The Express.
London, England, 1848-04-04 00:00:00

EXPRESS, TUESDAY EVENING, APRIL 4, 1848,

confined.
Sir 0. GREY said there could he no doubt that the ac-
commodation in the gaol of Golyre), was very inadequate.
lie was not able to state what steps had been taken to re-
medy the evil, but it rested with the county of Galway as
with English counties to proOFvide
IRE LA sufficient room. (Hear.)
N I).
Lord JOCELYN said, in putting the qm iv ion of which he
had given notice relative to the state ot I.eland, he felt it
was impossible for him to do an without violating the rules
and regulations of the house by prefacing it with a few
words of explanation. In order, however, that he might be
in a situation to crave the indulgence of the house in that
respect, he had given notice that he would put the question
on taking the order of the day, and he therefore hoped the
house would have no difficulty in according to him the in-
dulgence which he asked. (Hear, hear.) He thought it
right to state to the house that, looking to the present state
of things in Ireland, he felt it to be his duty, not only es a
matter of courtesy but of justice to the govern
ment, to enable the noble lord to consider the
subject before he was called upon to answer his
inquiry, to state to the noble lord the purport of the
question which he wished to put to him. Indeed it was
impossible that he could have done otherwise than put the
noble lord in possession of that information, for he felt that
this was not tile time when men could wi-h to embarrass
governor-rat, or chi ck the present administration of the
attain of Ireland, and he had to thank the noble tort for the
permission he had given him to put the question. Ile could
assure the house ttrit the answer to the question he was
about to put was looked for with great interest by all her
Majesty's loyal subjects in Ireland. (Hear.) He believed
that the attention of the public, and of every member of that
house, must have been directed, within the last few weeks,
to the mischh vous and traitorous conduct of certain people
in Leland. He believed there was not a single member in
that house who had not seen with indignation and disgust
the language that certain mischievous and traitorous
men had addressed to the people of Ireland avowedly
for the purpose of overturning the institutions of the'
country and leveing war upon the crown, by inciting the
people to overt acts of rebellion. (Hear, hear ) With
similar feelings had the public of this country seen that men
hail been bound in Ireland so devoid of their own and all
national honour as to be at this moment asking from France
—a foreign country—the loan of arms to carry nut their ne-
farious and traitorous objects, and he, as an Irishman, but
the representative of an English constituency, felt it to be I
his duty, though he did it in sorrow, to call the
attention of the English repreaLntatives in that house to
the effect of this mischievous language and traitorous'
conduct upon certain dissatisfied individuals in this country.
The majority of the subjects of this country, he was happy
to ssy, were loyal and patriotic; but still, it such language
and conduct were allowed to pass unchecked, it would sap
the loyal feelings of even the people of this nation. (Hear.)
He trusted he had said enough to prove the danger which
arose from allowing such things to proceed unchecked. And
when he said danger, he did not mean to say there was any
real danger to the institutions of the country. No—he be-
lieved they rested on too firm a bags to be shaken by such
langnage,for they did not rest on the bayonets of the soldiery,
but on the loyaltf,and affections of the people. (Hear,
hear.) lie believed these institutions rested on too large
and mound a bte to be so asily shaken. And it was a satis-
faction to know that thee great German nation were only
seeking to follow the example which had been set them by
the British constitution. The danger which he alluded to
was the danger which existed for those men who might
be led away by those who were treasonably and
mischievously inclined to commit even acts of treason
against her Majesty. The Lord Lieutenant had been enabled
by his ability, energy, and courage to rally Round, him per-
sons of all ranks and of all persuasiona—nkolnalffies and
catholics—but he had teen unable to pat &in Ws rebel,
lions language, or to stop the months of these mischievous
men, Feeling as he did, with thouunds of blastula/poet!,
that such conduct must lead to bloodshed and horrible colli-
sion, though he did not fear the result so far as the safety of
the institutions of the country was concerned, yet he de-
plored the consequences which must ensue if this laeguage
remained unchecked. They had in their Memories the re-
collection of the blood that had been shed in civil contest" in
Ireland; and wishing to see civil war driven from her'shores
in the uame of protestants and Roman catholic' he asked the
noble lord whether he thought there was sufficient power
atill vested in the executive to crush this rebellious spirit at
its birth, or whether he did not think the time bad come
that some alteration should be made in the law which al-
lowed the rebellious instigators to escape, whilst their unfor-
tunate victims would be doomed to condign punishment ?
and, further, whether be thought the time had not come
when the executive should be endowed with power to act
with more vigour and effect when any emergency might
occur ? (Roar, hear.)

