The Express.
London, England, 1851-11-25 00:00:00

AGGREGATE PUBLIC MEETING.

At seven o'clock in the evening an aggregate meeting of
the members of freehold land societies was held at the
Moak Ilan, Long-acre. The chair was taken by Mr. Wx.
BCIOLZFIBLD, M.P.
TM CHAIRMAN (in opening the business of the =sat-
in), after briefly sketching the history of these societies,
cautioned the meeting against supposing that the conditions
of the Freehold Land Societies proffer the forty shilling free-
hold as substitute for electoral reform. (Hear.) Those who
juin these societies go for as much or for as litle as they
please. I, for one, and many gentlemen on this platform,
go for very much more than these societies can give. I
will not say how far—for that is not the question now. But
we admit all people, of all political creeds, into these soci-
eties. We never ask what are their political principles.
If n penes thinks that the forty shilling franchise is a
franchise extended far enough, we ask him to take it, and
we are very glad to give it to him. There are others who
may be afraid that we are lowering the franchise. I, however,
do notice how it is possible to lower the franchise below the
depth which the revelations of St. Albans shows as
it bas already reached. (Cheers and laughter.) We have
teething to do with political opinions, however, and all
parties are welcome. Speaking for myself, I may say that
Igo farther than many in this room—perhaps than most.
Bat whether we go • long way or • short way is not the
"motion. It may be that Lord John Russell is about to
introduce a measure that will render our further efforts in
a polit.cal direction unnecessary. Ido not know if that is
M be the caw; I believe that it will not be the case. (Hear,
Mar.) Bet if Lord John Russell does not disappoint us
we will only be in • better position in the reform he brings
forward. (Cheers.) And if he does disappoint us we will
only be in a better position to compel him, or others, to do
that which wo desire, and to which we are tanned.
(Cheers.) In conclusion, the chairman called upon Mr.
Sadleir, M.P., to move the first resolution—explaining that

r. menu. wimplased Arse in corder to enable Wm N esee
London for Ireland that night.
Mr. SADLEIR observed that the resolutions bang
at the conference would no doubt contribute to the
harmonious general working of the Freehold Lad
Societies. One of these resolutions hal been adopted
at his suggestion. It had reference to the great legal im-
pediments which at present obstructed the full and perfect
devt lopment of the principle on which these societies
were based. These laws, instead of developing the re-
sources of the kingdom, hindered and impeded those re-
sources. It had been said against him and those who agreed
with him that their views carried out would effect a danger-
ous and vicious system of subdivision of the ownership of
the soil. lie could not understand this ohjection. Ile was
not proposing any such vicious system as that, prevalent in
some countries, which made a compulsory division of an
estate among all the children of the owner at the owner's
death. That system he regarded as a monstrous error. But
what sound objection could be urged against such a change
in our real property law as would leave it open to the
owners of land at their deaths to make whatever disposal of
their land as they thought most in accordance with
their private or with the public interest ? It
was never argued that it would be dangerous
to encourage a middle class of landowners. But practically
the real property law prohibited such a class. The hard
working man of the working classes could not invest his
savings in land without the mediation of such a society as
this, and he had then to accomplish his purpose by resort-
ing to a legal fiction. Surely, then, the land question—the
question of the law of the land—was at this juncture worthy
of the consideration of statesmen. (Hear, hear.) The con-
dition of the real property law was so monstrous that the
legislature had constantly to put it on one aide. Great
landed proprietors were continually using their influence to
pass special acts of parliament to enable them to do that
which the ordinary law ought to have rendered perfectly
easy and simple for them. Railway companies, obstructed in
the game manner, had to get the legislature to abolish the
reel property law in their cases, in order to enable them to
get to work at all. Again, when a park was established in
the precincts of the metropolis for the public recreation, the
commissioners had to get special powers to allow them to
mortgage the security of the land for the purpose
of raising money for the adornment of the enclosure.
He was a practical man, he spoke with some little ex-
perience of the law expenses of landowners ; and he
could most emphatically declare that he believed that a free
trade in land would, to the landowners, be more than equi-
valent to an as. duty. (Cheers.) Ile trusted that England
and Ireland would be found together in this question ; and
be did not doubt that good would result from the combina-
tion. (Cheer..) In conclusion, Mr. Sadleir moved a re-
solution to the general effect that the meeting had heard
with satisfaction of the progress of the freehold land move-
meet.

