The Express.
London, England, 1848-08-17 00:00:00

en two occasions had there been anything like a regular de-
bate, one in reference to the affairs of Denmark, the other re-
'sting to the expulsion of Sir 11. Bulwer from Madrid. In
both those cases the discussion had been conducted without
any party feelings, and mini-ten had no occasion to complain
of the discussions. He now felt it his duty to call attention
to a branch:of our foreiga relations of great importance—the
state of Italian politics, and our relations with the Italian
states.) ;Ile had thought the vote to the Lord Privy Seal a fit
occasion on which to introduce this subject, that noble lord
having figured much in these politics ; but he had thought
this might seem invidious, as the government was responsible
for all the noble lord had done; and he had accordingly
taken this opportunity of introducing the subject. All the
transactions of the Lord Privy Seal were connected with what
had slicer occurred. Last year the noble lord had been sent
to Italy on a peculiar and roving minion, apparently to teach
polities to the sovereigns of Italy. It hail been thought
necessary to communicate with these sovereigns by no less a
person than a member of the British cabinet, who, perfectly
familiar with the designs and wishes ef government, might,
by a large discretion, lay the foundations of Italian pros-
perity. The °beets contrasted m :et remarkably with the
results of this mission. At that time, great fi are were enter-
sought to prevent this; he had succeeded ; auL d the only
thing that had happened was that Sardinia hail invaded
Austria. (Ilear,hear.) But to communicate diplomatically
with his Holiness the Pope was a mission worthy of se
eminent a person as the Lord Privy Seal, an object which
' had puzzled statesmen from the time of Elizabeth to that of
Victoria. He had apparently succeeded; and with breath-
-1 less haste a bill was 1 relight into the other house
and hurried through same of its stages, in February,
to legalise that object. Since that time, the
Popo had almost ceased to exist as a temporal prince ;
still, it appeared the bill so long allowed to
rest was now about to be brought before this bowie. An-
other quarter in which phis eminent diplomatist went to ex.
mein his talents was the kingdom of the Two Sicilies. After
" starring" it in the north and centre of Italy with eminent
emcees, he had gone to the south. His object was to secure
the legislative union of Naples and Sicily; the result had
been to dissolve even all political connexion. (Hear, hear.)
The result of this diplomacy had been more interesting than
successful. Notwithatanding what had occurred, he under-
stood the noble lord the Secretary for Foreign Affairs was
going to mediate in Northern Italy, along with France ; and
he thought some information was due to the house on that
subject,—first as to the principle of the mediation, second
its nature, and third. the end proposed to be attained. The
principle of the mediation might be a desire to stay the effu-
sion of blood, and to promote our commercial interests. But,
in northern Italy, there was no effusion of blood to
stop, and this country had no commercial interests
to protect. The Emperor of Austria was in possession of
the dominions secured to him by treaties; so WWI the King
of Sardinia; consequently there was no opening for media-
tion, and the noble lord's task would be at an end. Dot
probably the mediation, instead of proceeding on a political,
would Le conducted on a sentimental principle—that of de-
veloping nationality. Into what inextricable difficulties and
dangers might not such a course lead this country ! If Lam.
barely should only be possessed by Lombards, why should
Austria retain a far more extensive territory, that of the
Venetian provinces? How could the noble lord preach na
tionality in Lombardy, when in the north of Europe he was
defending, and was bound to defend, Lemberg and other
states from invasion? Miele not he also he collect on to
mediate on this same ground of nationality is Hungary,
where tour distinct races existed? If such a policy
were fully developed Europe must be resolved
into its pristine elements, and not a trace be left
of existing political arrangements. In the second place, he
wished to know the means by which this mediation was to
be carried into effect. If it was to be en armed mediation,
the hostile sovereigns being at present at peace between
themselves, it would be an invasion, and not a mediation. If
merely an offer of good offices, with what e race mild we ask
the Emperor of Austria to relinquish part et his territory,
which be had won by great valour of his troops, and held for
three centuries ? Such a mediation would be an utter nul-
lity. But if it were euccessful,what was to be done with Lem-
hardy ? Remembering that the King of Sardinia had made
war against Austria without any declaration of war, and had
in consequence received the moot signal punishment, and
was only allows d by meat forbearance to: continue in
peseesaiou of his own mental, would any minister have 'he
boldness to propose to Austria to concede Lom-
bardy to the King of Sardinia ? Assuredly net. Could
Lombardy exist as an independent republic ? It could not
he a monarchy, between two powerful states. If a re-
public, was it to be a revolutionary or a conservative repub-
lic—a red or a white republic? (Hear, hear.) But the
end of this mediation, he was informed, was one which the
government would not announce. Its object was said to be
to prevent the invasion of the north of Italy by the French,
an event much to be deprecated, and one which ministers
might plume themselves on preventing. But France had no
right to intervene; it would be a breach of all mining trea-
ties to do so, and a most unjustifiable act. lie did not be-
lieve such intervention would take place. As regarded Italy
and Europe, France bad clearly no rght to interterc ; hut, '
unfortunately, our past conduct in the south of Italy fur-
nished a precedent and a pretext for this interference. The
result of the cordial co-operation between Lord Minto and
the King of tke Two Sicilies Lad been to prevent the latter
from chastising his rebellious euhjeets, and to deprive
him ol his rights. Since that time our government had
approved of the sovereign chosen by the rebels, and had
prevented the King of the Two Sicilies from asserting his
rights. With such facts before her, France might plead a
justification for her proposed invasion of the north of Italy.
