The Express.
London, England, 1847-01-14 00:00:00

LORD LINCOLN AT MANCHESTER.

MANcue:sren, JAN. 13.—A meeting of the friends
and supporters of Lord Lincoln was held at the Corn Ex.
change last ev. ning, at which his lordship was present, with
a view to explaining his political sentiments. Alderman
Neild presided, and there was a large but not crowded
attendance; probably 1,500 or 2,000 persons were present.
The Conservatives had taken the precaution to limit the
admission to persons who held ticket& having the signature
of the secretary; but notwithstanding, many persona of ad-
verse politico were present, and the meeting was one
throughout characterised by much confusion.
Lord LINCOLN presented himself, and said, that owing
to the non-presentation of the address, he was not untitled
to address themes a candidate, but he should grieve that one
single vote, if be became a candidate, should he given him
under any false impression, and therefore it was he appeared
before them to explain his political sentiments. He had
been accused of great immodesty in being prepared to pre-
sent himself before the constituency of Manchester, and he
should have acquiesced in that condemnation if he could have
dreamed of voluntarily aspiring to such an honour ; but he
begged it to be distinctly understood he had come forward at the
request of a large—at least he wefl here this even.
ing, and if eventually he should accept the requisition, he
should then be a candidate on the demand of a large—body
of the constituency. Two most opposite objections had been
raised against him as a candidate. They had been told that
he wee opposed to all reform, but how did they reconcile
with that the opposite objection urged by the press in Lon-
don, that he was one who had evinced such destructive ten-1
dencies that there was no candidate, of whatever radical
opinions, that would not be preferable? He would deal
with the first objection by pointing to the course pursued the
whole time he held office in Sir Robert Peel's government.
Did not that government from the first commence
that great economical reform which terminated in
the repeal of the corn law ? Why, within the year 1842,
and the moment at which he was speaking, upon 500 and
upwards of articles had the duty been entirely repealed, and
upon 720 other articles the duty had been materially re-
lieved. Did they call thin no reform? It was one of the
greatest moral and social revolutions peaceably obtained the
world ever saw. Our brethren on the great continent 'of
America have followed our example; and depend upon it,
that system of policy begun by England, and followed by
America, could not long remain without imitators. (Three
cheers for the League were here proposed and given, fol-
lowed by some cries of " Shame.") Well, if the conse-
quences of those measures as regarded the world were
likely to be momentous, what had been the effect
upon England herself? In 1842, when this re
form commenced, the revenue was deficient nearly
4,000,0001. At the end of four years afterwards there was a
surplus of nearly that amount, making a change of 8,000,0001.
He acknowledged that the means to effect this object had
been the income-tax, amounting to 5,000,0001. • year; but,
on the other hand, the taxes weighing on the industrious
classes, which had been removed, were very nearly 7,000,0001.
Then let him turn to the effect on the import and export
trade of the country--4 matter in which Manchester was
materially concerned. In 1841 the value of imparts to this
country was 64,000,0001.; in 184.5 it had increased to
85,000,0001. The value of manufactures exported was in
1841 upwards of 51,000,0001., whereas in 1845 it was up-
wards of 60,000,0001. Here was another fruit of that
policy and progressive commercial reform for which those
opposed to him in this town thought the members of the
late government deserving of no credit whatever. Then
to show that the benefits resulting were not con-
fined to those of • pecuniary character, he referred
to the state of crime previous to and subsequent to 1843.
Taking three periods from 1836 to 1645, crime increased at
the rate of 5, 10, and 21 per cent. respectively ; but the effect
of theee reforms between 1842 was to produce a decrease of
six per cent. (Applause.) If he was asked it' this policy
had been fully carried out, he would reply, the great and
heavy port of the work had been already cut out ; but he be-
lieved something yet remained to be done, and he could not
doubt that the present government would follow out the
same policy. If be had been made a sudden convert,
motives had been imputed, which, indeperulenly of
any other consideration, were of so ridiculous a nature
as not to be worth while alluding to; but if the
imputation were true, still the question of time was almost
all that stood between himself and almost every other person
in the House of Commons. Had not rlmost every statesman's
mind (the late Mr. Huskiseon's and Lord John Russell's),
undergone an alteration on the subject of the corn law ? To
show that hie own conversion had not been so sudden, he
referred to his speech at Nottingham, in February last.
