The Express.
London, England, 1848-02-05 00:00:00

THE EXPRESS, SATURDAY

eompetitior But what we want is for the government
to Inform us what they mean by competition. I
always understood that competition. meant that between
the rivals there should be equal circumstances. But are the
circumstances equal between an English colony under our
present system of legislation, and a Spanish colony under
the legialatioa of that country? The difference between the
two the historian might describe thus that in the Spanish
colony there was abundance of labour, for which they paid
nothing, and in the English colony there was a want of
labour, for which they paid a great deal. Where, then, is
the competition, and where the equal circumstances which
should be the basis of a just competition ? (Hear.) But it
is always so. The moment you attempt to regulate your con-
duet by abstract principles, and depart from those abstract
principles, you are involved in inextricable confusion. A
sage with whom we are all familiar tells us that
practice is the best proof of theory, and that)
experience is always confounding the theories of men.
I know of no better proof cf the truth of this
than the consequences of the competition we have created
between the English and the Spanish colonies. In theme*
proportion in which the labour of the Spaniards, for which
nothing is paid, is brought into competith n with the labour
of the Englishman, fur which he pays a great deal, you are,
in fact, enacting a differential duty in favour of the Spa-
niard. (Hear, hear.) You are establishing protection—
not for the Englishman, but for the Spaniard. (Hear,
hear.) The free-trade party and the free-trade goveru-
ment, after all their wonderful promisee and astounding
achievements, terminate their career by establishing pro-
tective duties in favour of the Brazils, Cuba, and Porto Rico.
(Hear, hear.) This is the consequence of governing by a
phrase, instead of by a fact. Competitioa as between Lan-
cashire and Wiltshire I can understand ; but as between
Cuba and Jamaica, under the circumstances which exist' it
is a mere word, invented only for Downing-street and St.
Stephens—(cheers)—as an excuse for men giving thought-
less votes, which some day they would remember with a
bitterneesof reminiscence which the hustingsonlywould recall.
Sophoeles had said that opinion was stronger than truth,
but it was only for a short, time and gentlemen who came
to: that house confident in the power of progress should
recollect that upon that subject the history of England
would not offer an emblazoned page. Indeed, he doubted if
the history of any country could show so much injustice to
the national interests at so great a cost as the abolition of
slavery by the English people ; and he attributed it to their
having entered, upon such an enterprise without a stitil•
dent knowledge of the subject. (Hear.) But the appeal on
behalf of the colonists of this country was met by another
*lass of objections from another clamor great men, who came
leeward, cheered by the school of Manchester, relying upsn
the energy of their constituents, and fortified with details.
The right hon. gentleman the member for Manchester had
*flan called their attention to the practical evils of the
system, and particularly to the danger of our commerce,
with what he called the great Brazilian empire.
He (Mr. Disraeli) reminded him in 1816 (going no further
back) that the population of Brazil was not more consider-
able than ha the population of London, and that the rest
consisted of 3,500,000 slaves—a society which certainly
could not stand in comparison with English colonies for
civilisation, or for commerce either. And now he wanted to
know from the right hon. gentleman, who was the apostle of
the principle of buying in the cheapest market, and who
ably represented the capital of commercial fallacies—
(laughter)—what had been the result of sacrificing our
commerce with our English colonies for our commerce with
Brazil ? His own opinion on the subject did not rest upon
mystical statistics, but was thi., that there was not ► third-
rate colony belonging to England that would not in the
long run have been a better customer, for, although loos
might have been takeu, it would bare been better paid for.
That England enjoyed cheap sugar was no doubt a great
fact, end although it might not suffice to console
a suffering people, it bore the character of a prac•
Veal result. But would any member of that house
contend that, if our colonies were to be sub-
jected to this great injury, we would have any security for
the enjoyment of cheap sugar? These colonies produced
250,000 tons, and surely no one could deny that the total
disappearance of that quantity'from the markets of the world
would have the effect of greatly Ma, acing the price. Sup-
pose we were prepared to encounter that, then was he
prompted to ask, if cheap sugar was of such great necessity
to this country, would we not be obliged to have it produced
by slaves: in English colonic' ? But admitting that we
could net retrace our steps in that respect, which lie de-
nied, we must then purchase it in those countries that
produced it at the cheapest cost ; and what, he would ask,
would be the consequence of the sudden investment of our
capital in such a purchase ? We knew what were the
effects of the investment of a few millions in corn, owing to
a bad harvest. But what must they be when our colonies
ceased to produce—when the consumption of this country
increased—and when the demand for capital throughout the
world was for investment in slave grown sugar ? Nobody
would ever be compelled to consume slave-grown sugar, but
a disturbance would be created in our monetary system, pro-
ducing a convulsion which our descendants would rue, and
which they would doubtless trace to the short-sighted and
unprincipled legislation which had so long distinguished
this subject. It was a remarkable fact that all the calculi.
Eons of the advocates of that legislation had resulted in the
Ihilure of the merchants and the bankruptcy of the colonies.
If they converted the senate into a counting-house, it would
not be long before the nation degenerated into a factory.
Was it important to keep the colonies ? Ile could not sup-
pose that if they ceased to be flourishing customers, this
country would be content to maintain them as mere barrack
