The Express.
London, England, 1847-07-07 00:00:00

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LONDO.V, W EDNESDA y, JUL Y 7.

IN the House of Lords yesterday the business was
limited to the presentation of petitions.
In the House of Commons, a resolution was agreed
to in committee, authorising the Treasury to make ad-
vances for the purpose of carrying out the provisions
of the Health of Towns Bill, after which, the bill itself
was committed, little progress however being effected,
as, after a short discussion, the committee was ad-
journed to Thursday (to-morrow), at 12 o'clock.—
Lord G. BENTINCE, m anexplanatory speech, moved
an address to the crown, praying her Majesty to take
steps to secure redress for the British bondholders of
unpaid Spanish bonds from the Spanish government.
Lord PALMERSTON, in a powerful speech, reviewed
the monetary condition of Spain and her colonies,
contending that with one or two exceptions they
could at least have paid off a portion of their debts
thus contracted, but that they squandered away their
resources on illegitimate objects not connected with
the interests of their country. The question was one of
expediency, not of power, the noble lord added,
and he cautioned other states to remember, who
might be disposed to neglect their pecuniary obliga-
tions, or do this country wrong, that the British
nation or parliament would not for ever remain in
passive acquiescence, or that, when the government
was called upon to enforce the rights of the people of
England, it would not have ample means to do
them justice. After some further observations from
several honourable members, Lori oEor-cie 13EsrnicK
withdrew his motion.--The adjourned debate on Mr.
I Hume's motion for a committee to inquire into the case
of the ex-Rajah of Sattara was then resumed, Sir J. C.
HORHOUSE affording a full explanation of all the cir-
cumstances which led to the deposition of the rajah
in question. On a division, the motion for the com-
mittee of inquiry was negatived by a majority of 21.

IT must be exceedingly flattering to the pride, and
beneficial to the interests, of this country to find
that the Portuguese liberal insurrection has met with
final extinction, and that the Queen of that country is
once more erect upon her throne—all this achieved
not by the admirals or envoys of England, who
utterly failed in bringing about such a result, but by
a Spanish general at the head of a Spanish army.
The feelings displayed by the population of the first
city of the kingdom in commercial respects, are,
horror of England, hatred to their Queen, and
welcome of a Spanish general, known for his fervent
attachment to France, and his devotion to that mili-
tary party amongst his countrymen, who look to the
conquest and absorption of Portugal as one of their
early and necessary duties.
By surrendering to the English naval force, the
people of Oporto would have had themselves instantly
handed over to the resentment of SALDANHA and the
Queen's police;who are now busied in recapturing and
fettering the poor soldiers whom the British ships
captured. But the Spanish flag covers the liberties of
the Oporto people for two months, and saves them
from the brutal retaliation of SALDANHA. Could Col.
WYLDE have favoured them so much, it is probable
that they would have submitted to him long since.
Bat the Colonel had it not in his bond.
If we could even say that this Spanish interven-
tion, so universally welcomed in Portugal, was partly
of our doing, there might be some pride and consola-
tion in it. Bat no ; Lord PALMERSTON, and his
Times, and his Chronicle, keep assuring the world
each morning that England has no control whatever
over Spain ; that Spain does what it likes, threatens
what it likes, intervenes when it likes, and can inter-
vene in Portugal without England, helpless infant,
being at all able to gainsay or prevent it. CONCHA'S
march is thus an act of the Spanish cabinet and general;
and a well-managed act it certainly is, giving strength
and credit to the Spanish ministry at home, and
affording it, at the same time, great claims to the gra-
titude both of the Portuguese liberals and the Portu-
guese court. All people continue to play the gene-
rous part, and to enact the hero in the Portuguese
business, but ourselves. We play the gaoler, and the
policeman, and the dupe, and the clown, who lets
everybody do as he likes, and is kicked at by every
passer, but who puts on a smiling face, and affects to
be most egregiously honoured and delighted.
Astothefamouaconditions signed by Donna MARIA,
her consent to which had the effect of turning our
arms and vengeance against that party befriending
and trusting us, and against the men whom the
acts of our own diplomatists led into their pre-
sent scrape—as to those conditions, which of them
has a chance of being fulfilled ? Of the am-
nesty we have a sample in the soldiers of St.
Julians, hunted through the streets and sent in
handcuffs to SALDANHA. A vessel will now bear
an order for the Angola prisoners to return, on
condition of their absolute submission to the abso-
lute Queen. As to the Cortes, the elections will take
place under the influence of CONCHA north of the
Douro, andthe intimidation of SALDANHA south of it,
whilst perhaps a few British guns may be brought to
bear upon the election of St. Allies, to force them to
choose a Cabralist and an enemy of England. Such an
absurdity would be bat of a piece with the entire
conduct of Sir HAMILTON Semmes.
As to the restoration of grades, the recall from exile,
what liberal Portuguese will henceforth trust
SALDANHA or the CABRALS, who must remain in
power, either they or their creatures, for no other
men could carry on the government in the spirit of
arbitrary rule, which the navy of England and the
army of Spain have caused to be predominant?
Even now, Lord PALMERSTON backs out d
England's enforcing these condition, by anything
more than the exertion of England's " proper in-
nuance" in the onanoile of Portugal. Thin mains,
that although we employed our guns and cut-
lasses, and were ready with bomb-shells to put
down theliberals, we can use nothing save diplomatic
remonstrance with the Queen. If she choose to con-
tinue her present reign of absolutism, what can
England do ? We have allowed and established the
rule, that she may apply for Spanish succour, nay,
that she may receive it. She has a Spanish army in
possession of the Portuguese fortresses; the Spanish
general and officers are the same who drove ESPARTERO
and English influence out of Spain. These are quite
enough for Queen Donna MARIA. She does not
want Lord PALMERSTON any longer. After having
duped him into the employment of a British fleet for
most disgraceful and illiberal services, her Majesty
can henceforth confine England's influence to its
" proper " sphere, that of empty remonstrance ; and
with this oar Foreign Secretary declares he will rest
contented.

