The Express.
London, England, 1847-05-10 00:00:00

Eh, erprtoo.

NAILS.

velaThema ea 111ak pilighers, Madeira, Cues. aritebraltaa
me ei eke et the 17th May.
The Wat lUla meek for Nod" Neuturey and
es eatemak mete use up ea the ewasktietes 17tk Nay.
Ike rib Oar II S& Nee* Assmed llama% ad the United
Ileiek von tense up ea the eurneeput ea ISO Mg.
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vale awe *ea tee neslagetee May.
The ~Nal deal =Mk laradbra, te the Iltelkonsetea,
=elk Yet* Raw Tem, te., willbe made up ea Ike
dee
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Dahl% liteeiw. eel d. tele be mew sr IM
etas tetima Ar

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MGR WWI= AT LONDON-811DM
T. I:l9l—ltarslai. 47 Ws. p 9 ; Altarms, 23 We. pea 10.
Toiloiaow—Dlstving, e.d. pea 11 ; WA. p. 11.

LONDON, MONDAY, MAY 10.

WE cannot say that we admire Lord PALMERSTON'S
feat of putting a pistol to the head of Xing 01%0,
and making him stand and deliver. It is an amusing
picture, certainly, to behold his Greek Majesty in
such strait, Sir ED/PHND LYONS threatening to
seize his naval furniture for the debt or for its interest
—the fright of COLEITI, the anger of his Majesty at
being exposed to the rmienese of such a troublesome
customer as Sir Entomb LYONS, and M. PPSCATORY
coming forward to oar LOCHS PHILIPPE'S bail, are
all very amusing incidents.
But are they digmilied ? Are they politic ? Did
we really want the Wray P or did we condescend to
play the bully he it, iswidy to be avenged of M.
C.oxsrri P of Greece has been so
ice( and se often unnir far this " trifle," that it pro-
bably ad not think the English creditor could be so
wipe.. or, at least, so rude. We hope that the Greek
government had fair warning of our violent inten-

tions, for, if unexploded, such conduct was the more'
outrageous and unwarranted.
We can understand and admire the conduct of the
Ameriaut government in boldly telling the King of
France, that if he did not pay the American claims,
they would seise his ships. That was a manly—nay,
a glorious threat, offered to such a country as
France, which, we think, also showed magnanimity in
coolly paying the dollars. But England to behave
in this manner to Greece, BRITANNIA taking MINERVA
by the collar, is neither pleasant nor classic to think
of. Poor as we are, we must tell Lord Pstmgagron
we had rather have done without the money.
We are no worshippers of Greece, and regret most
profoundly that we ever gave it a Bavarian king, or
lent him English money. But Great Britain having
stood godmother for the young monarch, ought not
to treat him ignominiously. Greece may be froward
and ungrateful, may have turned out the contrary
of what we wished—despotic, not liberal ; cruel, not
humane ; barbarous, not civilised. But shall we
mend it by insult and coercion ? The manage-
meat of Greek affairs is at present in the
hands of a party which abuses its influence. Were
it not better to observe this conduct in a quiet and
disapproving, but not resentful attitude? Sorrow
more than anger should become any possible feeling
of England towards Greek errors. And the nation
itself is so small, so infantine, that, really, harsh treat-
ment of it is indecorous, as the entertaining any spirit
of rivalry towards it, or its ministers, ought to be
beneath an English statesman.
When a country or a monarchy, which we have
raised ap and protected, and with which, in return,
we have stipulated that it should found a system of
public liberty—when such a monarchy belies its pro- ,
wise and falsifies its trust, it does not bcbng to us to
avenge these broken stipulations by war. We should,
however, withdraw our countenance from that people,
and mark our disapprobation by the recall of our
minister. To leave him at his post forces him to the
alternative of either acquiescing in despotism and ar-
bitrary rule, or of setting up an opposition to the
existing king and government within the walls of the
British embassy. We think this latter system impolitic
and undignified. It is the position of Sir EDMUND
LYONS, Who carries on this war with King OTRO, and
the opposition to Cocerri, with great spirit and talent
no doubt, but with spirit and talent unhappily applied
to attain petty ends and foster petty animosities.
The quarrel between Sir EDMUND LYONS and M.
PISCATORT, at Athens, strikes us as the most puerile
affair in the world. Lord PALMERSTON and M.
OVIZOT. firing at each other from the benches of their
respective parliaments, are equally puerile. Lord
PALMERSTON characterises the government of M. Co-
tern very truly, as a mean and rascally mixture of
violence, rapacity, and corruption. M. (10130 T retorts
by calling CoLErri glorious, and swearing that he will
Fajen the glorious old fellow's debts. Parliament here,
the Chamber there, applaud their respective foreign
ministers—neither condescending to take a fair and
impartial view of their differences. There they stand,
the two greatest and most civilised nations in the
world, scolding and squaring at each other like a pair
of schoolboys, without dignity or purpose.
Lord JORN MANNERS' demand of a wordy sentence
to be passed against einem by the English parlia-
ment, we cannot but esteem a very foolish proposal.
And we cannot but think Lord emareasros s so-
cordance of it, and the approbation of his conduct by
some very pacific veterans, like Mr. HUME, who ought
to know better—a very foolish proceeding. "Young
England" may play such pranks, but Old England,"
in the person of Mr. Hume, and of our foreign
secretary, ought not to cut such caper.
But the contagion of puerility is very great, and
seems irresistible in both countries. M. I3ILItULT,
in the Paris Chamber, made a most perfect echoolboy
speech, and M. Gnu', of course, replied in his
best boy fashion. Nothing could be more rich in
puerile eloquence than the ministerial reply. BILLAULT
reproached the French minister with sending a naval
expedition and envoy to China to conclude a treaty of
commerce, to ape England, England driving a trade
with Canton of 300,000,000 of francs, French com-
merce, at the same time, amounting to 397 francs and
a few centimes.

