The Express.
London, England, 1849-01-27 00:00:00

THE EXPRESS, SATURDAY EVENING, JANUARY 27, 1849.

and bigoted tone. He will not receive
or an address He will hoer nothing. rut=
exsosuasnkatites in answer. And Pius Tax NINTH

aid and gnidanoe which such an income, well
administered, ought to be adequate to provide. But
no degree of labour and vigilance will of themselves
suffice to fulfil the conditions of such a stewardship,
nnanimated by seal and earnestness which lwe shall
not expect from the pecu-law commissioners, until
they manifest an improved and a greatly enlarged
sense of their position and their responsibilities u
guardians and champions of the poor. The head of
the poor-law board must learn to regard himself as
standing in much the same relation to the de.titntion,
the ignorance, and the orphanage of the kingdom,
that the Loan CHANCELLOR doss to the minors and
lunetics whose rights, properties, and interests, are
committed to his charge-. It must become not only
a point of duty with -him, but a point of honour, of
pride, and all but parental solicitude, to use that
none of the helpless beings entrusted to his
=whip, shall suffer from the neglect or the sor-
of any of the persons to whom he is obliged to
depute their tutelage. And a similar spirit, combined
with a wholesome dread of their superior's rebuke,
should pervade his whole establishment, and descend
to the humblest official who is subject to his jurisdic-
tion. 'The inspectors, above all, we should say, as
coming more immediately in contact with the system
in every part of the country, require to have a new
spirit of this kind infused into them. We give every
credit to some of those gentlemen for the activity and
intelligence which they. have displeyed under circum-
stances sufficiently trying. But we repeat that no
amount of industry and ability will suffice without an
improved sense of the relations in which they stand to
the poor. The best methods and the most effective
remedies will never disclose themselve to mere saga-
city, unstimulated by that disinterested zeal which
can only result from a combination of profound sym-
pathy for the poor, with a direct responsibility for
their welfare. _ _

.6 Gaeta is as sake the Plus TEe NINTH of the
Quirinal, as the 18th is unlike the 19th centary. He
is even said to have gone so far, as to undo the policy
of his whole life, and to have besought the intervention
of Austria' specially to resters lim to his authority
and his throne.
All this looks as if the events of 1848 were to be
utterly thrown away for Italy,worse than thrown away
indeed, since the failure of the liberal movement
brings back the Peninsula, not merely to the 'sedi-
tion of 1847, bat to the same stupid and anti-natkmal
oppremion that has weighed upon it for oenteries.
As to the Pope, if he recovers his authority
Austria, he must preserve it through through
and he must enter into the miss stipabdans *Oast
anything like liberal or conslitntitmal
which have always existed between 'Lie au=
Naples. In fact, the whole Peniniula becomes
Austria. And we see nothing left for CHAIM
ALBERT but to abdicate, and recommend' his son and
seesesser to do homage to Austria for Piedmont, on
the emadirkai of being left to rule it in absolute
and proscribe all men and things with the beat
thallttli liberalism.
Oar Peelite contemporary, who is far more bigoted,
absolutist, and reactionary. than the protectionist
organs—indeed, the Morning Chronicle is, at pre-
sent, the moat absolutist journal in Europe—is
quite rejoiced at all these things, and doss
the Ko-too of Chinese obeisance every atom
ing before RADETSEL It has, indeed, but ems
palmate, for European ille, and that is Austrian des-
potism. Austria is its idol. To place Austria with
one foot over Germany, and another over Italy, and
to make its fragile, though gilt image of clay, the
colossus that is to bestride Europe, is the grand prin-
ciple of the foreign policy of a London journal and an
English print in the year 1849. When such are its
views and vows for foreign nations, surely its abetting
of liberal commercial princilkes at home can be no
other than a sham.

