The Express.
London, England, 1853-10-12 00:00:00

AUSTRIAN ITALY.

A letter from Milan of the 6th, in the Opinion of
Turin, states that numerous political arrests are being
made throughout the Australtalian provinces, and
especially in the Venetian ones.

GERMANY.

VIENNA, Ocr. 7.
We have received almost in the mime breath two
pieces of disquieting intelligence. From Constanti-
nople we learn that war is formally declared: from
London that the Olmutz propositions are rejected.
The news from Turkey has naturally excited most
alarm ; it is questioned and sifted as it deserves to be
after the false rumour transmitted from Constanti-
nople on the 27th ult. It is however believed, and
at the bourse has created a true panic. All kinds of
securities fell considerably, the public funds from 2
to 5, and railway shares as much es 10 per cent.,
with a slight rally at the close. The Five per Cent.
Metallic*, which on the 6th were marked 901,
and which at the beginning of the week were 92,
fell to 881; while the exchange on London rose at
once from 10.59 to 11.05. The keen instinct of a
bankrupt government apprehends more vividly than
ever the inconvenience of rising war, and the
Ministry publishes the most pacific statement it can
of the new phials of the question in the Oesterreichisches
Correspondersz. Its article, however, contains so many
loopholes, that it can hardly do much to tranquillise
those who only take a government statement for
what it is worth.

With respect to the declaration of war it is defini-
tive and complete, but at the same time contingent,
and leaves open to the Emperor a space for repent.
ance. It is the Sultan who now proposes an ultima-
tum. The declaration is a kind of military rule nisi,
and is to be either discharged or made absolute in a
month. Whether it has been promulgated at Con-
stantinople, and what impression it made there, we
are not informed. The absence of intelligence on
this head favours the belief that the Porte has
adopted a precaution mentioned as probable in one
of my:former letters, and, by concealing this important
step from its own people as long as it can, is abridg-
ing the dangerous period of excitement intervening
between the announcement and the execution of its
intentions. However that may be, it is to be hoped
that now the situation of all parties to this disas-
trous affair has become so serious an increased desire
will be felt to put an honourable and equitable end to
the dispute. Nothing could be easier, would but the
Czar consider only the welfare of the Greek Christians
of whom we hear so much.

The news from London looks pale beside that from
Turkey, yet it has created more surprise. I will not
ask the reason why, but really the opinion was tak-
ing root that the British eabmet would accept any-
thing. Moreover it had been understood that upon
the rejection of the modified Vienna note, Lord
Clarendon had proposed u a further expedient, the

apposition of a declaration to the original and un-
modified formula. Such is the !superior influence of
situation, that I believe that that portion of the Aus-
trian public moat convinced of the injustice of the
Russian demands, would gladly have seen the
Olmutz proposition Elect pt4.(l, so di:astrous is even the
' possibility of war to the Austrian state. I perceive
that the attitude of Austria in case of hostilities
between Russia and Turkey, is treated
in some quarters as still open to specula-
tion. I should be astonished if any one
familiar with the Austrian court should affect a doubt
upon this subject. I can well conceive a patriot
statesman, contilent in his own ability and in the
support of the nation, asserting a dignified neu-
trality, or, still better, carrying out a German policy
on the Danube, after independent mediation had
failed. But who are the leaders of Austria now ?
She has none. We see a military court without a
politic chief, and we see submitted to it a complex
of races uninformed by any common national feeling.
Neither from above nor from below cam an indepen-
dent and truly public policy originate, and the Em-
peror, consulting the safety of his own throne and
house, is inevitably led to the side of the Czar.

BERLIN, Ocr. 8.
The Czar is here, and the government—perhaps I
ought rather to say the Chief Minister—chooses the
occasion for malziug a declaration of Prussian policy
in the columns of tae Zeit. It was greatly neeileci,
not that the tendencies of the King or the
convictions of M. Manteuffel were unknown,
bat people, disquieted by the journey to Warsaw,
were asking whether the Minister's influence
was as weft able as hitherto to resist the
absolutist and Russian party, which more immedi-
ately surrounds the monarch. The article in the
Zeit is M. Mauteuffel's demonstration, and is as much

directed against the court party as to the nation.
It is entitled " The Position of Prussia," r •id reads
thus:

