The Express.
London, England, 1853-12-19 00:00:00

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LONDON, MONDAY, DECEMBER 19.

These are trying days for statesmen in all parts
of Europe, and most of all, perhaps, in England. In
a few weeks now the Cabinet will have to explain
themselves fully on the whole subject of our doings
and sayings un the Eastern question ; and they need
not reckon on any remarkable patience in either
Parliament or people. The indignation against Lord
ABERDEEN, as the wet blanket which is turning the
national fire into smoke, is very strong and nearly
universal. It has been gathering now for many
months; and the PREMIER may prepare himself for
such a burst of it as could not have happened if
diplomatic openness, instead of the existing secresy,
had encouraged the gradual formation of a national
qpinion, and a well-timed expression of the national
will. And is Lord PALMERSTON to appear when
the day of explanation comes? If he could show a
better case for himself in regard to our foreign policy
when he was in office, be might, in the present mood
of the English people, make great political head-
way. Ile would be ►upported in opposition in a
great amount of elimination of Lord ABERDEMed
policy, but not to the extent of supplanting him.
He does net deserve any such extent of support as
that, and will not have it, nor indeed any amount of
approbation beyond that which is always ac-
corded to a dexterous parliamentary combatant,
unless he shows an unmistakeable repentance
for his past misdeeds, by which he has
gravely impaired the chances of liberty where
its struggles are hardest. Is it possible for one of his
years to repent and amend? If we thought it was,
we could show him cause in his past life for that
wholesome regret which must precede amendment.
He was once, by the testimony of his contemporaries,
"serious and modest." If he could be so now—if the
mood of his youth could return open him—woat
might not be the benefit to the world ? " Mentem
mortalia tanguot," said Fox, when PITT lay dying,
and Fox refused, in strong emotion, to debate the
Address; and those words might make Lord PAL-
imams recur to his youthful mood, if he would
meditate for an hour on the beginning of his career.
He canvassed for his first election (which he lost to
Lord LersoowNE) to the tolling of the bell for PITT.
He entered Parliament to the tolling of the bell
for Fox. ROMILLT was there, under the fresh
honours of his first public appearance, on occasion
of the MELVILLE trial. HORNER took his seat
at the same time, and WILLIAM LAMB, and WARD.
CANNING was criticised as a juvenile statesman ; and
the then Lord Howtcx made the best speech that
had yet been heard from him. These names are
enough to.make any man serious; and the survivor
of them all may well say, " Mcntem mortalia
tangunt." Premature death, suicide, lunacy, and the
wearing out of a political existence, longer or shorter,
amidst conflicts and disappointments—these must be
grave remembrances to the one who is still living
and at work while the gram is long on so many
graves. The whole career of CANNING, whom,
foreign policy gave hope to freedom throughout the
world, most be a deeply interesting contemplation to
a penoaal friend who has had so mach longer a space
anctlarger an opportunity for sarryingout s policy,and
has not succeeded in doing so. Lord P•unitirrou
entered upon office as linder-Secretary at War in
that PERCEVAL ministry which CANNING WWI est
enter, in 1809; and it was to second the essuegeset
Address that "Young Pan" first rose to speak, in
connexion with any government. Surely such facts
as these should make Lord PALMERSTON feel that it
is time for him to be staid, and wise, and consistent,
according to his early promise, if he does not mean
to end in the failure which his discrepancies have so
often threatened.

By consistency we do not mean that he should not
have progressed with the times, like his friend CAN-
NING, and PEEL, and every other statesman who is
worth anything. The consistency we want is between
the avowed principle and the oonduct—between the
speech and the act. Lord PALMERSTON was
a member of that Ministry which CASTLE-
REAGH represented in 1816—that Ministry which
betrayed the liberties of Sicily by breaking our
pledges to support her ancient constitution, and in-
curred from MACKINTOSH, when the truth became
known five years after, the reproach of plunging us
in "perfidy and dishonour ;" yet we censure Lord
PALmaarrox for inconsistency—not because he after-
wards encouraged constitutional government in
Spain, Portugal, and elsewhere, but because he failed
to sustain the efforts he induced, and played into the
hands of the despots while cheering on those whom
despotism called rebels. In 1822, he was a colleague of
the Minister who entered upon the amusement at Ve-
rona of parcelling out Europe for the convenience*: the
sovereigns, who considered themselves a kind et
planters on a large sale—proprietors of lands and
people at once ; but we do not charge him with in-
consistency, because in five or six years after he had
become semi-liberal, with Lord DCOLET, MOSKIS-
I
SON, Lord Oterreloo, and other friends of eittetsti.
Oa the contrary, the whole Liberal party in Eng-
land were thankful ; and when, two years after, he
became our Foreign Minister, there seemed every
reason to hope that in the changes ushered in by the
French Revolution of 1830, we should be able through
him to secure the best and speediest peace by
strengthening the cause of liberty from end to end
of Europe. " The world war all before him where to
choose" to apply the moral power of Eng-
land, while his singular activity made us
certain that our authority would be mighty for good
or for evil. How has the expectation been fulfilled?
How fares Constitutionalism in Spain? and how
have we succeeded in securing the welfare of the
young QVer.s, and the settlement of the royal line?
How fares Coestitutiooalissa in Portugal, and how
are we repaid by the blessinp of the Portuguese?
How do the Greeks like Lord PALMERSTON ? and
who is grateful to' him there except, perhaps, Don
Foam() ? How did he manage the Boundary
Question, and that of the Right of Search, and the
Tahiti business, and the Opium quarrel ? Why
was he three months before answering one
urgent letter from China, and four months in
answering another—so as to complicate the question,
and enhance the miseries of the war in China? How
fared the continent in 1848? In what state are the
cities and people of Sicily, and of Naples, and of
Lombardy, and of Hungary? Many fillipping letters
of Lord PALNIEILSTON'A Can be produced from the
bureaus of probably all thew countries: but what
did he do, and let us do ? He laughs at the nonsense
of charging him with being bribed by Russia; but it
may possibly strike him that that nonsense could
never have been uttered if he bad done either of two
indispensable dui les —t brown open diplJ matic action to
public observation, as is done in countries both more
and less free than our own, or checked the course