There were great and important changes in our commercial
system strongly advocated at the present moment He be-
lieved that those changes had already attracted considerable
attention here. He alluded to the reduction of the tea
duties. I know that great difference of opinion exists among
extremely well informed mercantile and commercial men
with regard to the effect of a reduction of the tea duties,
some contending they might be reduced to one shilling per
pound, without any lose to the exchequer, and others con-
tending that the whole amount of the reductions would be
an unmitigated loss. I ant sure you will all forgive me,
having due regard to the public revenue, which I conceive
every member of parliament ought to consider, for nut now
committing myself upon this question by any promise to
you ; and, at any rate, the men of Manchester at
least will concur with me in this, that no step must be
I taken as regards relaxation of duties which bring so large a
sum into the Exchequer as the tea duties or the malt tax,
which would place in jeopardy the fortunes of those men
whose fortunes depend upon the security of the public
funds, and for maintaining which the nation is bound
to keep up an ample and sufficient revenue.
Another important question was thatornational eduction,
and he anticipated that some measure on this point would be
brought forward by the present government. They would
recollect that the late government brought forward a measure.
It raised a great opposition amongst a large class of the com-
munity. It had, however, one beneficial result. It gave a
great impetus to voluntary exertions. The church of England
raised a vast sum of money, upwards of 100,0001., within a
very short time, for the purpose of extending eucation in
the manufacturing and mining districts of England and
Wales. (Hear.) The dissenting body, not to be outdone by
these benevolent exertions of the church of England, imme-
diately proceeded in the same course. He forgot the exact
sum which they raised, Malt was very considerable. He re-
collected there were great and mighty efforts—efforts which
could not be repeated continually--efforts which can be un-
dertaken only periodically. He questioned whether any one,
in his lifetime, can expect to see again two such efforts made
for similar objects. And what has been the result ? He
firmly believed that the result of the expenditure of these
two large sums of money has only been to make still more
apparent the great deficiency which exists in the education
of this country. His lordship proceeded: Now, gentlemen, a
short time ago—this subject of national education very
naturally brings me round to this point—l received a letter
from a gentleman in this town, the Rev. Hugh Stowell,
putting to me a question—(hear, hear)—whether or no I
would pledge myself to oppose any further national con-
cessions to the Romish church. Now, my answer to the
Rev. Mr. Stowell has been. I believe, a great deal mis-
understood. I wrote to him, fully explaining why I was
desirous not to answer the question then, and it was simply
this :—I wished to reserve myself for a public opportunity,
when anything which I might say, which was not perfectly
intelligible, might be again explamed by any question to be
put to me by those present. I do consider it desirable
that the ministers of religion labouring amongst men
should lead them in the path of fear, sobriety, and attach-
ment to the laws; and b. lieve me, I think it would be im-
portant to place, for this purpose, in an independent position
the Roman Catholic clergy of Ireland. (Hear.) Well,
gentlemen, I know how much importance is attached by a
large clan of the community upon this point, and therefore
I am peculiarly. anxious to explain to you, unreservedly and
truly, my opinion upon it. I know the difficulties in the
way of • settlement. I know the strong religious objec-
tions which exist on that subject in this country. I know
that a certain part of the established church object to it,

—I know that the opinion of that great and important
body, the Wesleyan@ of this country, in to a great extent up-
posed to it—l know that the church of Scotland resist it—
I know, and again let me call to mind the word " con-
ceasion"—l know that a considerable portion of the Roman
Catholics themselves, in Ireland, do not like the proposal.