IN Lord MELGUND, Greenock appears to have
got hold of a candidate such as the pen of its own
lamented JOHN GALT could alone do justice to. This
young nobleman was engaged in a canvass of the
Haddington burghs, with every prospect of success,
as he himself tells us, and as the progress of the liberal
candidate who has stepped forward to defend his
deserted post amply confirms. But • triumph over a
tory was not remarkable enough to gratify Lord
11 MED:WHO'S ambition ; he panted for the honour of a
victory over a liberal. He may have fancied that his
return, when opposed by • tory, might in part
be attributed to the electors' attachment to the
cense, but that his return when opposed by
• liberal, must be attributed solely to his
own personal powers of fascination. Accordingly,
no sooner was the Greenock requisition presented to
him than he left Haddington to the mercy of its
tory suitor, and set off to seduce Greenock, the bride
of the libera. Mr. DUNLOP. In taking this, at the

iemt, questionable step, Lord MELGUND lent himself
to the gratification of the personal piqwe of some very
small local great men. The liberality. of Mr. DUN-
Lop's principles, the soundness of his judgment, his
unsuspected integrity, are not questioned. -But at the
het election for Greenock some of the electors thought
hiss. DUNLOP a mere eligible candidate than the gen-
*num su?ported by the parties who hare now
invited Lord MELGUND, and ran him at the poll
within some half-dozen votes. The leading
wipporters of the late member cannot bear the
thought that the gentleman who was so near being
„turned, despite their most vigorous and virulent
impomtion, should become member for their town,
and have brought forward another candidate, solely
to punish him and his abettors for former rebellion
wont their authority. And the heir of the House
of Minto has condescended to become the tool of therm
offended dignitaries. Conscious that their personal
influence was unable to turn the scale against Mr.
DUNLOP, they endeavoured first to persuade Lord J.
Hat to throw in official patronage as a make-weight,
and now they get Lord MELOUND (as a pis-alter) to
throw in his title. No pity is due to his lordship for
the awkward position into which he has got himself :
h seems precisely such a position as his tastes
and talents qualify him to occupy. Er. yr. As
KM as Mr. DUNLOP, who, though perfectly inde-
pendent both by sentiment and social position, te, from
principle, of whig inclining, learned that it was in
contemplation to bring forward a rival candidate,
in office," or in yet closer bonds with minis-
terl3:ealaturally enough wrote to his friend, Mr. Fox
Maur, to inquire whether he was to understand
that his opponent was recognised as the govern-
ment candidate; reminding Mi. Manx that should
this be the case, his (Mr. Dunt.oe's) antagonistic re-
lation to government would be forced upon him
spinet his will. On receiving this communication,
MAULL naturally represented to his colleagues
the bad effects of a near connexion of the head of the
government lending himself to oppose a liberal
and friendly candidate. Remonstrances appear
in consequence to have been made to Lord MELGUND,
but without avail. lie has summoned a meeting of
his "friends and supporters," to whom, in the pre-
sence of those most trustworthy keepers of secrets,
reporters from the newspaper press, he has un-
bosomed all his grief. He has told them in magni-
loquent phrase of the efforts made to prevent them
from obtaining a candidate who might be supposed to
bare it in his power to divert towards them some
drops of the stream of official patronage. And to
make the enormity of the treatment he and they have
experienced fully felt, he has entered into a
minute explanation as to the officials upon
whom devolves the delicate duty of bringing
forward such candidates as are likely to be
'weft!, and keeping back detrimentals. With
singular simplicity and lack of discretion, Lord Met,
GUND has laid open all the details and working of that
delicate machinery by which party interests are pro-
moted in elections—universally known to be worked
by all parties, but out of conventional decorum openly
repudiated by all : and, in doing this, he has named
so many names that ears must be tingling in every
ogre of Whitehall. Whether Lord MRLGUND be re-
turned for Greenock or treated by the electors as he
deserves, this is certain, that in future the bare ap-
pearance of his shadow cast before him in turning the
corner of Downing-street, will be enough to check the
flow of confidential conversation in the offices.

