The Express.
London, England, 1848-06-19 00:00:00

Zfte Orprms.

MAILS.
The overland malls for Gibraltar, Malta, Greece, the 'lonian Islands,
Egypt, Aden, Ceylon, India, Hoag-Kong, and China, rid Southamp-
ton, will be made upon the morning of the 20th June.
The West India Mails, including Bermuda, Nassau Mamma,
Honduras, New Grimm, Vera Cruz, Tampico, and Port:, Rico, and
excluding thole for
estde !amyl, Csrthagene, Yenta Martha,
Quires, Panama, W Coast of South Americas, and St. Juan-de-
Nicaragua, will be made up on the morning of the 2lst June.
The mulls for British North America, and the United States,
will be made up es the evening of the 277 d June.
The overhaul chord mails, rut Marseilles, to the Mediterranean,
Egypt, Aden, (Myles. India, lioag-Song, he., will be made Up On the
evening of the 24th June.
7ho mails for Vigo, Oporto, Lisbon, Madeira, Cad* and Gibraltar
will be made up on the morning of (hi, 27th June.
' The mail. for New South Wales, Van Diemen% Lend, and New
Zealand will be made op oar the evening of the 10th June.
The male for the Wet Gout of Africa and Madeins will be made
op ow the evening of the 20th June.
The mails fur the Emile, the hirer I•late, Monte Video, Pernam-
buco• Bahia, Madeira, and Buenos Ayreo, will be made up on the
evening of the 4th July.

NOTICE TO ADVERTISERS.
The number of STAMPS issued by the authorities of the
Stamp•ofhce, during 1847, to the
DAILY NEWS was 3.447.009
This, we believe, is within eight per cent of the number
issued to the Morning Herald, Morning Chronicle, an:
Nursing Poet, ALL CUT TOORTHiIt.
In addition to the above, issued to the DAILY NEWS,
Morning Paper, there were issued for the EVtaltil Edition,
THE EXPRESS 778.714
Which wee more, we believe, than wets issued either to
the Globe or Standard, Evening Papers.

