The Express.
London, England, 1851-01-16 00:00:00

THE EXPRESS, THURSDAY EVENING, JANUARY 16, 1851.

.-------..
Every SATURDAY Atomises will U pahliele t, 1 lispoeition evinced both by the government and the
people to encourage the growth and ateergthening of
TILE EXIIIBITION EXPItEss. such relations sa may bind our colities moth surely,
to us. Hitherto the free-traders and the numerous
relations of emigrants have Old comparatively little
attention to this, and the ex-monopdliste have done
all they could, by their exaggerated misrepresenta-
' lions, to irritate and alienate the colonists. And the
STMT TOMB= UtrOntemon nlntanirrn Tv ,N t , official public (unfortunately it is almost numerous
GREAT EXHIBITION OF 6, a g enough to warrant the phrase) by the studious super-
Ir.' I t eiliousness and discourtesy with which it gisza its re-
..,,. • luctant assent to every extension of tree institutions
Its OlUltc-Ta, EININITOINII eaoarscre, INTlrra..
Tagr., Allit esocumer., :*u La
pewit' es-. and pc pular control over the government to the solo-
AND PPM& nies,would seem to be animated by a desire to wl istle
-- down the wind those dependencies, which are no
TILE enormous somber of persons intertsteii iu the longer to be abandoned
as a prey to their jobbing pro-
fort coming Greet Exhibition of the WorIP. Indetetry . peggie would advocate no fact itiousor artificial arr.,n ;-c-
-thg,
having hitherto bad its satirise-cry rcpresentsti ts is the W
Press—no Paper surlie.ently bog., and with I meats, with a view to perpetuate the union el the
oompreheasive esongla to grasp and esemplify the Vrtlaeoming
Expositioe with hawse worthy of no greed an
inert —the 1 colonies to therm pire. The experience of ages has
reoperate of the •• EXPRESS" have deter& inert slits , shown that no political combinations can be lasting
Innusg, every Saturday afternoon, a double sheet at that . which do not rest on the basis of natural common in-
Paper, to contain tie tallest tied its
Informatios rlati,. I tenets. But much may be done by pursuing a just
to she zesheitioe, together with • mass of ether matter
palm. iptant,! , its", ~ . policy towards. the colonies, and evincing a sincere
see-epeeists to the multitude of
General sad Loeal Coramirmemes and Seeman's. Yfrabert prune-at interest in their prosperity. The admix ion
of Provincial Travelling Clubs, Exhibitors, Friends or ' beenlonial representatives
we have oar idoubts as to wheth her
nto parliament as
Exhibitors,F..ivala of llehitorei sad th. rill Weer sad suggested
older circle of those who are to be the hundreds of the....J. such an arrangement would be found to work well,
of Visitors to the Metropolis during the forthcoming Con- i
' or whether the colonists care much about it. But should
girls of Industry of ell Nsions. In addition to everything
Waive to tt • Espesitioa, this Doubts Sheet *id Os they desirtto see the experiment made, there is no
Deseret News, sad will, moreover, especially itteeit to all insuperable difficulty in the way of its being tried, at
Current Events is Liter dare, Science, and Art. ' least in so far as the American and South Af.ican
On every day a:not S itu,diy the price of the F.' e g Vo." . colonies are concerned, with which postal aud pas-
eill be Threepence, as heretofore. singer intercourse is now so speedy and regular.
AIeVERTISBNIENTS. We should, however, be disposed to attribute more
The great vales of the " EXHIBITION Z., PRES.!' ' ' importance to throwing open all departments of the
In • medium, matt be evident to advertisers. ' oublic service to colonial talent. Why should not a
to All advertiternt. mast be st the Office in Vii i..triars st i- -
fair proportion of commissions in the army and
Of before Eight in the Evening of men Friday, to ...cur. i,,•
satins is the number of the following day. , navy be held by colonists? The Colonial-office is
particular would lea much improved by an infusion of
persona practically acquainted with colonial life and
trite OrpreAs. its relation,. Some of our ablest and met learned
colonial judges have been taken from the coionial
bars; why should it not be open to them to aspire to
seats in that tribunal to which colonial appeals are
carried?

1 '

SUL OT A DAUM IO2WIIIII WWI= P •
PRICE YOURPENCE.

efeentenn

TO connEsPoNnKNTS.
