The Express.
London, England, 1849-12-04 00:00:00

ghe erpregs.

OUTGOING MAILS.
The sails ibr Madeira, the Bras*, sad Bassos Ayres,
will be made up Ws day. Dee. 4.
The mu mils fur Lisboa, fipsie, and Gibraltar will its
ands up ea Die. 7.
The ails Me Marseilles, te the Mediterrsame, Egypt,
Myles, led's, Ileegatreg. Ate., will be made up oa
the ~deg of Des. 7.
The for British North America sad eke traital
Maw will be made up cm the ember of Deo. 14.
The West Leda MAW% easteding Bermuda, Swam"
Mama, lioadtams, Now Odom. and Illeatm, aad imludiug
times ler Madeira, BR Jese.do.Nissragus. Now Graaads,
ChM end Pere, will be Almeadhei cm Des. 17.
ChM make GAffeker. Naha, Omer, the loeise lamas.
lope, Coyle'', has, sad Cities, via Southamptae, will
be wok sp Gs the morning of Doe. 20.

■IOU WATIZ AT LONDON SWIM&
Twiseas.r 416. Aka /Maw.. I. As

LONDON, TUESDAY, DECEMBER 4.

Oars letter from Widdin, giving an account of the
departure of Kosseyn and his companions, will be
read with melancholy interest, as well as the indig-
nant remonstrance addressed by an officer of Damt-
ANlSell'e gaff to the side-de-carop of General PASKIE-
WITSCH. It will be recollected that the Hungarian
gesends surrendered on the faith of Russian pro•ec-
lion • and, as a warrant of that faith, were entertained
at the table of the Russian commander, and partoik of
his hospitality. It was this reception of those who
surrendered at Arad that induced the other Hungarian
commanders of corps to surrender also, and, in fact,
prevented the continuation of the war. When, es the
result of this, these same generals were handed over
to perish by the Austrian hangman, it may be judged
how far either the Russian or Austrian character for
honour, courage. or generosity, has gained by the
treacherous conduct and termination of the campaign.
The sole principle, however, which governs Austria
and Russia is the right of the strongrt. On this
alone they both rely—to this they conjointly appeal.
By the sword of both has the Gordian knot of Hun-
gary been cut. By the sword of one, and the.money
of both, was Lombardy subdued. By bombardment were
the Bohemians quieted, and the Austrian capital cern-
paled to receive its emperor. Those who wield mili-
tary mesas of gavernmer t cannot turn their minds or
apply their hands to employ any other. Accordingly
we find that, in the serious d.fferencis with North
Germany,Austria, after having for sometime stooped
to act the negotiator, has at length determined to play
the bully.
There can be no doubt of a very fierce, and even
warlike, note having been addressed b_y the
SCIIWADZENDERG cabinet to the court of Berlin,
threatc:,ing to proceed to any extreme rather than
permit the openiog of even the shadow of a German
parliament at Erfurt. In the important letter of our
Vienna correspondent, published yesterday, it
will be sen how Austria is preparing
to support, by its attitude, the language
and menace of that note. Instead of any reduction
of her armies and military expenditure, so loudly
called for by the state of her revenues and resources,
the Austrian government is making use of its late
forced loan (so opportunely driven from our market)
to augment both. Austria is making use of that
money to threaten Prussia for daring to even essay
to found the parliamentary liberties and unity of
German.
As oyf course this menacing, and military,
and anti-liberal policy towards its neighbour,
was incompatible with ant thing like copal-
tutienal government at home, the Austrian
cabinet has molved to adjourn sine die the calling
of the provincial diets, and of coons every idea
and pr.ispect of a general assembly or constitution.
Count SCHWARZENBERO held out the hope through
the Vienna Gazette and the Times as long as he
wanted to gull the English capitalists into lending
money. But that " dodge" answered or defeated, the
mask is thrown off, and we are to hear no more of an
Austrian constitution.
This denial and disappointment of el provincial
sad liberal hopes ere of course expected to produce
discontent. But the Austrian cabinet is prepared
for it. The Emperor and his ministers have jest
visited Prague, the capital of Bohemia, with great
pomp. A deputation from Prague, of the very men
who opposed the German ultra-liberals in Vienna,
waited on the minister to ask for the cessa-