TO CORREiPONDENTA.
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num •►TER ►T LONDON 1111001.
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LONDON. MONDAY. JUNE 19.
IT is astonishing how Jamaica and its sister islands
of the west are turning out to be little Irelands in
their way, making moans as piteous, blended with
menaces as extravagant—confessing ruin, and fling-
ing the blame of all that ruin upon England. The
landlord race of the islands on each side of the Atlantic
are manifestly brethren in feeling, interests, and posi-
tion ; both absentees, living sumptuously on the sweat
of the hard-worked serf, or rather upon the credit of
what that sweat orce produced, yet with no hold
on the hamming population, no power of managing,
or employing them, except as slaves, or as something
akin to them. Mortgaged to the utmost limit of their re-
venues, they have absorbed and expended all the capi-
tal which industry had accumulated in the country or
connected with it, both iutereets—the moneyed and
the landed—becoming thus embarked in the one
leaky boat, and unable to aid each other, both joining
in clamour to every saint, government, or party, to
help them.
Seine years back, the parliament of England,
moved by a chr:etian spirit, felt more commiseration
for the oppressed negro than it has felt.for the pauper
Irishman. The word dare in the one case grated on
the ear ; the thing, indt:genee, seemed irremediable,
and somewhat culpable in the other case. England
emancipated the West Indian negro. Emancipation
there meant giving a plot of ground, with
liberty to till it and feed himself, in corn-
partitive independence of the will of the
landlord and magisterial class. Supposing that
parliament had done the same for the pour Irish,
that is, effected the sa:ne thing—the same result—
in that case, Pantie would have luxuriated amidst
his plot of oats and potatoes, and refused to lend his
sweat and shoulders, except at very tempting
wages, to the producer of wheat and flour, turnips
and cattle, for the English market. Ren's would
certainly be low, mortgagees ill-paid, and exports
would dwindle; the superfluities of the upper
class would have been sacrificed to the freedom
and subsistence of the lower.
The landlords of Ireland would in that case have
come to parliament and government with precisely
the same supplications as the West India planters.
They would say, or they might say, to kngland,
" pray re-establish your cora-laws, in order that we
may have higher prices ; but they higher prices are
not sufficient unless we have the means of going
to market for them. We want capital and
we want labour. Send us a few millions
for the one, sad as to the other, pass for us
a stringent law against vagrancy and squatting,
which shall prohibi the Irish peasant from cultivat-
ing his own plot of ground, and shall force him to
work for the latallore ; whilst, at the same time, to
bring wages to a minimum, you must aid us to import
some hundreds of thousands of poor devils of Poles or
Germans, accustomed to live on little or nothing.
And in this way we promise to bring back the Irish
peasant to his old state of misery, and the Irish land-
' lord to the palmy days of absenteeism and high
rent."
The picture might be much more highly charged.
The men. item of having given 20 millions sterling to
the Irish landlord in order to induce him to give free-
dom and a potato-garden to his serf is alone an im-
portant one. Taking this also into consideration, what
' are we to say, not of the justice of West India claims,
but of our madness in fostering, in admitting, in
tempting, them to make such ?
But neither parliament nor government have suffi—
cient perception of the monstrosity of West Indian
demands, because they have been all along tampering
with their interest, indulging in theories, expressing
hopes, and building legislative measures upon those
hopes, and, whenever those hopes were found to err,
going back to rem dy what is mom diable. Let us
suppose parliament to listen to the manufacturing in-
terest in the matter of the Ten Hours Bill, as it has
done to the West Indian with respect to the come quences
of emancipation—suppose that one act of humanity
proves as mistaken as the other, that it cripples
equally the capacity of competing with foreign
manufacturers. Is parliament prepared to pay indem-
nity to the manufacturer, or is it to go on vacillating and
paltering with the condition of the English operatives
as it is about to do with the West Indian negro? Let
parliament bntrare, and in its dealing and interfering
with private interests let there be at least some
wisdom, some surety, :some finality; for if the time
of parliament be occupied in merely undoing and un-
saying one year the deeds and words of the year be-
fore people will pray at length to be delivered from
parliamentary uncertainty.
Not a doubt but that the West Indians have been
deceived. They were toid that after emancipation
free labour would soon enable them to compete with
slave labour. It could only do so by means of capital
employed in machinery and improvements. The
capital given them was not so employed ; and we are
still a-king the same old question, not having made
the least progress in solving it. Ministers believe, or
effect to believe, in the success of free labour in the
West Indies. We must own we have our doubts on
the subject, unless, indeed, the great reliance of the
Times be verified. That journal, which has such
a horror of revolutions in Europe, hails such
catastrophes in America, and looks for the salvation
of Jamaica, in the speedy assimilation of Cuba
and Brazil to St. Domingo. The arguments of the
7 imes recommend the grant of the half million, and
the suspension of the decline of protecting duty, as a
kind of temporary prep to support our West Indies till
such time as a negro insurrection shall leave the
plantations of Cuba and the Brazds uncultivated.
The idea of legislating on such a contingency as
this is, however, too absurd. It is trusting to one's
favourite saiut or to the chapter of accidents for pre-
servation from a fate, that no wisdom or precaution can
prevent. Ministers themselves seem to despair of
effectually aiding the West Indian interest, still they
give them half a million, and they defer the abrogation
of protecting duties; they moreover give promises of
increased immigration, utterly inefficient to save the
West Indies, if they are sinking, but quite sufficient
to damage materially the great principle of free trade.

THE sectarian character of the late movement in
Ireland is no longer capable of dispute or question.
Hitherto an attempt has been always made to give a
national aspect to Repeal. A hundred times we were
assured that the orangemcn were " coating round"