause of the charge brought against the memory of
the Irish parliament, that it had beeu corrupt and extrava-
gant in the disposal of the public money ; but even admit-
ting that such was the case, which he would not deny, still
the cause arose out of good meeives. Besides, if the old
parliament of Ireland had been ever so corrupt, why
should it continue to be so? Why could it not be
reformed ? Was reform to be confined to the pre-
sent house ? Notwithstanding, however, all its corrupt•
nem, he repeated he was willing to have that parliament
again, rather than continue to submit to the united legisla-
tion. The old Irish parliament, besides, rendered two of the
greatest services that could be offered to the British empire,
—that, namely, of repelling the French invasion of Roche,
and of putting down the Irish rebellion of 1798. Those were
services never to be forgotten. He thought he had esta-
blished the strong claims of that parliament, corrupt as it
was, to be re-established as a legislature in Ireland. There
now only remained the second objection to be disposed of,—
namely, that urged on the supposition that future disagree-
ments would take place between England and Ireland in
case repeal were granted and carried into effect. As far as
the most recent events which preceded the union could show
how little such a fear ought to prevail, he might refer to
the regency question on the occasion of George 111., when
the Irish parliament took the constitutional course of vesting
the powers of the crown iu the next heir, rather than
in the hands of the ministry ; and this fact Mewed

that no apprehension of jealousy or dimension on questions
of real moment to the empire could be fairly entertained.
What were the real points of jealousy and mutual distrust
between England and Ireland? Chiefly commercial and
manufacturing questions. In these matters, whenever there
had arisen differences between the two countries, they arose
out of the conduct of England, who shut Ireland out of her
colonial and carrying trade, as well as the trade between
England and Ireland. But in 1792 colonial free trade was
granted to Ireland, although the duties imposed on the ad-
mission of Irish produce and manufactures into England were
maintained for many years afterwards. The next point on
which objection to repeal had been raised was that of war;
and on thus he must say that he thought an Irish parliament
ought not to be bound to approve of a war with any
foreign state, unless it was of opinion that such was
just; but this could never constitute a subject of
difference. lie now came to the consideration of
the money contribution which Ireland ought in
f iirness to be called upon to make towards the expenditure
of the empire. The same arrangement might be adopted in
this respect that had been enforced in the fiscal contribu-
tion settled between the two countries. The policy of Eng
land in thee as in other respects, had been distrust of
Ireland. The enormous resources of that country were sot
known to England. The resources of Ireland had been on
the constant increase during the last 45 years; and the in-
creased prosperity which would flow from the development
of the resources of Ireland. and the awakening of her
internal riches, and the industry and manufactures of his
country, would soon enable her to contribute in a much
larger measure than at, present to the wants of the imperial
government. Many of the moat eminent statesmen of Eng.
land had scouted the idea, that England could legis-
late better for Ireland than she could for herself. At a
meeting of the Whig Club, May 7, 1800, at the Crown
and Anchor Tavern, in London, Mr. Fox in the chair,
aupp..rted by the Duke of Norfolk, Lord Holland, &c. &c.
Mr. Fox said—
The whole wheme (union) went upon that false and abominable
presumption, that we could legislate better for the Irish than they
could do for themselves—a principle founded upon the motet arrogant
despotism and tyranny. There was not a more clear axiom in the
science of politics than that man was his own natural governor, and
hat he ought to legislate for himself. Plo other being could enter
into has feelings, or have anything common in sympathy with his
' nature; sad therefore the legislatare of a people must flowwan outidle of,
and he identified with, the people themselves. It
Ito talk to Ireland of the word union, since there could be
eq
no such thing an a real union, on an ual footing,
between countriess re disproportionate and unequal. Could the
Irish believe that in this sonnexion they were to have art equal
and availing voice in legislating for England, as the English were in
legislating fur Ireland! Their was no maxim more true in philosophy
or in politic. than the great moral doctrine, " Do se you would be
done by." Examine thia meesure by that rule. Can the Irish bring
themselves to believe that they will have any share or influence in
legislating for England? Take it on the other side. What
airEnglicon-
sh- I
man would submit to see his destiny regulated and hisfs
ducted by persons chosen for Belfast or Limerick I Ile believe/ that
even in the present temper of the people of England they would not
submit to the project of the union, if they thought that the Irish
members were to have any influence on the British legislature.
What, then, we could not suffer we ought not to impose.
We ought not to presume to legislate for a ntion In
udices,
where
feelings and affections, wants and interests, opinions and pre j
we have no sympathy. It can only be attempted on the principle of
the most arrogant despotism. It was an attack on the pride of a
gall .nt nation, and was calculated to reduce them to the state, aa
many of their own patriots had said, of a dependent province and it I
was, in his opinion, a mint audacious attempt, after all that appeared
in that country, mince it was adding insult to injury to call it a mu-
sure in which the Irish acquiesced.
