The Express.
London, England, 1848-06-21 00:00:00

That eissititisency bad been rendered corrupt by tee
continual practice of instilling into them the no-
tion that their votes were worth money. He
I looked upon the briber as worse than the bribed
He re memeered one Me of a Y .rulouth freeman who re-
!limed a bribe until it bec.me a means of rescuing him tram
the workhouse. The house might be sure that the working
claws would cot select working men, except under peculiar
eireumeaneee as their representatives. In France only thirty-
eight had :en chosen in an assembly of nine hundred.
(Hear, hear) They would act similarly here. (Hear,
hese.) They would look to local imeortance, or else select
men with national reputation. Such men it would
be desirable to have in the house, rather than
men, unknown to localities or to fame, going I
rambling about the country with their heavy pursue, seek-
Mg some constituency to corrupt. (Cheers.) This would
be little harm, if all of that class were excluded from the
house. (Hear, hear.) He believed that under the plan of
his hon. friend the member for Montrose, such men would
be excluded. (Hear, hear.) Under some such system there
would be an end to the degrading sy stem of canvassing.
which indeed brought the rich and poor together, but only
for their mutual degradation. (Hear, hear.) In large
c instituencies there was no canvassing. Men of mind
got returned, after having been heard in public three
or four times by the constituency. Ile believed that
the plan of his hen. Mend would destroy canvassing alto-
gether, and if it did it would confer a great blessing on the
country. (Hear, hear.) Leek, then, at the evils of the pre.
sent system, at the disunion which it created. Let them
consider the immense importance of our being a united no
tion, of not having represented and unrepresented, contented
and discontented, classes. (Hear, hem.) Our relations witb
foreign countries, the general peace, all depended upon unity
amongst all classes of the p ople of this country. The con-
viction of this was growing cm ingst the people, it
was bringing the middle and working classes together,
and the aristocracy would act unwisely if they kept much
longer aloof. (Hear, hear.) It was not our fleets or armies,
however glorious might be their histories, which constituted
the true glory of this ccuntry. That glory consisted in the
indomitable energy and industry of cur working classes,
whom it would be unwise to keep much longer in a. state of
degradation. (Hear, hear.) Let them, then, discard class
differerces, spread education with a bold and free hand,
throw wide the portals of the constitution, equalise taxation.
Lit them do this, and they would no longer have the
millions an alienated body, but forming such an array as had
never yet been opposed to the foreign enemy. (Hear, hear.)
They would raise a trophy not watered by blood, but mere
glorious than the most sanguinary victory. Lents: us (said
the hon. member in conclusion) offer us equality, educate
your population, enfranchise your population..and then, arm
rhuernl te
population.naifinCshoTthenliwnoedrlarthe alomnmededrgiarinba
against yon,
and your people will triumphantly rot! back from your shore
every wave of hostility. In the words of the great charter,
neither deny nor deity justice, but grant it freely and
promptly to the working classes of the British empire.
(Cheers.)
elr. DISRAELI said that tho animated and eloquent
address of the lon. member who had just sat down did not
accord altogether with the resolution of the hon. member foe
Montrose. The bon. member had avowed himse If the
advocate of the people, ebom he called serfs, but where in
the speech of the hon. member for Montrose could any
symptom be found of an intention to enfranchise
them? (Hear, hear.) The speech of the hon. member
refined in his (Mr. Disraeli's) opinion to a class purely
imaginary; but whether real or imaginary, no one could I
imagine that the project of the tionouraole member for
I Montrose had any view of alleriating their position. The
plan was not one intended to annihilate 101. house'. olden,
neither would it provide the franchise for poets, sleeping or
starving under hedges. (Hear, bear.) He could not iota.
gine, then, why the hon. member for Oldham should have
thought it his duty to give in his adherence to a plan which,
according to his (Mr. Disraeli's) view of the case went to
increos': the difficulties in the way of granting the franchise to I
the classes of whom the hon. member professed himself to be
the advocate. With regard to the proposition itself, gentle-
men on that (the opposition) side of the house stood in a dif.