Seeing, then, these great objections, I know bow difficult it
must be to overcome them—l know it may require, p, rhaps,
a lapse of time and an alteration of public opinion which I
certainly do anticipate to take place on this point, before it
can be judiciously considered. I know that st is the opinion
of the leader of the present government, and that he is not
likely to propose it ; but I should not be doing my duty,
nconciling it to my own conscience, if, entertaining these
opinions, however little I thought it likely they would be
carried into execution in a short time, if I did not explain
them frankly and freely to you. His lordship expressed his
disapprobation of the Factory Bill, and after adverting
briefly to his Drainage Bill, and saying he admitted that
large towns should have powers locally constituted to work
such a measure if paved, then adverted to the present state
of Ireland. Gentlemen, there is one most important national
subject upon which 1 should like to touch slightly—it is
that of the present state of Ireland. Gentlemen, lam con-
vinced that a crisis has arrived in the affairs of that
country, which requires more wisdom and boldness than
perhaps ever was required by any ministry before, in any
state of the country. I believe that upon the exercise of
that wisdom and boldness in the ensuing session, will de-
pend much of the welfare and happiness of our sister
country. I ant sure that under such circumstances, and
with such feelings, I should grossly neglect my duty if I
should in the slightest degree prejudice, impair, or render
more difficult, those measures which the government may
introduce on this subject. I will forbear t touch '.n dis-
puted topics—the poor-laws for Ireland, the cultivation of
waste lands, or any of those subjects likely to be sub-
mitted to the legislature. I think that it will he more be-
coming in me to be silent on those points ; but I will say,
as regards that country, that the sentiments I entertain
towards it, when connected with it by the most im-
portant ties of official relationship, shall he immutable, and
maintained by tee when an independent member of the
House of Commons. I have contracted an anxiety for
and regard for the welfare of, that country which is not
likely to be changed by any circumstances that may
occur to myself; and this I am prepared to say, that I
shall be ever found an advocate for a liberal policy towards
that country; that I shall be found to be an advocate for
granting to Ireland an equality with this country in all civil
rights. Discord and sedition had unfortunately been at
times but too common in that ill-fated country (Ireland).
But let it be ours to deprive them, at any rate, of any excuse
fur such conduct. I believe that we shall eventually remove
both discord and sedition ; but let us, at least as loyal sub-
jects, and good fellow-countrymen, be guiltless of such con-
: sequences. (Hear, hear.; Now, gentlemen, I appre-
hend that this question of Mr. Stowell, although put
in that very general, and, I think, vague form, and to me an
objectionable form, did in its essence contain this question,
" Are you willing, under any circumstances which may arise,
to pay the Roman Catholic priesthood of Ireland i"
(Hear, hear.) I come, then, first to the question, do you
see any rational objection, on the score of religion, against
such a grant; and I have, moreover, to consider whether,
in my own conscience, I feel that I ought not to be a party
to such a measure. I look to the national point of view,
and what do I see ? I see that throughout the whole of
our colonies—in Canada, at the Cape of Good Hope, in
Jamaica, in New South Wales, in British Guiana, and
in various other places, that not only is the Roman
Catholic priesthood paid by the state, but that various other
religious denominations have derived very considerable
emoluments from the same source—l allude to the Dutch
church, the Wesleyan', and other bodies. Perhaps I may
be told, as others have been, that as regards their colonies,
we are bound by treaties, and that, therefore, we can't help
ourselves, however strong may be our objections. In the
first place, I have to say that this is not true, and, if it were,
that it is no argument at all. The question of treaties, i(
it applied to any colony, applies only to Canada ; and even
there if there were strong religious objections—if it were
said that to give any aid to the Roman Catholic priesthood
would be an infraction of religious duty, we have no right to
profit by our iniquity, we ought not to be bound by treaties
in such a case. Ido not mean that we should violate such
a treaty, but that we should surrender the benefit we derive
from it, and so get rid of the bargain. (Hear, hear.) No
justification of a treaty can for a moment interfere with the