Adeerti-,ns, inteh.l,l rhe "Th, Minus," Landon lifeeiet
m.o. be at the mike, to. Ronewretlinel. by Tee
44 Or Tnocett presided over by a rich banker, who
MOB WATER AT LONDON IlltiDee E. spends much of hie leisure and a little of his money
Tool. t),T--blogionn„ •
in promoting religious bitterness, the meeting of
Convocation revivers at Freemasons' Tavern on Tow I
- - - day was a slow and worthless affair, deserving of
41, JAN • remark only to note how dead and lifeless the prove
sition " to restore synodical action" to the church of
GREAT Barret% has entered upon a new ep•ca in
respect of its colonial possessions. Eagland fain, on the ears and the thoughts of the
ssessions. Free treat his •
been recognised as the normal principle of our tom- people of England.
mercial policy, the navigation laws have N. en r• -
Mr. HOARE, and his friend Dr. Blaze, might
pealed, the to spor.sibility of the local etecuti.r as weU talk of, to UN Mr. CANNING'S Memo.
government to tie local elective legislature on all table expression, restoring the Heptarchy as of
matters of strictly local concern has batty e.ta- reviving convocation, or of giving the church
blahed in some a our colonies, and must ere bat; soy powers of internal legislation, of settling
be established in all. When so many of the eta controversy, or of preserving discipline. These
ligaments by which society in the colonies wee
are beyond the province of a church in our days ; and
RARIU.I
be
fided, with any
i not con
to society in the mother country are being cut•could
1, I the welfare of tho community, orprudent regard
with any securitfor
y
it is no superfluous question to ask by what mega.
the imperial 0.'1114 to be perpetasted? ' for the continuance of the establishment, to any dele-
We coshes that weave of the number of thee,. gated body, however composed. So, if Mr. }lota!
attach great importance to the preservation of .on and his batch of unknown clerics, who sigh so deeply
colonial dominions. With a great majority of Ow for ecclesiastical liberty, really do wish for fiecelom
parrot-like repeaters of the formula, " ships, e from the chains in which they say they now are, all
they have to do is to set up a church of their own;
and commerce," Cieir adherence to that creed
more a matter of blind superstition than of intelligent where, let them take our word for it, no one will give
them the least annoyance—where they may squabble
belief. 'the traders who under the old protective
eyste on held a monopoly of this country'. pr,- and dispute, and anathematise and exorcise to their
hearts' content; and whence they may pronounce all
duce in the colonial markets. or of colonial landed, in
who have a taste for peace and quietness out of their
the home markets, when they talked about the value
unpleasant company, schismatics and puritans and
of our colonies, thought only of their owe aaineo..
monopoly. Since that has been withdraws front evangelicals, without any one paying the smellest at-
them, the Mime'. tho y affected to take in the tole tention to what they intend to be bad language.
ries has marvellously cooled. Tim the holder,' of But if these silly people intend to remain in the
official appointments, and the hunters after them, cr. church they will have to work in chains, they will
gard colonies in no other light than se localities in have to be obedient to the QUEEN'S supremecy, they
which good pieces may be carved out for them. Wits will have to feel the Enutianism of the state, they
every reduction in the emolument of colonial *Mee, will have to recognise the authority of a legisliture
with every measure that the owe colonial empley era which is not composed altogether of churchmen over
to colonial talent, and subjects it to the sueerseteart. them, they will have to do without power to narrow
Inc. and control of the raid. nt colonists, their faith in the comprehension of their church, they will have to
the creed that the colonies are bulwark.' of the bee go on without the means of persecuting the even-
Donal power pales and wanes. And so with our seer; gelicals. We can neither restore the petal
and military enthusiasts in asserting the importance of code against the Roman esthetics, nor re-
colonial possession'-: the measures now its pror viva church synods ; neither reverse the policy
fur entrusting the colonists in great y ,ei •cm the which has placed all the Queen's subjects on a level,
charge of their own defence, at least in time irrespectively of their religious opinions, run give a
of peace, will effectuelly destroy in. monopoly of place and pewee. to churchmen. Mr.
owed in the colonies. Dot thoagh the era.srS I WARE and Dr. BIDER, therefore, know the terms on
colonial policy of ell these classes was an empty hypo. which they can remain ; and, knowing them, whether
Orin—though they are now ready to avow t Yet their they continue in or depart from the church, is a mat-
[situ in the altar has vanished with the emoloonesta ter that interests only themselves.