Even if the catastrophe at Tooting were not the
most recent poor-law tragedy, we should select it an
a striking example of the calamities which result
from the absence of the spirit we have alluded to.
Here were 1,400 little beings, of that age and c3ndi-
tion which are wont to excite feelings of compassion
in the flintiest hearts, farmed out to a sordid specu-
lator in human miseries, fed upon bill-stickers' paste,
rotten potatoes, and sixteenths of four-pound loaves,
scantily clothed, and pent up in schoolrooms and dor-
mitories insufficient for half their number. Every
farthing a day that was squeezed from the food and
clothing of these famished beings put close upon a
thousand a year into the pocket of their provider.
And what protection bad these children ? What
control was exercised over Mr. DROUET while sub-
jected to so great a temptation ? Virtually none. The
sort of protection derivable from the inspection of the
guardians, may be judged by the string of certificates
from the guardians of the Holborn Union, which Mr.
DROUET produced in his defence. Judged by the
warm language of theme testimonials, the ogre whom
a coroner's jury has pronoanced guilty of man-
slaughter, would be little less than an angel. Well,
this surprises no one it is notorious what a farce in-
spections so conducted can be made. The guardians,
on the other hand, throw the blame on the poor-law
inspector ; and he throws the blame on the law,
which leaves his power undefined, or concedes to him
only the privilege to recommend, when he ought to
have the authority to commat d and remove. We by
no means exonerate the inspector from blame. He
might have had the rooms measured, their cubical
contents, and facilities for ventilation ascertained. He
might have remonstrated with the guardians for send-
ing more children to a place already overcrowded;
whereas he appears rather to have recommended that
step.
The imperfections of the law are undeniable. Bat
then it may be asked, why is the law thus imperfect,
after fifteen years of unremitting official and legisla-
tive experiments? No doubt, the poor-law commis-
sioners have had unpopularity t 3 contend with. But
have they shown the anxiety and perseverance requi-
site to obtain that portion of authority which
was indispensable? They have had so mach con-
trol and authority in matters where it is useless, if not
pernicious, that they have been afraid to ask for more,
where it is necessary to protect the comfort,
and, as it has proved, the lives of the
most helpless portion of the poor. The House
of Commons is not so prejudiced and unreasonable
as to refuse this. Let poor law authorities are
same their proper position, and comport themselves
with due dignity as guardians of the rights of the
poor, and not as mere tighteners of the pulse-strings,
and martinet admonitore of the rich, and parliament
will not dare to refit's any means of redress
and protection against the neglect or stupidity
of individual boards. But of course if they
get additional power in this direction, they must
for their own convenience surrender some portion of
that too minute supervision in unessential matters
which now so largely wastes their time. Tho
system of keeping the local guardians for ever in
leading-strings—a course of itself sufficient to deprive
them of all energy and responsibility—must be aban-
doned ; and the control of the central board directed
mainly to those essentials of sustenance and shelter,
employment, education, and, if possible, regeneration,
in which the rights and interests of the poor are most
deeply involved.

WE do not know a more flagrant act of jobbery
than the forcing out Mr.Wrez from the secretaryship
of the Board of CoLtrol, in order to force in his place
an Euro' ! Is I Lord
-CHIN RUSSELL awake, or hu
he his ears open ? Had he no friend, kind or unkind,
but sincere, to report to him the whisper of parlia-
ment, when the place of Sergeant-at-Arms last year
was conferred ?' We are quite confident that if ever the
smallest echo of the murmurs of the public reached
the ear of the Premier, no more ELLIOTB or 'We-
ems would be added to the list of placemen. It is
quite a monomania, damaging to the government, to
the party, and, in the face of the general cry. against
aristocratic patronage and family influence, is really
dangerous. When Turs's trial is known to have
seriously damaged a dynasty, how can it be supposed
that the small vitality of whiggisin can resist these
damaging instances of nepotism?
Mr. WI/BZ. to be sure, is but an Irk& politician ;
and as Ireland has been reconquered in 1848, there is i
no need of continuing the old policy, of conciliation
to leading men of that country. Mr. WYBE, more-
over, is an Irish whig, who sacrificed his seat to his
whiggism. The present ministry has pretty well
killed that party in Ireland ; of what use, then, pre-
serving any of its stray sheep in office ? Let them be
swept out forthwith.
After all, we do not see that the Irish whigs as
members of the government will be any great loss to
It when turned out. Not but that they are, several of
Mem, very able men. But the English whigs have
beer entrusted their Irish brethren with anything
to do. Mr. SHEIL is at the Mint, without any con-
tra even over the Mint. Mr. WYSE was Secretary
for the Board of Control of the Affairs of India. But
we will be bound to say that he was
never permitted to pen one line, or take one
resolve, relative to the affairs of India. The
Board of Control is, in reality, a sinecure and a job—
a succursal, as the French say, to Leadenhall-street,
Sir lons Hormones, taking his share of patronage,
like a good-natured Cerbertsa u he is, and knowing,
quite u much as he cares, for the politics er the
administration of Hindostan. Two clever men, like
Mr. WYSE and Mr. WiLsos, were certainly too much
for the humbug of Cannon-row. And if Mr. WYSE
was cashiered, we dare say India would have fared no
worse, if that were possible. But why Mr. WYSE
should make way for Mr. ELLIOT is difficult to con-
ceive, unless it is at length found necessary. that
some competent person should be appointed
to control the Secretary of the Board of
Control. If such is the necessity, Sir JOHN
HOBHOUESE might be superseded. Or he might
be aided, as former presidents were, by real working
commissioners, instead of the shami official ones, who
leave the great Mogul " alone in his glory" in Can-
non-row.
But indeed Cannon-row is a house to be set in order
some of them days by a meteore of sweeping reform.
And it would be a pity, perhaps, to remove one
shovelful of its accumulated abuse until the besom
comes in good earnest with some younger radical
reformer than Sir Jolts HOBHOUSE having hold of
the handle.