THERE are many indications that the questions in-
volved in the demand made by Ihrmers for a legalised
tenant-right will have some, perhaps-considerable in-
fluence at the coming elections. It is certain considerable,
wherever farmers can exercise their independent
votes, they will strenuously support the candidates
who advocate the legal recognition of the tenant's
right to enjoy his own " floating capital." That the
advocacy of any such measure of mere common honesty
should form a merit in would-be legislators, bespeaks
the strangely anomalous condition of English bpi-
culture. let although the simple a:premiss of
views favourable to tenant-right will enlist
on the behalf of the candidate who neer
express them the warmest sympathies of the
tenant-farmers, it is by no means probable that many
candidates for rural districts will be found favourable
to the enactment of a tenant-right. The representa-
tion of such districts is to a great extent in the hands
of landholders, of whom the major part are unwilling
to concede such an obvious measure of justice.
It is plain from what has passed in the House of
Commons on this subject, from the little which has
been said, and that which has been indicated but not
spoken, that the landowners teel that a movement
towards the enfranchisement, social and political, of
tenants has commenced; and that the instincts of feudal-
ism will induce a strenuous resistance. We intimated
from the first that Mr. PUSEY had but slight chance of
carrying his bill as first introduced, by which a
right to be paid for unexhausted expenditure
was at once conferred upon all agricultural tenants ;
and the amended bill, which rendered such payment
dependent upon the consent of the landlord, was
not received by the landocracy with mach less
disfavour. Under the pressure of an opposition,
not loud but deep, on the part of the landlord
interest in the house, Mr. PESEY was obliged to
withdraw his bill, and to intimate his intention of
moving in a future parliament for the appointment of
a select committee to inquire into the subject. The
observations made by Sir ROBERT PEEL, upon that
occasion were instructive. He believed the measure
had been introduced from a wish " to encourage the
application of capital to the land, and to ensure ajust
remuneration to those tenants who might expend
their own capital on its improrement :" yet
his hon. friend had met with "unexpected difficul-
ties," and had "exercised a most wise discretion in
not attempting to carry the bill at present, and in not
provoking angry feelings between those two great
clam," the landlords and the tenant-farmers. And
the cautious ex-minister suggested that, after "de-
liberate consideration" and " mature inquiry into the

