The Express.
London, England, 1848-06-21 00:00:00

THE EXPRESS, WEDNESDAY EVENING, JUNE 21, 1848.

quoted by a noble lord during the passing of the reform bill.
It is that of Sir T. Smith who In the time of Elisabeth said
the-. the consent of parliament was taken to be the consent
of every man In the kingdom. Hew can we take that to be
the cue when we see that every flee out of dlx are precluded
from any share In giving that convent ? We aro only asking
what is a right, not what is a favour; for in former times it
was held to be a Helot. I have another authoris, that et',
Lord Brougham, who, in the year 1937, brought in a bill, in
the fourteenth clause of which, treating of what he calls edu-
cational suffrage, he provides that all persons rated for the
relief of the poor, for any property in the pariah or townland
for twelve months previous to the election, shall be entitled
to voter. Such persons were to be entitled by that bill, if it
passed to have the suffrage; it would have thus in.
eluded many who aro now excluded from voting..
Thera was one definition which was made use of by
Lord Grey, quoting hom Whitelock, he having
been stated to be one of the best authorities.
He said that when any question of elections was brought
bel'ers the House of Commons, the inclination of the house
was to favour popular elections, judging that the more free
they were, the more c.deulived they were to promote the
interests of the community. In many borough+ such is the
case. You all recollect that scot and lot was an old and
ancient practice, until we encroached on the rights of the
people at largo by our unjust rules. I am only citing
these authorities to show that up to this hour we have
deprived a great number of that right which the rules of our
constitution freely give. On the 30th of May, 1793, a rose-
lutinn was paw al, stating that every individual referred to
by Wbitelock ought to be entitled to a vote for a repre-
sentative in this house. The Hampden declaration,
published in 1814, provided that any person paying church
taxes should have a vote. When we exclude so
many of our fellow-country men from the right of voting, we
should consider whether or not we arc the aggressors—whe-
ther or not we are the parties who d•ive the people to insub-
ordination and violence, and whether we ought net to con-
sider in what way ee could remove that discontent that now
exists, sud render the basis of the constitution as wide and
as broad as possille. Such a proceeding is more likely to
make the throne stable, and to m eintain the institutions
which were worth preserving—for there were some of them
not worth pr serving—against all the chances of being die
turbed, which may arise tram such feelings of discontent as
have been manifested throughout Euro_pe, and as now mani-
fest themselves in our own country. What is the actual state
of our representation? I have here a. number of tables, which
show its situation in Engle& Ireland, and Scotland, which
prove the gross inequality widen exists with regard to represen-
tation, and how the interests of the many may be injured by
the power of the few. I final by the returns in 1841 that the
gross population of Great Britain was 16,000,000, that of
Wales being 911,000, that of Scotland 2,060,000. The num-
her of males above (testy years of age was above 4,100,000,
and of that number there were only 1450,000 bond fide elec-
tors. That being the case I ask whether it is poiseible that
I we can have any thing like peace and order while so great a
number of individuals are excluded from the right of voting
without any fault or crime of their own? The inequality is
so great and monstrous that common sense is shocked at the
idea of calling it a fair representation.
Mere the hon. gentleman read some document., °annoying the
number tat electors in the boroughs surrounding the city of London
with that of several towns in England, whore populution and whose
electors were much less, yet they seat as ninny representatives to
parliament. Ile then produced u contrast drawn by the late
Mr. O'Connell, in which he proved that some of the smallest counties I
in England, and containing the smallest amount of population, sent
more members to parliament than many of the largest and most
thickly populated wwitied in Iceland. Kildare, Leitrim, lkiwnshire,
Galway, and the county of Cork, whose respective 'smut:Mona far
care dad that of West morel:mil, did not send no many representativei
to parliament.]
The people of this country ere becoming more alive to this
subject. 1 received thisenerning a letter from Recheste r, which
shows the inequality which exists in the county of Kent. The
time is arrived when we can no longer shut our eyes, when
we must take the subject into our consideration, and devise a
remedy fur the injustice. (Hear, hear.) I have a great
many similar instances of inequality, but I will not trouble
the house with them. I think I have stated enough to show
that we are bound to change the present system, that we
must open the doors to those who are now excluded from
the franchise, and that we must have a more equal dis-
tribution of electoral districts. A publication by Mr.
Alexander Mackey has lately come out on this subject. It
gives an analysis of the house and of the representatives in
the most complete manner possible, and I advise hen. gen-
tlemen who wish to be informed what the present system
really is to consult it. (Hear, hear.) He takes 22 boroughs,
with an aggregate population of 100,000, returns 42
members, that is one member for every 2,390; then 20
others, with a population of 3,780.000, returns also 42
members, that is, cote member to every 90,000. 13
the same uterine, he analyse+ the boroughs with consti-
tuencies under 300; and I beg to call the attention of the
noble lord to this point, because when the Reform Bill was
passing he pledged himself that every borough should have
at least 330 electors. I will now draw attention to the dispro-
portion which exists in the representation of counties. One
county member in England represents 32`90 electors; in
Wales, 2,700 electors; in Scotland, 1,153 electors; and in
Ireland only 1,078 electors. The same disproportion exists
with respect to boroughs. In England a borough member
represents 1,048; in Wales a member represents 7x5; in
Scotland 1,260 ;in Ireland 1,680. I call attention to these
matters, in order to satisfy those who are of opinion that
every irregularity and inequality has been done away with.
