The Express.
London, England, 1851-03-19 00:00:00

THE EXPRESS, WEDNESDAY EVENING, MARCH 19, 1851.

that it was in the power of 'imam esthetics to retaliate.
lion. gentlemen were but too glad to lead on the penple
against the common game. They drew the hounds off the
real scent upon which they feared to have them led. The
balsam:Ode and learned member for Oxford, and the
right hon. gentleman the member for the I;nivereity of ,
Cambridge adopted that course to divert the attenoien of
the people from the abuses of the church of England. The
lion. and learned member for Oxford said that the Queen
hail the power by letters patent to make and unmake
churches in any part of her dominions, and from this he
argued that it was a violation of the royal prerogative for
any one hut the Queen to make ercleeiadical regulations.
Ile denied that position. Ile maintained that the ecclesias-
tieal law was purely it sd, and that the Roman esthetics
and dissenters, and every Christian community enjoyed as
sound a status in the foreign and colonial dominions *of the
crown as the church of England it-elf. (Hear, hear
The right honourable baronet the Horne Secretary had I
promised the introduction of a clause exempting
the Scotch bishops (rem the operation of the act. But he
maintained that the bishops of the Roman catholic church
in Ireland had a stronger claim to be exempt( d. end ho
should propose an amendment in cemmitte for the pur-
pose of exempting the Irish Roman catholic bishops.
The bill was applied to Ireland because certain per-
sons in England bad assumed titles conferred by a foreign
power. (Hear, hear.) If it passed at all, it should be con-
fined to the occasion, and also to the coun in which the
aggression had taken place. (Hear, hear.)try He thought
the beet course the government could take write drop
the present bill, and abandoning their purpose of legidatiun
with regard to titles, to deal with an agar:awn which they
could resist, when the Charituble Trusts BiU came before
the house. That would be the time to adapt prohibitions
and regulations, and such a course would be far better
than the entering an absurd protest against papal aggres-
sion. He hoped an attempt would be made to prevent any
person from depriving the Roman catholics of England of
that protection in respect to their charitable and religious
trusts which was enjoyed by them under the ancient canna
law of this country, down to the 29th of September lad
year. The honourable and learned member concluded by
stating that because he considered the measure insufficient
in one view and excessive in aueother, and because he was
oopprned to its extension to Ireland, he should vote against
the 14 cowl reading.
Lord ASHLEY observed that notwithstanding an that
had been said, be reverted to the tint question, should the
parliament of England, or should it not, mine to the succour
of the Queen, to maintain the rights of the people, and to
assert—he used the expression advisedly—to assert the civil
and religious liberties of half mankind. (Cheers.) They
were told of the difficulties of legislation—why, they always
knew them. They were denounced as illiberoil—they fore-
saw the imputation. They were advised to surrender,—
they anticipated the demand for such a coneemion. (Hear.)
But one thing they did not foresee, one thing they did not
anticipate; they did net foreeee that a British peer would
denounce this defence of the British crown as equivalent
to persecution, and even tee torture, and they did not fore-
see that British senators would assume the rights of con-
science and the no ce,oity of spititual development as a
lawful ground for the assumption of territorial titles, with
all the paraphernalia of political peerages, in defiance of the
Queen and her government, and in opposition to the
custom. the feeling., and the opinions of the people of
Cheat Britain. Be repeated, then, that he 'must revert to
the first question,—should they, or should they not, l'Oll3C
to the succour of the Queen of these realms? Now very
many even of the opponents of legislation admitted that the
language of the Sovereign Pontiff was haughty, arrogant,
and offensive. Should it, then, be endured? (Hear,
hear.) Should they, while using these indignant
epithets, sit down and do nothing, sufficing, as
it were, the seeds of this act to sprout and fructify in their
very sight ? (Hear, hear.) Now, he readily allowed that
if it could he shown that the recent movement of the Pope
was in strict keeping with the act of 1829, they must at
c submit, and that, too, upon the principle laid down in
Holy writ: " lie that sweareth to his neighbour may not
disappoint him although it be to his own hiuelmitee."
(Hear, hear.) Ile would not depart from that principle to
the extent of a hair's breadth ; but. nevertheless, he thought
he might say to those who presumed on their concessions,
that privileges had their duties us well as their rights—
(hear, hear)—and that of all those duties there woe none
more sacred or binding than that contained in the rule
quoted by his hon. and learned friend the member for Ox-
font "Sir Were too ut aliennm non Lords," (Hear,
hear.) Now, one Feely in that house denied not only the
necessity, but the propriety of any legislation; and, oethat
',arty, the most conspicuous and able was the hem. and
learned member for Plymouth, who, in his very powerful
speech, maintained that proposition. But the whole of the
hon. and learned member's reasoning was directed to the
establishment of this position, that every thing that had
been done by the pope, nay, every thing that
can be done by the pope, Was irresistible, because
founded upon the demand of liberty of conscience,
and necessary for spiritual development. If that propositiou
were admitted, it at once took from them all power of eon-
trod ; nay, more, it imposed on them the duty of absolute
submission. (Hear, hear.) The hon. and learned gentle-
man, without instituting any inquiry, without entering into
any examination, into the meaniug ot' the term "liberty of
co:tonna.," took the words as enunciated ley Roman
catholic., and allowed them to put upon them their own
interpretation. Ile took the definition of Itennan catholics,
and then whatever they demanded as founded upon this
liberty of conscience he conceded ; and forgetting that
there were other equivalent, and certainly pre-existing in-