That great man's speech deserved to be written in letters of
geld. New, truly, had not the results of 48 years' experience
of the legislative, union proved Mr. Fox's prediction to be
strictly and literally correct? Ireland underher own porno-
, aunt had been prosperous and happy, aid under the legisla-
I five union had off, red the world an example of misrule and
misery heretof ire never witnessed among civilised nations.
If the parliament of England refused to restore her rights to
Ireland, that country would shortly exhibit a scene of confu-
sion and anarchy unparalleled: whole armies would not
suffice to restrain her within the bounds of moderation ; and
the consequences, if timely concession was not made, would
be frightful in the extreme. The people of Ireland fela tth
at
at
they were called upon to obey laws which they had
hand in making, and which were odious to them. Ireland
was al parr to Irishmen as England west* her own sons. The
repeal party was anxious and willing tocome to any arrange-
ment that did not involve the continuance of the present
system. Any concession would now be taken as a grace,
and would for ..ver conciliate the people of Ireland. lie
conjured them then to be wise in time, to be just in time,
and not alienate from them men who had as strong an in-
terest in the welfare of the United Kingdom as themselves.
Then might they use with truth those lines from the Latin
poet which bad been quoted in mockery at the period of the
anion :
Paribus se legibus amble
Invieter genteel ieterna in faders mittae.
The hon. member concluded by moving for leave to bring in
• bill to repeal the legislative union between Great Britain
and Ireland, and to enable her Majesty to summon her par-
liament of Ireland.
Mr. S. O'BRIEN seconded the motion.
Sir W. SOMERVILLE said he TOW with considerable
regret to oppose the motion of his hon. friend who had .lust
sat down, because it was one which he felt convinced had
largely engaged the sympathies of the Irish people. (Hear.)
This was not the time to conceal facts, and therefore be
freely and at sore confessed that the question of the legisla-
tive union was one which largely engaged the sympathies of
the people of Ireland. He wee himself a living instance of
the truth of that assertion, for he believed that if it were not
for the feelings of personal regard and affection entertained
for him by his constituents, he would not at that moment
have the honour of a seat in parliament. (Hear, hear.)
But he had this consolation an pursuing the course
which he felt it his duty to pursue, that it was a course
which he had always followed. He had always opposed
any motion for dissolving the union between Eng-
land and Ireland, not from his interest in the
imperial legislature, but because he believed that repeal
would be most detrimental to the interests of Ireland.
It was not his
es intention to dwell upee,
hon. fr or to foliend had low, the long
arrcy of Nets and figur which
duced, neither should he discus the means by which the
union had been carried. He believed that the people of Ire-
land, if happy and prosperous, would never have wasted a
thought upon those subjects ; but being dissatisfied and un-
hippy, they readily laid the blame on bygone acts, which
they were told had deprived them of their prosperity. Now,
here he thought was the fallacy under which the Irish people
laboured ; and it was that part of the statement of his hon.
friend which he had listened to with the greatest surprise.
His hon. friend had detailed the condition of the people of
Ireland previous to the union, describing them as happy
and contented, with no poor, their commerce flourishing,
their artisans employed—in short, a perfect picture of na-
tional prosperity.
Mr. J. O'CONNELL—I said they were progressing
towards those results.
Sir W. SOMERVILLE was sorry if he had misrepresent-
ed his hon. friend ; but he thought a greater fallacy was
never pronounced than the assertion that the people of Ire-
land were contented and happy previous to the union.
(Hear, hear.) Ile regretted deeply the state of poverty in
which that people were sunk at the present moment; but he
believed that, leaving out the famine years, their condition
had been worse before the union than ever it
was since. He would read to the house a few
instances of the condition of the artisans and labourers of
Ireland previous to the union, and let it be remembered that
all his pr. ofs were drawn from the period between 1750 and
1800, which his hon. friend had quoted as being the period
of Ireland's growing prosperity. In 1781 a petition was
presented from Cork representing the artisans of that city
to be in the deepest distress, and immediately after a similar
petition from Wexford. In 1783, the lord mayor and cor-
poration of Dublin petitioned for restrictions on imports, to
revive the drooping manufactures of the city. In 1786, Mr.