of the priesthood—there is a real vital colonial apnea Insignificant and uninfluential men may never-
to the empire, independent of their hollow professieees tholes* light on a new truth. Is there then anythirg
of belief, or their equally shallow pretender), or Meow. in this complaint, that the church of England " works
delay. in chains"—that the state has deprived it cf freedom
Colonies are of nee to a country like Great Reheats —that it is in a state of slavery unknown to ail other
in many ways. Without admitting the special churches? The reply depends entirely on the origin
pleading of MALTHUS thus mach at least must be and character of the church of England.
admitted, that in all old' settled countries impoletion If it be an institution anterior and superior to the
is liable at frequently recurring interval. to Nees state, if its origin be divine whilst that of the state is
hard open the mesas of subsistence. At this mount De earthly ; if it have an authority infallible within its
Great Britain supports a much greater populatios than own sphere ; if it have a priesthood whose mission is
it did in the reign of ELI% ABETH, and yet the avereae of to mediate and not to admicister or to serve; if it be a
comfort is higher. Bat between the time of Sett sae to society or organisation which acts of parliame:.t ea/l-
and now there have been many epochs at which the not restrict or statutes bind; if it be composed of
country contained a more naiseroes population than men whom to doubt 1. to sin ; if it be endowed with
could earn a subsistence in it. The 'bitty of pow. r over faith, conscience, and conduct—if this be
the country to support its present dense portal,- tne Church of England, then it is in chains the hes-
tion is mainly owing to its power to supply et.rr.al Twat, in bonds the most intolerable, in tyranny the
countries with many of the necessaries end eon. nu- most detestable.
races of life at a cheaper rate than they een produce But, if our church be the reverse of all this—if it be
them for themselves. But to this end we Jewett* rA- the creature of the state, a human institution, and
tuned customers, and they do not always inert iw. is like all other human, an imperfect and erring insti-
the same rapid proportion as our powc aof !leelle 3. tuition; if its clergy be what its Prayer-Book calls
tion. It has ben found, however, that a ',moat, a- them, " ministers;" and if we, the !sit), have as
tively few settlers in a new tied unpeopled roomer' much right, and power, and authority, to interpret
rapidly grow up into a numerous rrommonee : hail and deciin on Holy Scriptures as its el..rgy indi-
has in consequence been found that the surplus peon- vidually or collectively have; if it be only oar own
latioo, which at times is a mere dead weight hem establishment erected and set apart fur our own cal-
upon those who can find employment, when removed ficatioti and instruction, then is the Church of Eng-
to such a country, soon come to afford a sew eseeket land, in its proper subordination to the state, as free
for our peoductions, and furnish remunerative labour as its peeper place in the nation, as its proper object
to greeter numbers than those who baba, phi it emu- in society, as its proper means of mecca', require.
triation over-stocked the home labour market. Colo- A freer—a less embarrassed—a less Ersatian edit-
ing.' operate as a healthy drain upon ane temporary blishment we might of coarse have, without adopting
plethora of population, and crests new sad mo:e trectarian errors as to its origin and character; but
profitable markets for our merchants and tneournito only by making the church of England more amens-
tureen Me to popular control—by infusing into its organise.
That colonies may do this service to a emote,' tees tion mote lay power—by diminishing the authority
after the imperial connexion has been took-s. the of its episcopate—by reducing the influence of its
United States are a remarkable example. W ania clergy —by widening its doors—by taking from it
these few years hurdrtds of thousands of our deed- that sectarian, bigoted, pretentins, narrow, and
tote labourers and pinched middle claws have fumed circumscribed character, which those who claim
homes and affluence in the territories of 'he l'..ion; to be its especial champions so emphatically
and the United States are, at this moment, the most assert for it. Now, it we are to have any
extensive importers of our manufactures. Hat tt ere alteration in the organisation of the church of
is a difference between the United States aced the England, this is the direction in which it must be
colonies which still acknowledge the supremacy of made. "It is manifest," said the late excellent
the British crown as a field for British emigration. Bishop &mere, " that there is a growing tendency
Every accession brought by our emigreate to the among the heads of the church to contract its terms
number of American citizens, and, conife/tatty, to of union, and there is a growing tendency among the
the wealth and power of America, strengtheas the people to the contrary ; and all this is *leading to a
hand. of the government at Washington, a gotten- separation between the nation and the national
meet which the chapter of accidents may some church. I wish to see the doors of the church made
day bring into hostile collision with bur own. as wide as the doors of heaven ; and to ocnfine ear
But every secession brought by our tneigranb subscription and uniformity to such points as are
to the population of the colonies still 'toiled essential to the character of a child of God
to the empire brings a similar increase of euength and of a true and faithful church of Christ."
