The Express.
London, England, 1847-04-05 00:00:00

7-, ht rt.' preoS•

MAILS.
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MOB WATER AT LONDON-BRIDGE.
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113-11ossow —limb& I Ws. put 3 ; Afterwee, 2$ da. poet S.

LONDON, MONDAY, APRIL 5.
We have just received a copy of a very important
pamphlet, entitled " The School in its Relations to
the State, the Church, and the Congregation," bearing
internal evidence of a semi-official origin, and, there-
fore, explaining with authority the motives which
dictated the late Minutes of Council. Had this ex-
planation accompanied the first publication of those
Minutes, much of the present opposition to the go-
vernment scheme of aeration would have been pre-
vented. The opponents of all state aid in public
education are very few • and the world would have
seen that the enemies of every scheme of national
education whatever, ought not to be received as fair
critics and commentators upon any. We have already
pointed out this inconsistency in the party
headed by Mr. BAINES. Men who assert that
no national system ought to be established, and
in the same breath demand that an act
of parliament should be substituted for a minute of
council :—men who pretend that all great legislators
have had no other object than to establish despotisms,
and who place Athena, Sparta, and by implication the
states of New England, in the category of absolute
governments, are either too ignorant to understand an
historical precedent, or too obstinate to yield to the
most conclusive argument. The education of the
people by the state, and the identification of the state
with the people, were cardinal principles of puritan-
ism, and the early nonconformists held, that the
abandonment of the one would necessarily involve the
abandonment of the other. The essence of dissent
is, the intelligent and deliberate rejection of
formularies propounded by some authority. In order
to advance dissent they consequently le:ooured
to increase intelligence, and inculcate deliberation.
The very last thing they would have desired is igno-
rant acquiescence ; and, therefore, in the only land
where they had legislative power, they guarded
against such ignorance and such acquiescence, by esta-
blishing that plan of state education, which we have
quoted in a former article from the early history of
Massachussetts.
As the controversy has advanced, the position of Mr.
Buses and his party has become more painful and
more isolated. He occupied a false position, analo-
gous to that of a professed Atheist, attempting to dis-
cuss the historical evidences of the gospel; for a man
who set out with the principle that no revelation was
possible had of course predetermined that any
asserted revelation must be untrue. In like manner
Mr. B uses and his friends, having resolved that all
government aid was bad, must have, d priori,
resolved that any possible form in which it could be
administered must be improper and unjust. They
had reached this conclusion without any con-
sideration of the premises, and hence, when they
proceeded to devise premises, they covered themselves
with ridicule, by adopting the fifty-six absurdities of
the list of objections, which they seem now, from
very shame, to have abandoned.
As we had anticipated, the violence and excess of
Mr. BAINES and his party have produced a re-action
in the intelligent body of nonconformists; amongst
those who have been accustomed to reverence the
old Puritans and the early Pilgrim Fathers; amongst
those who believe that the ignorant rejection of
formularies is not one whit better than their ignorant
reception ; amongst those who believe that it is not the
interest of any sect to perpetuate training in vice by
preventing the state from encouraging virtue; from
those who believe in the first principle of liberty,
that men
Should Anow their rights, and, knowing, dare maintain.
In the nineteenth century it was too hazardous an
experiment for a few violent leaders, and two or three
ardent journalists, to get up as fanatical an animosity
against the Church of England, as the lowest class of
Orangemen used to manifest in Ireland against the
Church of Rome. After the first burst of passion
was over, reflection called attention to the rank non-
sense which men had been taught to utter as a cry,
and the rational part of the dissenters mustered
courage to speak out. Among the many indications
of this healthy and hopeful reaction is the following
petition adopted by the voluntary Sunday-school
teachers of Birmingham on Friday last :
TO TILE HON. THE COMMONS OP THE UNITRID EtNODOSI
OP GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND IN PARLIAMENT
ASSINBLED.
The humble petition of the teachers of the Protestant Dis-
senting Sunday school connected with the Old Meeting
House, in the borough of Birmingham .•
EHEWETH,—That the said school has existed for upwards
of half a century, affords to its members the use of several
valuable institutions for mental and moral improvement,
including an extensive benefit society, casual fund, and a
considerable library. The number of male pupils in the
school is upwards of fire hundred, a great part of whom are
adult persons. All aro instructed by the exertions of
nearly one hundred voluntary teachers, most of whom
here' been educated in the school as pupils, and are
actuated by a desire to extend to others the benefits of in-
struction they have received, and the discipline to which
they have been subjected. That in consequence of the in-
adequate and very limited means of instruction possessed by
the working classes, your petitioners, as managers, have ever
felt it to be incumbent upon them to give the pupils of the said
school, on the Sabbath day, in addition to rtt`4,4l;;
lion derived at a place of worship, as extensive and ireful a
course of instruction as possible, such instruction including
writing, arithmetic, grammar, and geography. Your peti
Honer have anxiously watched the progress made by the
pupils in their education, and the effect the instruction
given has had upon the mind and character, and they rejoice
in being able to testify, as a well-ascertained truth, that their
exertiora have been crowned withthe most happy results; and
they can bear testimony to the fact, that the pupils more ad-
vanced in knowledge become happier andbetter members of so-
eiets than those whose knowledge has continued more limited.
That, notwithstanding all voluntary exertions made to carry
out the great work of education among the rising generation
of this empire, your petitioners, from their own knowledge
and experience, can testify that in the very populous district
in which they reside, ell the means at present in operation,
though very considerable, are altogether insufficient to meet
the demand ; and they feel certain that, unaided by govern-
ment, the friends of education will never be enabled effi-
ciently to afford that more extended amount of daily educa-
tion which the humbler clover require, under the circum-
stances in which they are placed. Your petitioners, there-
fore, (gains deeply the importance of the subset hail with
gladness the measure lately introduced by the members of
her ?day rvy's government into your honourable house, for the
better education of the people, under the direction and con-
trol of inspection, as recommended in the minutes of the com-
mittee of council of education, presented to your honourable
house by command of her Marna, ; and they verily believe
the same, if carried out under wise and proper direction,
and upon the broad principles of religious liberty, will be of
immense advantage to society at large. Your petitioners,
therefore, humbly pray that your honourable house will
take the subject into its serious consideration, with the view
of carrying out the recommendations contained in the afore-
said minutes, or adopting such other measures for the better
education of the people. on the principles of civil and reli-
gious liberty, as to your honourable house may seem meet ;
and they have requested their president to sign this petition
oat their behalf. CHAS. H. EDWARDS, Presadent.
We have now to turn to a very different class of
opponents, of whom Dr. VALIGIIAN, the Economist,

