The Express.
London, England, 1848-04-21 00:00:00

PARLIAMENTARY DIVISION.

GAME CERTIFICATES FOR KILLING OF HARES
BILL.—(IN COMMITTEE.)
D,..0s in favour of Amendment, "'ghat it shall not he lawful for
any person not haring a game errtlfkate to use say gre-arms or gun
cf any deeriptioe for the purpose of killing any game or here."
Ayes 49 ; Noes, 44.

ATER
Alexander, N. Clifford. H. 3!. Guest, Sir. J. O'Connell, M.. 1.
Anster, T. C. Cliee, IL B. Hall, OM. Parke, C. W.
Archdall, Cas. Coles, H. B. Harris, Capt. Pennant, Col.
Arkwright, O. Davies, D. A. B. Henley, J. W. Pigott, F.
lisldock, F.. H. Deader, W. Horaby, J. Plowden, W. H.
lientinek,Lnralll.Doild, 0. Hudson, G. Pugb, D.
Berkeley, H. F. Duneombe, A. Ingestre, Viact. Reid, Col.
Bernard, Buncombe, 0. Johnstone, Sir I.Richards, B.
Bowles, Adm. lin PrO, C. 0. Law, Hon. C. E.Sibtborp, Col.
Bramston, T. W.Edwards, H. Long, W. Willougbby, 11.
Brothertei,.l. Fuller, A. E. Lowther, H.
CiLtplirl, W. 1. Gslway, Visit. Mecraghten, E. Berkeley, G.
Clingy, S. Goddard, A. L. Minstar; Earl liiklyard, B. C.
NOEB.
Armstrong, R. &Greer.% C. W. Monsell, W. Turner. E.
B.aines, 11. T. Grey, Sir 0. Morris, D. Villiers, Hon. C.
Bellew, B. 3L Belford, Sir IL Pearson, C. Vcse, R. N. R. H.
Garter. J. B. Hood, Sir A. Perfect, It. Walmaley. Sir J.
Clements, C. S. Home, J. rimer, W. Walsh, Sir I. B.
Cramps:l, W. S. Jolliffe, alrW. o.Seymer. H. K. Wilson, M.
Cubitt, W. Lewin, G. C. Somerset, Capt. Wood, Sir C.
East, Sir J. B. Littleton, E R. Somerville, SirW.Wyvill, M.
Ether, E. Maenamars,llaj.Stafford, A.
Elliott. J. E. Mahon, o'O. Strickland, Sir G. Tutees.
Glyn,Melgund, Viett.. Sullivan, M. Kr.
Goring, C. Mo.e.wortir, W. Thompeon, Cot. March, bat of