Edwards of Old Court petitioned for parliamentary aid to
enable him to bring over weavers to make finest cloth, and
petitions of a similar nature were continuously presented be-
tween 1782 and 1800, with reference to the woollen, linen,
and silk trades, all representing the ruined credit and
impoverished condition of the parties concerned. Search
through the whole records of the Irish parliament and
the same picture would be found. (Hear, hear.) Perhaps
hon. members who advocated the repeal of the union would
think it hardly fair to go farther back than the period he
had indicated; but be believed that the report of Lord
Devon's commission would be equally apoliceble, whatever
period of Irish history was selected. He would further say,
that it there was anything for which the independent par-
liament was especially to blame, it was the utter neglect
with which they had treated the Irish poor. (Hear, hear.)
From that neglect they were now suffering, and would con-
tinue to suffer for many years. He blamed them on that
account, because he held it, that the true mode of governing
any country was to provide for the prosperity and comtorts
of the poor, and in that material point both the independent
and united parliaments had been lamentably deficient.
(Hear, hear.) It was not until within the tut
few years that this truth began to be impressed
on the minds of gentlemen in that house, and it
was only during the last year that any remedy for the
national distress had been tried. lie opposed the motion,
because he thought it would be politically and socially de-
trimental to Ireland. Ilia hon. friend bad asserted that the
union bad reduced Ireland to the condition of a province.
His (Sir \V. Somerville's) notion was, that if you repealed
the union, he, as an Irishman, would at once become pro-
vincial. (Hear, hear.) His hon. friend had said that every
Irishman came into that house as a slave, and in uttering
that sentiment hail put himself forward as the representative
of the Irish people. He had said " we," as if those who
differed from him had no right to have the feelings or the
pride of an Irishman. lie did not feel himself a serf ; he
looked upon himself as being a member as independent as
any Englishman present. (Hear.) Therefore, his notion was,
that if you le pealed the legislative union, you would trans-
form him from a member of the imperial legislation into an
hon. member of an Irish provincial pariament, (Hear.)
His hon. friend had said that an Irish would nut be an inde-
pendent parliament, and in that assertion his hon. friend was
correct. Up to 1782, what with the help of Poyning's law,
and other contrivances, the machine was somehow made to
work, but after that it was no longer an independent
machine, but one kept moving by the grossest and most ex-
tensive corruption. That being the case, provincialism would
soon become intolerable. They must either take steps to
become re united, or they would be forced in justice to
themselves, and in order to tut& their own prophecies, to at-
tempt complete independence. (Hear.) The same argu-
ments now brought forward for repeal would then be urged
with equal energy for separation. (liear, hear.) A fresh
career of agitation would be commenced. disappointment
would add flesh venom to that agitation, and the
prosperity and tranquillity of the country would be
indefinitely postponed. He felt that these statements would
be unpalatable in many parts of his country, but standing
there in the position he did, he felt bound openly and honestly
to state his sentiments. These were the salient points of oh-
*non ; but fattier he would twit would Ireland, it inde-
pendent to-morrow, be able to stied alone Hear, hear."

fomorfMr.
government,
cesheofunandertake e
army, or f
-tlte-p;
on
the
e°l".4‘
ofdated met
fund il" Hear," from Mr. S. O'Brien.) lier share of the debt now chargeabl
They lot
been told of what had been done, and whathad beer led
undone, by the imperial parliament during the
but he eked confidently, could an Irish Otir.ament hiq
oioutiox7
done bait as much? (Hear, hem.) Wharhad theydom
in the terrible famine of 1748, when so many of the peekperished ? They passed an act for the more speedy
of rents. (Hear, hear.) He said, then, that to bring eon"?,
so vital a change at such • moment as the present
only to aggravate the miseries which even now app'rehow-oh•
oiagorttrlod"efrunteedmhaetn>.
country. Notwithstanding what had been aid
friend, he believed Ireland had made rapid mod
tuverds
t
edislashcauldtt:l,ne:ftd
fiscbe,oromenmfr
prosperity, until the occurrence of the late famine. IC axy
class were exempted from that prosperity it was the taloa
clue which had been always the great difficult • of
badlrehm-
iirtlgin e
dclass,remedial
beenmaie theda. ui
been of the present. Complaints had been motteaa he
He
•
undervalue that. A bill had been introduced b his hon,
friend the member for It mhdale, to extend the ten
ia
of Ulster ; that the goer rnment hadtho ught it Ito cutyt°
—meoot
They were, however, in no wise disposed to interfere oak
the tenant-right of Ulster, and he wiehe d this tobe die
finely understood; that they believed that any endese'll
legalise that right would not be to comer a henefitoi
country generally. The hon. and learned membermilli,
O'Connell) had said that the course of go vemment too
respect bad indisposed the people of Ulster to the um,
nuatioo of the union: he (Sir. W. Somerville) did eo:
believe one word of it. Then the hon. member referred t;
the evils of absenteeism; but it was scarcely to he poto-
thot men would remain in a country in which nee: then
properties nor their lives were sale ' arid it spoke bat hole
for the sincerity of throe who made this complaint, tell
the hon. member for Kerry, one of the moat determicied •
nouncers of absenteeism, ae the late election, had brolet
down to oppose him (Sir W. Somerville), who spent ,-t,
greater part of his time on his property, a gentleman
only recommendation was that he wes an absentee. I He:
Mr. ei O'CONNELL-I own the s ft impeachment
A
laugh.)