customs of different parts of the countri, it was pos-
sible something might be done." And Sir ROBERT
concluded by expressing his approval of the principle
of compensating tenants who had expended their
capital in the improvement of land. When the right
hon. baronet's cautious approaches towards free trade
are remembered, no one can doubt that he foresees
that ere long the just demands of tenant-
farmers to protection from confiscation must
be conoeded. Yet that such concession will not easily
be made, is clear from the passionate ebullitions with
which some of the less discreet landowners received
the Tenant-right Bill.
What is it that farmers demand when petition-
icg, as they have done, by thousands, for the prin-
cmle of legalised tenant-right ? Some owners of land
have affected to believe that it implies some interfer-
race with the right of property in their estates, a
orb cf legislative enmordruos to grant leases.
It is, however, nothing of the sort. Tenant-
right is altogether irrespective of leases. It is true,
that until the practice of granting leases has become
Meral, and a good law of tenant-right exists, hus-
bandry will not undergo that improvement of which
it is capable ; but the granting or withholding leases
is a question with which the legislature cannot inter-
fere. That must be left to the sense of self-interest
entertained by landlords. The question of tenant-
right, however, is altogether different. It is, in fact,
as alteration in the general law of landlord
and tenant—applicable alike to yearly tenan-
cies and to leases —which is required by the altered
circumstances and customs of modern husbandry.
And the change must be. in the end, as advantageous
to landowners as to tenants, for it will lead to im-
mediate and extensive improvements of land used for
agricultural purposes. At this moment there are in
all districts certain acts of husbandry for which the
"going tenant is entitled to be paid by the landlord
or his sucxrding tenant. These allowances vary in
!lament counties, and are singularly capricious, hay-
'be probably grown up in the infancy of husbandry,
red have not kept pace with the progress of that art.
Bit they are all founded upon the assumption that
t certain
Ire ire acts of til6ge, and so forth, proper
,15
he done in one year as preparations for
tEr crops of another and subsequent year. Of course,
be Rho is to quit this year would not, in the absence
lone such custom, or of a special contract, make
re/ Preparations for next year's crops. That would
to him just so mach waste outlay. The custom,
*e'rfore, of receiving payment for such work
scald not benefit the outgoing tenant, and
Zid be valuable to his successor, grew up. But
ha custom has stood still, while agriculture
Farming which can only be
,11,11rgmoderately good is now so conducted that
,_expenditure of one year is only. gradually
'grid back, in the form of produce, during the nue-

Deeding three or four years. Take, for indance, the
Norfolk four-oonrse system, under which one-fourth
of the farm is heavily maimed for turnips every year
at a very serious expense ; but the farmer is not re-
paid that expense until he has gathered the barley,
the clover, and the wheat crops which follow in three
suocessive years of the turnip crop. And let it be
distinctly understood that it is only by conducting
that, or any other rotation, which may be adopted
properly, that a farmer has any hope of making a
living profit. Whatever his tenure, therefore, he must
always farm as if he bad the certainty of at
least four years' possession. The majority of tenants
being occupiers only from year to year, may, at any
time, be turned out by a six months' notice, and, if
so turned out—supposing them to have farmed on the
four-course system—they will have one fourth of
their land on which they have made all the outlay
for a four years' course and received no return what-
ever ; they will have another fourth on which they
will have had the barley crop only—that is, one of the
three crops necessary to remunerate them for their
outlay ' • another fourth on which they will have
gathered the barley and the clover crops, but not the
wheat crop, that is two only out of the three
remunerating crops ; and on one fourth of their farms
only will they have gathered the three paying crops
of barley, clover, and wheat. Now, it really seems to
require no great extent of aericultural knowledge to
perceive that it is only common justice to an ejected
tenant that, upon the first quarter of his farm, he
should be paid a fair proportion of his outlay, by
which the landlord, or his next tenant, will profit for
two years ; and upon the third fourth part, for three
years ; and, where any extraordinary outlay has been
made, which will require a greater number of years'
possession to get back than is required to recover the
routine expenditure, that the same principle of pro-
portional payment for "unexhausted improvements"
should be adopted. And this is all that is
demanded by farmers as tenant-right. They
ask that by law they may be entitled to
demand a valuation of their unexhausted improve-
ments. Can anything be more reasonable or more
just ? Yet this la resisted by all the weight of land-
lord influence. Now such a law should be made to
apply to all land, ander whatever tenure, because the
effect of the present law, which denies all claim to be
paid for such unexhausted expenditure, operates upon
yearly tenants as a simple confiscation of a certain
portion of their capital ; while the leaseholder takes
care to reduce his outlays so far as he can, as the end
of his term draws near. In either case the com-
munity suffers from diminished production : in the
one case, from the insecurity under which the fanner
carries on his business; in the other, from the re-
duced fertility of the land during the latter years of
the farmer's term. There is thus the strongest mo-
tive for others, as well as farmers, making this tenant-
right question their own at the next election.