Mr. Bailleir

C. LATTIMORE (introduced by the chairman as
an extensive tenant farmer, and as a free trader) seconded
the resolution. The land question was not an agricultu-
rist's question :only. As an agriculturist ho telt that
his interest was identical with the interests of his fellow
countrymen. How was it then that the representatives
of the agriculturists were foiled in opposition in the House
of Commons to the representatives of the towns? Because
of the feudal character of the county franchise. (Hear.)
The opposition between county and borough representatives
was an anomaly ; and the freehold land societies were
doing a goad deal to destroy the anomaly. (Hear, hear.)
The necessity for those societies was apparent. His own
expo told him, the experience of the old men he
talkedto told him, the county maps and histories told him,
that • process hail been going down slowly and surely by
' which all the small estates were swallowed up in the large
estates. (Hear, hear.) There was scarcely a yeoman left
en the lend. The small properties had disappeared. He
agreed with what had been said by Mr. Sadleir as to the
laws which dealt with the land. Be did not know what the
value of the abolition of these restrictive laws would be as
comparedb with • fixed duty. But it was certain that the
are • land of England would in freer circumstances pro-
duce one-third more than it new produced ; and the sooner
it was made to produce that the better. (Cheers,)
Mr. ROGERS, Q.C., supported the resolution.
Mr. COBDEN, M.P., on presenting himself, was rio•
seised with enthusiastic applause. He said—lt same that
we are very likely to realise the fruits of this stows-
mint sooner than I expected, for I am told ht sty (fed
James Taylor that there is more than one division of a
meaty is the vicinity of Birmingham already sada tramthe
datable of the old parties who have ruled thine and that
some an suds. when it may, the efeet of the 40e. free-
hold asosmsot in Birmingham will be disagreeably felt in
these Inesten- (Cheers.) Now, I don't look to the reali-
sation ad thet with the view of gablishiag any partlealar
closigie whisk I have myself at heart. I dos% wont to
that what the member. Freehold Lead
are="4"eiterte to cony oat is the polling booths, will
be tom* that nine I should myself wish, or should pre-
sume to MOW to them. All I want is to see the full effect
of indepsmient seidesupeetod and self-acting bodies of con-
atitusnoisa, in thew auntie. which have hitherto been
nomad end onneeellsdi by oertaia magnates or large pro-
prietors, end where the saws of the soostitueney, •• we all
know, Yam Ist se saws an honest and independent
votes in the &eke of their repreeentatino then
the Amp or tale which they sell in the ter-
ket-pines. I ens pordestly prepared to take my Amu
with that deseription the people of this ecrestey
who see likely to be died to the electoral lists by foinfog
the Tenshold Land Society. (Cheers.) And I eanast enp
pees the it is necessary, In ceder that the tall Mao of tide
anseestent may be felt by the pelitieteas, that yen timid
show that you an in • position le win is maw an she
from, their peeswt political prevision este inlinense mow
ricel myestile ha the Huns stOmmeri It is not meow
eery that yen amid de that att ell. There is • lively
Malkin efiewing isibsesine in this 'swag which will lid
politidens sad parties to shop their awn eeseessmee
with WWI they believe is going ft I. the leadeney air
Wags (Mew) It is like what we reed din the
des et Innis and campaigns with laws* te the use
barmen is wit. An army magma will Ma yen that be he
bees in may battles and that he never saw a bayonet
wasnik and kir this reasso—thesgh the bayonet Is
• very hemidable weapon, it is very rarely :that
the conasaw blasts approach so near to each other as ac-
tually to OM bayonets. There is a sort of moral monitor
is the beemis of sae or ether et them which always tells
than. hie it sense to that. sail is going to win : and
therahne, bears it coma to the `al shock is the battle
Geld or the polling-booth, one side ar the other is nos te
ran away. (Great cheering and langhter4 Now, I boo
seen mai non adthig wasting than 1 have steseiled
this nerriss all Ihe reenee. end I haw been ft may
awe ashy eniiilledemaany needs. than the parent ; bent
I adhere In the &make hot I Mee always with
reseed es ibesiteld nosonment. I et no
proceeding ging as in eneniley se main ts wean
ealittazy effects on the pealed swiss et wear In this
wantry as that selfusppostkos modend eantemiesi
ciple which is intpliod- doelenies et thus irseheld lead
societies • for M net massidnitint we ere enine—
thoagli ;hat is a reser en momolaaL yen are
treating Totals es only way whisk dila file a
people that w ram eicluded dem Lee=Zse te obtain
political power without petitioning sr anybody
else to glee them a vast- Theentine, le • entirely
independent of e Midas perdu, or et the d the majo-
rity either in the cabinet- in the news et Ceases= and
the process by which the
p pee* we eapiring theirreslts
is ea* wiikk briny the ipalart alisemse- to beer teil
an then pare at the rswesenteike eras when we re-
noire the mot rid, and whew we en beast lady te Mask
I nevem, any wry mated rearm ; be I bane it is
generally moaned that whatever may be the awe ins
ester-
blished for Immtiliz measure in esatempletion,
there
will be a kept for counties than for