I am aware that no arrangement cars make the numbers
mathematically correct, but something may be done to esta.
blish an approximate equalisation. (Cheers.) We see that
in other countries, alterations are mode every ten or twenty
yearn, according to the increase or decrease of the popula-
tion in different localities, and this was on the wind
principle that the parliament should really represent
the people. (Hear, hear.) The hon. member then pro-
ceeded to name 8 petty boroughs, which may be, and are,
frequently purchased, sending 16 members to parliament,
who paralyse aad neutralise the members who represent the
capital, the intelligence, and numbers of the metropolis.
(Hear, hear.) All the influence of the metropolis is counter-
balanced by the members fur those 8 boroughs, who are r.
turned with little trouble but at gnat expense. (Hear.)
But the present suffrage is based on no fixed principle. Hon.
gentlemen may not be aware that, though we have a 101.
suffrage as a standard for boroughs, and a 40s. freehold suf-
frage as a standard for couaties, we have 85 different kinds
of suffrage in this country. (Hear.) It is scarcely possible
to believe the confusion, delay, and expense which so many
different kinds of suffrage occasion. (Hear.) What we
ought to do, therefore, is to render the suffrage as simple, as
general, as easily obtained, and as easily defended, as pos.
sible. (Hear, hear.) The very reverse of all
this exists at the present m ment • for we have
only a complicated, restricted, ditficubly-obtained, and
difficultly.preeerved, suffrage—one attended with great ;ex-
pense, not only of money, but of time. I therefore counsel
the house to adopt a uniform system—one for boroughs and
another for counties. I will not Mete the various kinds of
suffrage which prevail at present, hot the list is drawn up
by a barrister, who has made the subject his study. It can-
not be wondered at that men who may obtain the suffrage
will not undergo the expense, delay, and annoyance which'
are occasioned by the present system in order to possess it.
(Hear, hear.) By adopting a mere sensible system
we may get rid also of the expense of regis-
tering electors. The result of all this is that'
the people do not think themselves represented by this
house. (Hear, hear.) They find that the votes and pro- I
ceedings of this house are altogethe r at variance with their
best interests—they find that class interests are attended to,
and that the political parties who aro connected with the aria
tocraey are those who are always in place. (Hear, hear.)
They find that the agricultural interesthas been particularly
attended toe—that it bas been especially exempted from
taxation. 1 om not surprised at this, and 1 only wonder
that they did not favour themselves still more, be-
cause, till lately, no person could have a seat
in this house who had not 3001, a year in land.
The tame system prevailed for Ireland ; but in Scotland a
better system prevails, for there every elector is entitled to
be elected. (Hear, hear.) I cannot see any just reason
for excluding any man from this house whom the electors
choose to send to it. I certainly do not think that their Be-
le ction should be void because the person does not possess
3001 a year. lam not surprised, therefore, that discontent
should prevail and dissatisfaction should be expressed against
a system which it is in our power to remedy. I will not now
speak of the great increase of taxation, but I have no hesi-
tation is saying that by a better system we might
save one-third of the expense which our navy, our army, and
our colonies now cost us. We proved, alter the reform bill,
that the expenses of the country could he brought down
7,000.0001. or 8,000,0001. I beg of hon. gentlemen to read
the return which was lately moved for by the hon. member
(or Liverpool (Mr. Cardwell), and they will see how the ex-
penditure has been increasing year by year, million by
miliion, owing to the indifference which has pre.
vaile I of late years on this subject. The people
of England were smarting under this combined in-
justice of WO taxation and exclusion trom political rights,
and it was not possible that they could continue without dis-
content. Ido net see the right hon. baronet the member for
Tamworth in his place, but I have an important statement
made by him at the time when the 40e. freeholders of Ire-
land were disfranchised. Speaking of the suffrage, he says—
" It is a vested right, but it is a right which is different from
the right of property and other private rights: it is a public
trust to be exercised for the public purposes. It is not lightly
to be touched, but if those who enjoyed it did not perform
the duties attached to it, the pubic interest required that
they ehould touch it." And the tight hon. baronet did
touch it, disfranchising 24,000 40s. freeholders of Ireland.
Now, when we see what has been done of late years by this
house, I think I am tight in saying that the electors have
not discharged the trust repomel in them for the benefit of
the community, but that they have violated their trust.
And it is to prevent such proceedings that I would extend
the suffrage. At present the electors' pockets are emptied by
others. That is contrary to justice ; and what is contrary to
justice cannot long continue. You must bear in mind that
every voice in this house is sent to keep up the present ex-
travagant system of taxation. And st is the electors' own
fault if they do not come forward to prevent that. You
must recollect that before the Reform Bill we had this ad-
vantage—that there were two parties. The king was then
in the hearts of two patties—tories and whigs. lie
could not do as he pleased., lie could not even
change his own miuistry as he wished. But
from the day the 101, householders were given the franchise
the power vested in them. At the next election they could
place in this house men who would act up to what they
wished. (An ironical " Hear, hear.") But I hope they will
not be so selfish as on that account to wish to impede an
extension of the suffrage. What is it that is urged against
the radical reformers—against the chartist reformers? It is
said that they 'petered at every public meeting and inter-
fered with every important discussion. I always ob-
jected to them, because, whatever opinions they
may hold, I think they have no right to inter-
fere with the meetings of others. But I must say that
when they SUS, their monster petitions treated as they have
been treated is: this house I gun not Baptised at their doing

body of the people ; and when, if we discover those grounds,
we ought to take immediate steps for their removal more
effectually to protect the public order and to prevent outbreak.