Sir W. SOMERVILLE had only referred to this to Am
that this was not a very practical mode of carrying out
denunciations which the hon. gentleman nod othenhol o.•
dulged in against absenteeism. They had heard of the pgsi.
bility -of the alternative should repeal be relined-of&n.
public being established in Ireland. There wu no money
in the world to which republicanism was so ill slit
as Ireland. (Hear, hear.) His belief was that ere long the
present storm would blow over. He believed there won
more loyalty and a greater determination to upbold the om.
stitution and the connexion between the two countries in
Ireland than was generally supposed. (Hear.) He meld
much on the exertion of the Roman catholic clergy-(hem)
-who had always been the advocates of mate, that tell
would be the mediators en the present occasion between the
government and the excited passion, of the people. (Hem.)
His hon. friend (Mr. O'Brien) had held out a threat Met
the property of all Irish proprietors who did not join the
repeal movement might be confiscated. (Hear, hear.) Mai
not that threat made? Was he to understand that if he
should think it more advantageous for Ireland haul!
that the union should be maintained than that it
should d, generate into a province, that therefore
his property was in danger of confiscation? Did his bo.
friend consider the mischief and alarm that such throes
occasioned? (Hear ) Notwithetending these thecae he
should continue to devote his exertions to the welfare of his
tenants, and he had the gratification to believe that should
those threats even be carried into effect his trouts .o,la
not thank the hon. gentleman for the change of motas.
(Hear.) He had at all times been the advocate of en so
tension of the liberties and franchisee of the Irish people,
and had ever used his best efforts to piece them on moos;
footing with the people of Eneland-(hearl-aod ha
was still prepared to use his best exertions to than
for Irishmen every privilege which Englishmen to
jailed. Further than that he could not go. Ile could oa
On the part of Ireland, after she had assisted England to it.
Min the height of prosperity, consent to forego the &denote
which she was entitled to, and which through the uniaconl)
could she obtain. (Hear.) With these feelings he could cot
consent to any proposition for repealing the legislative ono
between the two countries, nor to permit the question to be
tampered and coquetted with by consenting to the introdio
How of a bill for that purpose. He most, therefore, oppose
the motion.
Major BLACHALL thought that in the present feeling
edireland it would riot be safe to pus a hill for repel*
the union of the two cc untrics at this moment. At the seta
time it could not be denied that from the ignorance of the
imperial parliament of the circumstances and wants of In-
land laws were passed which did not tend to the prospect
of that country. This evil would be obviated if the pew
scent met occasionally in Ireland. Enoleind derived sou
advantage from the presence of Irish members in Loads
during parliament, and it was only reasonable that Brent
should be similarly benefited by the money which would 11
spent in Dublin were the parliament occasionally held there
The reasons advanced by the right hon. baronet the Sear
Lary for Ireland against the motion of the hon. member It
Limerick did not apply to the proposition which he (Slur
Blacken) now submitted to the house in the shape of it
amendment, namely, that an humble address be preseold
to her Majesty, praying her to convene the imperial pen
merit in future for a certain number of months in each yes
in Dublin for the despatch of Irish business.
Mr. M. O'CONNELL opposed the son 'lament and to
ported the original motion. In reference to what had bee
stated by the right hon. baronet the Secret iry for Ireloi
respecting his election for Drogheda, he explained that's
had introduced Mr. L. Murray not as a strongeror absent
but as a repealer, in compliance with a request from
be
people of Drogheda, whose suffrages he had himself soles,
15 years ago. Upon the main question he contended the
Ireland had gained nothing from her connexion with ton
country, and that instead of being &source of s rength totter
she wan an eyesore and a weakness. The right hon. Wow:
had talked of the degradation of Ireland bring a promo.