ternees, be ignored at once the prerogative of tlie crown and
the rights and liberties of the whole mast of his protestant
fidlowsubjeets. (Ilear, hear.) Now it was perfectly clear
that the concessions of 18'19 must hove Inen made
with this rewreatioeu, that those who inade the in, while
they Fronted equality, were not theateelves to he placed in
a positiem of subordination; ay, and at the rain. time that
when they gave the Roman catholics the power of expres-
sion, it was not that they, in return, might drive them into
a corner. The concessions were made upon these grounds,
• and upon those grounds it owe that they resisted the pre-
sent pupal aggression. (Hear, hear.) Now, there was
another party in that house, a party that said they wished
for legislution, hut were so dissatisfiol with the present form
of it, that they would rather have no legislation than tic-
opt this measure. Now, would those gentlemen—would the
house—allow him to state his deep, solemn, and earnest
convictions upon this vital question. (Hear, hear.) They
were not now deliberating upon any matter of transient
interest. (Hear, hear.) Ile was curt' that all who heard
him, whether they supported this measure or opposed it,
would turns. that they were then handling prioniples which
had determined, and would determine again, the existence
of empires —(lssue, hear)—principles which would exercise
an influence• over the widest surface and to the latest
period. (Hear, hear.) l'erhapi he ought not again to
Kaye addressed the house, having recently received so large
a measure of indulgence. 116 only enema, was the impulse,
which was too strong for him to resist, to declare once more
what he thought aud fi It an that great and important epee:non.
Now, ho wished in the outset to draw a wide distinction
between the Roman prelates, the court of Rome, and his
Roman catholic fellow-subjects. (Hear, hear.) Of all the
mischiefs calved hr this measure of the Pope, none was
noon, miechievous than the disturbance and itenettlement of
the minds of Wine of the most orderly and most loyal of
be r Majesty's subjects, the Rouen catholic, of this country.
(Hear, hear.) The position he held was this, that we
uualit to maintain that the Pope had acted as a foreign
prince and potentate; and he used the words emphatically,
not however meaning any offence, because they were the
distinctive term, which showed the difference between this
and other nicasuree. The l'ope had vielateel by the recent
aggression the law of nations, the law of the land, and had
usurped the functions of the Queen and of parliament. Ile
mnutaintel in the first place that the Pope had violated the
laws of nations. Hear the worth of the Papal Brief " We,
of our own proper motion, in our certain knowledge and in
the plenitude of our apostolic power, have resolved, and do
hereby dien es the reestablishment in the kingdom of Eng.
Lind, and according to the common laws of the church, of
a hierarchy of feistier' deriving their title's from their own
sees, which we constitute by thee present letter in the various
apostolic districts. To commence with the district of
London, it will form two seers that of Westminster, which
we hereby tolerate to the metmpolitan or areltiepiecopal dig-
nity, and that of Southwark, which we assign to it as'
a suifregan. together with those which we proceed to indi-
cate." And it goes on " Thus in the very flourishing
kingdom of England them will be one single ecclesiastical
province with one archbishop and twelve suffragans." Not
only was there this one act of aggr•ostion, but there was
another, for it went un to say : " We reserve to ourselves
and our successors the pontiffs of Rome the right-to divide
this province into several, and to increase the number of
its diocese. as occasion shall require, and in general that as
it shall set's fitting in the Lord we may freely decree new
limits to them." Could anything he more imperious or
wearing a greater appearance of claiming sovereignty ?
This was the language of the papal brief, and he (Lord
Ashley) held that it was a violation of the law of nations,
both in its language and its intent. So much fur
the violation of the law of nations. Nu greater respect had
been shown to the law of the land. By the act of 1819
Roman catholic prelates were forbidden to assume the
tithes of any sees or deaneries in England. It might be
said that the strict letter of that law hail not been violated,
but no one could say that it had not been violated in spirit.
Would any on ...ay that if, when that measure was about
to be passed, the Roman catholic prelates had put
in this plea, and claimed a right to territorial sees,
that would not have been the strongest argu-
ment against the measure. But not a word was said
about any territorial demand. The Melee should bear in
mind the character of the hill of 1829. The object of the
pre (snt bill was t s maintain tho• prerogative of the crown,
while the object of the act of 1829 was to defend the coda-
bibbed church, and to see that no other establiehment was
possessed of territorial powers or conordinata jurisdiction.
This security was given, and it had now been violatesl.
This ape:staled brief actually vieleteel the law in its letter,
for it constituted a bishop of St. David's. that being an ex-
notthae
ieting see, and occupied by an Euzlieb bishop. When the
brief appeared in the papers, there was
bishopric of St. David's, but a die was .thlinggm.d aloof
o
bishop of Merioneth and Newport. When the Latin brief
was publielied, the biehop was called Episcopus
Merivensis, no doubt with- the intention, under the
cloak of a learned language, to have a pretext, if nes
cessery, for saving that it was ineorrectly translated.
But he (Lora Ashley) had in his possession the
authorised translation, and the words were " In the district
of Wales there will be two hishoprie:, viz., that of Shrews-
bury and that of Menevia (or St. David's), united with
Newport; and we 004.1 to the bishop of St. David's and
Newport. as his diocese the counties of Ilrecknock, Pc an-
brake, Bm." He hoped the house would attend to this, as
it eras of the utmost importance. The estetnishment of this
see of St. Day:d't was designed to test the wstehfulnei: and

the patience of the people of EnalmolSlf iTtswasPOC;rl
over now, next year it would be quoted as aright—(hear,