To this Muter G CIZOT magnanimously replied, that
his mission was not a commercial one. It was for the
sake of claiming and exercising the hereditary Pro.
tectorate which France had in all ages held over
Chinese Christians!!

What English orator could ever answer this in..
effable burlesque, unless, indeed, poor LISTON, were
he alive? What pen could undertake to refute such
Brobdignag lies, save SwiFr himself? Englishmen
and English ministers must succumb in this kind of
argument, nor will they lase dignity by remaining
silent and giving up the palm to their rivals.

THE Irish landlords are engaged in a perilous war.
They certainly have the advantage of ministers in the
House of Lords, and can make minced meat of their
measures. But this triumphant campaign in West-
minster must be followed up by battles on a very
different ground, and against antagonists much more
formidable than liberals can be in the House of Lords.
In his amendments on the Irish Poor-law, Lord
STANLEY, in the name of the Irish landlords, elites*
into war with two important climes—the inhabi-
tants of towns, and the tenant-occupiers of land in the
country. To the towns, on Friday, he procured the
denial of all relief or aid from the surrounding coun-
try in the nourishment of their lower population.
To day, the same bold champion takes the field
against the occupiers, throwing upon them the whole
burden of the poor-rates, and the task of finding coin
to meet the coutinued levies of the tax-gatherer.
The war between the townsman and the landlord
will prove a serious one, for it will infallibly blend
with the strife, traditional and flourishing in Ireland,
between the upper and middle class. The proposed
poor-law gives every advantage to the landlord in
making him master of the board of guardians. But
this has not contented him ; and we think, that when
the act comes into operation, should it do so, he will
find reason to regret his having desired and obtained
so
mach influence and so many immunities.
What is to become of the poorandcompletely indigent,
in the midst of this 'trifle between the two elapses
above him, is painful to contemplate. It is not merely
the pauper, but the able-bodied labourer, who will
become a shuttlecock between town and country dis-
tricts. Each will exert itself to afford him no habita-
tion. Each will shrink even from giving him that work
which would be profitable to labourer and to employer.
And the Irish peasant will find himself more perse-
cuted than ever. Under the old system he was ousted
from his bit of land. Now, not only will the potato
garden be denied him ; but, let him be ever so stal-
wart a hewer of wood and drawer of water, the
townsman will not have his services.

