The Express.
London, England, 1848-05-01 00:00:00

DEVONSIIIRE.

TILE BISHOP OF EXETER AND THE CLERGY OP HIS
DIoCESIL—A numerous meeting of the archdeaconry of
Tomes was held at the Mayoralty Rooms on Thursday, con-
vened by the archdeacon, the Rev. R. H. Froude, t take
into consideration the letter recently addressed by the Bishop
of Exeter to the archdeacons of his diocese. The number of
clergy in this archdeaconry (including curates) is about 230,
and about eighty were present at the meeting. The archdeacon
presided, and commenced by reading the letter addressed by
the bishop to him in common with the other archdeacons, which
stated that before the second reading of the proposed Clergy
Offences 13111 in the House of Lords, it would he moved that a
proviso be added to the third clause (which direct, the " pro-
ctedings esrainst clerks in holy orders, on account of heresy,
false doctrine, blasphemy, or schism") in the following terms:
" Provided always that nothing shall be adjudged in any
court of the, land to be heresy, or false, or unnound doctrine,
on any point treated of in the articles of religion, agreed upon
in the convocation holden at London, in the year 1562, com-
monly called the XXXIX articles, that is not opposed to
the doctrine of the church of England, as there declared."
The bishop then goes on to state that the effect of this
proviso would be to make the articles the sole standard of
doctrine, so that doctrines, contrary to the teaching of the
church, in the Catechism or Book of Common Prayer, if not
contradicted with plainness in the articles, might be taught
with impunity. He considers this an innovation; and the
proviso, however innocent might he the intention of its pro-
moters, would rob the church of its most sacred and dearest
privilege, and therefore requests his clergy to de-
liberate on it, and present their judgment on the subject, if
they think fit, both to the bishops and the parliament —The
archdeacon also stated that he had the following day received
another letter from the bishop, stating that the proviso
would not be proposed by the Whops, but would most cer-
tainly be moved during the progress of the bill through par-
liament. In consequence of these communications, he (the
archdeacon) had thought it his duty to issue circulars to the
clergy of the archdeaconry, and had also deified the rural
deans, twisted by three or four other gentlernin, to prepare
certain resolutions, which would be proposed to the meeting.
—The Hort and Rev. Lord Henry Kerr, the rector of
Dittisham, proposed a resolution condemnatory of the pro-
posed proviso, and echoing the sentiments of the bishop's
letter, which waa sezonded by the Rev. John Youge, rector
of Newton Ferrers.—The Rev. John Hatchard then pro-
posed as an amendment, in substance, that the proviso ought
to be inserted in the bill, and that such a clause would tend
to uphold the protestant character of the establishment. He
contended that the articles were framed by the early reform-
ers as the standard by which the question of heresy or ortho-
doxy must be tested. They were essentially protestant in
their character, and for three centuries had been the strong-
, eat bulwarks of the church against Itomiah error. Whilst
all churchmen were sincere is tteir admiration of the yew:-
rags: liturgy of th.:' church, there might be disagreement
amongst them a, to the meaning of some portions of it, and
11 there differences arrive, where were they to h 2 sole, .1 but
by reference to that standard to wh:ch they had
all subscribed, and which they all believed to con-