For these reasons I feel it is my duty to submit to parliament
what I think will remove them. In the first place, 1 contend
that the measure of parliamentary reform passed in 1832
has failed to answer all the purposes for which it was
enacted. I should he acing unfairly if I en! not say that
that measure, of which I was an ardent and lealous sup-
porter, tau done much to secure the peace of the country.
(Hear, hear.) I believe, if no such measure hail been
passed, that :discontent would have gone on increasing to
such an extent, that nothing could have saved us from the
fete of a revolution during the late European changes and
disturbances. 1 think the bill of '32 was a wise and politic
measure, I wish it hail gone further. It is because it did
not go fir enough, and because it haft not effect, d the ohjects for
which the c iuntry then struggled from one end to the other,
that I think we are now called upon, after sixteen years'
experience of it, to repair its deficiencies. (Hear.) I contend
that the constitution gives to every man in the country a
right to a share in the representation ; that taxation and
representation ought to go together; and that those who can
not in any way assist in the election of those who are to sit
in this house, and to pass laws affecting their liberty and
property, are in practice deprived of their rights. They are
in tact deprived of that which distinguishes a freeman from
a slave ; for, while the master of a slave makes laws
for him and directs him in every way, a freeman has by
right a voice in the diction et representatives to
take care of his ieterests. If the parliament does not
represent all classes it becomes a. bad engine, an engine in
the hands of a few, of those whe have the power,
aas agatinst
the many ; and if we are not to have a good parlimen we
had better perhaps have no parlian ent at all. In countries
where the military rule or where tho will of the government
cc of a despot decides everything, they have no occasion for
parliaments. It is because 1 have seen the evil arising
from this system, because we have all, within these
few months, seen what has taken place in consequence of
!list system, that we ore anxious not to run the risk of
driving to desperation those who are in reality entitled to
share ot the representation. My view of the power which
arli invent exercises is, that it should be founded on the
broadest political basis. The crown being the chief magis-
I trate for the conduct of the affairs of this c >entry, the
government is constituted for the good of the community at
large,—not of the crows, noS of too nobility, not of aey par-
ticular class but the government is formed it/ lnis country
of king, lords, and commons as the best means of carrying
on the government under and by the authority of parliament.
(Hear, hear.) No act of the crown, or of her Majesty's
mini-ters, can be, or ought to be valid but by the
act and voice of the House of Commons. To place,
therefore, the House of Commons in the highest pos-
sible power and interest of the country is to
give to the largest possible numl;rr of our fellow-countrymen
the right of electing these who are to exercise such im-
portant functions. Now, nun hon. members in their con-
sciences any that justi,:e is done to that large clam of un-
represented persons„ when we find that, at this moment,
live out of ever:, six nearly. of the male adults of this coun-
try arc without any voice in the election of the representa-
tive ho :y? (Hear.) Out of fir, millions of males above
twcuty years of age, there are registered, in round numbers,
one million; and of these from 150,000 to 200,000 are
doubly registered, having votes in different places; so that
we may safely say that the number of males actually repre-
sented under our present system is little more than
800,000 or 840,000. (Hear, hear.) These 850,000 out of
nearly six millions form a class separate and distinct;
and all who have toot the privilege are placed in an
interior situation, and deprived of the right which
the constitution entitles them to enjoy. I call it a right,
sir, and nut a favour; because every man born in this
country owes allegiance to the throne and the laws,
and he is obliged, whenever called upon by the civil
power, to maintain order and preserve peace; and in return
for this he entitled to protection for his person and pro-
perty, and a share of all those rights which the constitution
gives him as an Englishman. At the age of 18, even at 16
I am informed, he may be drafted for Ute militia ; any day,
in passing through the streets, he may be arrested and called
on by the civil authority to aid the magistrates in quelling
riots, and in maintaining at the risk of his life the peace
of society. If thee was, any doubt before, the Consta-
bles Act, passed only two years ago, compels every person,
under penalties, to obey and assist tho civil power
on such occasions. If he is branded for the
militia, by a conscription not vet abolished,— I wish
it was,—he is liable to be dragged from his home and his
family, and from all near and dear to him, when the service
of the state requires it. And in return for these services
is it too much for him—too much for those advocating
equal rights,—to say that he ought to he placed in the
situation which the constitution gives him ? I speak not of
"natural rights ;" that is a phrase nobody can understand.
(Hear, hear.) I speak of constitutional rights, of that which,
from age to age, our constitution has been held by the best
authorities on the subject to confer. (Hear.) Then what
right has this parliament to close the door against this class
of unrepresented men, many of whom are of superior talent
to some in this house, and of much superior talent to may
who vote for individuals to fill this house ? (Hear,
hear.) I may venture to say that one of the most
instructed clasaes of workmen, famous throughout the
world for their ingenuity, industry, and ability, many
also for their very superior acquirements, are shut out from
the possibility of giving a vote, and of being considered free-
men. They are herded together, as though unworthy to be
regarded as Englishmen, although they are constantly
adding to the glory of their country as soldiers, arid to its
renown as artisans. Is not that a sound and legitimate ground
for the put and continued existence of discontent ? (Hear,
hear.) I ask the house for a reason why a man in that
situation should ba excluded from the franchise. It is not
for me to state a difficulty ; I state what is the right of
every individual; arid I ask those who keep the door closed
against this class to give a reason fur doing so. There are
large numbers of persons belonging to colleges in various
situations, who have neither the 101. franchise, nor any
other ; and it is matter of serious consideration whether we
are not blindly going on creating and rearing discontent, and
thus requiring one portion of the people to be armed to keep
down the other. (Hear, hear.) Sir, it becomes a serious
consideration for the friends of peace and order whether,
with our eyes open, we will refuse the necessary means,
when wo have the remedy before us, of pacifying, not as a
favour, hut by granting the rights which we now withhold.