but what signified a name if the people were conteoted
happy, which they never had been since the DIM
and which he believed they never would be nor
their legislative independence was restored to them
He contended that Englishmen were not fit to legislate to
Ireland, and cited in proof the fact that a noble iced
whom he had spoken that evening did not know of theses
tence of such a place in Ireland as Bandonbridp,
(Laughter.) lie besought the house to consider the e
3
prese
condition of Ireland: the people tnere had mad
appeal to parliament, and they were preparing mole
in the shape of an address to her Majeoty. The Or
ment of Lord Clarendon. so much lauded here, had itherne
the Irish people from this country ; fresh adhesions to ma
were continually pouring in; and, if the moan;
for conciliation was not seized, the consomme
might be perilous to Ireland, and perpetually at•
trimental to the welfare of this great empire. He set
this not as a threat, but as a warning ; and he hoped th
house would give the Irish people • one ground to hope the
their appeal would be listened to. The disclosures with et
Terence to the pike-manufacture had created an immeeseec
sation in Ireland, and had made many converts to reps:
A large force was concentrated in Dublin ; reoiments
see
marched in. and marched out again after a few days; mat
was rumoured the reason was that repeal had found is we,
into the army. He had left Dublin the preceding night,
had been informed by a gentleman just before leaviso tin
on Sunday evening last, the troops were fighting amouo
themselves in the yard of the Linen-hall-repeaters stoo•
anti-rpealers. On he same night a battle of th
samee kind took ptlace between the troops co tt,
quay, and some of the combatants were flail Ws
the river. Let this be a warning to those who Irmo le
liston to the requests of the I rOli pc p'.e, oho Hick ni
madly refused all concessions.
Viscount MORPETH. said, the long period during 'diet
he had filled the office of chief secretary for Ireland.ll,l
deep interest he felt in its welfare, and the strong Melee"'
he bore to it, induced him to offer a few remarks on O.)
question. He ehould deeply deplore the tepee) of the Op-
tative union, from the consequencos it wouhl entail el
Great Britain and the empire at large, as substitutist
itt
the present daily and hourly intercourse and ioterchame
commodities the establishment of jealous reg.:ono,* Me
hops hostile tariffs, total prohibitions, or evca boo
tilt aggressions, between the two sister rash's;
perhaps, perhaps, indeed, as had been hinted last night, a bathe
public on either side of us. Disastrous as 000ld he oohs
separation to the unity, tranquillity, and safety of the oe
riuus country to which we belonged, yet, did lie believe:e
repeal of the union would be beneficial to inlrelan
abate the fearful sufferings which there prevailed, or e,
any security for rest and contentment, coull hord,onato
there and express his opinion, and give his vote, for
a
continuance of the legislative union. He beficvedthetele
peal of that union would be most disastrous to the best 0.. V:
rests of Ireland. Two of the darkest features to
e
country's history were the sufferings of her re,
and the cont rations of her inhabOonts. Eta!
who had known Ireland must be thoroughly
versant with the sufferings of the poor. Airmysneeno Fero,
degree and wide in extent, that distress bed beecan
t
increased by. the famine or dearth of the last two
• tress hod hove
Without muffing the question how that do ~
lieved, and whether the exchequer of Englaiol miOeto,
have done more-or complaining of the went of grel72
with which the assistance had been received-he add
nr2,
nised the fact that from the imperial exchequer saiMM
millions of pounds had been contributed in two years
relief of Insh suffering. (Hear, hear.) To
wele,ehM
country could Ireland look in similar circumstance! iehh74
pitying look or the helping hand ? If she est.,h'isbelter7
as a sore in our vitals, she could not expect either tet ro-
disposition or the same means of rebel to cwt
Would she look to France, whence it was said:tool, 77...
to come to the assistance of Ireland? lie thous t:coeS,
have been extremely difficult to obtain from telt en,
50,00,11. (Hear, hear.) And he much doub Ohoea
the million of dollars paid to be promised from e ete,',;•"l
States would be readily forthcoming. f eir,,sk„),!,
The hon. member for Limerick alluded to the ease
but be did not think the ana:ogy was complete, bees
Sicily there were but little or no divenitiee of
were no distinction. of creed'. The revolutions
now taking place on the continent were of ii
take
than of a political character. He would not Me. e nor
s, If the task of criticising the landlords of lrel
had inherited great difficulties, and bed to
cc
many disadvantages. (Hear, hear.) Alneeeit T 4,1 o
to be found many, of the brighteet as ooto
the worst of theu ; but when th.1...7b0
to the spirit that was rising there, and
were told that on the coming struggle pr•Pf.rl_
utterly powerless, it should be ree4lleeted test ir:.!bitse
power were swept away the wildest and the, 82_ „ wed
schemes would prevail, and property woele
amidst the hetorino billoees around it. (Hear, neos ,o 0
ing I'l4Po:steeled cares! .110 lunch suordlit;oar'sw
'mann, and he had bees a party with "