taro the true doctrine of the church of England agree-
able to Ood's word ? The articles were, therefore, the teat
and standard by which • clergyman's orthodoxy or bete.
rodoxy must be tried, and, if be declared he sincere 'mint
and consent to them, it ought to be sufficient —The Rey.
Mr. Grunts, the vicar of Charles, Plymouth. seconded the
amendment —After some further discussion the question wee
put, when from 15 to 20 hands were held up (or tie amend-
ment, and frem 40 to 45 for the original motion, several
clergymen remaining neutral.—The Rev. William MaskeU,
the vicar of Mary Church, then proposed, and the Rev.
Henry Woolcombe, vicar of Kingsteinton, and examining
chaplain to the bishop, seconded a motion, that an humble
address be presented to the Queen, praying her Majesty
not to give her royal assent to any bill containing this pro-
viso, unless it be previously submitted to and approved by
convocation.—This was met by • counter motion by Mr.
Hatchard, to the effect that a petition praying the parlia-
ment to pass the bill with the proviso be adopted, which was
negatived by about the game majority as the former one.—
Another motion requesting the bishop to lay these resoles-
lions before the other biships, and to ascertain the senti-
ments of the clergy in their respective dieceses, was also
carried, notwithstanding • stout resistance by the evangelical
cies.y, and the meeting broke up between 4 and 5 o'clock.
THE EXETER REFORM ASSOCIATION held their
ennui' meeting on Wednesday, when Mr. S:rowbridge ad-
verted to the onward movement set up by about fifty mem-
bers of the House of Commons, whose names had appeared
in the newspapers; especially noticing the fact that Mr.
Hume was one of them. He dwelt on the necessity of the
union of all reformers. He could assure the chartasta, having
been pretty much mixed up fur years with political agitation
in this city, that they had not the middle classes with them,
and could never get on by themselves. Perhaps he might
be for all the aux points of the charter, or even for twelve, as
far as they knew; but he had always been willing to take
what he could get. Re moved " That this Associatioa re-
solves to recognise and support the principles laid down
by the parliamentary levee, for the promotion of
the extension of the suffrage, triennial parliaments,
vote by ballot, and equal electoral districts, with
a view to a complete and extensive reduction of the
enormous national expenditure ; and this association
pledges it, individual and collective exertions to attain
so desirable an object, as the best safeguard of public
order and national prosperity."—Mr. Westlake seconded the
motion. He referred to the continental disturbances as
proof that not even any despotic government could now
stand which was adverse to the best interests of the people,
and, which neglected their wants. He compared the
chartists, who had not mete much progress, to teen climbing
up a greasy pole, and constantly slipping, who kicke i down
the friends who offered them a helping hand. (Cheers.) As
an argument against a great extension of the suffrage, he
alluded to the abuse of their municipal privileges by the
working men of this city, and to the immense local tax*,
tion. (Hear.) He expressed himself rather in favour of
household suffrage, together with a complete education of
the people. He preferred triennial parliaments, on account
of the confusion of an annual election, and demanded
a revision of the system of taxation, and reduo-
tion of expenditure. Mr. Treelike believed every
man, high or low, rich or poor, learned or un-
learned, had a right to vote. (Cheers from the chartists.)—
Mr. Standlake objected to two points in the charter. He
was opposed to universal suffrage; because of what he had
read of the state of foreign countries where that system was
established. It had always had a tendency to end in an
echlocracy—a government by the mob. He read an extract
from Dickens's recent work on the United States, to show
the lawless condition of some parts of that boasted land of
liberty, where slavery prevailed. For his own part, as a de-
cidedly loyal subject, he thought the constitution of this
country, if it were properly carried out, would be • glorious
one. It was a sort of composition of the most efficient
forms of government that had existed from the earliest
ages—a monarchy, which was the most ancient,
controlled by just laws—an aristocracy, of which form of
government the example might be found in the senate, the
lathers, of Athens and of ltome—and a democracy. We
were at present governed in England by an oligarchy, which
the Reform Bill had only extended. The aristocracy m out
country had been able not only to govern the people, but to
control wed rob the sovereign. As an illustrieionl of
this, he referred to the measures passed in the reign of
George 111., by which the crown was deprived of the lands
it hail formerly possessed, and thrown on the industry of the
people for support. lie mentioued also the change which
took plan in the mode of taxation. Up to the time of
Charles 11. there bad been none but direct taxation; but
now there was so much of indirect taxation that the
working men did not know what they paid. However, he
was convinced both by the examples ef America and of
continental states, that universal suffrage would not do He
thought 21 years of age too young ,or the franchise; as a
man had not then sufficient experience. It would be neces-
sary also to have a comprehensive system of secular educa-
tion, that every man might be able to read what came in his
way, and to get information on political subjects. It that
were the case, we should hear of no outbreaks, nor damage
done by violence. He thought the property qualifica-
tion of electors or members • bad one ; hut age, and in-
telligence, and the paying of taxes, were the qualifica-
tions he would substitute. He mentioned with ap-
probatien the constitution introduced in 1812 into
Spain, but suppressed by the clergy and aristocracy,
which made every man a voter at 24 years of
age. Re believed the same wu the case in some of
the German states ; and be was inclined to think it would
be so in France. By that age a young man would perhaps
have a wife and family to open his eyes as to the burthen of
taxation. (Cheers and laughter.) They might laugh ; but
although a man's heart might be warmer when he had a
family, his heed would not be so warm; he would reason be-
fore he acted, and would abstain at least from running into
the dangers of riot or battle. He expressed his approval of
the motion, with the remark that this movement party, if
they would do anything to abolish indirect taxation, were
entitled to the support of working men. After some discus-
sion the meeting sopaestad in good temper.

acne Arts.