tion of the state of Sep and martial law.
But the minister merely replied by a sneer,
and an observation that the state of siege was destined
to last much longer: " Were Ito rates the state of
siege," quoth the minister, " the two parties of Ger-
mans and Sclavooians would cut each other's throats."
Thus the only prospect held out by the Austrian
statesman is a choice of, or en alternative between,
martial law and civil war. And this is said, not
merely to the Hungarians, or the Viennese, or the
Milanese, but to the Bohemians, to the very popu-
lations amongst whom the Emperor retired, and
amongst whom he refitted his army and his powers.
With such a confession of weakness as this avowal,
that government can only exist by martial law,
maples" too with the known declaration re JELLACUICH
and even RADETSKI himself, that the empire could
sot be kept in tranquillity without large concessions of
freedom, we believe Austria to be incapable of war.
She may threaten it. Bat for Austrian armies
actually to invade Germany in order to enforce des-
potism and crush even that small and cautious por-
tion cf constitutional government and • unitarian
system that Prussia seeks to establish—any such at-
tempt as this would be the commencement of a civil
war, of which no one could foresee the end.
We believe Austrian statesmen, silly as they are,
too prudent to risk this. Incited we do not give the
credit of sincerity to any one of their acts or words.
They are not sincere in threatening war, no more than
they were sincere in promising • constitution. The
last week has shown that they are as treacherous and
ungrateful to the Sclavonians of Bohemia as to those
of Croatia, both of whom must infallibly become as
hostile to Austrian dominion as the Magyars them-
selves.
They were not sincere in offering to Germany a
commercial union upon any liberal or possible basis ;
they were no more sincere in this than their pastimes.
in this country who praised their scheme. The sys-
tem of the Austrian empire is avowedly and lade-
libly to suffice to itself, a system for which its varied
climes, and straggling provinces furnish some kind
of foundation. Austria spins its own yarn and weaves
it ; makes its own cloths, works its own minim,
grows its own tobacco, has the raw material of most
of its own manufactures within itself. Its tariff is
double that of the German Zollverein ; and the only
terms on which it could consent to unite with that
body would be an augmentation of the Prussian
tariff, and a monopoly of the north German markets
for its own manufactures. A union between the
Zollverein and Austria would, in fact, be the esta-
blishment of a great protectionist empire over all
central an 4 eastern Europe, and a sacrifice of the
nobler interests of trade and freedom to the smaller
system of home production and exclusiveness.
These who will take the trouble to compare the
progress of the Zollverein in imports, exports, oat-
samptios and revenue with that of Austria during a
similar period of years (the population of the two
commercial empires being pretty much alike, ever
thirty millions), will at:a glance perceive on which
aide, and with which system, lie program, develop-
ment, prosperity and freedom.

PUBLIC f- cling is growing alive to Excise iniquities.
There is a strong party in the country ready to back
the appeal of those who suffer by this system
to parliament. They may rely 'on receiving that
which they have not hitherto been able to obtain,
full representation for their wrongs through an
independent press. "Five years ago, sir," writes
a soap manufacturer, Mwe endeavoured to
arouse public attention to the hardship of
our case. We were led on by Messrs. HAWES, who
were indefatigable in their efforts to obtain justice 1
for ns. It was, with them, a final struggle prior to I
their abandonment of the trade, and they engaged in
it nobly. But our hopes were crashed. At no period
were we able to obtain the slightest assistance from the
press. Not a par in London would lend us a corner
of its columns. Me Tones, as usual, turned a deaf
ear to as. The Morning Chronicle, although then a
liberal paper, shuffled us off. From the rest we had
et twee less sympathy to expect. But now that the
press has turned its attention to the subject, I indeed
Lave hopes."
If time were in power a government that was open