The Express.
London, England, 1849-12-13 00:00:00

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LONDON, THURSDAY, DECEMBER 13.

Matesterza evidently is in no great alarm.
Though the world is big with rumours of protec-
tionist triumphs and even whig reaction, the men
ef Manchester do not believe the peril.
Dmitsau and his million of tenant farmers do not
roupeothem. The whisper that the stoat hearts of
are failing, has no contagion for them
Mr. Yoram's statistic missiles seem not to have
reached them. We never saw men more blithe,
more confident, more sanguine.
It we have faults to find, indeed, with the men and
the members for Manchester, it is that they are too
tymist, too congratulatory, too ready to assume that
shall have the world their own way. We be-
lieve indeed as fully as they, that their principles will
triumph and the great muse continue to prevail. We
perceive, however, more storms a-head than they are
able to descry, more danger than they are willing to
admit, and consequently the necessity of more efforts
than they seem immedistely prepared to make.
Mr. MILNER GIBSON, for example, mekes very
light of the existence, either in the present or the
future, of a protectionist majority in parliament. He
thinks as satisfactorily of the present House et Com-
mons as Mr. DISRAELI does. and searcely desires or
hopes to see a better. Both aaree in estimating that
there is a hrge aristocrafc majority opposed to the
best rights and interests of the people, and ready to
resist, whenever it durst, the ci.eapnesi of the loaf and
the extension of the franchise. Mr. GIBSON counts that
their fears will make them wise; but Mr. DtsnAtu
sees a chance, that their losses will so make them
smart, that the suggestions of an empty purse may
prevail over those of pJlitical prudence, and that pro-
tection may resuscitate, just sa corn was made free,

Ina panic.
We must confess that this appears to us a very un-
satisfactory state of things. It is the enjoyment of
oar dearest boons and most cherished rights on a
kind of sufferance. It is petting the people
In possession of what they have struggled
for, more as a kind of holiday privilege, than an in-
alienable possession. And, indeed, we object to the
whole theory of public opinion being so paramount
and so irresistible, that it is very little matter how
aristocratic the government, or the parliament, or the
Lords may be, seeing that they always yield to a
sufficient quantity cf pressure, and are always opts
to the ;peat argument of popular intimidation.
The system of working the state, like a steam
engine, by a powerful oscillating motion, by a
popular propulsion forward and then an aristocratic
repulsion backward, appears to as as pernicious is
Orration,asdangeroasinfinalresult&Withthestrength
of a flood it certainly dote force open the sluice-gates
of the constitution, to carry great measures and to
necessary reforms; but it allows these gates to be
closed, immediately after the first rush, against all
those smaller requirements acd measures, so necessary
to complete the great one. Take, for instance,
the example of the Reform Bill. And now that
the great questions of free trade, corn, and eager,
and ships, have been allowed to pale, that aria-
basilic phalanx which opened to let them pass, can
any day reknit.their order and recluse their ranks, to
tell you, as soon as they thirst do so, that the great
experiment has failed, and that English trade and
itnitgeieh men must return to their old state et
The efforts of the great liberal party mast
therefore, we are of opinion, be directed sea say
to the defence of free trade, to the wpm, end
correction of administrative and financial abuses,
bat also to the still greater aim of placing the legis-
lator, of the country in connexion and harmony,
rather than in antagonism with popular opinion.
bleating. Giesos sees well done by intimidation
operat upon parliament, we would see done by a
hirer and mote direct system of representatics.
And instead of panegyrising the consti•ution as •
felicitousjuggle, we would strive to make it as Vest
representation of the country's interests and ideas.
Two speakers at the Manchester din; sr fully en-
tered upon this. We allude to those of Mr. BRIGHT and
Mr. Fox. Mr. BRIGHT, however, seemed to think
that it was only in C 409 of the aristocracy re-enacting
the corn laws, that the public would be induced stre-
nuous:y and seriously to call in question their right
to pack the Hose of Commons exclusively in
their own interest. We dare my that Mr.
BRIGHT spoke truly, and that he was per-
fectly right in repret.enting some reactionary mea-
sure on the part of tones, as requisite to arouse the
people of England to exertion. If this be so, we
can only repeat that semi-jocose, semi-serious,but all-
sensible observaiion of Mr. COBDEN, since made the
theme of so many diatribes, that he was almost cony
that the corn-laws had been repealed so soon, for
with a little more obstinacy on the part of the land-
lords, we should have wrested from them not only the
repeal of the corn-laws, but of the power even to
menace their resuscitation.
There is one portion of Mr. GIBBON'S speech
which we cannot well pass over, especially as we re-
cognised in it so much of our own information, and
so many of our own ideas. Mr. 011330 N, in recapitu-
lating some of the moat startling abuses and waiver-
sations in the department of the Woods and Forests,
spoke of the crown lands as capable of being
turned into a large and fertile source of revenue,
fully equal to compensate, in addition to other
economies of expenditure, for the repeal of the
most odious and onerous of the excise duties, such as
the taxes on soap and cleanliness, on paper or psi-di-
cky, on advertisements, that is, on the humblest
wants of the commercial public. We must return
thanks to Mr. Chaos for this practical portion of his
speech, although we think he might have wound up
his hour of oratory on the subject of crown lands and
soap, made up from the columns of the Express,
by a moral more appropriate and lair than a oomph-
mat to the Morning Chronicle.

TEE government undoubtedly did right in issuing
e new Charity Commission : which, however, we re-
gard u but a temporary measure. Deriving its
authority, not from parliament but from the crown
alone, those whl act under it have no power to com-
pel the rectification or even the discovery of abuses.
They must therefore be thankful for comparatively
small mercies in the way of infermation. IVe have
assisted these gentlemen now and then by di-
recting their attention to some instances of flagrant
iniquity investigated by the former commissioners,
but remaining still undressed. "It is nee wary,"
said Lord Chancellor ELDON, " to have it perfectly
understood that charity estates all over the kingdom
dealt with in a manner amounting to the
direct breach of trust." As a sample,
take the case of the Meer Hos

Lincolnshire; an hospital established
d years ago, in the reign of HENRY IH.,
with the Hone of Commons ; but never-
distinct and as rational in its objects as if it
erected in our own time. The founder,
e HOPPELL, settled it for the becefit c f cer•
brethren, who, with an attendant functionary,
chaplain-warden, were to be maintained at
board as inmates of the hospital. It was a
emphatically foe the poor. The ehap!ain-
not an object but an instrument of the
bounty. By the charter or deed
the patronage of this ancient este-
was vested in to Bishop of LINCOLN;
declaration that if the see should at any
.e vacant, the right of nomination should there-
belong to the dean and chapter. The bishop,
- was constituted visitor of the foundation.
chief reliacee of the pious bentfectur
- reposed in the dean and chapter, whom,
solemnity, he " implores, in the name of

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