The danger of communism, however, would be the
impracticability of confining it to a single country.
It is evident that capital, talent, and all the ele-
ments by which one man attains super qty
superiority to an-
other, being banished from the communist nation,
would abound in all nations around it, in which all
kinds of production and foreign trade and results of
skill would be necessarily superior; and .this would
throw the communist people into a state of general
poverty and inferiority quite insupportable. Nor
could there be any remedy for this, save in the com-
munists taking up arms, and conquering country after
country till they reduced the entire universe, or, at
least, their own quarter of the world, to the prison
uniform, diet, and grade of intellect which they
had imposed upon themselves. Any communist society
would thee be en ancient Rome, founded on a barren
and unproductive spot in the midst of fertile Italy—
that is, a nation which must fight for vanity and rob
to live.
For peace sake, as well as for a variety of other causes,
it is satisfactory to learn that an immense majority of
the French, and of the inhabitants of the capital, are
determined to put down communism, of which un-
fortunately no fair trial could be made without a
momentary dissolution of all society, government
included. As the experiment would be like that of
the aged person allowing himself to be cut up into
I bits and thrown into a cauldron, as preparation to
being made young again, communism may safely
avoid the reproach of failure, by denying that it has
ever been tried.
Mr. OWEN and the disciples of ST. SIMON have
made their essays. And the Fourierites, it is
to be hoped, will have an opportunity of fully
displaying the utter puerility of their system. For our
part, we respect Fourierism even less than commu-
nism. Considering communism to be the catho-
lic creed of the popular fanatic, Fourierism is the
Jesuitry of that creed. It conforms to existing states
of society, but merely in order to gain influence, to
dominate, to sap, and to destroy. The only thing,
indeed, that prevents its being formidable is the
j puerility of its principles and its means. As M. Mien EL
CHETALIERustIy observed, FOURIER chiefly studied
cilildren, and applied their wants, ways, conduct, and
eapcices to grown men, of whom,especially in the
higher grades of either intellectual or commercial
society, FOURIER seems to have had no just concep-
tion. H:S plan of rendering labour delightful is the
most ludicrous of all ludicrous humbugs ; and his idea
of a lady of rank and wealth being seduced to Fou-
rierism by het. penchant for darning old coats, is a fair
sample of the vulgar and narrow circle in which
FOURIER looked when he imagined he was studying
the world.
Communism, as developed by M. CADET and his
school, is the most simple and frank expression of
the desire of the labourivg classes to establish a domi-
nation over all others. /s or is it difficult to imagine
how M. CADET arrived at his theory. Regarding
two or three successive kinds of government in France,
he saw that each government depended on a class,
and, in return for the support of that class, favoured
and fed it, divided amongst its members all the spare
revenues and places of the state, and established a re-
eiprocity system of " Support me, pay thee," which
was not confined to France, but which has flourished,
and still flourishes, in our own happy country.
It was easy to draw conclusions and examples from
this. First of all, argued M. CADET, the lower
or operative class want this state feeding even
more than the wealthy class. They can give
more valuable and efficient support in return for
state feeding. Why not have a government
of the lower class? "It will want," quoth an ob-
lector, " the stability of property:" On the contrary, it
will be based on the necessity in which the labourer
stands of his stipend. The clientelle of the labourer,
attached to hie government, which is his employer,
will be so solid, that nothing can shake it. It will
resemble the cite/dells of the Roman patricians when
they fed the people, except that they quarrelled
patncian-like. But when the people elect their
governors, and the governors in turn feed .
and employ the people, there must be harmony,
mutual confidence, and peace. Such is the scheme
of CADET, which, we need not say, would
sweep the entire middle class from the surface of
France, cashier their industry, and make a man, in
proportion to his wealth and industry, more and more
a serf. In fact, it would be the government of a
Turkish Sultan, who should profess communism in
, lieu of Mahommedanism. The only difference would
be in religion. The only aristocracy would be that
of the functionaries, the only power would be the
alternate exercise of it by the despot and by
the mob. Such is the system of government
and society against which the national guards
of Paris, and the population of France protest,
and protest wisely, with loaded gun and pointed
bayonet. There is no reasoning with the communist.
lie merely claims to take away all other men's pro-
perty and all other men's rights. He cannot pretend
to enforce them by less than defiance and conquest.
In this, too, like the Mahommedan, his faith can only
be propagated by the sword; and by the sword or the
staff can it alone be met.

POOR dear Morning Chronicle! We have long
felt for thee, long mourned for thee, long respected
even thy inanity, and hoped that for the sake of old
times, and the respect due to so reverend an organ of
English liberalism, thy fall would at least to decorous.
What, then, was our mortification, what our sur-
prise, to find the old organ of progress, the Morning
Chronicle, come forth with the mumbling pa
and nic-
stricken toryism of "my grandmother?" The Morn-
ing Chronicle deprecates and resists any extension of the
franchise, in order to allow itself time to " interrogate
the history of America, and watch the experiment
of France. How long a time it demands to spend in
its watchings and interrogations of history past and
present, the Morning Chronicle does not say, but it
would appear to contemplate a very long interval of
repose, it we are to judge from another of its remarks.
This is, that it would be very dangerous to extend
the electoral franchise beyond the present possessors,
owing to the dreadful lack of education amongst the
non-electors. Now as the Morning Chronicle
has been the most bigoted opponent of education
amongst the lower orders, and the fiercest foe of go-
vernment or the state contributing efforts or funds for
such purpose, it is manifest that the policy of the
Nottin-I Chronicle is to refuse the people education
lest they might fit themselves for the electoral fran-
chise, and to refuse them the electoral franchise on
the ground of their not being educated. The circle
is ingenious. But we should scarcely expect it in any
English organ of opinion in the 19th eentury, and
least of all from one that may have purchased te
name, but has so perverted the spirit, of the Morniohy