Lard J. RUMIBLL then rose, and proceeded to address
the home smut mamma Miaow Sir, I rise with conside-
rable anxiety to answer the question of the noble lord. It
is quits true that language of the nature that he has de-
scribed has been used to Ireland—language exciting to re-
bellion against the crown—Language exciting the people to
acts of violence against persona and property, and with the
view to establish Ireland as a separate nation, independent
et the mown of these realms. Such language may at some
periods be passed over as the mere ravings ot a distempered
&my, which may have Co dangerous effect. Unfortunately
it is not
ed at the present moment. (Hear, hear.) I attzi-
buts th effect produced partly to the excitable nature of
those to whom such language is addressed—partly to the
very great distress which has been felt by all chases
now during three years distress which naturally
induces them to listen to any desperate remedy;
and thirdly, to the great excitement occasioned by
the events which have recently taken place in France and
in other parts of the continent. But to whatever cause that
language is to be attributed it certainly has been followed by
the manufacture of pikes, by the formation of rifle clubs
and other preparations, which are openly avowed by a per.
tion of the press of that country, with a view to create civil
I war. Now, sir, I cannot but agree with the noble lord, that
be the setae and instigators of that civil war what they may,
it is not so much her Majesty's crown—it is not so much the
institutions of the country that are in danger, as the peace
of Ireland, as the well-being of all classes, especially those
classes engaged in the occupations of trade and commerce; and
my belief certainly is, that those who have used the langaage
to which I have adverted have done so for the purpose of
raising themselves, careless of the bloodshed and Mill they
may occasion. (Hear, hear.) Sir, it is, however, a most diffi-
cult and most delicate matter for the Lord Lieutenant of Ire-
land to consider what steps ought to be taken. The noble
bred has, I think, paid a just tribute to my noble friend now
M the head of the government of Ireland—(hear, hear)—and
I hope I need not aasure the house that while he is anxious
to put down disaffection and rebellion, it is his earnest wish
to listen to and promote, as far as lie can, remedy and ame-
lioration for any distress or evils which afflict that country.
With r, street to the means now at the disposal of the govern-
ment if Ireland for the purpose of meeting the conspiracy to
which I have alluded, he has b. en fo constant communica-
tion with my right lon. friend the Secretary of State fur the
Home Department and with myself. Ile has informed
us that while on the one side there were evident pre.
partitions for rebellion ; that on the other he has received
the moat gratifying assurances of loyalty sad support from
the members of all classes—from the members of all
creeds—from landlords as well as merchants, from p-
testants ea well a Roman catholics, and hoall parts of trohe
countly. (Hear, hear.) Sir, the noble lord must excuse
me, if at the present moment I decline rating what further
measures are in:contemplation by the LorkLieutenant and
her Majesty's government. 1 trust, therefore, that he will
be satisfied with the assurance that we have,hoth in Ireland
and in this country, most carefully looked into the law
Wetting the case, that we have entered into most constant
daily communication with the Lard-Lieutenant of Ireland,
and should he bo of opinion that further power, are wee..
sail which have not Oct been obtained, I should then feel it
my duty—being convinced that such measures as would be
no more than necessary fur the occasion would be granted
—I should then fed it my duty to come down
to the house and ask the house to entrust the govemmeet
of the country with such further powers. (Hear, hear, and
cheers.) Lord Clarendon his to consider in any proposal
that he may make, and in any wi-h that he may express, '
that if it should appear, or even bear a semblance, that he
was favourin uny one class of religionists, or of one par u-
lar clam of the country above another, that he would thereby
lose a great deal of the support which he has hitherto ob- I
taineel—(bear, hear)—because, sir, as I have already stated,
the landlords and members of the protestant profession,
clero men of the protestant profession, priers and members
of the catholic persuasion, have all jollied in giving him their
best support. But the noble lord may rest assured that it is the
full determination of her Majesty's government, having the
utmost confidence in Lord Clarendon's admieistration, to do i
all in their power to support the loyal people of Ireland to
maintain the p ace of that country, and that we shall not I
shrink from a:-king for further powers upon the subject
which may be necessary. (Hear.)