fereot position either from members of the government, or
from the hon. member for Montrose and his friends. It was
not for them either to defend or to attack the Reform Act—
they obeyed it. Wten that act was proposed it was exposed
to unrestricted criticism, and perhaps it was all the better
for that criticism. But once passed, the g. neral feeling was
to obey the law, and the general good sense of the
people obviated many defects in the practical working of
the measure. But having said that be did not attack or de-
fend the Re'orm Bill, he did not think that on the motion of
the hon. member for Montrose such declaration would justify
him in avoiding the difficulties of debate, at a time and Oil k
question which promised to be fruitful of difficulty. lie
should therefore take the present opportunity of making
some observations on a project which had been brought for-
ward with so much preparation, which had been ro sedu-
lously pr pared; but the true scope and meaning of which
he feared was not clearly understood by the hen. member
they had just heard• the eloquent advocate of imaginary serfs
and pauper poets. The hon. member for Montrose had been
the staunch advocate of fiscal reform. and at every meeting
that question had been prominently brought forward as the
incentive to political revolution. Similar were the prayers
of all the petitions that hod been presented that evening, led
yet the hon. member for Montrose had in the course of his
speech said little or nothing of fiscal reform. (Hear.) lie
(Mr. Disraeli) could easily understand why the gentleman
who had just addressed the house had cot dwelt on this cub
jest. He was great at statistics, but not such as were usually
heard in that house. He could tell the great increase of
penny publications, and the amount of railway intellect, and
give a list of three publ cations which were founder railway
termini and stations. Although these were of importance
they did not touch the question of fiscal reform, or the grounds
on which the present movement was originally. founded.
Ha ueserved to himself the right of giving his opinien very
briefly upon theme measures, whatever he might think of
their fallacy or their truth. But the house would agree that
after Neer month', during which all England had been told
that there had been an enormous increase of taxation, and in
the expenditure of the government, and this, too, at a period
of general disturbance and general revolution—when the
people of this country had been told, in order to impress
upon them that there ought to be a change hcre in unison
with the changes which were taking place in other countries
in consequence of our oppressive talatien and oppressive
expenditure of government—it was of some importance in
such a debate that the house and the country should know
whether those pleas were founded in truth—whether
th were just or not. (Hear.) lie gave the hon. member
for ontrose and his friends the benefit of the admission,
that whether the pleas were true or not, however it might
damage or benefit the hon. member's position, these were
circumstances which did not affect the abstract excellence or
nece aity of his measures. (Hear.) One word then as to the
enormous increase of taxation,which was the principal reason
put forward for this proposed change in our parliament and
our constitution. The revenue raised in 1828, from the
ordinary resources, was 491 millions in round numbers. In
1848 it was 471 millions. (Hear.) How was it possible
then that hon. gentlemen could maintain the position, that
the taxation of the country had been oppressively increased ?
But this was not all ; the revenue of 1828
was raised from a population of less tnan 23,000,000,
while that of 1848 was raised from a popes-
tioa of, in round numbers. 30,000,000. (Hear,
hear.) if they calculated per head the burden of taxation
at these two periods, it would be found that while in 1828 I
it was 2/. 12s. 2d., in 1848 it was only 1/. 10s. and a fraction.
(Cheers.) This was the result on the assumption that the
aggregate wealth of the country had increased in the ratio of
the population ; but all must allow, for it was proved by the
official documents, that the wealth of the country had
increased in a much greater ratio then the population.
What then became of the plea for political change, which
was founded upon the oppressive increase of taxation under
the new system introduced by the Reform Act. (Hear, hear.)