to our own government. Unless we eicoarage the " There is," the same wise and thoughtful prelate,
growth of population in our colonies, and the de- at a later date, and after more experience
yelopment of their resources, withia a few decades than the party of which Mr. HOARE and Br-
at the furthest, the Washington government was Bata are members, remarked, " a determined effort
wield the force of a more numerous oonimenity, sod making to establish
a larger extent of cultivated territory, thee the which, among us on episcopal tyranny,
if God in his mercy do not frnsteate, will
government of St. James's. Now, we honestly cos. bring us back to a state of twilight, if not of papal
fees that from mere sentiment we are Unwilling to darkness; and then the reflex wave will overwhelm
look forward to the time when this collate, may be the church, and perhaps
the monarchy also." If, then,
obliged to subside into a second-rate power. AM as these two gentlemen wish, we are to eve an alte-
apart from sentiment, we believe that is the eyelet of ration in the organisation of the Church ot Eng-
such a reverse, our government will have lees ability land ; if we are to lay bare its internal machinery;
to protect its bilbjeCts from insult and egressien. if we are to give to it greater power snd acti-
la addition to these considerations, we lielieve vity, the question is, shall we do so in the sense of
that the maintenance of general peace will be greatly this German doctor, backeci by the Fleet-street
promoted by England's continuing a first-rats power. banker, or of our native born Bishop SUMMIT? And
The knowledgeof the latent strength that England ell this is a question on which the people of England
put forth, if compelled to take the field, is a greet 44- will not hesitate Meg.
coeragernent to any power disposed rashly to endanger Thus it will be seen that there are two sides of the
the general peace of the world. Our gorernment subject mooted at the Freemasons' Hall ; there is the
might still mediate between belligerent or o 'Lunt- restrictive side and the popular side. There is in
some governments, even were it shrank to thi dates England a small party who would revive Convocation
of Holland or Belgium, but with about as moil sac- and restore Synodical action to the church." But,
ems as attended the recent attempt to mediate be- oe the other hand, there is a growing party who re-
twain Denmark and the Duchies by some respectable ply that if changes must be made, it is by popular-
•and revolted members of the Peace Congrese. And ming avid nationalising the Ceurch of England, by
we believe that thee. is ,p re. ra:ntn. on nr,s'inty the proves, of that ep;scone tyranny
'the earth so devotedly Sill:4C t i p.a.ao as tl king;- in leld, n'..arload goof Ilisop SMELLY, by
lib, both from constitutioaal temperament tad dear- throwing open the doors of the church to ell orthodox
bought experience. Christians, and by. giving to the laity a right of M.
On those grounds we mold wish to ate a stronger dunce in the nomination of their miniators.

LONDON, THURSDAY, JANUA

1
+,FRANCE.
I
•• ?Ala WEDNESDAY EVENING.
The report of M. Lanjainii., it is confessed on all
hands, is not such as ts answer the expectations
which might hays been formed from the general
talent of the party which he represents, from the
gravity of die omission, or from the importance of the
task. consigned to the committee, to vindicate the di
g-
-1 nity of the offended Assembly. It bears at once the marks
of temerity and indecision, and contains as much the
apology as the impeachment of the ministers. In fact it
I starts with accusing the government of aiming at an
1 imperial reiteration, and ends with submitting that
the modification of such an extensive cumulation of
powers as rested in the hands of the commander-in-
' chief of the army of Paris was necessary, only
quarrelling with the moment at which this measure
was executed by the government. 'the report piles
up a series of charges to demolish them all
again with a breath. It recapitulates the old
story of the cries at the reviews, of the
dismissal of General Nenmayer, of the systematic
attacks of the Bonapartist press, to say at the end
, that impartiality obliges the Committee at the same
time to confess that all theee facts have lost the
greater part of their importance since the engage-
mists taken by the President in the message of the
11th November. In fact, one-half of this document
completely neutralises the other half; and a more
impotent attempt to vindicate the dignity of the
Assembly it is scarcely possible to conceive.