Not only will the old cause of great competition for
land, and the augmented cause of the desire of the
landlord to deer, tend more and more to uproot and
unsettle the population; but Lord CLANRICARDR and
Lord GRIST, and all statesmen tell us, that evert if the
landlord was willies to permit it, the Irish peasant
can no longer depend on his bit of land—he must look
to employ. The surplus of labour in Ireland will then
be tripled. The limiting the rates to electoral districts
will act as an laxative to both town and country not
to absorb, not to aespiwy aq ensismiciliated labour.
Mew diskiete, goese psi one Wawa break down
mho the law and make it inoperative, and thereby
all tim good and economised management of other
diabiets will lose its offset, since the demoralised
half of the country will soon swamp and overrun the
more disciplined half with poverty and crime.
The growth or resuscitation of llockism is, therefore,
to be looked to as one of the effects of the Irish poor
law, passed as it will be. The only chance of en-
forcing the poor law, and of rendering it salutary,
would be to enlist the efforts and good wishes
of the intermediate classes in its favour. But the
bill, as passed by the Lords, alienates and disgusts
both tenant and townsman, by flinging on their backs
a very unfair share of the burden. Passed in this
state, it is sot unwise, indeed, to declare it temporary ;
no one for a moment could consider such provisions to
be
_permanent or durable.
u B t whatever fault may be found with a poor law
for Ireland, and whatever may be the difficulties of
working it, and the hardships attendant on it, there
is at least this grand argument for it, that no one
has proposed any substitute, any other mode of deal-
ing with the stale of Ireland. The poor law, there-
fore, in some shape or other, is a law introduced by
universal consent. Thus introduced, thus passed in
the House of Commons, it would be monstrous were
the Upper House so to maim it, as to render it so un-
presentable to Ireland, or to be impossible for any
minister to give it his sanction.
What a result would this be of an entire session
of parliament ! No result of the congregated

wisdom of theompire, but a temporary measure of
alms and a few irmhties for tlraieugn! IVhy. it tetrad'
be ludicrous. It would not ardy reader parliament
ridiculous, but would discredit thi 'vs eye-
rem itself in the eyes of Buret* of the ro=
Ay for the Irish, we cannot but say that they
have better grounds than ever were found by them
for demanding the repeal of the union; for any
resolve of no measures for Ireland would be nothing
lees, in the present ease, than an admission, on the
pas of England, of its incapacity to govern Ireland.
For such failure in the art, and in the ends of
government, the state of parties is, no doubt, one
great reason. Such is their balanced and divided state,
that parliament itself must be considered the execu-
tive of the country. Its deliberations and decisions
are those of a cabinet council, u well as of a
legislative one. But in the House of Commons
the inconvenience of this state of things is felt,
and the men of most influence there have the good
sense, by mutual concessions and by sinking extreme
differences and petty rivalries, to allow the main
wheels of government to keep iu activity. But the
House of Lords would stop the machine altogether,
by flinging in their class prejudices to clog it. If
they do so stop the machine, the House of Lords
ought to be called on to undertake the government of I
the country and of Ireland. The Commons should
abdicate.

The Paris journals and our correspondence of Fri-
day and Saturday have readied us.
The disorganisation of the cabinet, produced by its
internal disunion and the uninterrupted succession
of blows it has lately received in the chamber, was the,
subject of conversation, and supplied a fruitful source of
ridicule and invective to the opposition press of every
hue, from La Pratte downwards, for that journal has
now become one of the most virulent anti-ministerial