THE NAVIGATION LAWS.
Mr. W. E. GLADSTONE sail that it was with extreme
regret that lie hail heard the Right lion. the President of
the Board of Trade make the statement he had with respect
to the navigation laws. This measure had been announced '
with other, in the speech from the throne ; all, with the ex-
ception of the navigation laws, had been brought under the
consideration of the house, and of that they had heard no-
thing until within the last few days. It was now announced
that the act for the amendment of those laws would not be
introduce d until after Eaatet. The non-introduction of thi-
measure until after Easter meant that the question would
not he disposed of durin the resnt session. He did not
think that the country would be satisfied with that proceed-
ing upon the part of her Majesty '. government. A measure '
of such importance introduced in May could not possibly be
passed during the present session.
Lord J. RUSSELL said that he did not think that the
complaints of the right hon. gentleman were well founded,con-
aidering what were the means which the government had at
their disposal for the consideration of public basin. ss. He
(Lord J. Russell) certainly could not have allowed the In-
come-tax Act or the Mutiny Act to expire in order to
bring the subject of the navigation lows forward. There
might also he other urgent measures required with respect to
the state of Ireland, and he did not wish to be precluded by
the navigation laws from considering that subject. The go-
vernment had but a few days at their disposal, and the press
of public business was very great.
Sir R. 11. INGLIS said that if the government required
more days in the week, the house ought t i grant them that
indulgence immediately after the Easter recess.
Mr. lIUME said that he thought it must important that
the question of the navigation laws should be speedily
settled. (H ear, h,
Mr. RICARDO deprecated the delay that had taken place
in bringing forward the measure.
Mr. IVAWN did not think it fair to press the measure at
the present moment, considering that there was a committee
sitting at present en the shipping interest,
Mr. ROBINSON was of the same opinion. He thought
the government had exercised a wise discretion, in not touch-
ing the navigation laws at present.
Mr. LABOCCHERE tit convinced they would do no
good by bringing on the measure before Easter ; but be
trusted that shortly after the recess the government would
be enabled to bring in a measure on the subject of the navi-
gation laws which would meet with the approbation of the
house, and be productive of great good.
Mr. MUDS° trusted whew ver the bill was brought in
it would not be allowed to pass into a law in the course of
the present session.
Mr. BRIGHT asked if it had not been the custom in time
of war. &c., to grant licenses to introduce cargoes which,
under the navigation laws, could not be introduced at other
times ? lie asked this question specially with reference to
the cargoes of cotton at Havre. Gentlemen opposite, he
was sure, would not oppose the issuing of such licenses, as
, they would afford employment for British shipping.
Mr. LABOCCHERE knew very well that there war
cotton in Havre which was not wanted there, and which
could not be brought here under the present law. But, in.
asmueli as that law existed, he held that it would be quite
impossible, and far from just, to evade its provisions by the
I issue of licenses.
Mr. CARDWELL said the state of affairs was this:
we were in want of cotton ; there was at Havre a consider-
, able surplus supply. Now, all that was asked was, that our
merchants might import that cotton to England in British
shirr. British workmen would be employed in its mane-
facture a hen brought here. Those were the facts. They',
also, had before them the Queen's speech, in which a revi-
sion of the navigation laws was advised; but when her Ma-
jesty's ministers were asked whether they intended to follow
up that recommendation, the tone of their answer was such
as to afford great reason for doubt. And yet, in the face of
these facts the goverument refused to permit our import of
cotton, which wits clearly shown to be so likely to prove be
teficial to the country.
Mr. BRIGHT said the cotton he referred to had never
been unshipped at Havre, in consequence of there being no
one thera willing at present to receive it.
Lord H. VANE hoped the government would introduce
a very short bill suspending the navigatiun laws, so as to per.
mit the importation of this cotton.
Mr. P. SCROPE said such a measure as the noble lord
advised might be properly compared with the measure of
last year suspending the navigation laws in respect of the
admission of corn. There was a dearth of cotton now, as
there was a dearth of corn then.