and the Manchester Examiner, may be regarded as
the exponents. We speak rather doubtingly of the
Economist, for, while it one week denounces any
national system which would tax bachelors for the
education of the children of married men, it has
this week declared its approbation of the
American system and its machiuery of local
management under state superintendence. The
Economist has lost much of its authority, by
allowing its statistics to overpower its economics ; its
editor appears unable to emancipate himself from the
most dry and direct inferences derived from the labo-
rious tables he has constructed, and to be either un-
able or unwilling to enter into the large and philoso-
phic deductions which can alone give life and autho-
rity to a liberal science. Ile writes too mach in the
spirit of the tradesman commemorated by BASTIAT,
who estimated the commerce of the nation by the
traffic of his own shop. It required some such peculiar
constitution of mind to devise the notable argument
on which the editor has rung the changes, to utter
weariness, in the last number of his journal,
and which, in a multitude of words, asserts only
this simple proposition—that because the British
state has done many things badly, it should
be prohibited from attempting to do anything
well. This is one of the crotchets to which clever
men are occasionally subject, end on which they may
very safely be permitted to indulge, as they are not
likely to win many proselytes to a whim, or gain
many disciples to a sheer absurdity.
With Dr. VAUGHAN and the Manchester Examiner
we have too much in common not to treat their objec-
tions with respect, and receive their opinions with
attention. We agree with them that the American
system, or the national system which has succeeded so
admirably in Ireland, would be preferable to that laid
down by the committee of the privy council. We
have evidence in former minutes that the government
would have adopted the very same conclusion, de-
sired equally by Dr. VAUGHAN, the Manchester
Examiner, and ourselves, had the question of national
education been propounded to them absolutely
and unconditionally. But they had, either to do
what they have done, or to abandon, as Dr. VAUGHAN
admits, "the course of popular education altogether."
With not only deference to the scruples of Dr.
VAUGHAN, but even with sympathy in them, we still
cannot but applaud the government for having
adopted the more calm and philanthropic, though
more difficult, course of persevering in the great task
of education, turning aside only from such obstacles as
were insurmountable, and with no sacrifice either of
principle, or of any of the great and final end/ of
education.