organs.. It appears to be agreed on all heads that the
five resignations or dismissals, mentioned already in
our correspondence, will speedily take place. It is
not, however, so clear as to bow the vacancies thus
produced will be filled. On Friday the chamber re-
fused one of the credits demanded by the Minister of
Marine. M. do Macken bad previously declared that if
that particular credit were not granted, he would miser
The news of his retirement was accordingly expected
on Saturday. M. Moline de St. Yon declared, on
Friday, in the salle des coofirho es, that the treatment
he bad received in the chamber was such, that he
would throw up the war department. M. Leans
Laplagne having stipulated for a comfortable berth
in a nch sinecure is ready to go. General Schramm
is spoken of u likely to succeed to the war depart-
ment, and among the most curious of the on slits was
one which, oddly enough, has received general credit,
that M. de Mackau is to be succeeded in the depart-
ment of the marine and colonies by M. Le Comte de
Bremen, rendered so notorious by his share in the
Spanish marriages. It is still said that M. Duahatel
will pass to the finances, to be succeeded by M.Damea
in the home department.
The judicial investigation before the Chamber cif
Peers, mentioned in our former correspondence,
commenced, and shares with the ministerial crisis the
public attention. The question raised in this prose-
cation refers to the incorporation of a company for ,
working certain mines of coal and salt in the depart-.
ment of the Upper Saone, called the company of
Goubenans. This affair occUrrerl in 1842, when Gen.
Cubieree was Minister of War, and M. Teste, of
Public Works. The farmer was the holder of a large
number of shares in the projected company, and his
personal interest was naturally resorted to by the
directors of the company, to obtain the ne-
cessary concession from his lleague M. Taste,
then Minister of Publio Wikka. After mach
delay and higgling, it was arranged that fifty shares
in the proposed company, each of the value of 1,0001,
should be given to M. Teste as an inducement, '
which the concession was granted. By. the code of
France, both parties in this transaction, if it be
proved, are guilty of a serious violation of the law.
The articles of the code under which the accusation
is to be made, declare that the agent offering such a
bribe, as well as the functionary who receives it, is
liable to fine and imprisonment. From the rank and
character of the parties inculpated, this affair has
naturally created the greatest sensation in Paris.
A stormy debate in the chamber, followed
as usual by acrimonious discussions in the press,
has been produced by the expedition announced
to be undertaken by Marshal Bugeaud in
Algeria. It will be recollected that an applicatios
was lately made it the chamber for a credit in the
war department, to support an expedition into that
part of the French colony in Africa called Kabylia,
the population of which has never been brought into
submission. This application was refused, and soon
afterwards the government official journal announced
that happily circumstances had rendered it unneces-
sary, a treaty having been concluded with the Ka-
byres, in virtue of which they were to be free from
the intrusion of the French forces on the condition of
tribute. Great, however, was the astonishment
caused on the arrival of the Akhbar, by its appearing
from an African journal, on Friday, that. Marshal
Bugeaud was about to head an expedition,
consisting of eleven battalions of infantry and
two of artillery into Kabylia, notwithstanding the
reported treaty, and in spite of the adverse vote of
the chamber. The ministry being interrogated by
the opposition, acknowledged the truth of the report,
but declined to express any opinion as to the expe-
diency of the expedition. The ministerial organ,
however, tries to get them out of the serape by de-
claring, first, that the expedition is no expedition at
all, but only a paeyie promenade of M. Bugeaud, at-
tended by a few thousand soldiers ; and, smondly,
that the territory through which this promenade is to
be made is a part of Kabylia, not included in the re-
ported treaty.
La Patrie says that another awkward revelation is
about to be made in the chamber relative to the ad-
ministrative investigation which took place respect-
ing the deficiency left by M. Benin" in the War De-
partment. This discussion (says La Patrie), aided
by the documents collected during the invativtion,
will supply information as edifying as that which be
about to be unveiled to the ottuntry by the prose-i
cation of General Cubiares.
Our correspondent states, in a postscript, that
the changes in the cabinet above alluded to as
I probable have in some part taken place. It ap-;
pears that, on Friday evening, Marshal Sault.
President of the Council, and M. Guizot, Minister of
Foreign Affairs, waited on the king and informed
him that they could not continue at the head of
the cabinet miler a change in its members were
effected, and proposed that M. Lacave-lAplegne,
Minister of Finance, M. Moline St. Yon, Minister of
War, and M. de Mackau, Minister of Manse, shaliiebe
removed, to which proposition his Majesty acceded.
The three ministers just mentioned were accord-
ingly apprised on Saturday morning by Marshal
Soult, as President of the Council, with the
decision that had been taken by the King.
They accordingly had an audience of his Majesty
at the Tuileries, when MM. Moline St. Too,
and de Mackau delivered their resignation into the
hands of his Majesty. M. Lacave-Laplagne informed
the King, that not knowing is what respect be had
merited removal, be did not wish to tender his resig-
nation, but would await his dismissal.
Queen Christina will take her departure on Mon-
day for Naples, where she goes to see her mother, the
Queen Dowager of Naples. It is said that the stay
of her Majesty in that capital will not be of long dura-
tion, and that she will return direct to Paris.
The French court is to go into mourning for a fort-
night, owing to the death of the. Archduke Charles of
Austria.

Adrices from Madrid have been received to the
3rd May inclusive. The court was to have departed
on the Sth. for Aranjaes, there to remain until the
end of May. The Carew was to have been adjourned
during that interval. It was expected that the budget
would be brought before the Chamber on the 4th,
after which the house would be prorogued till the end
of the month. The report upon the project of law
respecting the sale of corporate property (proprios)
was expected. The majority of the committee is
opposed to the project.
The news from Catalonia was unfavourable • various
manufacturing establishments had been closed, and
disorders were feared in consequence of the number
of workmen thrown out of employment.
Although appearances are consulted to a certain
extent by the king cocsort, no one doubts the con-
tinuance of the same unsatisfactory state of the
domestic relations of the royal pair. In reference to
Nis subject, PI Tiempo of the 3rd has the following :
A project exists for concentrating round an augustperson-
age
a centrum of power, which can only be inenwd to the