The Express.
London, England, 1862-01-03 00:00:00

RION WOOS ATIONDOX 111111111 i.

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TICE DAT= a. M 0... - Akin*" 411
Tampa', M. Sea 44. 80. a.

LONDON, PRIDAY, JAN. 3.

Tits further details of American news brought
by the Africa and by the Anglo-Saxon canfirm in
every particular the pacific impression produced
by the early telegrams announcing the arrival of
the first-n►med vessel at Queenstown. The in-
telligence from New York comes down to the
21st, and in whatever direction wo look, whether
to the state of public feeling, the tone of the
press, the action of the House of Representatives,
or the reported opinions and intentions of the
Federal Government, we find encouraging signs of
moderation, and a general disposition to act ac-
cording to the dictates of reason and justice. No
attempt seems to have been made by the prime
or the public to influence the decision of the
Government, much lees to coerce it into the
adoption of any particular policy. When we
consider what a large foreign element of the
lowest, most violent, and disturbing kind, is to be
found amongst the populace of New York, the
absence of irritating speech and warlike demon•
straitens at such a crisis speaks well for the general
character and the controlling force of public opinion
in the most noisy and excitable city of the States.
The nature of the English demands were generally
known in New York on the 16th, and the first
effect of course was violent excitement, which con-
tinued throughout the day. But a few hours' re-
flection and a night's repose snflii.rod to calm the
public mind. The very next day the state of feel-
ing on the subject was so much quieter, that
" the idea of giving up Messrs. MASON sod SLIDRIZ
" was dammed, and its probability entertained,
" the argument being—if the Federal Government
" wan in the wrong in taking these men there is
" no disgrace in surrendering them, and if they
" were right the question can be discussed or
" settled by arbitration." The tone of the journals
next morning was marked, we are told, by the
same spirit of moderation. The predictions of
those who so confidently and repeatedly affirmed
that peace was out of the question, because if the
Federal Government were disposed to recognise
the justice of our claim, they wined be compelled
by the New York populace to reject it, wore so'
far completely and signally falsified. That turbu-
lent and lawless mob that, according to some,
would never listen to the voice of reason, within a
few hours after the first exciting news had arrived,
were discussing the legal bearings of the question
afresh, and preparing to accept the decision of the
responsible authorities, whatever that might be.
But this prevalent respect for public law and
international right was perhaps shown most
clearly of all, where we might natu-
rally expect to find it—in the House
of Representatives. The House had already
thanked Captain WILK= for his honesty of
purpose and the sailorlike boldness and prompti-
tude of his conduct, but it had carefully abstained
from expressing any opinion on the legality of his
act. On the arrival of the news from England a
few of the more extreme and hot-headed Members
wished to pledge the House to support Captain
Wiurra's act, "in spite of every menace or de-
" mend of the British Government," and brought
forward a motion for this purpose. The motion
was, however, at once rejected by a majority of
seven to one. The general feeling of the House
on the subject was clearly expressed in the short
speech delivered by Mr. Divert, of New York :
" He was for leaving the question with England
" in the hands of those who, on our part, will
" oondnct the negotiation. It should be conducted
" with dignity and a due regard for our honour
" and interests. Under these circumstances he
" was willing to risk the chances of war. Two
" classes would be disappointed by the preserve.
" tion of peace, namely, those who want a war to
" give strength to the rebels and enable them to
" suooeed, and those who have been revelling in
" the spirit of bravado."
The decision weal thus by common consent left
wholly in the hands of the Federal Government,
and the probable action of the Washington
Cabinet is of course, therefore, after all the main
point. The comparatively calm and moderate
tone of public feeling would naturally facilitate the
deliberations of the Government. It would leave
it free to consider on their own merits the
legal points raised by the demands of the British
Government, and to estimate the claims of justice
and honour undisturbed by any powerful current
of opinion out of doors. For the sake of the over-1
whelming interests at stake, if for no other reason,
we may be sure no time would be lost by the
American Government in discussing and arriving
at a conclusion on the English demands. But of
course no decision could be come to on so weighty
a matter without duo deliberation and mutual con-
ference amongst the highest executive authorities of
the State. And a mere glance at the dates will suf-
fice to show that under no circumstances could we
have received the reply of the Amerieen Govern-
ment by the present mail. Surely no reasonable man
would expect the Washington Cabinet to decide
on the demands of the English Government before
it had received them. Such a course, if possible
even, would have been in the highest degree
irregular, and even indecent. But the special
messengers bearing the despatches of the lingliah
Government to Lord LYONS, and those ban Mr.
ADAMS to the American Government, oily arrived
at Washington on the 19th, while the Anglo-Saxon
left New York on the 21M. Obviously, therefore,
there was only just time tee the demands of the
English Government is be made known at Wash-
ington, and none at all for any deliberation upon
them before the steamer left Under the most
favourable cireimistanccs, it was thus clearly im-

`•THE

possible far us to receive the re*. Si the prt..l
sail Lord LVONB doubililessiacquaizted
Sewall) with the content of the Ugh& 4
spate& on the 19th. The Cabinet would of course
deliberate on the matter, sad consult the Senate
before owning to a conclusion. The Panstnear
Ives to send a message to the Senate on the sub-
ject, which would be at once considered in execu-
tive session. When these supreme authorities
had fully considered the matter the reply would,
of course, be decided on, but not before. There
is good reason to expect, however, that the need-
ful deliberations would not occupy very much
time. The justice of our claim is so clear that
we may fairly hope it would not require
very much discussion. The tone taken
by the New York Times, in referring to a prelimi-
nary Cabinet meeting on the subject, encourages
this belief. The writer, dating from Washington,
elates that but one sentiment prevailed in the
Cabinet :—" That no quarrel with England must
" be permitted to interfere at this moment with
" the reduction of the Southern rebels."
This statement contrasts curiously enough with
the argument so often used on this side of
the Atlantic, that the American Government
had determined to provoke this country into war
in order to cover its ignominious reboot
from the domestic oonflid. After developing
the reasons which enforce a peace policy, the
writer goes on to add these significant words ;
" But whether these or other considerations

" govern in the matter, I have the best authority
" for saying the demands of England will be met
" in a spirit of conciliation, which will at once
" refute the calumny that Mr. SWARD or any
" other member of the Cabinet has been eager to
" provoke a foreign war. The intelligence re-
" ceived by the Jura, that the despatches with
" which 5L1D7.1.1. and hissou ware entrusted
" reached England notwithstanding their arrest,
" renders the question u to the disposition of
" the persons of the rebel envoys one of secondary
" moment, and a most inadequate one on which
"to base a great international struggle. It will
" be borne in mind that the administration is still
" uncommitted on the Trent business. The sub-
" jut was not mentioned in the PNISIDINT'S
" Message ; and the language of Secretary
" Wsuss in his report, and his letter to Captain
" Witmes are rather professional and personal
" than diplomatic, and in no degree bind the State
" department."