The effect of this document upon the Assembly was
still further blunted by the feeble voice of the reporter.
The overstrained expectation of the crowded Chamber
was dashed with blank disappointment at so washy
and emasculate a result. The reception given to the
report by the press is not more favourable. No organ,
of any colour, says a word in its praise. Even the
Debuts, from which some approbation might have
been hoped, finds the censure of the ministers too
hazardous a game, and would fain have bad only a
wreath of flowers laid on the tomb of the defunct
commander-in-chief of the army of Paris.
To-day the tribunes of the Assembly are equally
crammed to bear the debate, in which no doubt the
chiefs of the majority will indemnify themselves for
the reserved and feeble language of the committee.
The first speaker is M. Goadard, a Bonapartist of the
Left. It is extremely doubtful if the resolution will
pass the house in its present form. Gen. Changsreier
has express( d the desire that the part relating tohimeelf
may be omitted. In fact, the union of the Left with the
ministerial members of the Right, in opposing a se-
cond ovation to the ex-commander-in-chief, would
probably swamp the motion. Hence the project said
to be en.ertained of separating the clauses, and cutting
down the resolution to a mere vote of censure against
ministers.
M. de Goulard demanded to speak against the
conclusions of the committee. lie thought that the
time was come when every one ought to explain him-
self clearly, try to h.nder new faults, and to arrive at
some means of conciliation. He pointed out the em-
barrassment in which the constitution would involve
the Assembly, if it gave a vote of want of confidence,
while no means of terminating the conflict existed, as
in the monarchical time, when the king, if he wished
to retain his ministers, could dissolve the Chamber.
The sitting of January 3 placed the two parties in the
situation of victor and vanquished; and thus he ex-
plained the resignation of the ministers and the atti-
tude of the executive power. He appealed to the
good sense and feeling of the majority to refrain from
wasting time in reciprocating measures of dishonour
between the powers, and to comprehend that su -h
divisions could only profit the common enemy,
who spied the moment to take advantage of their
dissensions.
M. Fremeau defended the resolution of the Com-
mittee; he would vote for neither more nor less. It
contained just what it ought to contain, a testimony
of esteem for General Changarnier, and a severe cen-
sure for the ministry.
M. Monet said that it was time to enter into the
quick of the debate. Ile demanded a vote of want of
confidence in the cabinet, which he reproached with
its obsequiousness to the President, with allowing the
National Assembly to be vilified in the journals,
provoking unconstitutional cries at Satory, and dis-
missing General Changarnier with a hostile intention
against the Assembly. He then gave an account of
the way in which the reviews had gone off, as he woe
one of the members of the Committee of Permanence
present on the spot.
M. Baroche acknowledged the accuracy of M. Mo-
net's account, but drew different conclusions from it.
He was astonished, in the first place, at the constitu-
tional theory of the committee. Doubtless the minis-
ters were responsible, but it was wished to attack
another person than them. With regard to the dis-
missal of Geo. Changarnier, he maintained that it had
been long ago settled, and that the vote of January 3,
instead of hastening that measure, delayed it for some
days. It was impossible to leave this third power.
(Movement.)
M. Howyn-Tranchere—Which was an obstacle.
M. Baroche—An obstacle to what ?
M. Howyn-Tranchere— To the cries of "rive
l'Empereur !" (Agitation.)
M. Baroche reminded the Assembly that at another
ep ch General Changarnier had not hindered cries.
Several Voices—Constitutional cries.
M. &erode—That was true, but of late he had
maintained that no cry ought to be allowed. He
ended with recaliing the engagements of the message.
The President wanted no imperial restoration, but
simply to defend the constitution against all its
enemies.
M. Jules de Laateyrie then mounted the tribune,
and was lett speaking at half-past six.
It is said that the late ministers who have been
' excluded from the present cabinet have originated a
report that the new government is on the point of
concluding a commercial treaty with England, in
which coals and other British productions are ad-
mitted with a far more liberal tariff than suits the
protectionist ideas prevalent in France.
It is said that M. Larnartine is about to be appointed
French ambassador to the court of England.
The funds are steady, and showed a slight im-
provement.
The Maniteur publishes a statement of the indirect
taxes and revenues for the year 1850, as compared
with 1848 and 1849. The total amount for 1830 is
738,242,000 k., which presents an increase of
61,452,000 fr. over 1848, and of 3G,529,000fr. over 1849.