Mr. H. BAILLIE said a great deal of virtuous indigna-
tion appeared to be expressed about nothing; for if we were
to pass such a law as that recommended by the two last
speakers' we might depend on it that the Provisional Govern-
ment of France would prohibit the exportation of the cotton
referred to, is order to prevent their own artisans from
being thrown out of employment by a want of the raw ma-
terial.
Ald. THOMPSON thought such a bill as that referred to
would be a very bad and unsafe precedent. He thought her
Majesty's government ought at once to take some decisive
step respecting the navigation laws. Either they should give
up their intended proposal altogether, or else introduce a bill
at one..
Mr. KERSHAW pressed on theilhrnest consideration of
the government the desirability of doing something for
British cotton-spinners.
Mr. EWART thought the government ought to settle the.
question one way or another. To leave our colonial interests
in a state of doubt was exceedingly unjust.
Mr. T. BARING said if the necessity of repealing or re-
laxing the navigation laws was to be tested by prices, he
could only remark that the price of cotton was at present
very.low in England. He felt that to admit the Havre cot-
ton in the mode proposed would only be to get rid of the
navigation laws by a side wind. (Hear, bear.)
Lord J. RUSSELL.—I only just get up to say that be
fore the house adjourns for the Easter holidays I will either
fix a day for introducing a measure on the subject of the
navigation laws, or I or my right hon. friend will make
some decided statement on the subject. (Hear, hear.)
The question that the orders of the day be read was then
agreed to.
JEWISH DISABILITIES BILL.
On the motion that the Speaker do leave the chair, in
order to go into committee on this bill,
Mr. GORING roe to move, by way of amend-
ment, that "se long, at least, as the Home of Com-
MOUS exercise the authority which it at present
does exercise over the established church, no Jew ought to
the franchise,
much less be allowed to alt us this
posses"
The hon. member said that at present they were
in the position of a man who set fire to his neighbour's house,
whilst praying that it would not burn. Christianity was so
interwoven with our institutions that it was utterly repug-
nant to place any but a Christian in a position of authority
in this country. Suppose there was a committee of that
house on the subject of the ohemb, would they excludes

Jewish member from serving on it ? It seemed to him that
a Jew in that house would be much in the petition of a
Christian in India, rtquired to how the knee bermes heathen
age. It was not tear or right that the church, if governed
iby that hops, should have among its governors men who
were not Christians. But there were other grounds on which
hi apposed the admission of Jews. The men whom it was
proposed to admit to place and power were the jobbers and
gamblers of the Stock Exchange—men whoreaped their rich-
est harvests in times of political disquietude and panic. Was
it for the interests of England to introduce such men as these
to the councils of the nation (Oh.) One of the apostles of
Christianity inciecated that they " should not receive into
their house" a man who did not believe in the words of
Christ, and yet they were about to admit the reviler of that
Christ into their national legialature. (Oh, oh.) If they did
90. he feared they would in consequence draw down upon
themselves tke wrath and vengeance of the Deity. (Renew.
ed cries of " oh.") He concluded by moving his resolution.
The amendment having been put,
Lord J. RUSSELL said the lion. member seemed to think
that this was a debate upon the principle of the measure. As
that debate had taken place upon the second reading, he
:rusted the house would not now rc-open it. (Hear, heer )
Mr. C. BRUCE, despite the noble lord's appeal, must
rh had occasionsbebe d hadno
ev.enpretu.edre to
thing to induce him to change his views. The
hsaisyoapifneiwonwaogradisn'stOthnetwboilli,oarmnde
grounds of his opposition might, indeed, be summed
up in one sentence, that the hill tended to un-
christianise the country. He could conceive that for the
possible attainment of some great and practical good, con-
scientious men might be inclined to support on some occa-
sions measures of which they could not fully approve. But
so far as the attainment of any practical good was cancer. ed
he could conceive no measure more absolutely useless than
the present. It removed no practical grievance. All he
could find in it, in fact, wee a practical renouncement of the
highest allegiance of the nation. Politically, he did not
think the Ji ws would do any harm by being ad-
mitted to that house ; except in so far as they
would doubtless d, sire to separate the church from the state.
for
should ae thouht that the histo of the Jewish race
r centurith ear
and centuries pant would,ry from the blighting
influence which the wrath of f
heaven had cast upon that racoe,
have afforded a warning against the admission
any such principle as that now sought to be introduced. The
Scriptures abounded with exhortations to nations, and to the
governors of nations, to cleave unto the Son of God, and to
reject all association with every race Aloe tenets rejected
the Saviour. lie should have thought that the experience of
only the last two years might have afforded a proof to the
British nation of the immediate punishment attending na-
tional sin. But two jeers since the whole nation had given
Rich up to tie, worship of mammon, to the idolatry of cove-
tousneas, end he would ask whether the punishment of this
national sin had not already been felt throughout the land?