garrisons. It'had been' said by:one honourable member
at this country might part with her colonies for a onside-
ration. (Hear, hear.) True there had been countries as
proud and powerful as England that had for pecuniary con-
siderations parted with their colonies. Spain had is that
manner sold the Floridas, and even the great Napoleon,
influenced by the same omnipotent duty wbich now ruled
the occupants of the government beuchee, had sold for
a consideration the beautiful province—the United States;
and therefore he (Mr. Disraeli) thought that, if the com-
merce of the colonies and the blessings of peace could be se-
cured by the same school of economy, this country might do
something in the same way with the same effects. (" Hear,"
and a laugh.) He saw no reason why this might not be the
case though he had been told that a desperate deputation
had lately waited upon the prime minister of this country,
and had asked the noble lord whether any objection existed
to the colonies changing their allegiance. Te this query no
answer had been given, but perhaps a cabinet council might
be called to consider it—(" Hear," and a laugh) ; and the
wretched colony of Trinidad might again belong to the
powers which gave to it its sacred name—the miserable
Mauritius, a flourishing community when belonging to
France, might be returned to its former possessor : for it
would be worse than the realisation of the fable of the dog
and the manger for this country to retain either to their
absolute ruin. (Hear, hear.) Besides, even Jaoaica
seemed an incumbrance —if so, the United States
would gladly accept the possession of her, if offered.
(Hear, hear.) lie knew not whether the hon. member for
the Wat:Riding of Yorkshire (Mr. Cobden) was in the
house. (A 'mice : lie is below the bar.") He (Mr.
Disraeli) was glad to hear that the hon. member was pre-
sent, for he wished to remind the hon. member that
although the profound peace which he bad announced might
come within the time of those who heard him, still there
was something in the, catastrophes of nations ecerior amnia
—catastrophes from other causes leading to their decay.
Happily in those causes the limited experience of the Ro-
man empire hod not included the rapacity of rival industry
and the quackery of economic science. (Hear, hear.)
Mr. LABOUCHERE said that it was not his inter
tion to enter into a discussion upon the abstract or general
principles of free trade. He assumed that he was ad-
dressing a House of Commons prepared to adopt free
trade as a principle, that ought to regulate the
future commerce of this mighty empire. (Hear, hear.) He
believed that such was the case, not become the house was
prepared to consider the interests of the lowest of their
constituents, or to betray those whom they were bound in
duty to protect, but because they believed that in truth all
interests were identical, and that the principles of free trade
were the best, not ally for England, but for all other por-
tions of this gloriou empire. (lieu, hear.) If the house
was disposed to retrace its steps, it could not take any more
fitting occasion foe now re•enacting the principle of protec-
tion to the West Indies, because he admitted with pain,
that if deep and extreme distress could constitute a claim
for such a course of legislation, that claim was at present
possessed by that portion of the colonial empire. True it
was that the cry of distress had proceeded on many former
occasions from the West Indian colonies. It had been
raised under the operation of slavery—it had been
raised since slave emancipation, and, in fact, it
had ever since been urged upon the house and the country.
He would not enter into the question whether or not the
distress was now more severe than it had been on any former
occasion. All that it was necessary for him to admit was,
that the distress existing was in reality severe, end that it
was the duty of the government without delay to apply re-
medies of relief which should be beneficial to the colonic'
themselves, and at the same time consistent with the general
interests of the community. (Hoar, hear.) It happened
that the motion now in the hands of the Speaker did not in-
volve the question really to be discussed. The motion was
in facet for the appointment of a committee to inquire into
the present position of the West Indio Islands, and the other
colonial possessions. With regard to that question, he did
not know what course the noble lord, the member for Lynn
meant to pursue ; but if the noble lord thought fit to press
his motion, the government would lend their aid in the in-
vestigation, with a view to the general benefit of the whole
community_ employed within the dominions of the
crown. But although such was the present motion,
the real question at issue was, whether or not the
principle of protection should be continued in the West In-
dies as a remedy for their distress. To that question he
thought the government was bound to give an explicit
answer, and not to hold language calculated to create any
uncertainty ; and it was because the government believed
that protection would not really he beneficial, even if it could
be granted in such a way as to be secure, that the govern-
ment felt bound to declare its opinion. In the first
place trade never could flourish under a system
liable to constant changes, and alterations, and uncertainty.
The legislature having come to a final settlement of the
sugar question, it was now asked to prolong protection for
some indefinite period—to reverse its decision over and over
again expressed, and to involve the colonies in confusion and
doubt. Hon. gentlemen had taken various grounds. Some
asked for protection for the producer of British colonial sugar
against all foreign grown sugar. The West India body
themselves had asked for protection against all slave-labour
sugar, stating that they could keep their position against
foreign free-labour sugar. Now it was curious to observe that
in the memorial of the West India producers, in which they
stated that they could not cultivate the land except under a
protection of 10s. per cwt., they did not ask for
differentied duty as a permanent system, but only
for auth a period as would enable them to be-
come fully supplied with free labour. This request,
itmerore, assumed that they could successfully com-