"The position of Prussia at the present moment,
when a storm threatens to burst in the East
of Europe, is justly an object of the highest
interest, not only in high political circles, but
among all classes of the people. The ques-
tion is asked with natural anxiety,
Prussia be for or against Russia ? ' We say
with natural anxiety, for let the question be answered
with a yes or a no, the possibility of a war would
for Prussia be imminent, should the latest news from
Constantinople be confirmed. We are not initiated
into the policy which the Cabinet of his Majesty the
King will follow in the present critical situation ;
but we think that it is only necessary to cast an im-
partial glance on the history and geographical posi-
tion of our country to perceive what is now the
natural vocation of Prussia. The lesson must be
I tranquillising. Prussia cannot find herself in op-
position to Itusia as long as her policy is sound and
conservative. The question whether Prussia will be
against Russia or not is thus answered of itself. On
the other hand, Prussia has in the present case no
need to be for Russia in the sense of intervening with
the sword. For the moment, the Russian and
Turkish quarrel does not affect our interests
sufficiently to make us prefer war to peace.
Our own institutions are still young. To con-
solidate and declare them, peace is before all things
necessary. The first discharge of a Prussian
gun would echo most dismally in our workshops,
factories, and havens. That is unquestionable. But
if this is so obvious the public should have confidence
in the government, and helieve that whatever may
be the march of events, it will not act but as the in-
terest of Prussia and the good of the country dictate.
We are therefore of opinion that there is no
reason for looking at the immediate future with
an anxious eye. We fail to discern the stamp of
authenticity upon the warlike reports which reach
us from Vienna and Paris. Should these reports be
confirmed, still we believe it would be a very ex-
traordinary state of things, and one which we can in
nowise foresee, which should make it possible for
Prussia to take np in relation to the present differ-
ence any other position than that of a commanding
, neutrality."
This is very well, so far as it goes, for no one ever
suspected that the army of Prussia would be arrayed
against Russia on the side of justice, notwithstanding
that the severest rebukes of English lukewarmness
have proceeded from Prussian journals. But what
is the meaning of this neutrality, and to what extent
will it be maintained? Last year, when every con-
tinental, and many a British journal, had its
daily accounts of the preparation' of Louis Napoleon,
for foreign invasion, a Berlin paper known to receive
articles from members of the Russian court, published
a statement of the Prussian policy in anticipation of
an irruption of the French into Lombardy. The
Prussian troops were not to cross the Alps in aid of ,
Austria, but they were to do what was
equivalent, they were to enter the Ger-
man and Sclave provinces of Austria, and thus release
the imperial troops for service in Italy. Now, every
one knows that Poland always engages the services
of a larger number of the best Russian soldiers than
any other portion of the Cur's dominions of equal
extent, and even more than the Caucasus. If, there-
fore, Prussia is to send troops into Russian Poland,
she might as well come forward and take an open
part against Turkey. Either course would be con-
trary to Prussian interest', but the latter would be
the more honest.

The Zeit denies that orders have been given to
the papers to bear softly on the Russian Emperor
but says that the instructions are to respect all the
King's allies. The differenoe is not great, consider-
ing whose conduct is just now obnoxious.

AMERICA.

. (ST ILICT3,IO TOUCHUPS.)
ARRIVALS FROM THE UNITED STATES.
(PROS WM OWN CORZWIPONDINT.)
LIVERPOOL, WIDNISDAT.

At seven o'clock this morning the new American-
built paddle steamer Golden Age, D. D. Porter,
U.S.N., commander, arrived at this port from New
York, whence she sailed on the 28th ult., bringing
about 170 passengers. The Golden Age is 3,000 tons
burthen, and has engines of 1,000 horse power. She
is to sail between Liverpool and Australia in con-
nexion with Miller and Thompson's Golden Line of
packets.
At 9 o'clock the United States Mail steam-ship
Arctic, Capt. Luce, entered the Mersey, with the
usual mails from the United States and British
North America. The Arctic sailed from New York
on the 2nd inst., and has brought, besides the mails,
about 110 passengers, and 240,000 dollars in specie on
freight.
The United States Mail steamer Washington, from
Bremen and Southampton, arrived at New York on
Ithe 29th ult.

The Royal Mail steam-ship America, from hence
and Halifax, arrived at Boston on the 29th ult.

The correspondence between M. Ifulseman and
Mr. Secretary Marcy on the Kossta affair has been
published. Mr. Marcy refuses to give up Kant*, con.
firms Captain Ingraham's proceedings, and declines
giving any satisfaction.
On the departure of the steamer business at New
York was brisk, but money was scarce, and stocks
bad again fallen.