THE trade with Brazil is a very important item of
British foreign commerce. There were, in 1845, only
eleven states or nations—keeping our colonies and de-
pendencies out of view—to each of which we exported,
in the course of the year goods amounting in value to
a million or upwards. Among these eleven Brazil
occupies exactly the middle place. The exports for
1845 to the Hinted States of North America, Germany,
Holland, France, and Italy respectively, exceed in
value those to irazil. The exports for that year to
China, Turkey, Russia, Belgium, and Chili, fall short
in value of those to Brazil. The value of the

exports to Brazil in 1845 was within a trifle of two
millions and a half; the value of the exports for that
year to France, Italy, Brazil, China, Turkey, and
Russia, respectively, exceeded two millions and fell
short of three.
The British trade with Brazil is of that kind which
is generally admitted to be the most profitable—the
trade of a country, the staple exports of which
are highly finished manufactures, with one the
staple exports of which are raw material, or goods in
the earlitit and simplest stages of artificial prepara-
tion. Our national barter with Brazil is of a kind
calculated to bring us larger profits than any we can
carry on with France, Italy, or even Turkey. There
is a greater variety in the lmown products of Brazil
available for our market than in the known products
of China. Perhaps in respect of actual importance
and capability of indefinite extension, our trade with
Brazil is at this moment more nearly on a par with
that to Russia than with that to any other foreign

country.
It is more obviously our interest to cultivate a good
understanding with Brazil,so as to impart security and
facilities of extension to our commercial intercourse
with it, than was formerly the case. The social
relations of the United States afford little reason
to expect that their cotton cultivation will expe-
rience any material extension for many years
to come. The demands of our cotton manu-
facture are evidently outgrowing the power of
supply in the cotton-growing states of the Union. Of
all other cotton-exporting countries, Brazil is the one
which can most speedily increase the quantity or im-
prove the quality of its production, and there is none
more favourably circumstanced in respect of distance
and shipping facilities.
All things considered, therefore, it will be easily
imagined with what anxiety an important section of
our trading interests await the result of Lord How-
DEWS mission. This country has much at stake upon
that minister's sweets in smoothing the asperities of
feeling towards this country which have been
awakened in Brazil. The Sugar Duties Act has gone
a certain length towards allaying them ; but there
another act, only two sessions old, which would re-
quire to be repealed in order to enable our envoy to
commence his labours with any reasonable prospect
of success.
By treaties contracted between the Brazilian and
British governments, it was agreed that the slave
trade should cease to be carried on by the subjects of
Brazil after the 13th of March, 1830; that the slave
trade should be considered piracy by both govern-
ments; and that courts of mixed commission should
be established to try the ships and subjects of Brasil
engaged in the slave trade. The duration of the ar-
rangement under which these courts of mixed com-
mission were instituted was, however, limited to fif-
teen years from the day on which the slave trade was
to become illegal. The fifteen years expired in March,
1845. Since that time, Brazil and Great Britain have
still been bound by treaty to use their efforts for the
suppression of the slave trade ; but each country
has been at liberty to act quite independently
of the other. The exasperation against England
which prevailed among the people of Brazil at the
time the courts of mixed commission expired, on
' account of the then existing sugar tariff, rendered
fruitless all attempts on the part of this country to
procure a renewal of joint measures for the suppres-
sion of the slave trade.
Thus check-mated, the government of the day
had recourse to a measure, unparalleled in British
legislation for its disregard of national rights. An
act of parliament was passed in July, 1846, conferring
upon our own Courts of Admiralty all the powers
formerly possessed by the Courts of Mixed Commis-
sion, and extending to British courts authority to try
and condemn Brazilian subjects captured on the
high seas in the act of carrying on the
slave trade. The only shadow of an argument
in support of this usurpation of a jurisdictioa
appertaining to the law courts of Brazil alone was no
better than a play upon words. It was said that the
Brazilian government had bound itself to consider the
slave trade as piracy, and that all states have juris-
diction in cases of piracy. But it is only in respect of
what is recognised to be piracy by the law of nations
that all states have such a jurisdiction. A treaty
between the Brazilian and British governments, bind-
ing them to punish their respective subjects convicted
of engaging in the slave trade as pirates, could not
make the slave trade piracy by the law of nations.
Nay, a treaty contracted by the Brazilian executive
could not, without the sanction and co-operation of the
I Brazilian legislature, make the slave trade piracy
by the law of Brazil. The act of July, 1845, professes
to give a British court of law power to punish the
subjects of another state as pirates for an act which
certainly is not piracy by the law of nations, and
which is not even piracy by the municipal laws of that
other state.
The people of Brazil bitterly resent the contemp-
tuous disregard of their national sovereignty evinced by
this act of the British legislature. They resent it the
awe warmly, because they are conscious the English
legislature relied upon their weakness when it passed
mach an act, and would never have dreamed of enact-
ing such a law had France or the United States been
the countries that were to be affected by it.
Bo long as this act of July, 1845, is allowed to re-
main on the statute book, there can be but slender hepee
et any fruit from Lord Howl:one's mission. And the
=soma, and vexation to which our traders with
Brawl are in consequence left exposed, are of a nature
materially to cramp their transactions, and render
them precarious, if not unprofitable. Until the justly
wounded national pride of Brazil is soothed, we have