(Hear.) Let the house consider what passed at the meeting at
Manchester on the evening of the 10th of April, after the
special constables had performed their duty. They asked each
other " What have we met here about to day ?" "'l'o pre.
vent a breach of the peace by the chartist." "And why
are the chartists discontented ? why are they likely or
desirous to break the peace ?" The answer was," They
wax; a reform in parliament ; they consider themselves en-
titled, as Englishmen, to vote for those who make laws for
protecting their property and lives, and lay taxes on the
articles of necessity which they consume. And are you all
content with the House of Commons as it now
is ?" The general answer was "No !" " Then
why show a readiness—instead of supporting the demand of
your fellow men fur their rights—to become their oppressors ?
You become their oppressors if, with the means in your
power, you refuse to remove the discontent, and to place those
persons in the situation which the constitution ought to give
them, whereby public order would best be preserved."
That colloquy ought to sink deep into the hearts of all who
have power in this country,—none more go than the aris-
tocracy, whose great wealth and possessions render the main-
tenance of order of greater importance to them in every point
of view. To the government this is of primary importance :
every cause of discontent ought to be removed ; because it is
perfectly well known that no commotion, disturbance, dis-
satisfaction, or dread of breach of public order, can take
place without disorganising the industry of the country,
and interfering in some way with those pursuits
on which we depend. (Hear, hear.) Therefore I
appeal to the government, not as men of property,
not as belonging to the aristocracy, but as men having a duty
to perform, by the oath they have taken to their sovereign,
to advise and consult on the best means of benefiting the
country, and preserving ;he public peace ; and I say this is
a question for them individually, as well as in their
capacity as members of this house. (Hear, hear.) Various
opinions have existed as te the right of voting; and the
Reform Bill has placed it on no fixed intelligible principle.
let us see what have been the opinions of different indivi-
duals respecting that right. Lord Grey in introducing the
Reform Bill, spoke as follows on the 3rd of October, 1831,
—in describing the great importance at that time, o.
satisfying the public mind and removing discontent
I believe the present measure to be o measure of justice, sound
policy, peace, and conciliation. I believe that on its acceptance or
rejection depend, on the one band, peace, tranquility, and proapevity ;
on the other, that state of political ilireatisfaction and diacontent, the
continuance of which threatens all those disastrous consequence,'
which must arise when ill feeling is engendered in the people towards
the government of the country. • • . . . I, myself, on two dif-
ferent OeCalliolla, brought forward motions en this subject, believing
then, as I believe now, some change in the representation of the
people to he absolutely necessary, in order to give new vigour to the
constitution, and to snake the Howse of Commons in fact, that which
it professes to be in thiory, a full, free, and efficient representation of
the people.
If Lord Grey, who from his easliest days was a re-
former—who had witnessed the evils of rejecting reform in
urn, and had borne testimony against the government of
the day for refusing it—if he, when he came into. power
in 1831, expressed himself in such language, ought not
those who are his successors, and who were in office with
him at that lime, to remember and weigh well those words,
even it they have forgotten their own declarations of like
import? (Hear, hear.) In almost ad his speeches, Lord
Grey recognises the right of every person to be repre-
sented, in support of which he quotes t•e opinions of Sir
George Saville, Lord Chatham, Fox, Grattan, Blackstone,
Locke, and other distinguished men. There was a
resolution passed in this house in the year 1812, on an
election case concerning the borough of Cirencester, when
the committee were desirous of knowing what defini-
tion could be given of a man's right to vote. A gene-
ral definition was given in these terms, that every male
person of full age, and not subject to any legal incapacity,
who should occupy any house or dwelling, making use of
the house u his residence, should be duly registered, and be
entitled to vote, provided he resided in the borough for a
certain period. It is a matter of great importance
that those who ridicule the demands of the people
who ars anxious to ci;es:ii t:iel right should know what
the opinons of very high authorities are on the sub-
ject. There is another authority in the ease of the borough
of Pontefract, when the committee came to a resolution
that an 'person who lived in the town for six months previ-
ous to the election aheuld be entitled to a vote. The non-
payment of rates and taxes formed no objection. What, I
will ask, is the extraordinary demand that is made and what
is that claim on which we are in the habit of tearing so much
ridicule thrown? It was the decision of the House of Com-
mons in the case of the borough of Pontefract, and if it was
the decision of the house then, i think it right that the pre-
seat house should recollect it, and I think that I am not to
blame for bringing it under your consideration now. 1 have
further to state an opinion of great importance, which was

anything. I ass not surprised at tide adopting the mode of itself to the whole country, but the noble lord's language,
ei woe petitioning." That glen did not orieteate, as Las in proposing the Reform Bill of 1832, is se strong, and so
Men nail with me. It orighltatid with Mr. Liviney, of applicalde to the present purpose, that I will quote it,
Protein; 'find lam glad to And that each petitions now curious to hear whet the noble lord might have to say, if he
not only his name but his residence and his ad. has anything to say, in oontraeention now of the principles
stforrel,ra. I hepe that rule will continue tabs foliowet. I hope which he so emphatically laid down then. Oa the Ist of
no petition will come up to this bouse without it. There M arch 1831, the noble lord said : 1•
we:c mistakes on a furzter occasion in esnsequence of the But *tut is the coat Wine cement? 411se wholehtszmtkereawll lowly
number of zealous people who gigue]. But there con be no for reform. That confidence, whatever 1,447;:5n:
longer;,,
it formerly =-
mistake now. These petitions are signed by about twenty.