THE EXPRESS, TUESDAY

boroughs. Now, the 40a. freehold franchise is the lowest
and cheapest of all, because it requires no paying of rates,
no residence either in this hoses se that—you may be in •
garret or in a cellar, you may be • householder or • lodger,
sad not pay purr's WAS or an ether rates--all you have to
do, en the pnaciple of my ftie Taylor's society, is to
save your 201. or 231., purchase • freehold estate with it
(which will pay you a better interest, judging by the ave-
rage of what ham been done, that any other savings bash),
and you have your vote for nothing. (Cheers.) I my,
therefore, that if there be that sturdy iadepsadesas is this
country, and that inherent love of freedom whisk we are
told cants in the hearts of the English people, here fa a
dour open by which admittance might be gained to the
citadel of the °mediation, sad where a man, onor in, may
help to open the door to let in those who can't get Ia at
present. (Cheers.) Now,b,lifrifthing amid aceenementl
to this movement me still the whisk 1
had for it before, it would what I hoard torday In the
conference, with reference to Mr. Sadleir's views as to
adopting the principles of our society with reference
to the laws which relate to landed property in Ireland.
I have been acoustimed la travelling abroad, wherever
I have gone, to ask in the first place what are the
conditions of the tenure of the land of the country, sad I
have always found it • safe tent of the condition of the masa
of the people. If I find a country where the people are in
possession of the land of the oonstry,o find that an educated,
thrifty, painetaking people, with brethought and a desire
to presorts themselves from sinking in be grade of society.
If I find on the other hand that the whole of the land,
as in the papal states, as in parts of Spain, and
in all Russia, is monopolised by large proprietors,
or by the church establishment, or by the crown,
invariably in those countries the groat mass of the people
aro sunk in hopeless, abject misery, careless of all future,
indolent for the present, and without the slightest prospect
of ri.ing in the scale of society. (Hear' heat.) I say,
therefore, let us hail this effort on the part of our Irish
friends to try the effect of the sale to the Irish population
of some of the land which is now being distributed under
the Encumbered Estates Act. (Cheers.) There was a long
discussion this morning in our conference—a discussion
which nearly exhausted the energies of those present—as to
the particular mode of distributing the shares of our free-
hold land societies; and it was decided, after a long debate,
that the prin iple of the ballot should be adopted in the dis-
tribution of the shares of the society. If, then, we have
adopted that principle in the voting of oar society, am I
trenching on the rule which forbids party politics
here if I say that I agree with my friend
Mr. Lattimore entirely that any extension of the
franchise—any contemplated reform which does not
include the ballot as part of it, will, in my opinion, as in
his, be little better than a mockery and a delusion.
(Cheers.) I want the ballot, not merely because it is a safe-
guard for our 40s. freeholders against the influence of their
neighbours, whether great employers, land-owners, or any-
body else; I want it also for the moral effects of the ballot.
(Hear, hear.) When Mr. Grote awned the billet question
16 or 17 years ago, in a way which completely exhausted
the subject so a question of abstract reasoning, he had not
the examples which we have had within the last two or!
three years to show, by practical experience, the high moral
influence of the ballot. Now, we have seen in France and
in other countries (I have seen it myself in Spain) the ballot
going on, where miliions of people vote at en election in
one day, conducted with as much tranquility as your Sun-
day duties are performed when you walk to your parish
churches or your chapels ; and you can't have an election
in England in any dirty little hole like Harwich, but it is
a scene of mad contusion and tumult during the whole
canvass, and ends likely, as it did last time, in the mob
storming the hustings, and nearly running away with the
candidates. (Cheers and laughter.) Now, Ido say, though
I do not presume to speak in the name of the freehold land
societies, that as the members will have a voice in the selec-
tion of candidates for counties, they are fairly entitled to
say, "We generally are not of the richest class that own
our 40s. freeholds, and we think that the ballot, while it
gives you rich men all the protection you want at the Carl-
ton Club and the Reform, at tho India House or the Bank,
at the Wesleyan Conference, and every other place wher-
ever you cant to vote—while it gives you all these privi-
leges in social life which we don't at all wish to deprive you
of, we think, as we have very few opportunities of ballot-
iou, but have adopted it in our owu freehold land societies,
twit it is only fair if you want our support for a candi-
date to represent this county, that you should stipulate,
at all events, that he will come up to one point—and that's
the ballot; and don't deceive yourselves by supposing that
you can reckon us, the Freehold Land Society's members,
in ears or in pou, as being of your party, unless you will
adopt the ballot." (Loud cheers.) I have taken great pains,
by inquiry in different parts of the country, to ascertain
what has been the result of the distribution of pretty nearly
15,000 estates amongst the members already of our freehold
land societies, and I scarcely know an instance in which an
allottee has been disappointed at his purchase ; but I could
mention a great number of estates that have been sold by
the society with which I sin connected where the members
have obtained 10, 20, 30, 50, and in some cases 100 percent.
profit on their allotments. I know instances in which
parties have paid 301. for an estate, and have been offered
V. a year as ground rent for it (Hear.) These may be
extreme eases, and I don't wish to mislead by exaggerating
the prospects of our speculation, but it is gratifying
to know that in all parts of the country, whenever
allotment, have been made, the members are contented and