THE EXPRESS, MONDAY EVENING, APRIL 5, 1847.

no right to expect a renewal of the moderate tariff of
duties on our merchandise, and the privileges and ad-
vantages which we enjoyed under the treaty of com-
merce with their government, which expired in 1843.
One instance of these privileges will suffice to show
their importance. By that treaty, wills of British
subjects made according to the forms of British law
were recognised in Brazil, and the property of British
subjects dying intestate was administered by the
British consul, conformably with the English law.
Now the property of British subjects dying intestate
in Brazil is administered by the native courts, which
is tantamount to confiscation ; and property in Brazil,
devised by a party resident in England in a will
made agreeably to English law, would be treated as
if he had died intestate.

Queen Isabella has at length emancipated herself,
' and dismissed the cabinet. This important intelli-
gence was brought by an extraordinary express,
which arrived in Paris late on Thursday evening, sad
was confirmed by the regular mails of the 28th and
29th, which have since arrived.
From the various versions which are given of the
affair, we collect the following circumstances, the
accuracy of which may be relied upon.
In the course of the day, on the 27th, the Ministers
of the Interior and of Finance had transacted business
as usual with the Queen. At a late hour of the even-
ing, M. Roca de Togores, Minister of Public Instruc-
tion and Commerce, attended her Majesty at the
palace. on public business. The Queen expressed to
this =sister her wish that the cabinet should resign.
The minister replied that personally he was ready to
do so, bat that he did not believe his colleagues
would consent to retire. Her Majesty then proposed
to M. Roca de Togores to countersign two orddn-
nances, the one dismissing the Duke of Sotomayor,
President of the Council. and the other nominating
M. Pacheco to that office. These two ordonnances
accordingly appeared next morning in the Gazette.
No other appointment had been as yet officially
announced, but the principal members of the new
cabinet were known to be as follows :—M. Pacheco,
President of the Council and Miuister of Foreign
Affairs; M. Salamanca, Minister of Finance ; M.Pastor
Diaz, Minister of Public Instruction; M. Benavides,
Minister of the Interior ; M. Sotelo, Minister of
Marine • and M. Mazarrcdo, Minister of War.
Of these, the three moat powerful and influential,
MM. Pacheco, Salamanca, and Pastor Diaz, belong to
the Puritan section of the opposition, and the three
others affect different shades of Conservatism, and are
connected with the Moderado party. The Puritans
in the Cortes bold the middle place between the
Moderados, or Conservatives, and the Progretaists, or
Liberals. In the qucstionof the marriages,the Puritans
were against the Montpensier marriage.
General Serrano emerged from his concealment
on the 28th ult., and presented himself to the
reporter of the commission charged with the inquiry
regarding his conduct. This affair will of course be
dropped. General Cordova was named Captain-
General of the province of Madrid ad interim, and
military governor absolutely. The Gazette of the
29th contains an account of the reception of the depu-
tation of the Cortes at the palace, and the address
which it presented.
M. Arrazora having. declined the portfolio of
Grace and Justice, it is held ad interim by M.
Benavides. The three candidates spoken of for this
ministry were : MM. Bahamonde, Pena y Aguayo,
and Calderon Collantes.
The new ministry presented itself in the Chamber
of Deputies on the 29th, when M. Pacheco declared
in the name of the cabinet that his colleagues and
himself were determined to pursue a moderately
liberal policy, and that they desired an adjournment of
the chamber for some days to give them time to con-
sider the several projects of law presented by the late
cabinet. He declared that his foreign policy would
be especially Spanish, that good relations would never-
theless be maintained with all foreign powers, and
that the government of the Queen wouldnot allow the
crown of Portugal to be put in peril. He said that
the government of the country would be conducted on
strictly legal and constitutional principles, but that if
extraordinary emergencies required exceptional mea-
sures, the government would not hesitate to adopt
them, relying on parliament for an indemnity ; that
with regard to the amnesty, the cabinet would favour
everyone who acknowledged the present Queen. eligi-
ble to public functions. In short that the ministry
intendedto pursue a course of enlightened and moderate
liberalism, enforcing respect for the royal preroga-
tive, the maintenance of order, and the establishment
of the benefits springing from the revolution.
The chamber received with marks of much favour
this declaration of the new cabinet.
A proposition wan subsequently offered by M. Gon-
zalo Moron, and other deputies, far the production of
the accounts between the government and M.
Salamanca, the latter having been, in his commercial
capacity, engaged in various transactions with the
state. After some explanation on the part of MM.
Pacheco and Salamanca, a division took place, in
which the proposition was rejected by a majority of
134 votes against 50. Thus, in its debut, the new
ministry appears at once to have commanded a large
majority. MM. Mon, Pidal, Martinez de la Ross,
Roca de Togores, Bravo Murillo, Sejas Lozano, and
°liven, and other supporters of the late cabinet, voted
in the minority.
It was thought probable that the present state of
affairs would bring back M. Olozaga to Madrid.
It was expected that the Cortes would be adjourned
for a fortnight.