I think tweaty a good number to fign a petition, and I hope p7cedteilly.einattlanw wend.i=tever may be thought of the particolar sobs of 1
of Commons, I repeat that the coatideoce of the country ti, i
no petitions will came up for the future signed by many the
the construction and constitution of the house of Commons to gore,
more or Isis. Weil, sir, I have now shown what are and gone fur ever. I would say wee. 1 affirm that it would be
the evils of the present system, and that the ready remedy for easier to transfer the Smashing maaufactoriea of heeds and Man.
them is to restore the constitutional rights of the parttes. cheater to Gnu
,i:t.ein,eddOtiltrilaerumenth,joithto re
oveztablzhh.,tla oiak,nfidenitT.
Great anxiety has been expressed to know what is meant by
chef to
thin argument, tberetore, by seying, that if the quo'
household maltase. I intended it to include all householders.
non be one of right, right is in favour of reform ; if it be a question
My definition is—that every male person of lull age and not of reaaon, reason is in favour of reform ;ifit be a question of policy
subject to mental or legal refiriuity, who has occupied the nail expediency, policy said expediency speak loudly for reform.
whole or part of a house fur twelve months, end is rated to Nothing can he clearer or better than the expressions of the
the relief of the pour, shall have a right to be registered for noble lord. They completely bear out all that I hove ad-
twe.ve
months, and that every lodger shall atter twelve vanced in my arguments. The re is also another opinion of
months' residence, hare a right to claim to be the noble lord, delivered by him on tee some occasion, to 1
rated—(a laugh),—and to be alas placed on the which it is highly important the country should at this
register for twelve months. In Englaud, sir, there moment be referred, for I shell be able to show whet hie
is a eye .elll of rating to the poor. We therefore, have all opiuions then were with respect to one of the most essential
the apparatus and means at command I.y which all person* arguments upon which the claim for en extension of the
may be known ; and all I want is, that there should suffrage is based. Oa the let of March, 1831, the noble lord
he just so much residence as is necessary to separate thus speaks:
the steady man from the vagrant. I know that my It will not be necessary an this_ occasion that I ehould go over the
system will exclude many from the franchise, bat I believe areromenhts w:hich have
llic:n sodeeornuterl in flajoriostr paterlimelatthry
it will include most who ought to be included. lam not error,
thutst
ofit is ilueect q
the itral argument on whic'he'reforniaers' most 7theier
aware of any practical difficulty In the way. By the pre- !ne
cciaimP°. Lookieg at the question, then, as a queetion of right, the en.
sent law every man is rated as to the whole of his house, cleat statute i f Edward I. contains the germ and vital principle of our
and there would be no difficulty in providing by set of mental consiltution. The 25th of Edward 1., c. G, declaree, in the I
parliament that any man may have a right to be rated name of the King, that .. for no busiesw from henceforth we should
in respect of the part of the house ho may occupy, It
of
eourch %erne!
_ieifratides,etaeloem„,endorpprimet, but by the coron, mean audit
may be personals this is not keeping up the
.distinctiat be-
..f., en...,
.ahl.i_ _ A
____ _ .
_n_! ill. . f
‘e.vi
hohereehl, !
tweett rights and property. I think too much en,"anietiiinetnillentnenen-.7.l,,,rz:zzce—,,x,
perolltil.,.n
nnithiat . tome
difference is paid to bricks and mortar, and too little to or aid Mull be taken or levied, by us of ran keine, in our realm, with-
head and brains. You may have heard the distinction out the good willand ante.t f archbishop., biabcpa each, isarons,
which Franklin drew when the question of property knighta, burgur:esit,.aeneit
in threemen of the land. Although some
tihaNtheeeedsch i mietedd
or personal rights was agitated in America. " Uh,
tote, iitc:ls• atilt% in point of la': is
it swnuil!'''nor2ed:i
lei napuirelli:4,' itlyont r V;i: it
said sOlllO one, " let property be rated." "By all
twonunettiotiwun'iofb)t.h)tehcoe tor tei
dollars as the amount ? In that case here's a Gnu Stuart. TO revert again tot a moment to socientaar
means," said Franklin, ' and suppose we fix fiveno.d.eNtbi%e
tdaiknrefL'ott:thhnee,
coming across the bridge with a donkey :—liins now entitled of the commonalty of the land thus declared necessary for the grant
to a vote. But if the donkey dies on the other side he will any aid er tax wsa collected from their repre-entativeot connoting
cross the bridge again without a vote—so that the vote is the of any aid
very each county, from each city two citizens, and
ea
as,'e, not the man's." Meier, hear, and laughter.) from
.e
I thetik it n•TI' "'note'''. re to read seme further extracts
The course, therefore, which I propose is,r to abolish all
from tine mobil': loYrd's speech, s they directly refer to two new
points, which, as we are informed, have been introduced into
werekaoi.t differento single, rctsgulli franchise. °uAsnidnleb°t nouuotheib'esiladfralid°
the plan of reform about to he proposed to the house, namely,
of a large suffrage under this system. I held the vote by ballot and the shortening of the duration of per-
m] seat in this house in times of the
greatest figments. The noble lord, in the same speech which I have
difficulty through the exercise of an independent suffrage. already quoted to the house, says with respect to the duration
During twelve or fourteen years I should utver have sat here of parlitment• :
had I not been protected by the honesty of a body of work- I cannot but take notice of some particulars In which, perhaps, 'his
ing men, who returned me to parliament eleqiite the lairds measure will be considered by many to be defective. In the lint
and a tory aristocracy who would nave done anything to get place, there is no gree
itonvieiunhfioerX4iellx.rtem.rieehduycatid,oinisete,f rear. librente.