But it was not only true that the taxation per head new as
compared with twenty years ago was infinitely reduced in
amount, but there was another circumstance of im-
portance which must not he forgotten—viz., that
there had been a considerable re-distribution_ of
taxation, and that in every instance that re
bution had been in favour of the working
Here was an actual reduction of taxation of rr
2,000,0001. independent of the (nutcase in the •
The plea, therefore, for the proposed r
plated tonight ad nauseam in every pet
had been presented was fallacious and false, andi
fluty of those who had offend those petitions to t
vindicate the accuracy ". allegaieene they coat
come now to
''.ouch on the measures themselves. 1S
'elm* ''
to
and had expected to beef from him some
lis'tegenYedwewriethcalreslepdecutptoontZninocnr.eun:em'lbere
sad
down on which the franchise was to be
was not asserting that a change was not necessary;
he contended was, that when a change was proposed
proposing it should lay down some principle on we
changestiould proceed. The hon.gentleman told tlee
his principle was that every Englishman had a rigt
That was his position ; but he talked afterwards
founding constitutional rights with the rights
ha did not condescend to show in what sr
ream, while, over and over again, he sold the
right of every subject of the Queen. But, if
of every Englishman, why was It nc eessary est
for the exercise of that right that he should Ii
Then he was to be of legal age. Oh (sleet the
for Montrose) the oppression of this country '
1 here is a man liable to be called out to eve in
i eighteen years of age, and therefore every man
! years of age should have a vote." (" Hear,"
j On what principle was it that the man of !went
have the vote while the man of eighteen
excluded ? What was meant by legal
what had that to do with the right t
the commander of her Majesty 'a escort
Daps eighteen years of age, and when the
population of 18 years of age were liable to
militia, and when even school-boys must
10)0:0 comitalus. (Hear, hear, Red cheers.; 7
lad laid (lowa no principle then, and
ureue the question as one 01 right, he vie I .
the line of distinction could be drawn. He
a•:uth:r county toss rideeule cast oe
advocating the rights of the other sex ; but so
remoning went, how could they in a country
formed one of the estates of the realm—whe
might be the lady of the manor, and even liable
churchwarden, deny to women the right
(Leughter ) All this pieced that
hothing to do with the question. The
bar for Montrose's plan would at
franchise millions of adults. All this tended ,
tbat the suffrage was a trust—it was like everything
E ;lend—
lut a—ao privilege. It wks a privilege created
characteristic of Engleeo society had „ewe" be,
Privilege', not as odious exceptions,
general reword,. %Hear.) This brought '

consideration of the character of the House of Cam-
moos, and the political order of which it was the
representative. It was open for discumion at any time what
that order should lac—but it was same privileged order
whether it was selected be tens of thousanes, or hundreds of
thousands—but to say that every- man having a house did
have a vote won so absurdity. As he had slid before,
he and those who agreed with him were not respon-
sible for the Reform. Bill. That was a seteeruent un-
satisfactory to them. They objected to it at the
time, and got pelted for their peies A laugh.)
But no one could pretend to say that it was not
a settlement carried with the full ceueurrence of the majo-
rity of the people of England. Ile was no:Ale-matt of finality.
r" Hears, hear," from Mr. Hume's party.) lie conceived that
there might be eircemstances and periods requiring them to do
that *Wee they had done far the last 500 years—recoestruct
the Commons. (Hear, hear ) He acknowledged that the
last construction was morn satisfactory to the voter
than the plan now brought forward by the hoo. gen-
tleman. It was not a project to entrap hiss the serfs of
England, or which bade them tae their place in the censti-
tution of the country. It was characterised by features
wholly opposed to the con.idetation and fceliage welch the
address of the hon. member fee Oldham suggested. Now if
there were any mistake in the bill of '32 more striking. then
another, it was taking the qualification of property in too
hard ar.d rigid a reuse. And now did the hon. member far
Montrose, the great champion of this sow movement, meet
that ? Why, by bringing leeward a plan of which property
alone was the basis. It was not a plan for giving the suffrage
to industry or labour ; and nothing could be more herd or
commonplace, or more unsatisfactory to the gee at b ody of the
people, than a new coustiteeion which recagnised property,
and property alone, as the basis. He conceived that pro-
perty was sufficiently represented in that house ; and he was
prepared to support the settlement of '32 on it he raw .hat
the character and neces ities of the country eleatendel a new
change; kat when that change did come it should be one
which would have more regard for others sentiments, quali-
ties, and characteristics, than the mere possession of property
as • qualification for the exercise and possession of the
poetical suffrage. Therefore he protested against being
placed in the ceteeory at those who maintained the doctrine
of finality because he felt it his duty to opposer an
new scheme which had no cheerer but that of novelty, which
did not satisfy the wants of the age, and eves cot conceived
in the spirit of the times. Respecting the ballot he bad
little to observe, as they would have another opportunity of
discussing it fulil:ty. But he thought that there Woo net the
slightest doubt adopted, that it would create a great change
in the character and habits of the people, and therefore
unle u called for by some strong necessity, ought not to be
resorted to. He was of opinion 100 that it would not check
corruption ; hut both with regard to the mail age and the
ballot, he was surprised that hon. gentlemen opposite per.