The Paris journals of Friday and Saturday
announce the retirement of Count St. Aulaire from
the embassy in London, the approach of which
event was mentioned, some time since, in our corre-

spondence.
Don Enrique arrived at Marseilles on Saturday,
with the intention of remaining for some time in that
city. In the course of Saturday he was visited and
complimented by the principal military and civil an-
thonties of the place, and by the Spanish consul. A
carious and unexpected event, however, soon followed
this sunshine of official favour and congratulation. To
the great astonishment of every one, an order was re-
ceived by telegraph from Paris, late the same evening,
to the effect that the prince should depart before
morning for Italy. Accordingly, at four in the morn-
ing, a travelling carriage with post-horses waited at
the door of his hotel, which carried him by compul-
sion to Nice. No explanation of this proceeding was
given either to the local authorities at Maraeilles,or to
the prince himself.

ROME, MARCH 25.
Another of those popular manifestations of which
Rome has 80 often been the scene since the advent of
Pins IX., took place in the holy city on the 25th ult.
That day being the Festival of the Annunciation, the
holy father was to hold a Capella Papale at the
Minerva, whither he was expected to proceed in
grand state. The retr9grade party, iscited by Aus-
trian agente, put in circulation a report that hostile
pieceege were contemplated on the part of the
populace, in consequence of the recent establishment
of the censorship. It was communicated to his
holiness that he would be stopped on his route, that
his horses would be unharnemed, and that ho would
be compelled to proceed by such a route as the people
should dictate. The agents warned him of his danger
at the moment he was about to leave his palace. His
holiness, thanking those who thus apprised him of
danger, sent one of his chamberlains to observe the
disposition of the populace. This functionary
returned with a report that he only heard such excla-
mations as "Corragio sante Padre, eonfidatevi al yes-
tro popolo!"--.' Courage! holy father, trust yourself to
your people !" " Assuredly I will trust myself," re-
plied the pope, end immediately ordered that none of
the arrangements should be deranged. The corttlge
immediately proceeded to the church amidst the accla-
mations of the populace. Daring the long ceremony in
the church,the report of this incident spreading rapidly
through the city, deputations were hastily formed from
the pupils of La Sapienza,the members ofthe commercial
club,andthenobles,whohurriedtothePiazzadiMinerva,
and formed two dense hedges from that to the Qui-
rinal, between which the procession returned amidst
the most enthusiastic cries from the populace. On arriv-
ing at the Quirinal Palace, his holiness immediately
presented himself on the balcony to thank his affec-
tionate people, when instantly, by a spontaneous
movement, the multitude dropped on their knees and
received, uncovered, the papal benediction, after
which they separated quietly.

FRANCE.—The INDIA OVERLAND MAIL.—We
extract the following from the Constitraionnel of Friday :
The Courtier de Marseilles simonised a few days since that