Amoco the principal MUM to which the unpopu-
larity and imperfect success of the new poor law must
be attributed,:is the false position in which the central
board and its subordinates have found themselves all
along, in consequence of what we may call the inter-
change of their proper functions which took place be-
tween them and the local guardians. The new poor
law was passed, and the gentlemen at Somer-
set-house invested with extensive powers, mainly
with the object of effectually checking the
extravagance to which the abuses of the old law
bad led. The poor-law commissioners came into office,
above all things, as economists; and a powerful and un-
relenting application of the screw was the find merles
which the government and the most influential pieta.
of the community looked for at their hands; a service
which it is impossible to deny that they performed for
along time with much ability, regardless of as
violent a storm of obloquy as ever assailed the con-
duct of an set of men. An exoess of official zeal in
this was perhaps inevitable, as a temporary
arrangement, pending the dilapidation of an old eye-
tem and the organisation of a new one. But there
could not be a greater mistake than to erect the pre-
oedents of a period so utterly exceptional into a
codd of principles for the future guidance of the
board. The guardians and local administrators of
the poor law are so natural the representatives
of the property of their district, and have so
many motives to enforce a rigid economy, that
a relapse on their part into the gross extravagnem
which prevailed under the old law would be very
unlikely, even if the central board had not tied bate
bands so securely as it he If such instances often
the board has most ample and ready means of coffee-I
tion at its disposal. Meantime it has also most
exalted and imperative functions to perform, which,
now that a new system of management is being in-
augurated, it would be melancholy if they neglected,
or contemned in their too assiduous adherence to the
precedents their predecessors have bequeathed them.
If they were assembled at Somerset Homo for no
other and no better purpose than to audit the accounts
of the unions, ensure • certain uniformity in
t the working of the poor-law, and reprove the
..s i
guardians who dared to make little of their ordinances,
othe nation would soon get tired of them, and manage
-6 to do without them. The only sure basis of perme-
o ;lent exicitenoo or extended usefulness far the office
which they fill, is a recognition of the true object for
which such a central control is needed—and that is
not to superintend the economies and curb the seldom
too charitable humours of the rich and comfortable—
...
those classes have always, and will to the end of time,
."8 manage to take care of themselves—it is not ea pro-
... tectors and stewards of the rich, but as protection and
• advocates of the poor, that the main solicitude and the
"' most powerful interposition of poor-law toomaidmion-
...
-,, en and inspectors will always require to be exuded.
We can scarcely be suspected of the wish Wort
door toanyetravagance in any department of our legal
or general expenditure. A week has not eloped
-9 since we demanded increased publicity in the ads.
amounts. Bat levying money is one this f, and 141.-
1 lug it out is another. The seven minim dean Si
4 pow rate annually levied on the people we balms to
3 be fully adequate for all, and more than all, the logi-
n
timate purposes to which each a fund could be ap
° plied. ut we do not believe that due economy will
ever be practised, and that enormous sum judiciously
::: laid out, until the commissioners and inspectors adopt
••• the principle we have enunciated above, administer-
::: ing the poor rates as the estate of tbe poor, and real-
ising therefrom, for the benefit of the destitute, the
;Mr ignorant, and the infirm, the out amount of