petually target an immer.se element, which in this discussion
ought not to be omitted, end that was the influence of opinion
by a free press. That he regarded as their best eretectiett
against corruption. The way to put down eceruptien was
by elevating the tone of public opinion, and bringing the in-
fluence of public feelirg to bear, through the press, on the
great body of the nation. (Hear, hear.) He was
equally ineisposed to dwell upon the subject Cl shert
parliaments, because no one mold pretend that
increased taxation was occasioned by long parlia-
ments, as they knew that pracisaliy during the
eventful period of the last 20 years their parliaments had
been just as short as the hon. g• ntl: man proposed. Against
triennial parliaments he should not say one word, as they
were p.rt of the old tory creed he had ever supported—
(ironical cheer-e)—a creed round which be hovel to
see the people of this country soon rally. Ha only
objection to it was, thee it was a change; end
he objected to change without an aloe:tate mei salty.
The fourth point was he admitted important—namely,
electoral districts. He owed it to the kindeess of a gentle-
man no longer a memt er of that house, Sir J. Welmsley, to
have had placed in his bands the manifesto of the new
party, in which the prineiple was broadly laid down that
the representation of England should be founded solely upon
its population. (Mr. Hume "And property.") Ne, ex-
cept that it assumed that property was properly tepees nted
by taking population for the 'basis. The hon. gentle-
man who gave in the document celled his attention
to Buckinghamshire, which had now eleven members,
and under the new system would have only four.
He admitted that the county of Buckingham was without
great towns ' • but that county had refused to pey ship-
money, had carried the grand remonstrauce, and, ,itree
1641, had furnished the house with a series of statesmen than
whom none had mere contributed to sustain the greatness of
the empire, amongst whom were Ilempden, the Grenville,
the elder Pitt, and Mr. Burke. (Hear, hear ) Was it to
be borne by a population that had pi.e:uc.d such men as
those to be told that, because their n embers were We, they
were not to have the same share in the representetion u
some large towns of the growth of yesterday . (He tr.) It
might be no great loss to the house to deprave Buckinguara-
shire of its members, such as they were new ; but
look at its past members. Aod what were the
future members the house was to expect from
Lancashire ? Sir Joshua Walmsley, the defunct member
for Leicester, and others of that party. (Hear, 'seer.)
Manchester was to have seven members; only think of that.
(Laughter.) Lately there had been virtually only one
member for Manchester, the hon. gentleman (Mr. Gibson)
having alternately tried his hand at administration and
opposition. (Laughter.) The manifests went on to say
that Liverpool and Glasgow would each have the same com-
ber; all " steetistickle " members. (Laughter.) Dublin
was to have" six ; Birmingham and Leeds, each five ; Shen
field, four ; -teed the metropolis with its various districts up-
wards of forty. (Hear, hear.) The great objection to this
new scheme was that it would give a House of Commons
which probably might not be able to govern the country, or
which the country would not obey. Even with universal
suffrage, it was very poseible for an enliehtened nation
to elect all its representatives and then laugh in
tittle face. (" Hear," and laughter.) The only
two means of government in this country were ancient
traditional influence and great properties, around which men
rallied. These were the only securities for the maintenence
of order and tranquillity. These the Mant hinter school of
politicians sought to destroy; but he thought there was
something better than the rights of men, and that was the
rights of Englishmen. (Cheers,) lie wined new chow the
house the real character of these measures and what they led
to, for there w. s a dangerous consistency in them of which
it was well to be apprised. Though the movement might eis
, varnished over, and dust thrown in the riles of the people, it
I waseogpably a reileile clax movement, and one to wore out
the views and objects of that class. (lieu, hear.) He used
the term with no disrespect to that class : hut be was leppsed
to any clam which, from being successful, sought to became
predominant. They had avowed .heir ambition, and given
fair warning of their intention. They erelered
that they possessed a monopoly of wealth and intel-
ligence, and we re entitled to a monopoly of power, and that
If the government was not a middle-clan goverrn: cat it
should cease to exist. (Hear.) Only et the end of the
last century had the middle class begun to exercise a decided
political influence. The first great MIAMI, whirl, they
effected was the abolition of the slave trade. But they had
not passed the Ten Hours' Bill ; and even the abolition of the
slave trade had not turned out so fathom...l,ly as was desired.