The noble lord opposite (L trd Palmerston) said they were
not facts; but why were they allowed to be believed as facts?
In both houses had information been r fused as to the instruc-
tions to the squadron in the south of Italy. But however
the precedent might have been laid hold of by the French
government, he did not think they would avail themselves of
it. lie did not believe they wished to invade Italy ; they
only sought, by accepting the offer of joint mediation, to im-
press Europe wish the belief that there was the most cordial
understanding between the republic of France and the court
of St. James's. (Hear.) Never had the conjoint influence
of those countries been exercired but at the expense
and suffeting of some third state. The principle of
a cordial understanding between those countries, in
itself nothing novel, was one which he should always
support under proper regulation. So far from hostility
between the two countries being the rule, it had been
the exception for the last two centuries and a half. It
wax a policy that had been asectioned by Elisabeth and by
Cromwell and the two most eminent statesmen of the last
century, Bolingbroke and Walpole, opposed to each other in
everything else, concurred in supporting the French atiance.
lie did not, therefore, condemn ministers for supporting a
' cordial understanding with the French government, ab•
stractedly considered. The noble lord opposite (Russell)
had spoken of the government of France as a strong govern-
meet, though he had not informed the house that he had re•
cognised its existence. No doubt the government of France
was a strong government— now that Algiers governed
the streets of Paris, and that General Cavaignac had tee- I
cuted a monster razzia within the walls of the capital. I
(Hear, hear.) But if the noble lord at the head ef the fo-
reign department was about to repeat the steps which the
two governments had conjointly taken on former On.
Ciaioll3, such a coarse would be sure to end in
disappointment and disaster. If incidents were in-
vented to justify an occasion for co-operation, such an
alliance might teed to the greatest possible disaYers in
Europe. The nettle lord had tried this system before; he
had tried it in 1832, but under very different circumstances;
lie had tried it then in connexion with a monarch who sue.
ceeded in keeping at bay the revolutionary tiger and pre-
serving the peace of Europe for 1; years. But on that occa-
sion the system had only led to the Hi-colour flag (hating at
Ancona and Antwerp, to disasters in various countries of
Europe, and to liritish commerce being disturb d in all those
places. (Hear.) lie protested against the system of me-
diating where there was nothing to mediate about, merely
to show that France and England were in cordial
alliance. Such an alliance, instead of being a se-
curity for peace, would inevitably tend to war.
In the event of an invasion of Italy, to give France the
slightest chance of suttees, she must mom the Alps with
100,000 men ; nay, she must do more ; the very day that
she sends bet army into Italy she must advance an army
equally numerous to the Rhine, to meet there the independent
spirit of Germane—forgetting in a moment all its nebulous
mysticism and nationality, in the fervour of a real patriotism,
and fired with the recollection of its desecrated hearths.
She must do even more—she must meet Russia, at this mo
ment not so powerful from her army as from her wisdom,
moderation, and justice. She would have ale it to contend
with the secondary powers; and how was France to do this
—how was France to act in so frantic and idiotic a manner?
Did her position at this moment enable her to send out a
mighty host ? She had 50,000 men guarding her metropo-
lis. She had achieved her freedom on paper and secured it in '
the streets by her artillery. (Hear.) She had an army of
occupation in every great city in her kingdom, under the
plausible name of "`extraordinary garrisons." II Fiance
increased her army and withdrew ter domestic forms
to invade the world, the whole of her town population
would rise to advocate the principles of the model republic,
which perhaps her Majesty's ministers are going to establish
in Milan. She must else men ate her taxation, and the
whole of her provincial population would rise to prevent the
continuance of a system as abetted es it was iniquitous. If she
was to remove her present army she would have her whole
urban population in arms, and it she increased it the provincial '
postulation would do the crime. Did they suppose that
France, with her contending factions an 'empty exchequer,
a paralysed credit, and a people without enthusiasm, was
going to conquer the world Yet it was to prevent such a
consummation that the government was going to same
fice its allies. The system of mock mediation was one
that this country ought not to encourage. The course which
the noble lord (Palmerston) ought to pursue was one which
he was competent to take, for he had the necessary abilities,
knowledge, and courage, for the task. Let the noble lord
merely tell the world, that under his counsel England would
maintain the prieciples of national law, and observe the
stipulations of existing treaties, that she would not authorise
by her sanction any outraee on the order of nations, and that
she would not counsel her allies to yield their legitimate in-
terests to gratify the morbid vanity of en ill-regulated society.
If he pursued this course, then the noble lord would take a
position that would obtain for him the confidence of states.
men, the sympathies of sovereigns, and the hope and trust of
suffering nations. But if be took a centime' coulee, he
would not only say that it would be one which would be fatal
to his government, for that would not he so great a considera-
tion in the house as among his immediate supporters, but it
would be a course fatal to the noble lord's reputation,
and deeply injurious to his country. Hu deprecated any
alliance witt what he must call a Jacobin party, for in it he
recognised the same features as of yore—he reco.nised the
same system--he saw the same leaven and he used the same
term. It seam. system beginning with fraternity and end-
ing with assassination ; which began by preaching universal
charity and finished by achieving general spoliation, He

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