me out. I therefore offer the advice of experience when I n so
thir sr' soebej..cwet hi:Ought would be better to teasel, mi
ke broughgrocree
dtinhdy thole:
the =one by any member oh.. may ebonite to take it up, than to
rhyeee that. eed Ikarreg eb
y constituencyf eke ieee
ei a
likely
es
to
bring it in at the end of a bill regulating matters totally distinct.
ble(°alulwurdel
Galilee of a court, or by hope of place. The schoolmaster is without saying, therefore, what is the opinion of his Majesty's =-
abroad. The days of 183 a and 11148 are widely different. If nisters ecepecong that question, which I =self think to be one of the
we had the large suffrage which I contemplate, and which I utmost importance, me to deserverthe utmost
Ns idlita
peon, we
hope yet to see realised, because it iss so justu that I shell keep the large asure of re tom which is be I comehnds
well. tiro
from every other question, and leave the subject of the du=
ilo not believe it can be refused, everything we go Con of parliamento to be brought before the house by same other
Yen will increase the nun.ber of the supporters el order and member at a future time.
of peace anal of the government, which guides its conduct by And now with respect to the fourth point—namely, the
the principles of the constitution of the country. I have ballot. The noble lord in his speech on Introducing the first
now stated the main object I have in view, the other points
. Reform Bill says :
111 ing rather conditions. The extension of the suffrage le There Ii another question, sir, of which no mention is made in this
the one point, the great point : the rest arc details. Ac- bill, although it, at mese tt,,,noces, u,liliieste vbeeiairect.li the nun
oll,etheee
cording to estimates which I have carefully formed I should count
jt malei-
er,-alt;,ketan
the
at q es
on leaselec"U much to recommend it. The
ray that the extension of the suffrage which I contemplate 4
meat, which I have heard advanced in its favour are as ingenious as
would add too millions and a half to the present electoral any that ever fell under my observation on any subject. Rut at the
hotly, and not a man too much in my opinion. (Hear, some time lam bound to say that this house ought to pause before II
hear.) The more there are the better, provided that those gives its sanction to the mesnme.
admitted to the franchise are in themselves worthy to exer- Now these various expressions of opinions held by the noble
cise it. It appears to me a monstrous thing that the men by lord and his colleagues in 1831 constitute a very weighty
whose agency, by whose industry and zealous application to authority upon all the subjects comprised within the scope of
labour this country has been raised to its present pitch of wealth the resolutions lam about to propose, and they ought to
and grandeur, that these men should be precluded from any have great weight with the house. But I wish to be as
shore in electing the re presentatives by whom the legislation clear in stating the views which I now support as the noble
of that country is to be conducted. (hear, hear.) It seems lord was formerly in making his own views known. There
to me that we must make our choice between a really re- ware, in Pel, doubts thrown out is to the sincerity of the
presentative and a military government ; and, fur my part, noble lord in bringing forward such a Reform Bill as that
I prefer the former. (Hear, hear.) The lesson presented which he. then. proposed. What did the noble lord reply to
to us by the continental states should ring aloud in the ears those insinuations? He said:
of of those who seek longer to debar the people from the en- I therefore thie_korl.tmdilLantitien tstyaitnglrethleto,Z.Uer wb:
believed
joyment of their legitimate rights. I myself, in my humble eh„,..,eftwereemeoas reformt .be
beee,..7.
I ray that we have a right to be
capacity, will lose no opportunity of vindicatiug those rights, .e
believed when we assert that it is not for any enlister std of our own
so long as 1 hind the people prepared to claim them. lam ee bring forward the present measure, but because we are interested
bound to explain here why the resolution I placsd on in ;he future %tetra?", of this ccontry, which welfare we conceive to
the notice paper was so guarded and comparatively be beat consulted by the adoptieu of a timely and sue effective
meagre in its language. We thought it better to reform.
throw
throw out at first only general principles, leaving it to And order to show more clearly how completely the views
the country to say how far these should be extended ; the noble lord cot eli
ofut *a • 1 dthe periodwhich Irefer
and at
with those no v advocated by the reformers, I will again
and 1 think that, short as the space has been, the people -
his sentiments
.