Then they tried their hand at parliamentary reform, and
carried the Reform Bill; but in doing so they entirely de-
stroyed the industrial fmnchiseawithoutsubstituuog a new our
Having failed in colonial and parliamentary reform, th
tried commercial reform. They carried it, he would not
by what means, but the interests of capital were looke
is that measure ; and then the interests of the middle r
were not considered. (Cheers.) The middle classes
told that they must take their chance, and be abs•
the great mass of the population. In r
form he should like to know what
there was for the middle classes. Not
there no sympathy, but there existed a leen•
contrary character. What was the remedy nos
all diseases? A new scheme of financial ref°.
Mellon of the burdens of taxation, and a re
from the people to realised property. The'
avowed object of all these measures. It w
people that they would be relieved by be

ity
d to
hugs
• WM
Jiimci is
flat re-
sy mpathy
only was
ag of quite a
pr0i.....d for
rm, a reqbstri•
movel of them
• had been the
as false to tell the

ce
O

,ystem introduced by the Reform Act. (Hear, L. ar.) contrary character. weat W 67. WV a cum.w.yremar; •
alg of - quite a
is not only true that the taxation per head new as all diseases ? A new scheme of financial / proposed for
lwith twenty years ago was infinitely reduced in Millen of the burdens of taxation, and arr an, a redistri.
but there was another circumstance of fin- from the people to realised property. The' =oval of them
awe far stork az;cia.
• had been the
which must not he forgotten—viz., that avowed object of all these measures. It w
lad been a considerable re-distribution of people that they would be relie.:::rly....,bi,_
ring the bunen of
and that in every instance that re-distri- taxation thrown on realised pro.perts:,
had been in favour of the working classes. would that be to the workuir at ttlat et,. ii;V:lll4tin-
ta an actual reduction of taxation of more than wages which they would want -co.
)1. independent of the increase in the population. the house that this was ne•
gr . enaent, and there
ea, therefore, for the proposed change, re- was not a gentleman .
'',o h
tonight ad nauseant in every petition which couratget
mtohgtelt up
end
toam sottry,gthli.,... .....e.
p.n. , had
the
a presented was fallacious and false, and it tecame the that
ig teat the people did not want
:hose who had offered those petitions to the house to all the rrel
aotte..,,ihiTehhe
weboren.,nv
.rnteitt.wreare.me'lehtteeey
Montrose
' lie from •••
' the accuracy rant e alleitaii"" they container. •._ , the noble lord say'. 'resented in favournof it arose
proved too mush
"' t‘. 'ouch on the measures themselves. In the Lest I "-orxri. The hon. • '
thietn.tleamaThe consequence of this
ey were called upon to increase '_te trt.nes,...".• ....e I setelm he stated
of the middle classes to obtain
coed with respect to thl non. member 1_ .dontrosei erganised agitation
measure for which they had for the last
i 1 expected to beef from him some principle laid teu, grfla
on which the franchise was to he extended. Pas twenty years agitate I England had 'seen that a new proles.