Cherbourg letters of the 12th inst. state that above
GO merchantmen have been driven into that port by
the late piles.

cater, but seemed to to tentaseted with others of • similar
kind ; mid Mat idea was onfirseed by the perusal of the
nieces of the Permanent Committee, and by the answers
given by the Ministers of War and of the Interior is the
landing addressed teethem by the members of the committee.
It is impossible so shut one'eleyes to the fact that fur a ling
time there has been, on the part of the executive party, •
tendency to place little confidence in our institutions, to
consider sis transitory and ephemeral the form of govern-
ment under which we live, to disseminate amongst ever,
rank of society doubts as to the future, to cry up the
apposed benefits of an absolute government, and to espies,
within an undetermined time, after a son of imperial
restoration.
Torre is no one here who den not pay respect to great
reminiscences, but that feeling ought not to degenerate into
intoxication, which leads men's minds astray, and prepares
the way for new revolutions.
That, however, enieht take place, if you should not endea
TOur to oppose a movement which appeared to ban s:eppsd
non under the happy influence of the last message of
the
President of the Republic, but since then has appeared to
commence again with fresh intensity.
The tendency which we point out to you has not been
opposed by the government, and even has been encouraged
by some of its acts. The seditious cries of " Vivo I. Emile-
nut" were uttered at review., and a general officer, who
resisted the impulse so given, was dismissed.
The press, enjoying the privilege of being sold in the
attests' has been full of insult and calumny against the Na-
tional Assembly, apparently for the object of disparaging it,
and undermining its moral power ; and, in fine, • more im-
portant act, and one which appears to us connected with the
acceding ones—the dismissal of General Change:min—has
attracted your attention.
Each of these acts has been maturely examined in the com-
mittee. The first—namely, the cry of " Vire l'Entretcur "
—tot only was not punisbed, but awn encouraged. The
inermstioa collected by your Permanent Committee, and
that in particular of the genera 1-in. chief of the army of Paris,
does not Icon any doubt as to the fact, nor on other facts 0:
a nature to compromise military di.cipline.
The Minister of the Interior has denied those facts; and
to the acts which passed at Beton opposed the evidence of
whit he saw himself. The minister might be right on some
pereoular fact', but so absolute • tlenegation, whatever
may be the good faith of the person making it, appears to us
to depart from the truth. (Great confusion.)
In this, remarked the hen gentleman, eddies:Ong the As
sembly, there is not the slightest contradiction. The hon.
minister only saw one review, and four were had.
The dismissal of General Neumayer is a fact still more
grave, the circumstances of which you are acquainted with.
That general being asked by an officer under him whether
he ought ,to give his men orders to cry out, replied that
"silence under arms appeared to him the attitude most in
conformity with military diselpliue." That was the only rea-
son that caused him to be deprived of his command ; and his
dismissal took place in spite of the exertions to the contrary
of his superior officer, the general-in chief of the army of
Paris.
Can there be any doubt relative to this :fact ? The lan-
guar of the ministers,
_ even their own assertions, eo not
allow us to doubt it. The Minister of the Interior confiacd
himself to pointing to the rights of the executive power;
and the cause of General Neumeyees dismissal bi ins
named to him, he referred to the answers which he Ind
already given on the auhject before the Permanent Com-
mittee, and declared that he Ind neither to deny nor admit
that cause. (Agitation.) lie added, that the govern-
ment had conferred on General Neumayer • higher post
than that which he had been deprived of; and that, on the
application of that general to withdraw from the service, the
government had, by a specie! favour, kept him en disponi-
bilite. A member of the committee banner shed the
Minister of War if be would consent to communicate to the
meanie:es the official correnpondeace which paced between
him and that general, replied that he did not consider it
proper to do so, as suck • course would, in his opinion, con-
stitute an objectionable precedent. (Mciermen..) As to
'the impulse given to the ministerial press, the Minister of
the Interior refused to acv. pt the respoesibility of that matter.
lie declared that he did not reproach the heals of parties
with toe excesses of their journals; that it would be ut ju-t
to do so; and he claimed the name justice for hims. If. lie
denied that be had anything to say to any journal or corre-
spondence; he allowed only that the Minister of the Interior
subscribed a certain number of copies of • Paris corresp
md-
nice, which at all periods bad been favourable received by
the government, end which contained nothing against the
Assembly.