hive done this very emphatically, and have given a practical refer the house to his as to the basis on which
ion ought to stand :
answer to the statement of the noble lord with regard to the repreeessewnktkeatk
the
stitutiem on • Ikea bean you must show that
views of the public on the question of further parliamentary T
you are determined neo
ot to be the representatives of a email clasp, or
reform. ( Rear, hear.) It has been asked, on a former
, ot a perimeter interest ; but to form a body who, representing the
occasion, why we put all these principles under one (MOM' people, springing from the peonle, and srmpethiaing with the people,
ties. The reason was this—that to have the suffrage ex- UM fairly call on the people to support the future burdens of the
tended without protection would be a serious evil, as sub- couenetrtye e
: andetontesenuerhlLwhitthttse gturewtille.licespwlsichhheiint may
jetting persons to influences which, unaided, they ha
ready to jom them heart and hand, and are only)ookIng, like them-
could scarcely resist, and would place them in the poet- selves, to the glory and welfare of Engle=
tion, welch I have too frequently had occasion to remark, Now let me ask the house, are not all the observations and
of being exposed to the influence, not very delicately exer- arguments which 1 have quoted from the noble lord's
cieed, of the masters upon whom they depended for their sub- speech applicable to the resolution which I bring forward
sistence, and whose persuasions it was, accordingly, some. at this time ? (Hear, hear.) Have I not shown that the
what difficult for their dependents to counteract with im- people are excluded from their rights as contributors to the
punity. (Hear, hear.) 1 am encouraged in the course I taxes ; and do I not counsel you now, as the noble lord did
have taken by the expression of opinion, not of the working then, to cede those rights to the people so unjustly deprived
clones merely, but of all classes, high and low. lam in- of them ? Recollecting the promises made by the noble lord
formed that in a vast proportion of tee petitions which and his colleague+, all we now ask is that they complete those
have been presented in favour of our views there engagements; and we are therefore entitled to the support
are the signatures of many persons who until of the government in the proposal about to be made Batt I
a recent period have been staunch conscrvatives, but who must do the noble lira the justice to say that, when he in-
have seen reason to change their views with the changed a reduced the Reform Ball in 1831, he was placed in a great dif-
circumstances around them. I will add, that very many, ficulte as to the boroughs which were placed in schedules A
indeed, of those petitions are headed with the n^raes of the and Li. The time has new come when the reform thus so clearly
mayor, of the justices of the peace, and of the highest gen- defined must be carried into execution. If the government
try of the respective localities. (Hear, hear.) Next comes refuses to do justice to the people—if the House of Commons
the important question, bow this extended suffrage shall be justifies' the noble lord in excluding from their civil rights
exercise 1. 'Janette the grossest inequalities have existed four millions of men—if, I repeat, the leeislature and the
in this matter, relative to which the state of the boroughs, government unite in perpetrating these wrongs, then they
and the state of the counties throughout the kingdom, is must be prepared for the discontent and dissatisfaction which 1
confessedly such as no man can defend. (Hear.) I have are sure to be manifested as soon as that determination is
stated that it is our desire to apportion the representation I made known to the country. Let me refer her Majesty's
more equally to the population; but we do not propose, in _ ministers to what occurred in 1793, when the events which
this view, to cut up the country into electoral squares. took place in France led to a demand for reform. here. Look
(Hear, hear.) This would be, in my opinion, adding very
• at the measures which were deemed necessary to put that
materially to the difficulties of the contemplated change. demand down. ltoco!lect the suspension of the Habeas
I quite admit that every change is, abstractedly, an evil; and Corpus Act. Recollect the steps taken to coerce public
therefore I say that no change should be adopted which, opiuion. Recollect the war into which the nation was
upon mature consideration, does not promise to produce 1
I p unged in order to stifle and drown the voice of the re-
more good than it may do harm by the mere fact of change. formers ; and, above all, recollect the penalty of 600,000,0001.
Ido not propose to divide the country into the electoral dis. which we are now enduring as one of the consequences of
triets which have been spoken of ; nor da 1 propose, so far MS refusing that reform which, if it had been conceded at the
I ant at present advised, to alter the proportion of members time, would have avoided a great part of the pressure and
for England, Scotland, and I reland. Tb is must be for the house difficulty under which the country now lebours. No, sir—
to determine. All I wish is that, as to counties, where one the aristocrscy, the King, and Mr. Pitt—the arch traitor to
county has three times more population and only the same reorm, which he then persecuted as he had at the
representation that a neighbouring county has, there shall I outset, advocated and even maintained the very points
be such an alteration of boundary line* for election purposes which I now bring forward for the approval of the house:
as shall make the representation of the two more appropriate If you wont do justice in this matter, coercion must, as a
to the population. (Hear, hear.) I have here with me • matter of necessity, be resorted to in order to bring the people
prepared statement of the population and represents- to submission. But then the question arises whether the
tion of every county as now cohstituted, and a calcu- people will submit to be coerced in the same way that they
When of what the average constituencies would be under the did under the tory rulers. Ne, no, they will not. Educe-
proposed change. This I shall be ready to explain tion is happily now too largely diffused to permit this result.