'pr,fession the result of the organi‘ations
I
asserting that • change was not news:sari ; but-what lion had arisen—a Ina°01;0; jorfaised
had
tsehilownthe
ended was, that when a change wliantuPese_d,4tb,c.'e. party necessar.yhtof cane, , this measure. This profession was the
ag it should lay down some principledon wi II such profess&
.4
, agitators, in which there were gentlemen who
should proceed. The hon.gentlemantol 0.,e house that were ch
-amen, deputy chairmen, veretaries, committee-
,ciple was that every Englishman had a right to a vote. men
missionaries, lecturers, and orators. Now, it was this
&3 his position ; but he talked. afterwards of not con- w'
. inch produced the great question, and when th'e pcmat Nes.
ig constitutional rights with the rights of man. !us,
sure was gained it was the ruin of the profession. (Laughter.) 1 i
not condescend to show in what was the d
de- The chairman had no chair, the committee had no business,
while, over and over again, he mid .
the vote the the lecturer was idle, and the orator was silent. The pro-
f every subject of the Queen. But, if it OC4 the right fession " went" at it to find out a great question, to do wit.th
y Englishman, why was it tucessaryasth. qualification was the most difficult thing in the world. After the fr,e-
exercise of that right that he should live in a house trade triumph the profession were eager for further supply;
se was to be of legal age. Oh (ss.:d the ::on. member and though tr..: bon. member for the West !tidies of York-
,ntrose) the oppression of this country is intolerable ; shire was sa,i,lied with his lairds, that was co reason that
a man liable to be called out to serve in the militia at the lecturer, the missionary, -ad others, wera to be satisfied.
en years of age, and therefore every man of twenty-one They looked out fora new q.-eation, and they got one. T.
if age should have a vote." (" Hear," and a laugh.) prove how such great questions were got up, he read to the
iat principle was it that the man of twenty-one was to house a report of a meeting of the New League at Manches-
the vote while the man of eighteen was to be ter, which was attended by Mr. Cobden, Mr. Bright, and
ed ? What was meant by legal age I—or Mr. Wilma, and at which opinions were expressed '
had that to do with the right to vote, when in favour of hoesehold suffrage, triennial parliaments,
>reminder of her Majesty's escort was not per- and electoral divisions, and also a circular, in which
ighteen years of age, and when the whole male the league wished to ascertain the feelings of
,tion of 18 years of age were liable to eery.: in the several individuals on the above-nientioned quetion.
, and when eve n school-boys must join in the To this was attached the signature of—he would not say the 1
wnsitarns. (Hear, hear, and cheers.; The hon. mem- distinguished bat the well-known—'Sr. 0. Wil,..n. lie .
ad laid down no principle then, and if they were to had now shown to the house, without exaggeration, the •
the question as one of right., he cent I not s, . where I manner iii which these thirsts were brought out. (lieu,
re of distinction could be drawn. He had seen in hear.) He had shown that the movement was factitious, and . .
r count. y sosc ridi,ailc cast ors a person for La popular. It Li thC gam:laovemcut which had doraaalcd l I
ding the rights of the other sex ; but so far as abstract commercial reform that was now demanding financial ru-
ing went, how could they in a country where a woman form • and the result would be the same—disaster and diem,.
, .
l one of the estates of the realm—where a woman 'point:neut. (Hear, hear.) The moral which he drew
be the lady of the manor, sod even liable to serve as from this system of organised agitation, got up lot
iwarden, deny to women the right of voting ? the aggrandisement of a too ambitious class was
titer) All this proved that right had this. He asked himself why the people were force.l ill
i
g to do with the question. The bun. mem- to look f•r their leaders amongst this, a,"s-d--e.
tar Montrose'l plan would at once el's- persons and not amongst th, gentlemede of Rsighniel7.7wio ~..
ise millions of adults. All this tended to show were their natural leaders; far unless Ow were the lead 71
,e suffrage was a trust—it was like everything else in of the people, he saw ne wagon why they gleould he geodes,
ad—a privilege. It was a privilege created by law. men, (Laughter.) It wubecame the genallemen of &Wind ....!
metathetic of Engli;:n society had always been, that were negiigent of the duties of their staLl
"J
..14,13lrustasd*
'el out
out privileges, not as odious exceptions, but al , what were properly their functions to b:, yes igao,ll6
ti rewards. %Hear.) This brought him to tael that had their owe ebjects and era.
r, . ak j'i
. .9,
I