performance of • religious and a national duty. (Hear,
hear.) Well then, gentlemen, viewing it as I do, that there
is no national objection—feeling in my mind that there
is nothing which in my conscience I can object to, and
knowing that I myself am u firm and conscientious a
Protestant and member of the Church of England as any
man here present—(cheers)—l say feeling that neither to
myself individually, nor as a member cf the great commu-
nity of this nation, is there in my mind any objection to this
course, it remains for me to consider whether such a measure
is politic, expedient, wise, and just. (Hear, hear.) Now, I
proceed to consider that, and in the first place, looking at
the condition of the people of Ireland—having taken • great
deal of pains to inform myself on this subject—having made
most anxious inquiries during a tour in that island.-having
thought and reflected on the subject for many years
past, I have come to the conclusion that it would be
politic, wise, and just, if means could be found to pay the
Roman Catholic clergy. (Cheers.) In what position is the
priesthood placed at present ? Recollect that the religious
community of Ireland stands in a different position from
what we do in this country. Here the rich and the poor are
mingled together. Here the rich and the poor alike prelim,
some one particular tenet and some another; but of course
the large majority that of the established church. But
what is the case in Ireland ? The rich and the few, but the
rich mainly—the rich and the middle classes. I am now
speaking more particularly of the Roman Catholic districts
in the south and south-west—the poor are the main body of
the Roman Catholic religion."
His lordship spoke for upwards of an hour and • half, and
he was subsequently catechised on the subject of the imme-
diate repeal of the present corn-law, the extension of the
suffrage, the ballot, and other political reforms, to ell of
which he declared his dissent. Two resolutions were passed,
one thanking his lordship for this exposition of his senti-
ment., and the other that the canvass be prosecuted with all
possible activity. The meeting lasted three hours.
IRELAND.

DUBLIN, JAN. 12.
The judges consulted together yesterday on various
matters affecting the interests of the profession.
Two subjects have transpired ; one as to the fees pay-
able both for entry on the books and the call to the
bar, and the other of a dietetic character. Both
were not unworthy of judicial consideration, as the
fees are higher than in England without any value ;
and the dinner charges, or rather the half-weekly
compulsion, emptied the hall, and left the benches
alone. The new tariff, it is supposed, will improve
the dinner, lighten the payment, and fill the hall—all
very commendable results.
There will be a levee to-morrow, which is likely to
be the most fully attended since George the Fourth
was in Ireland. The court dressmakers understand
the value of their wares.

In the absence of less exciting, though scarcely
more interesting topics, your readers may wish to
be informed of valuable improvements about to be
effected in our system of national education. The
changes about to be made affect the materiel of the
boards, officers, and the staff of the society. One
of the measures already decided on is the
appointment of four inspectors-general, one
for each province. Another is an augmentation of the
district inspectors, to which body six, I am informed,
will be added. The latter will be selected by the
commissioners on Thursday next.
Of the four inspectors-general, only one has, I be-
here, been as yet named—Mr. J. W. Kavanagh, who
filled the office of inspector in Cavan, and was pre-
viously teacher of the model schooL Mr. Kavanagh
is author of some elementary works used in the
national and in private schools.
These improvements and extensions in the system
evince the determination of the commissioners to

work it with great vigour and more complete and
extended usefulness. It is just to the commissioners
to state that the appointment above-mentioned indi-
cates their resolve to make competency the basis of
promotion. Mr. Kavanagh is a young man, and
entered the model-schools u a pupil, raising
himself, by his own intelligence and energy,
to his present position, which the board has
the merit of having made without solicitation. This
conduct on the part of the board must serve to en-
courage the teachers to acquire knowledge—to be
sedulous in their duties—and the inspectors to be
energetic in inculcating the educational advantages
the system is intended to impart.
I have also been given to understand that the
salaries of the teachers will be augmented, and a
system of promotion for merit instituted, which will
render their positions much more comfortable than
they are at present.