happy with their purchases—that they have possessed land
in quantities that could not have been obtained by any other
means, and that they have got it cheaper than it could have
been obtained if it had been bought through any other me-
dium thin our society. I have said that this is very much
of a business movement, and that there is not much room
for exciting agitation ; but I wish the gentlemen here pre-
sent who now represent societies from all parts of the king-
dom: for I see gentlemen hero from Darlington, Manches-
ter, Bristol, Southampton, Brighton, Carlisle, and from all
parts ; I wish them to understand that it is necessary that
they should in their several localities exert themselves in
order to diffuse a knowledge of the advantages of their
society. It can't make progress unless they agitate.
Mverybody now is talking about the influence of Cali-
fornian gold on prices. I am not taking that into
consideration. But if the depreciation of the standard con-
sequent upon the increased quantity. of gold should
have the effect of raising the price of any com-
modities, the operation of that principle is most
certain upon those commodities which can't be
increased in quantity. You may by the increase of your
1 circulation stimulate trade and increase the preelection of
yarns and iron wares, or any other commodities the result
of ingenuity and labour ; butyou may dig gold as plentifully
as lead in California or Australia, and you will not add a
single acre or a single square yard to the land that sur-
rounds London, Birminghsm, or Manchester. (Cheers.)
Therefore, if men are looking to that as a probable cease of
the rim of the price of commodities for the future, then
those who purchase the article which we recommend you
to buy and sell, will certainly profit by that change in
preference to anybody else. (Loud cheers.) (am
very glad to have had an opportunity of meeting
my friends upon this occasion. There are many to follow
me; and there is James Taylor, who, I hope, will address
you. Inn only say, that whether hose or elsewhere, he
may always reckon ou my co operation in this movement.
I will do my best to help him, giving hisn the honour of
originating it, and, indeed, giving him the emit, almost'
single-banded, of having sustained it hio a tong time. I I
don't want myself to have any glory, beam, se Seth, in
this movement ; but I say, that it doss downs the support
of all those !People in this country who teanysmit dlimesal
and social elevation of the main of the people, is ado seek
to give them political power.ATlo boa. goadseass ro-
amed his seat amidst unawake applause, seamosaied
with the staving of hats sad agar marks of enthusiasm.)

The resolution was then put sad carried ussaaassuly.
Mr. LOCKE KING, M.P., proposed the moat resolu-
tion, calling upon the unfrenchissi =Micas ia Basked and
Wales to join these societies, and by peustlidsi habits
self denial and economy, to obtaia far tbsesselvm a emus
investment for their savings and a voice in the election d
members of parliament.