The Express.
London, England, 1847-01-14 00:00:00

THE EXPRESS, THURSDAY EVENING, JANUARY 14, 1847.

had proposed and had laid down for its own guidance the
principle that the choice of the Queen of Spain should be
confined to a descendant of Philip the Fifth. Thu French
government itself has pointed out that by so doing it ex-
cluded any son of the King of the French; and therefore
the decision of the King of the French, that the Duke of
Montpensier should not be a candidate for the hand of the
Queen of Spain was not part of any bargain about
the Prince of Coburg, who had not, at that
time, been mentioned as a candidate, but was the
result of the sense which the King of the French sponta-
neously entertained of what was doe by France to the faith
of the transactions of the treaty of Utrecht, and to the just
value attached by other states to the maintenance of the
balance of power in Europe. I Raid, moreover, that in
using the word candidate to designate Prince Leopold as one
of the princes who had been publicly talked of sa • possible
consort for the Queen of Spain, I employed teat word
in its ordinary and colloquial souse; and that it did not
imply that the Prince of Coburg was put forward by the
British government, or even that the prince had himself
taken any steps in the matter. But at the same time, I die-
dimity told Count Jarnac, and I afterwards repeated the
same thing to him several times on other occasions, that
the opinion of Lord John Russell, of myself, and of
those of our colleagues who had had time to give their
attention to Spanish affairs, was the same as that
which had been entertained by her Majesty's
late government, namely, that • Spanish prince
would be the most prudent choice for the Queen of Spain,
and that Don Enrique seemed to be the Spanish prince who
was the fittest for the high position of being Queen lesibella'e
consort. It is impossible, therefore, that either Count Janice
or the French minister could, from the fleet moment when
any communication took placebetween the two governments
on these matters, have had any doubt as to what the opiuions
of the British government were with regard to the best choice
to be made by the Queen of Spain. The Count deJarese stated
upon that and upon other occasions that it would afford the
French government much pleasure if her lklaj esty's govern-
ment should instruct M. Bulwer to gis e effect to those opi-
nions, by recommending a prince who should fulfil the
French condition of being • descendant of Philip V.,
while at the came time he possessed the qualification
of being a Sp inish prince, to which we appeared to
attach importance. He said also on a subsequent
occasion, that if the British government should determine to
recommend Don Enrique, he was sure that the French go-
vernment would be willing to unite in giving that advice;
hut they hoped that if it should turn out, that at Madrid the
objections to that prince were insurmountable, the British
government would not afterwards oppose the choice of Don
Francisco. I said that Her Majesty's government did
not consider themselves to have any right to make an oppo•
sition to Dun Francisco in such a case ; although for reasons
which I had explained to him, they could not take upon
themselves the responsibility of recommending that prince.
It seems, however, that about the time when these commu-
nication,. with a view to an united course between the two
governments were puling in London, the French embateo-
dor at Madrid, in pursuance of instructions which must
have been sent to bias some time before, was co-operating
in the employment of moral coercion, to compel the Queen of
Spain to accept a prince who was not the candidate
whom the British government was willing to concur with
the government of France in recommending. Her Majesty's
government are quite ready to admit there was no engage-
ment on this matter between the two governments, and that
each was at liberty to give to the Spanish court such advice
about the marriage of the queen as it might think fit. But
her Majesty's government do not exactly see why such
anxiety should have been expressed in London to ascer-
tain the sentiments of the British government on this
matter, professedly with a view that the two governments
might be enabled to take a common course, while, at the
same time, such precipitation was displayed at Madrid, in
hurrying on a course which the French government had
been informed was one in which the co-operation of the
British government was not to be expected. But the mar-
riage of the Queen of Spain is a matter which concerns
Spain chiefly, and other countries only indirectly;
and although her Majesty's government may have its own
opinion as to the manner so which that marriage has
been settled, they would probably not have thought it neces-
sary to make any official communication to the French
government on that matter if it had been an insulated
transaction, and had not been coupled with the pro-
jected marriage of the Infanta to the Duke of Montpensier;
thus forming part of a most ohjectionahle political arrange-
ment. It is the projected marriage of the Duke of Montpen-
tier to the Infanta which renders the present communication
necemary, and it is against that marriage that the British
government must formally remonstrate and protest. Such
marriage would give just cause of political jealousy to other
powers, and unless accompanied by public sets in France
and in Spain, of which as yet no mention has been made,
might give rise to questions calculated to disturb the peace of
Europe. The British government hopes that the Queen of
Spain may live many years to enjoy • long and
prosperous reign, and wishes that her approaching
marriage may be blessed with an ample succession to the
Spanish crown ; but the uncertainty of human affairs rendoei
it necessary to contemplate the possibility that the crown of
Spain might devolve upon the Infanta. If this should
happen the Infanta being married to the Duke of Mon-
pensier, that prince world be placed in that very posi-
tion of consort to the Queen of Spain which the
King of the French three or four years ago himself,
as I have before stated, practically acknowledged that no
son of his ought to occupy ; and thus in consequence of such
a marriage that event, which the King of the French
declined to arrive at by direct means, might by indirect
means, be brought to pass; and it appears to her Majesty's
government that good faith requires that what has been re•
liuquished in one way should not he sought after in another.
But if the line of Queen Isabella were to fail, and
if there should at the same time exist issue
of the marriage of the Infanta with the Duke de Montpen-
sier, a serious question might arise respecting the succession
to the Spanish crown. For it is perfectly clear that by
virtue of the renunciation made at the pester of Utrecht by
the Duke of Orleans of that day, all his " descendants, male
and female, from that time, and for ever, are excluded, dis-
abled,and incapacitated from succeeding to the throne of Spain,
in what manner soever the succession might fall to their line,"
and therefore the children and descendants of the Duke of