'G, FEBRUARY 5, 1848.

pep with Calm and the Btu& if fair play was given to
them, aid they could detain an adequate supply of free
taboo.. lie wee glad to me this admission coming from
such a eels it was valuable es a contradiction to those
who the West India colonists despair. On the question
of protection be (Mr. Labosiehers) retained the opinions he
had always held, and he maintained that if colonial sugar
was protected at all it was idle to draw a distinction be-
tween foreign free-labour sugar and foreign slave-labour
sugar, for otherwise sieve labour would practically and in
effect be encouraged. The boo. member opposite (Mr.
Disraeli) had adverted to the case of the Mauritius ; and
before he (Mr. Labouchere) offered any reply he could
not but observe that his observation that the mer-
chants who had been involved in rain from their
connexion with the Mauritius had been spoken of
with scorn and contionely was without foundation.
Such calamities had often befallen the wisest and most
pendent merchants; but the cue of the Mauritius ex-
emplified strongly the evils of a system supported by protec-
tion. lie believed the Mauritius had been emi-
nently the victim of protection. It could not be
said that there was in the Mauritius a want
of labour, for labour was there in abundance; but,
attracted by the prospect of high prices only to be expected
under a system of protection, the merchants and others
there had greatly exceeded the planting in that
country. In addition, the rate of wages had been
exceedingly high; poor land had been taken into cultiva-
tion, and a most artificial state of things had prevailed ; and
he believed all the difficulties in the Mauritius were trace-
able to that system of protection which had now been held
out as the panacea for all the ills to which the British colo-
nies had been exposed. lie rejoiced that an hon. member
connected with the cultivation of sugar in the East Indies
had to-night addressed the house, because he had shown
that the cry of distress was not confined to the West Indies
alone, but also was heard in the East Indies. This showed
that general and universal causes had brought injury
and embarrassment into every part of the com-
mercial system of this country daring the past year.
He hoped the West Indians would not lieten to the advice of
those friends who took so much pains to assure them that,
under no circumstances, could free labour ever compete in
those colonies successfully with slave labour. If that were
true, of course the colonists would be justift .d in abandon•
ing their estates in despair. But, in his opinion, it was any-
thing but tree. Looking only at the broad facts, it was no-
tosious that, in the face of the competition of the slave-
grown produce of Cuba and other places, a great export of
free-labour sugar had gone on from Java and other islands
where free labourers were employed. Some doubt
had been thrown en the fact of the labour of
these colonies being entirely free; but the late
parliament had legislated on that supposition, and the late
government had formed their calculations expressly on the
ground of the labour in Java being free. And it was very
remarkable that in those countries where sugar was cults-
rated by slaves so little were they satisfied that the planters
were taking measures to introduce free labour. In Cuba, a
society bad been recently formed, under the presidency of
the captain-general of the island, the object of which was
the general improvement of the cultivation. This society
had offered considerable premiums to such planters as
should introduce free labourers, and they had also
made contracts for their importation from wher-
ever they could be obtained. Great difficulties had
been found is the way of introducing Europeans;
the committee had accordingly taken measures fur
introducing Asiatics with every prospect of success.
The hon. member for Buckinghamshire had said the result
of all this was, that the abolition of slavery was the greatest
blunder ever committed by this country. He (Mr. L.)
admired the intrepidity of this assertion, but was con-
vinced that it would not find a response in the breast
of any other member of the house. However deep
might be the regret in which he most sincerely
joined—fur the distress in which the planters, the possessors
of estates, and the merchants were involved—he hoped only
for the present—it must be matter of rejoicing that, as far
as regarded the great body of the population, the intentions
of the house had been carried out, and their position at this
time presented the most advantageous contrast to that which
existed during their state of slavery. They were showing
themselves worthy of the boon which had been conferred
on them ; they were acquiring habits of order and industry ;
and that part of the measure, at least, had not turned out a
failure; for we should soon see a black population inhabit-
ing those islands in a state of freedom, able to exercise the
rights and perform the duties of freemen, and to fulfil the
obligations of faithful subjects and good citizens. (Hear,
bear.) On one point there was a most material discrepancy
of opinion between the West Indians speaking for them-
selves and speaking through their advocates in that house—
he alluded to the question of the navigation laws. (Hear,
hear.) Ministers had been taunted with pretending to un-
derstand the affairs of the West Indians better than the
West Indians themselves; but he was only anxious that
honourable gentlemen opposite would allow them to
speak for themselves on this question. The house of
assembly of the largest West India island, Jamaica,
in their address to the Queen on this subject, besought that
their exertions might be wholly unfettered, and that they
might be permitted to enjoy free commercial intercourse
with all nations. They pointed out the advantages possessed
by Jamaica for becoming a great commercial dep.it for the
interchange of the products of various countries if the navi-
gation laws were removed. (Hear, hear, hear.) Having
determined that no preference should be given to our colo-
nic,. over those of foreign nations, parliament was bound by
every principle of the merest justice to take care that our
colonists had the unlimited power of freighting the vessels