(Oh, oh.) Fur the sake of a halfpenny or a farthing saved
en the pound of sugar the people of this country had
consented to the violation of national faith, to the
destruction of the West India interest : the punishment had
lung since manifested itself. (Oh, oh.) lie had all due
respect fur the Jewish people in their personal characteristics,
tad he would give them all due protection and due justice in
their personal character, but he would not consent to go
beyond this point or to act counter to the will of Clod. He
could not support the immediate amendment of his hon.
friend, because he did not think it just to deprive the Jews
of the el, etive franchise which they now enjoyei ; but to the
bill its, 1( he should gi e his decided opposition at every stage.
Mr. °ARON ER said that, to suit the views of some hou.
gentlemen opposite, it would really Becte:elesirable to appoint
a committee up stairs of controverted doctrines as well as a
committee of controverted elections. He cordially sup
ported the bill as a measure absolutely essential for
the due accomplishment of civil and political liberty.
Ile denounced the church of England as having,
for a mess of pottage, surrendered her birthright
to the state. The damage that at the present mom, nt
threatened the church, as the church, was not the extension
of religious liberty to other creeds, but the rottenness which
existed in he r own hesom. For the sake of the church her-
self he earnestly called upon le r tet withdraw the pretensions
she, had so long put forwent and so far carried into effect, en
maintaining the imperial parliament, not as a protestant
parliament, not as a Christian parliament, but us a church
of England parliament. The vindication of our common
christianity was not apt:cu./ions of the high church party, or
cat the church of England ; it was a matter in which the
methodists, the baptists, the unitarians, Roman catholic
dissenters and protestant dissenters, were equally inte-
rested, and as leerily. Where, then, were the petitions
which these bodies had found it necessary to send forth
against this measure? There were none such, or scorer')
any ; and the reason was. that these bodies had not the
s and fishes to struggle for—the real rationale of the en-
thusiasm of the church upon this and similar subjects. He
himself was wholly opposed to ail church t stablishments
whatever ; he regarded the conncsion between church and
sate as vrholly incompatible with the spirit of the age, and
was thoroughly convinced that, sooner or later, it must be
abandoned. The lamp of old Noeconformity was not yet
burned out.
Mr. SIMEON should oppose the introduction of Jews to'
parliament, but he could not consent to withdraw from them
the p.ivileges which the wisdom of former parliaments had
thought fit to accord to them as British subjects. The hos-
tility which the hon. member who spoke last manifested to
the church of England was an additional argument against
the admission to thy house of a fresh race of dissenters.
Mr. URQUHART supported the bill. He could not un-
derstand the extension of the Jews from art assembly to which
dissenters of every possible description were admitted.
Sir W. VERNER could not lose nt to the areument of
the last speaker, which went to prove that, because Roman
cotholics had been admitted to parliament, the Jews ought
not t he excluded from it. The qualification required for a
mefolier of parliament was, that he must be a Christian.
The law had formerly excluded some classes of persons, not-
withstanding they were Christians; it had, however, been
relaxed in their case. lie was of opinion that no turther
relaxation ought to take place, more particularly in the case
of the Jew.. Th proposition to admit Jews into the house
was guarded by the declaratisn that they were to take the
oaths on the same footing that the Romeo catholtes did
namely, that they were to stand engaged to do nattily; to
injure the established religion of the country. Now, could
it be pretended that, ever since the Roman catholits had
le en admitfed into parliament, they had not done a'l in their
power to injure the church of England—and would the
Jews observe their engagements any better than the Roman
catholic: had done ? lie felt it to be his duty strenuously to
oppose the bill.