Montpensier would, in consequence thereof, be excluded
from succeeding to the Spanish crown. But, however plain
the words, and however positive the effect of that renuncia-
tion must be acknowledged to be, the children or descendants
of this marriage might endeavour to set up a claim in virtue
of the riohts which they might allege to have inherited from
the Infanta ; and thus, unless all pretence for doubt on this
point were at once removed by some valid act of renun-
ciation on the part of the Infanta, for herself and
her descendants, the stipulation of the treaty of Utrecht
might be set aside by an evasion, or the peace of Europe
might be disturbed by another war on account of the sue-
, cession to the throne of Spain. But these considerations
might also give rise to a question of more immediate prac-
tical application ; because there seems good ground for the
assertion which has been made in Spain, that in consequence
of the exclusion of the line of Orleans by the transaction
of Utrecht, the marriage of the Infanta to the Duke of
Montpensier would be contrary to the law and the constitu-
tion of Spain. Her Majesty's government can scarcely be-
lieve that a government so anxious, as that of France has
professed itself to be, to respect the tranquillity of
neighbouring states, and to preserve the peace of
Europe, can insist upon the completion of a marriage
which threatens immediate danger to the one, and
is calculated to place in serious jeopardy the other.
But even :if the objections to this marriage, which are
founded upon the treaty of Utrecht, and the law of Spain,
were as weak and untenable as the British government
considers them strong and conclusive, the British govern-
ment would still protest against this marriage as inconsistent,
with a due regard to the balance of power in Europe,
and necessarily tending to affect injuriously the nature
and character of the relations between England
and France. It is impossible for the British government
to look upon this marriage as a mere domestic arrangement
between the royal families. It is a political transaction be-
tween two great European powers, and it would tend to link
the policy of the one to that of the other, in regard to the
foreign relations of both, in a manner which would be dan-
gerous to other States, The British government attaches
great importance to the 'maintenance offriendly relations both
with France and with Spain, and as long as the
British government in its dealing with France shall have to
consider only what may be justly due to the interests and
honour of France, and in its dealings with Spain shall only
have to show &similar respect for the honour and interests of
Spain, there is reason to expect that the spirit of justice and
moderation which it may be hoped will always direct the coun-
cils of England, will secure the continuance of peace between
Great Britain and those two powers. But if Spanish inte-
rests are to sway the foreign policy of France, or if French
interests are to sway the foreign policy of Spain, Great
Britain may find herself involved in serious differences with
one of those powers, without having given it any well-
founded cause of complaint, and may be unable to re-esta-
blish friendly relations with the one without submitting
to what may be unreasonable and unjust demands on the
part of the other. The British government considers
the projected marriage of the Duke of Montpensier to the',
Infants as calculated thus to link together the policy of
France and of Spain ; and as Franee must be admitted,
without any disparagement to Spain. to be the greatest
power of the two, this marriage would tend to affect
meet injuriously for the interests of other states the
political independence of Spain. But the injurious
effects of this marriage would not be confined to
their direct operation on the foreign relations of Spain.
They would be felt also through the medium of her internal
concerns. Past experience does not warrant any confident
expectation that Spain will in future be entirely free from
those violent outbreaks which have so often taken place
within her territory of late years. The French government
has wisely laid it down as a rule of conduct to abstain from
any armed interference in the internal affairsof Spain onthese
occasions. But if this marriage should be concluded, and a
more close and direct connexion should thus he established
between the two reigning families, will not the chances be
increased that some military interference of France in Spain
may not only involve France in a struggle with the national
passions of the Spanis h people, but may also lead other
powers again to make Spain one of the battle-fields
of Europe? It is impossible that Great Britain
can be an indifferent observer of an event which may lead
to ineh results, and it is not in the nature of things that an
event is brought to pass, and calculated to produce such
results, should not exercise a most injurious influence upon
the relations between Great Britain and France. The manner
in which this projected marriage has been arransted ; the po
litical views in regard to the future which it discloses ; the
possible consequences which it might produce, not only to
the friendly relations between Great Britain and France,
but, in many suppouble cases, to the peace of Europe, in-
duce the British government earnestly to remonstrate
against it, and to express their anxious hope that it may not
be concluded. Your excellency is instructed to assure the
French government that the strong objections which the Bri-

fish government feels to this marriage do not spring from any
unworthy „jealousy of the nsturvil greatness or of the just
power of ranee. In a great European crisis not very long
since gone by, Great Britain was the foremost to acknow-
ledge the great importance of maintaining the French mo-
narchy unimpaired as an essential element in the balance of
power in Europe. The present government of Great Britain
fully *hue in this respect the sentiments of their predeces-
sors of that day. The British government will rejoice
to see France happy, prosperous, and powerful. But France
possesses within her owu ample territory and in her own
Immense resources, the means of maintaining that high
position which providence has destined her to occupy among
the nations of the world; and all attempts on her
part to establish, by indirect methods, an illegitimate
Influence over other states, which though not so
powerful as herself, are equally entitled to perfect national
independence, must, from the very nature of things, end at
last in disappointment and failure. But the struggles
through which that failure will be brought about, must ba
productive of evil to France as well as to all the other states
that may he involved in them. Her Majesty's government
being desirous of giving to this communication the most
friendly form which is consistent with a full and authentic
expression of their sentiments, do not instruct you to cm-
body the substance of this despatch in a note; but I am to
desire that you will read this despatch to hl. Guizot, and
that you will send him officially a copy of it —I am, &c. &e.
Signed, PALMERSTON.