to the house if it consent to my motion, and Therefore 1 ray, instead of coercion, do justtce to the people,
the explanation will be as clear and demonstrative as it is and you will always find them actuated by a right spirit
easy. Taking, for example as to towns, the letter I have read Coerce them and they will resent such treatment. The
from Kent, I ask, where would be the difficulty of annexing working classes of England have more interest in prese:vieg
three or four towns there which have popula.ion but no good order than you, the rich and propertied classes, have,
direct representation to some other town which has repre- for in times of anarchyi you can fall back upon your mean.,
gestation but limited population ? What has been whereas their labour becomes useless, as there is no demand for
dome in Wales and in Scotland may be done it. Let the government, therefore, grant the boon that is fairly
here. I myself represent five boroughs which have asked in time. If the noble lord and his colleagues are wise
been joined into one electoral district. There would be no councillors, they will recommend the Queen to do this for
difficulty in extending the system, where necessary, through- her own benefit. The people bad a right to that reform
out the country, and 1 shall be ready, if the house will allow which he demanded on their behalf. Their patience was
me to tiring in my bill, to show how easily the object can becoming exhausted bj the repeated delays and denials. In
be effected. I think I can do this, so as to have no ground conclusion Sir, therefore, I ask the house to vote for the
for complaint on the part of any men, who admits the prin- resolution lam about to submit. If it is agreed to, and I
ciples of justice and common sense to a claim upon his atten- obtain leave to bring in a bill founded on it, the house will
tion. This is my second proposition. The third is the not be pledged to adopt all the clauses sf thet bill. The
ballot. I know, of course, that we hate had this proposition principal object will be to obtain an extension of the suffrage,
discussed very frequently, and lam not disposed on the pre and in other respects the measure can be modified in any
sent occasion to go into the matter. 1 will simply *avert to manner the house may think fit. If I have exceeded the pro-
what I think a very important and effective reason for it, in per bounds, my bill will be open to correction. If I have fallen
noticing one main objection heretofore made to the ballot. short of them, and not gone far enough, other hon. mein-
It is said that the practice is un-English ;my opinion is, that leers may go telier. But I do any, Sir, that this measure,
bribery and corruption are practices far mare un•English. or some similar one, is the only means of satisfying the
(Hear.) Again a noble lord, now in another place, told us country, and of maintaining public tranquillity. With these
when we were discussing the ballot on one occasion that he remarks, and thanking the house for the attention and
did not consider his tenants had any right to give a vote ad- patience with which my observations and statement' have
verse to his views. Oa this principle we had better super- been received, I beg to move the resolution which I have
sede voting altogether on the part of the people as a manifest put on the paper, adding the words, " all householders,
farce, and at once apportion out the nomination of members which, by some error, were omitted in the terms of the
of this house among a certain set of noblemen and gentlemen inted motion. The bon. member then moved the follow-
of given property. (Hear, hear.) But no; the people must -
lug resolution, and sat down amidst loud cheers on all sides.
enjoy the suffrage, and they must be protected in its exer- That this house, as at present constituted, does not fairly represent
else. The rich and Wither class, the nearer they approach the population, the property, or the industry of the country, whence
the aristocracy,•cass• fy ever look' at a vote without considering ban anon gnat andincreasing discontent in the minds of • large pr-
how it is to be appaed for party purpoece. The working lien of the peoptl; anal it
heteutetrgo,tretheexereeti
tli
enet, with view to
frachi'age shall he
claw have no such feelings ; one out ol ten of tht rn are
PO elnled riTdnaaatitoo include all ho holders; teat vans shall be taken
eager to give an honest vote, and tee must protect t hem in
by ballot; that the duration of parliaments shall not exceed three
thi• generous purpose. (Hear, hear.) How stands the case year,; and that the appointment of members to population shall be
now ? An hon. friend presented this evening a petition from made more equal.
upwards of three hundred workmen in one victory in favour Dr. BOWRINO seconded the motion.
of my motion. What would be the position of these men if, The reading of the resolution was received with loud
admitted to the franchise, and not protected in its exercise by cheer..
the ballot, they voted counter to the wishes of an cm- Mr. HENRY DRUMNIOND cenfeseed that he had
player, who thought proper to exert his power of expelling much difficulty in following the hon. member through
them from his service in punishment of their honest con- many of his details. In the first place, he was not
duct ? I really cannot understand how it is that able to satisfy himself as to whether the honourable
gentlemen of station can refuse to the humbler dosses, on the member looked upon the elective franchise as a right
pretence of some lofty feeling of honour, that protection or a trust, neither had he been able to understand what the
which they take care to throw over themselves in their own hon. mccrtbsr considered parliament to be. At one time the
club electioris. (Hear, hear.) No, let the poor man, under hon. member tale •.I of it as a legislative assembly—at an-
the shield of the ballot, go and give his honest vote, without other, as a porti iii ut the ixrcutive government. Neither
the fear that his honesty may revolve himself and his family in could he understand the h ..n. member's idea of n commitee.
ruin. As to the duration of parliaments, after the most mature The hon. member had !dated himself to have been one of a
consideration of the subject, my conviction is, that three committee appointed to draw up certain acts, that was to
years would be found the best period to assign. As to gush- say, the present resolutions. Now a committee was gene-
Cation, I am opposed to the impediment which the „thy understood to be a body delegated and appointed by
exaction of a property qualification throws—in England, another body. What body had delegated the hon. member,
Wales, and Ireland—in the way of the talent which might he (Mr. Drummond) had not as yet learned. (Protectionist
otherwis; find its way, with public advantage, to this house. client...)
In Scotland, as I have said, there is no property qualification: Mr. HA:NI E--The people. (Rear, hear.)
the man who is competent to elect is competent to be elected. Mr. H. DRUOIMOND—" The people" was an abstract
I myself have been repeatedly elected in Scotland without term. The only person who could properly act in the name of
any property qualification ' • and I see no reason why the the people was the sovereign of the country. He did not
principle circled out in (Scotland should not be applied to the know that the hon. member had been sent for by her Ma-
two other kingdoms. These are the grounds on whien jests. (A lateeh • Bet letting these things pass, he could
I think further parliamentary reform necessary. I state that some pi • rtes in • pamphlet of his own, written
need not refer, in support of the principle I advocate, to the and published in 1529, recommeaded the shortening of par-
language of the noble !c'ed.—the principle is =Wed of :laments and the extension of the suffrage. (Cheers.) lie