The Express.
London, England, 1848-03-28 00:00:00

NOTICE.

The number of STAMPS issued to the DAILY NEWS
by the authorities of the Stamp-otfic.?, during 1847.:we5:
From JAN. 1, to DEc. 31 .• • • 3,447,009
This, we believe, is within eight per cent of the number
issued to the Morning Herald, Morning Chronicle, and
Morning Post, ALL PVT TOGETHER.
In addition to the above, issued to the DAILY NEWS,
Morning Paper, there were issued for the E ming Edition,
THE EXPRESS,
From JAN.I, to Dric. 31
Which was more, we believe, than were issued either to
the Globe or Standard, Evening Papers.

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LONDON, TUESDAY, MARCH 28
THE British constitution has been a government
of king and aristocracy, the latter supporting the
monarch with loyal devotion, and managing the
inferior classes, as ministers, as lords, as members of
parliament, as magistrates, as bishops, and, in short,
as everything. The monarch or the constitution re-
paid them by influence, honours, privileges, and
wealth, secured not only to them but to their class
and descendants.
The French constitution, as founded and developed
by Lows Pnittere, was a government of king and
middle classes ; of notable men, who set up no pre-
tensions of birth or caste, but who had acquired wealth
and importance in land, in commerce, in professions,
in the sciences, or even a little in the arts. These
formed the aristocracy of the monarchy of the middle
classes. Unfortunately they made the same bargain with
their king that our aristocracy did, that is, supported
him with loyal devotion in return for his dividing
amongst them all the good things that a government
could gather and redistribute. Louis PHILIPPE
imitated the English system.-that, in fact, of recipro-
city between the crown and the class nearest to it.
When the King of the FRENCH had done this, he
thought he had done everything; and that
these notables, this front rank in society,
being satisfied by him, ought, in turn, like
the English front rank, to labour and succeed in satis-
fying those beneath them. The front rank of a middle
class is, however, very extended. Royal favour,
however immense its resources, could not reach all.
And thus the French constitution did not keep up
liberal appearances half so adroitly as the British
constitution. It did not satisfy that pride and vanity
in being free, which is as requisite as the reality ; so
much so, that we do believe it is this feeling rather
than the actual thirst for freedom, that has driven the
people of Vienna and Berlin to humble their monarchs
m the dust.
The French are now making an essay of a third
kind of constitution, which is a government of the
lower and laboUring classes—the same that Mr.
PEAROUS O'CONNOR recommends in this country,
and which is moreover hailed and looked to by a
far larger mass of Englishmen than our public
press will admit, or than the upper classes
seem to be aware of. We don't think, however, that
any English socialist adopts the reciprocity system of
a government feeding the labouring class, and the
labouring class in turn supporting it. This is evi-
dently M. LOUIE BLANC'S plan. He sees that the
middle and citizen class is hostile to his form and
ideas of government ; and consequently he would
transfer government care and favour to another class.
And in order to do this he would establish a great
system of centralisation, and put the govern-
ment in the place of all other employers.
All public works, all railroads, all canals,
manufactories—these are to be in the hands of
government, on which alone the thousands upon
thousands of operatives will depend. The working
classes would thus form the court and the courtiers
of the new republican government; and the recipro-
city system, which was carried on in England between
crown and aristocracy, and in France between Loris
PHILIPPE and the 6ourycoisie, would be satisfactorily
and solidly established between Dictator LEDRI:
ROLLIN and the labouring class throughout France.
We shall not take the trouble of even seeking to
show the impracticability or injustice of such a
scheme. It speaks for itself. Making the largest
allowance, even, the attempt could only be made in
Paris: the provinces would scout it. The small pro-
prietor would level his musket at it. Of all the
countries in the world, France is least fitted for the
government of the non-proprietorial class. We can
conceive inch s scheme very tempting in England,
and still more tempting in Ireland, because, in
fact, the operatives, turned lords, might seize
the land, and " live at home at ease." But in
France every ten scree and five scree have their sturdy