Lord la Si CART said that the question before the house
was wlieteer they were to pursue those principles of tolera-
tion which were advocated by an large a proportion of the
people, and the universal acknowledgment of which had
been so advantageous to the best interests of mankind. To
those who stomped their fingers at the expression of popular
feeling which had been manifested in favour of the emanci-
pation of the Jews, he would only tem.,. let them remem-
ber their own appeal to the same authortty, which they had
made on the 9901 e subject before Christmas. They then
pointed to the disparity of numbers in favour of and ag..inst
the admission of the Jews to parliament, and, certainly, he
(Lord la Stuart) admitted that the number of persons wile
petitioned parliament before Christmas against the admission
of the Jews to parliament was ax 13,700 compared with
6,600 in favour of their admission, or, as nearly as pos•Pale,
two to one against the present bill. Bat what had been the
result of the appeal that had, since that period, been
made to the people on the present question ? There were
56,000 persons signing petitions adverse to the Jews, whilst
no fewer than 300,000 had signed petitions since Christmas
in favour of the emancipation of the Jews ; and the e •uuter-
petitions had bee n pot up athele-and-cornermeetings, whereas
the trieuds of the Jews had agitated openly in favour of their
views. All the important towns in the kingdom had shown
decided feelings in favour of the measure. London, Dublin,
Manchester. Bristol—all the great constituencies of the em-
pire—hail publicly avowed their opinions to be for the
emancipation of the Jews, and only two places had peti
tioned against the measure, namely, Jedburgh and Sudbury.
On'- of the arguments against the bill urged by the hon.
member for Oxford (Sir 8.. Inglis) was, that though the
Jews were few in number, they might by their wealth in-
fluence many constituencies to return them to parliament.
That was a strange argument to hear from the hon. baronet,
who lie recollected had always in the unreformed parliament
advocated the rights of wealth to influence constituencies
in returning membeta to that house to protect. property.
He denied that there was any feeling throughout the country
gainst complete tuieratmoi ; on the contrary, he bell, ved
that the great and growing feeling was in a directly coetrary
direction. He should Rive his most earnest and hearty sup-
poi t to the measure before the house.
Mr. HORN BY, in opposing the measure, denied that the
recent election for the City of London was to be tak n 101
conclueive test of public opinion on the subject. He believed
that never on any occasion of a similar kind had great. r
',Tillery or intimidation been practised. (Hear, hear.) He
should not be at all surprised if at the next election four
Jews were returned for the City of London. He would up•
pose this or any other measure which tended to lucre Ise the
number of the enemies of the established church in that

house.
Sir R. INGLIS, in reviewing the opinions of the speakers
who had preceded bins in debate, complained strongly of the
hostility which the hon. member for Leicester had displayed
towards the established church. The sentiments which that
hon. member had expressed gave the house a very fair
sample of what they might, expect from him when he got
, his new allies into parliament. For his (Sir R. Inglis's) part
be would not be a party to giving to a new sect of dis-
senters power to regulate his church, because he believed that
that church was as much an integral part of the constitution
as Magna Charts or the Bill of Rights. (Hear.) It was
because he believed his church to be an integral part of the
constitution that he would not consent to admit into that
assembly a set of men to make laws and enact regulations
for an establishment with which they had avowedly no
sympathy or feeling is common. With reference to the
proposition of his hon. friend the member foor Shoreham,
he concurred entirely with its principle, but as a question of
expediency, he would recommend his hon. friend to withdraw
it, and reserve his strength for the division on the main
question.
Mr. ADDERLEY expressed his regret that the hon. hart.
the member for Oxford University had wasted so much
good feeling on the spefth of the hon. member for Leicester,
a speech which had been listened to by the house with
seatimente of unmixed disapprobation. (Hear, hear.)
With reference to the measure before the house, he believed
that public feeling was entirely against it, and he regretted
that that opinion seemed to have so little influence on the
deliberations of parliament. He could not understand how
• people who everywhere repudiated a common nationality
could ever be expected to fuse or amalgamate with the
people of this country. The case of the Jews of Damascus
would be fresh in the recollection of the house. That body
when persecuted applied for assistance, not to any of the
Christian princes of Europe, but to the leaders of their
own nation—the Rothschild' and Mcastetiores. The only