The Express.
London, England, 1853-01-15 00:00:00

made to justice and common sense, he was the
only public man who could do it. But while thus
powerful he was of all public men the weakest in
early support. The Whigs disliked him for poach-
ing on their preserve; the Tories disliked himbecause
be would not per'il the public peace to uphold old
abuses. Both parties obeyed and fell behind him
when anY'ating decisive was to be done in
dee.:Ace.'ee to the public voice ;—in common-place times
they were sure to mutiny ;—nitd knowing this he
threw up the game and left others to contend for
place. No man can do at the present moment
what is required for the safety of tke country, unless
lie inherit that public confidence which Sir ROBERT
PEEL enjoyed,—and as yet he has no heir.
To know how this confidence is to be acquired it
will be necessary to analyse the constituent parts of
that public which constituted the strength of Sir
Ronne Peel- It may be described generally as
the aggregate of the great moneyed and industrial
interests--the bankers, merchants, shareholders,
ship-owners, manufacturers, and chop-keepers.
Among these classes are to be found our sturdiest
Conservatives, and also our sturdiest Reformers. The
former preferred Sir RODZRT PEEL because of his
Conservative antecedents, the latter notwithstanding
his Conservative antecedents. The Conserva-
tives among them, however, are limited in
number ; they are confined to the great
capitalists, principally to the metropolitan
capitalists. They have, moreover, since the agita-
tion of corn-law repeal been accustomed to tolerate
the reforming propensities of their brother capital-
ists. An °vet wilt:lining majority of this section of
public opinion aro friendly to such a real electoral
Reform as will make Parliament duly represent
them. If Ministers would be strong in Sir ROBERT
PEEL'S strength they must set themselves to reform
our electoral system.
Nor is it without good cause that this great sec-
tion of public opinion is distrustful of our present
electoral system. The recent election has shown
how well it is adapted to promote the aims Aan
unscrupulous faction, to enable a minority out of
doors to command a majority, or something very near
it in the House of Commons. The rotten boroughs

contribute mainly t, this, but there are also other
evil influences at work. Tho active politicians form
but a small minority of the public, and not always
the most honest. A busy, bustling politician has
other ends to serve besides the general good, and
sometimes, by mistake, presses those private ends
most zealously. The important section of the public
to which we have been adverting likes to exercise
an influential voice in public deliberations, and uni-
formly does so for the public good. But its members
have other business to mind, and, when they have
discharged their duty to the public, like to have done
with it for the time. They do not choose to be
drawn into the vortex of next election, just as
they have emerged from the present. It is
this class that especially wants to be permitted
to vote quietly at elections, and live at peace
during the intervals between them. And wanting
the Ballot, it is dilatory in registering. Hence we
find that the registers of large constituencies do not
I embrace many of the most valuable of the electoral
class. The fall advantage of large constituencies
I cannot be experienced until registration is made the
business of a responsible public officer, so that aU
qualified and none else shall be placed on the roll,
and Vote by Ballot introduced to enable quiet Clod-
fearing citizens in Ireland as well as in England to
do their duty to their country without annoyance.
It is not only necessary to meet and repress the
evils of small constituencies, defective registration,
public voting, and elusory qualifications: the work
must be done at once. At present the agents of cor-
ruption are preternaturally busy : they fear that some
reform is coming, and are making hay while the
sun shines. The elections that intervene between
the present moment and the passing of a new Reform
Bill, will exceed in profligacy all that have gone be-
fore them. And if time is wasted before such a bill
is prepared, the opportunity of carrying it may be
lost for the present. In that case a more inveterate
system of electoral abuses may be saddled on the
country for years.
The Reform Bill promised by Lord ABERDEEN
must be prepared instantly. And it must be a real
Reform Bill. It must extend the suffrage to the
steady, industrious members of the working
classes ; it must give members lo the large town con-
stituencies ; it must make registration cheap, easy, and
efficient ; it must ensure a quiet life to the honest
industrious elector, by secret voting; it must sweep
away email venal constituencies ; it must destroy
sham votes by establishing one simple uniform qua-
lification for the exercise of the elective franchise.
The first business that Ministers have to attend to
is the preparation of their Budget ; next in order
-owes the preparation of their Reform Bill.

FRANCE.