Certain journals appeared to obey a pet of mot d'onlre,
and used a language disrespectful to the Assembly; that
could not be • question of chance. A reply of the minister
may throw soma lieht on the subject. Denting to show the
good intentions of the cabinet, he stated that its first delibe-
ration had for object to repress the extravagant language of
• certain portion of the pees spinet the National Assembly,
and that to that effect he had given notice to the prefect of
police to inform the editors et the privileged journals that
they could not be permitted to sell their copies in public, if
they continued their attacks on the Assembly. (Agitation.)
It is to be regretted that this measure was adopted so tardily.
It remains to us to speak of the act which led to the
mission intrusted to us—toe dismissal of the general in.chicf
lof the army of Paris. Two circumstances mark is character ;
one, that this act is correlative with the facts already men-
Weed ; and the next, that it took place the day atter the
Legislative Assembly had given to General Changarnier the
testimony of its approbation.
Your committee has thought that it is in those circuity '
stances that most be sought the real genie of that or'. The
explanations given by the ministers have not ohangsd its
opinion. They have certainly stated that for some inn,
baton the 3rd January the former ministry had re: olved to
suppress the double command of the army of Paris and of
the national guard of the Seine, and to modify the condi
dons of that command. But the approbation given to the
general by the Assembly caused several of the miniotra to
hesitate; then there were partial resignation., and next a
entireties one, destined to leave to the President a griever
facility for the formation of a new ministry. Negotiations
took place with several members of the former cabinet on the
b nos of the suppression of the general command of the army
of Paris. The negotiation showed, besides, that without that
suppression, said the minister, there could not be obtain-d
from one of the general officers, as IMP desired, the accept-
ance of the portfolio of the war department.
These explanations would be plausible in ordinary cir-
cumstances. h is certain, in fact, that, whether by its extent,
or by extraordinary powers with which he is invested, or by
the movement of troops and ammunition, the general cam
mend of the army of Paris had conditions altogether special,
which the mestablishmentof order could cause to be mode
fied. But, after having maintained it in eircumetacces so
favourable to the public peace as those in which we are now
placed, it appeared to us evident that this abrupt dismissal,
past aster the vote of the sitting of January 3, bad • political
cause, which, in Its relation with the tendencies alluded to
above, might interest the dignity of the Assembly, and in that
respect tall within the domain of your appreciation*.
Bet ee clueing our researches relative to these facts, we
corsiaered it our duty to intervgate the minister relative-to
the rumours of • plot spoken of in the journals, and we
de mends 1 c.tegorloal expl *millt. e' on the sulje et. The
niirister replied in an absolute manner, that it ane facts
censtiming crimes or misdemeanours had come to his know-
ledge, he would immediately have ordered proceedings, bat
that nothing of the kind bad token place.
finch, gentlemen, are the priacipal facts and explanations
connected with the resolution which you came to on the 10th
Wt. Doubtless the dismissal of the general commanding
the army of Paris, thus characterized, is • serious fact in-
volving the ritsponsibiley of the ministry; but we are far
from thinking that it can lead, as some persons have been
pleased to say, to collisions between the greet powers.
We loudly declare that there are two things equally im-
possible—tee absorption of the two powers, legislative and
executive, iota one power, which would be the dictate rstip
of one man, or the domination of the Aseembly the Legia-
lative Assembly and the President of the Rrpuhlic have the
duty of remaining united and labourites in common for the
re-establishment of • regular government. On the day
when one of them should attack the other, it would effect
its own ;elite'', even should an ephemeral success crown its
criminal attempt, an intention which we impute to no our.
As to the Assembly, it does not wish to add to its powers;
it will maintain with firmness and penistance the adhesion
which it gave to the policy of the message of the 11th of
November, the basis co which ie respect for the constitutioa.
Our task, gentlemen, is finished. We were not a com-
mittee of parliamentary inquiry ; we only had to judos of
facts from documents and very limited explanatioes. Our
conviction is not the less firm. But, in ord. r Lot to he
anchor in impartiality, we are bound to say that ;
engagements o' the message have taken away a great p
of the gravity from the facts which to. k place prior to toe
11th of November, and it is only on at count of the is a. !
duties recently reproduced, and particularly the act of
the 10th of January, that they found a place in our del:-
berstions.