of any other country which they might think fit to employ.
(Hear, hear.) A somewhat extraordinary proposal bad been
made by the noble lord opposite (Lord G. Bentinck) in re-
ference to Cuba, for the purpose of putting down the slave
trade—to the effect that as a large sum of money was due in
this country to Spanish bondholders, we should seize the
island of Cuba in payment of that debt, and that we should
then have great facility in putting down the slave trade
there. (Laughter.) He did not know whether the noble lord
had made that proposal seriously ; if so—considering the
distinguished position the noble lord held in that house,
speaking not only for himself, but for a large political party—
he (Mr. Labouchere) could not help feeling it his duty to say
that such an act on the part of this country would be
the most unjustifiable act that could possibly be adopted.
He would now only repeat, that, with the most perfect
sympathy for the distresses of the West Indians, and
the greatest desire to relieve them, the government
should not do their duty if they held out any hope of
renewed protection. (Hear, hear.)
Mr. GOULBURN said he had sacrificed his feelings as a
colonial proprietor, when the late free-trade measures were
passed, to the general benefit of the empire ; and the fact of
the interests of the colonists having been so subordinated to
those of the public at large, gave them now the stronger
claim on the sympathies of the house. Looking at the atate
to which many of the colonists were now reduced, it might
fairly be said that the consideration of their case was
one to which the house was bound to attend. He
denied that this question was to be regulated by
the general principle of protection or free-trade.
What was the course which parliament pursaed ? It had
declared that slavery should be abolished and a system of
free labour adopted—thus placing the coloonts in a position
in which they were obliged to compete with countries where
slavery existed. It was for government to devise means for
extricating the colonies from this position. Nothing, how-
ever, was attempted. No remedy WAS devised. The colo-
nists 'eked to have their molasses used in distilleries in this
country, but right lion_ gentlemen opposite, who we» such
advocates of free trade and opponents to protection, said "Oh,
no, we cannot allow you protection ; bat we must protect
the revenue." The culaaista asked for the abolition of the rum
duties, Mat the Chancellor atlas Exehequer said," we cannot
protect you, but we must protest the distillers at home."
Again, the colonists asked for immigrants from Africa, but
the government replied, " We cannot protect you, but we
must protect the unhappy African"—while, at the same
time, they allowed that produce which was wrung from
slave labour to bo consumed ill this country, thereby stimu•
biting the slave trade. (Hear, hear.) It was said that no-
thiag had been done to introduce improvements into the
West Indies. He did not think hon. gentlemen could have
road the last report made by the government officers
with respect to Jamaica, which proved that gnat
improvement had been introduced into agriculture,
and that machinery had been applied to the cultivation of
the sugar to a great extant It was, thenfore, too much to
be told now that they night to improve the system of agri-
culture. The West Indian colonists were taught to rely on
the promises of parliament, and on tho faith of the promises
of parliament they invested their capital. It was true that
they received compensation for the ebolitton of slavery, but,
at the same time, it was resolved that seven years should in-
tervene before its total abolition. Well, what took place ?
Shortly afterwards, parliament decreed that the abolition
should be immediate. He was aware that parliamentreninded
that resolution of the house, but nevertheless, it had an injuri-
ous effecton the colonies. They were making every preparation
during the interval to meet the competition of slave labour
when the apprenticeship system was abolished. It was not,
therefore, their fault that the West Indian colonies were not
in a flourishing condition, but the fault of parliament, which
held out to them delusive promises. He was not going to
say that a system of free labour might not prove successful,
but every impediment was thrown in the way of their pro-
curing labourers from Sierra Leone, and other places. The
right hon. gentleman alluded to an introduction of free
Labourers which had taken place into Cuba. He would
inform the house how the facts stood with re-
spect tresshat. Wheu, in 1815, the law was passed
which icted the admission of slave-grown sugar
into the markets of this country, there was a discus-
sion in Cuba as to whether it would not be advisable to place
themselves in such a situation by means of the liberation of
some slaves, as they could not obtain admission for their
sugars into this country. But then commenced the act of
1816, and immediately their zeal for the introduction of free
labourers into Cuba cooled. Not only was the effort to cul-
tivate sugu by means of free labourers in Cuba
abandoned, but all those horrors, the recital of
which used to harrow the feelings of that house in
former years had been renewed. (Hear, hear.) Were
they prepared for the sake of a saving of Id. per lb. on
sugar to abandon all their high professions and all their efforts
et restoring the degraded class of slaves to their proper sta-
tion in the scale ofhuman beings (Hear, hear.) He had
heard with deep regret the determination of her Ma-
jesty's ministers not to adopt any means of affording
relief to the West Indian colonies. It would be inflicting a
deep blow on the negro if they were to proclaim to Europe
that the experiment which they bad tried in the cause of
humanity had failed, that they who had freed the slave had
their colonies ruined thereby, and that those who adhered:to
slavery and the slave-trade, continued in a state of pros-
perity. It had been said that they ought to reside on their
imitates. Bus, in Guadeloupe, where the proprietors were
resident, there was severe suffering, and in Jame Ica, the re-
sident proprietors suffered more than those who
were not resident, became those w/.0 were here
bads greater command over isbotre, (Hear, hear.)

