The Express.
London, England, 1853-07-04 00:00:00

ghe erpreso.

• NNW lefties W. The Eapreek• tie seas swabs%
OliSe.;•." IN published every Tumidly aid •a t, • thee
•Ow PM-
tvettisenesta Wended "n• Expries," Wales Meals, paps;
arta w s• Uri Ofics, ICI, Bouvera•-•••••, h Two Weisel; es the
My a pairaber

HIGH WATER AT LONDON BETDOE.
Tau Drs-111sming. Ob 36 . web. Ob. 511 ab
To.iscsaaw—Monuag. 11. Ma. .Aft. rases. 13. Oa

LONDON, MONDAY, JULY 4.

IT set ins the die is cast, and Russia has at length
resolved to put to the proof the value of Europe's
diplomatic declarations that the faith of treaties
and the integrity of the weaker states must
be maintained. For some time it has been evi-
dent that at the Court of St. Petersburg these decla-
rations were to a grant extent practically disbelieved,
Nor has this incredulity been without reason. From
the day when the suggestion of a quadruple inter-
mediation of the other great powers under the form
of their " good offices " was peremptorily rejected by
the C7IR, the adherence of Austria to the policy of
international right and justice has notoriously become
more and more doubtful ; while as regards the stabi-
lity of Prussia's first resolve to act with cordiality
and energy equal to the necessities of the occasion,
certain misgivings have been supposed to prevail.
What is still more important, the unity of counsels
between England and France, and their ultimate
determination to act with vigour should the public
peace be vitiated, bas from the outset been discredited
at St. Petersburg. Differences were said to exist as
to the course to be pursued in certain even-
tualities not only between the two Governments,
but between members of the respective Cabinets
of London and of Paris. It was said without dis-
guise, that Russia had her partisans in both; and
that no decisive measures could be taken in either
country without breaking up the existing Adminis-
tration. M. Fot•t.o was said to be irreconcileably
opposed to any step being taken which would imply
that France considered the military occupation of
the Principalities as a declaration of war; and
the adoption of any such measure would,
it was declared, be certainly followed by the
resignation of the Finance Minister. In like manner
it was confidently asserted that the Head of the
English Cabinet, and more than one of its other
members, had reluctantly assented throughout to the
part which the British ambassador at Constantinople
had been instructed to take in counselling the Porte
to resist the demands of Russia; and that these
statesmen, however willing to sanction any formal
protest against the invasion of Moldavia, would iv-
fuse at the last moment to redeem the promises of
effective support which the QUEEN'S representative
had been authorised to give the SULTAN.
It is impossible to disguise from ourselves the
conviction that, however originating, these impres-
sions hale contributed to decide the Emperor
NICHOLAS in the course which he has now irrevo-
cably taken. There seems every ground fur be-
lieving that orders to cross the frontier stream
were despatched on the :sth of June to the
camp already formed on the banks of that
river, and tLe calculation now is that the
Pruth may be crossed by the 6th inst.
The war of spoliation may be expected to com-
mence this week. It now remains, therefore, to be
seen how far Count NESSELHODE and his colleagues
have been justified in their doubts of the consis-
tency and courage of the allies. And it is possible
that, upon receipt of the intelligence that the funds de-
clined both in London and Paris at the first rattle of
the Czan's sword in its scabbard,and that on Saturday
last the English Cabinet sat for the unusual period of
four hours, the bureaucratic politicians of a semi-bar-
barous state like Muscovy may flatter themselves
with the persuasion that by dint of bullying and
lying, they have scared the peace and freedom-loving
nations of the west out of all that is due to their own
self-respect, and all that is required by the foresight
of self-preservation. Such politicians are, perhaps,
incapable of realising the essential difference
between the condition of a state where Public
Opinion exists, and the public press affords
it

a state in which the mos
of the community are condemned to serfdom s eine
an educated middle-class is not to be found; wirill
public discussion is • phrase without • masker
where the knowledge of public affairs is rigorously
limited to a privileged few, sensual, servile, sad ma-
principled. The sovereign of boors and comacks, ard
the most astute and wily ministers of that sovireigre
may naturally suppose, when they have red as
English or a French despatch, full of civil words sad
cautious expostulations, that they have to deal
eak with governments like their own, and that if
erg can outwit them, set them by the ears, or brow-
beat them into indecisiou, they have pined their
end. They do not know, nor can they understand.
that as both aides of the narrow channel that di-
vides. bat doss not dissociate, the two vatted as.
tinge of Europe,—England and France,—Puldis

°plaice is supreme; that its power is above
all other powers ; Its jurisdiction appellate from
all other authorities; its will paramount to all
other wills, whether of individuals, cliques, or
factions, whether of ministries or dynasties. Public
Opinion in highly civilised countries is frequently
forbearing in the expression of its deepest thoughts,
almost Indolent in the utterance of its ultimate
sesolra. It hates—and naturally and wisely hates
—to talk of war because it abhors violence, and is
unwilling to believe in the painful necessity of re-
pelling force by keep; bat Public Opinion in France
and England is wise enough to know that the civili-
sation and peace of Europe absolutely depend
upon the rigid maintenance of the rule that ruffianism
is never to be allowed to paw with impunity, and
that violence, by whomsoever committed, wantonly
sad wilfully, must never be trifled with, or be re-
garded with toleration.
Ibis deep conviction would, under any circum-
stances, render it impossible for any government in
France or England to remain passive in pre-
sence of such an outrage as that Which Ramie
is about to consummate against the integrity of the
Ottoman Empire. But, as the case actually stands,
the public sense of national honour, deeply pledged
for the preservation of Turkey, puts hesitation out
of tho question. The Porte refused Prince MEN-
(*UMW i's demands confessedly and notoriously by
the advice of Lord STRATFORD and M. DE LA COUR,
and in reliance on the assurances of both that
England and France would never consent to any
further encroachments of Russia—any national bur-
glsry—on either side of the Danube. That encroach-
ment is now about to be made. Will it be
repelled and punished?

SOrIFTT admires Ragged Schas ezcept for the
name)—and leaves them to take care of themselves.
And in this course of conduct government imitates
society, we regret to say. The replyof the Committee
of Council on Education to an application on behalf
of Ragged Schools ought to be placed before the
public, that the public may take their own measures
for protecting themselves from the peril that must
ensue when theme "perishing" become " dangerous"
cisme& The whole case ought to be anderstood by