At the moment of drawing up a repletion, your cam
mitcee was divided. Two members voted for the order of
the day pure aLd simple, and they demanded that their
motives should be expressed in their report. They de-
clared teat the order of the day pure and simpie which
they would vote would not imply approbation of the acts
of the government or of the administration with nand to
fees anterior to the last message ; but that since that period,
they had seen nothing in the acts of the executive pow*r of
a nature to make them declare their refusal of co-operation,
or to create a conflict between the two powers, the harmony
between which appeared to be as possible as necessary to the
republic.
Three members proposed • declaration of general distrust
towards the present cabinet. They declared that, convinced
by the very lasts of the discussion, of the inutility o'
their effors to croon • report which should express chair
ideas, they confined themselves to demanding a summary
insertion of their opinion. They declared that, plaited in an
attitude of persevering opposition with reg.rd to the last
ministry, when ans,policy, and tendencies were, in their
opinion, always coatrary to the principles an f interests of the
repuelic, they coon not avoid sharing in the sentiments of
distrust which • part of the new cabinet inspired. Bat it
wee only under that form and on those proands that they
would joie. in an expression of distrust or of blame against
the ministry. They would not consent to found that expres-
sion on the first act of the new ministry, which bad put an
endto in irregular state of things against which they had
always protested.
This other members voted for a formula of distrust, con-
ceived in the following terms :—" The Aseeintily, conduced
that the ministers, in the acts for which they are responsible,
have set at nought the conditions which ought to guarantee
the union of the oowititutitotal power', so eocissery to the
insintenence of public pen., decline that they do not enjoy
Is onfl tenet, and pesos :o the ettlee of the day." Sever I
otti.r tornado. I xpressio e g otru, were trouot.; eo,o
bet were not earned by a majority. At length, byeight
volts to seven, the committee adopted the tollowlog resolu-
tion, which it proposes to you;

The following is the report of M. Lanjoinais
A few days back, gentlemen, in the sitting of the 3rd of
January, you approves of the reply of the commander-in-
chief of the army of Parie to the ioterpellations which had
been addressed to bias, and accepted the homage which he
paid to the right conferred on you by the concituti,u to die.
pcse of the troops necessary for your eatery.
Ti.e ministry was dissolved the nest day; and, after
eight days of laborious negotiation, it marked its return to
power by the dismissal of General Chaugarnier. It was on
these circumstances that M. de Rezeusst, in the sitting of
January 10, demanded explanations from the ministry, at
the end of which yen adopted an order of the day matte:,
declaring that the r. preeen.atives should at once withdraw to
their bureaux, to nominate a commi•tes for the purpose of
proposing such measures as the circumstances a; petted to
call tor.
Your ccannitte., after bevies heard several times the
'titbits, of War and of the Interior, and deliberating
&armee, examined most maturely all the questions eon.
meted with the con. titutional relations existing between
the great powers of the sat.. Bat you must comprehend
gentlemen, that the narrow terms prescribed to your reporter
have not permitted him to present to you all the develop-
ments which are connoted with this subject. However, u
by their nature, and the theatre on which the Iscts took I
place, a mistake may be made u to their importance, we
hasten to say to yea that in our opinion there is out soy !
raison to sorry both the responsibility farther than the
ministry. (Movement, which Inn*.ed WWI time.)
It is true that the Presideat of the Republic. in hie
message of Octoba 31, 1849, claim• d for himself the general
rupoosibiiity of the acts of his ministers; but the constitu-
tion, the nature of things, and the pretties bath before and
after the 3lat of October, 1849, have maiatainel and will
always maintain, a real distinction between the ministerial
power and the Preeident of the Republic.
The constitution, in feet, dealer a in formal terms that
' the ministers are responsible,' and that ' the emocil of
ministers is a aecmory authority in the state.' The nature
of 'hinds, also, ought at present to declare to you loudly that
if the President were to be considered responsible foe the de.
tails of the adminiattation, it would be impassible for you to
discuse them withaut causing atteint to his consideration and
disturbing the harmony at the great powers.
With respect to the practice which bas cotetantly pre-'
railed, 'event example* prove that the ministers have never
peatendad to be always protect a by the President of the
Reptssliet The dismission which is e.sout to ern will prone
I a cn,-e in. ti,.b:y, Ova sae Vie Pf.,sldiint of
Beeputules tne responsibility is t, commence, unless the
ministry is him M.nt to protect itself.
It appeared to us at the oommencement of our delibera-
doe that the act of Jour/ 10 was not of an isolated du-