I They bad been told also that West Indians had always been
complaining. The fact was true, but the inference was
wrong, for the complaints of West India proprietors had, at
different times, arisen from different causes, and not at all
tinim from the write cause as at present. With regard to
the remedies proposed, it was impossible for him to give any
opinion. What the ,government intended to do with the
navigation laws was st;11 unknown. Until the measure was
before them no judicious man could arrive at any decision as
to its adaptation to West Indian interests. The right bon.
gentleman concluded by ea lling on the government, in jus-
tice to all classes in the colot,iee, lupplv ae adequa and
satisfactory remedy, and to prevent the West Indies te
from
being monuments of desolation and examples of the broken
faith of a British parliament.
Sir E. N. BUXTON declared his opinion that slave erns..
cipation, had it not been for the fatal measure of 1816, would
have proved a triumphant example of humane policy, lie
believed that even now we had great reason to congratulate
ourselves upon that measure, for in many respects all must
admit that our colonies were far better off than those in
which slavery was retained.
Lord G. BEN f INCK, in reply, expressed his &termina-
tion to proceed with the committee, in the confidence that
evidence would be elicited, which must alter the opiutons of
the government on the subject. He ridiculed the specula.
Lions of mere theorists as to the introduction of free labour
into our West Indian colonies; and, as an illustra-
tion of their ignorance of the matter, referred to
Lord Grey's propueition that Croornen might easily go over
to the sugar harvest, and return borne after it, as Irishmen
come over to England for the corn harvest, and then return,
evidently imagining that the Atlantic was no broader than
the Irish Channel, whereas the distance hetween the Croo
can't and the nearest point of our West India islands, was
not leis than 4,200 miles. (Hear, hear, and • laugh.) He
dwelt at some length upon the propriety of taking possession
of Cuba, as a means at once of settling the chiral' of British
bondholders upon Spain, and of practically destroying the
slave trade.

—•------
The motion was then agreed to, and the house adjourned
at two o'clock,

rpregg.

NAILS

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