The Express.
London, England, 1848-11-13 00:00:00

THE EXPRESS, MONDAY EVENING, NOVEMBER 13, 1848.

bishop is powssiese to amid any help. became the
coon punned is Ma illreistrmed by say positive
eseetment. Nook *Won and remedial authority
loreOt te mit ihse ewe or below—in the bishop
sr Ue esegregetiea.
TM very name want of restorative power In the
Aniline Agate le visible, where, perhaps, the defect
le met memilhat. via., in republics, America. At this
seem* the whole of the emeeepahass of the diocese
of New York are derived-of are miniatrations of a
bishop§ bowie their own bishop has been suspended
for immoral practices, and the authorities who have
swormisi him have no means of supplying the dell-
=ieeimeasioned by their own act. Th. laity and
nasurbers of the clergy are crying out for
gimp' gareiateefiesee, and the heads of the church
reply, "we mast help you." "The whole spirit d
the episcopal institatien leas evaporated amongst yes,
we comfbes, but you mut be the sufferers; we have
acted awarding to the letter of the law, and then is
no remedy tor oar acts."
The same immovability as to external regulations
is viable in every important feature of the wor
of the search at home. At this mom-nt the loudest
cry eseingst the members of the church is for
" aura extension," the loudest lamentation is that
over the want of funds. And yet a person who counts
the steeples of the city, churches from the top of St.
Paul's might divide the number by ten, and thereby
obtain an account of the churches where there were
actual congregations! The great majority of the
clergymen in the City are paid for doing nothing, vast
sums are expended forwhich no services are returned,
and yet the cry is that the church wants funds. The
church, however, has no power to apply a remedy here.
What is done carnet be undone. We may reform a
rotten borough which has lost its burghers by lapse
of time ; but there is no reforming a rotten parish
which is deprived of parishioners. Again, there are
the large sums paid to the lecturers who preach to no
congregations. We could point to one church, not
many miles from Guildhall, in which there are as
many as five lecturers appointed who preach to con-
gregations varying in number from five to thirteen !
The church is powerless to avail herself of the funds
appointed for these lectures, although it is but a few
years back that there were 60,000 persons in Bethnal-
green who had no clergyman or church accommoda-
tion appointed for them.
These are but a few examples of the crying evil of
the church, the want of any expansive power from
'within to adapt itself to the varying condition of the
icountry : the professed inability to retrace a false
step or remodel ancient customs. If the same imp.
Itence had been manifested in the other professions,
the military at the Horse Guards would be doing
duty with lance, and buckler, and crossbow, and the
surgeons would be healing the wounds of the said
military with tho cautery. These professions have,
however, acted up to the spirit of the times, and have
preserved their station: the church must do the same,
or she real fall in spite of her wealth, her association
with the national traditions, and her position, which
is still strong, in spite of all short-comings from
within and attacks from without.

Tne wisdom of threes who execrate all liberal par-
ties, who exult in the triumph of despotic courts over
constitutions, and in the substitution of military for
civilian government, has just been amusingly exem-
plified in the case of Spain.
The Times has been all along lavishing its praise
and support upon NARVAEZ. as it does, indeed, upon
all statesmen with moustachios, who tread liberal par-
ties and ideas under their boot-heel. NARVAEZ was
represented by it as the only man to govern Spain.
ESI'ARTERO was a ninny ; the constitution a humbug.
All the force of Spain was said to be concentrated in
its army ; all its virtues in MARIA CHRISTINA ; and
order and good government could only be preserved
by grape-shot and proscription.
Well, this base system has triumphed. Not a
liberal has been left in freedom. Some are in Spanish
dungeons, and some, thanks to the strange com-
plicity of M. BASTIDE, are in French dungeons. Press,
Cortes, constitution, all have vanished. Nor do we
learn tidings whatever from Spam' except of the Car-
list bands which traverse it, and fill it from one end
to the other with bloodshed and strife, the citizen be-
ing determined to look on, in utter indifference as to
whether ISABELLA or MONTEMOLIN may reign, or
whether NARVAEZ or CABRERA be his executioner.
But the state of admiration in which our tones
regarded this military repine, has been dis-
turbed by tidings, that Nsaysiz and MARIA
etmtirrms were making use of their abso-
lute power and opportunity to sell Cuba to the
United States. Nothing could be so natural or so
probable. Never has the policy or intrigues of those
two individuals had any higher aim than a job.
What is there that MARIA CHRISTINA would not I
send to market, or put in pawn? LOUIS Pliturrx,
when he reigned, was her great chapman ; that she
pawned to kiln the crown and the liberties of Spain, is
clear enough. Bat Louts PHILIPPE having best de-
dared a bankrupt, MARIA CHRISTINA has been
obliged to look elsewhere, and accordingly she has I
brought one of the precious jewels of the crown, Cubs,
for male to Mr. POLK'S shop in Washington. She
will, no doubt, pocket the millions, NARVAEZ will
have his share, and Cuba will become a Mate of the
union.
And on whom does the Times lay the blame of this
turpitude, perpetrated by its Spanish protlyes? Why,
upon poor lard PALMERSTON. The great crime of
Lord PALMERSTON, in the eyes of the Times, is to
have mistrusted from the first these same vendors of
Cuba, to have in his own despatches and through the
efforts of his envoys, persisted In recommending a
constitutional not an absolutist rule, and at least the
adjunction of liberal men to the ministry, instead of
making them a mere court and military coterie. The
true check upon the cupidity and folly of such a court
as that of Spain, upon its financiers and generals, was,
in the opinion of Lord PALMERSTON, the Cortes. Had
Lord PALMERSTON'S and Sir H. Butcca's advice
been followed, a liberal Cortes would now have been
sitting, and we should not have seen CABRERA de-
livering pitched battles to the QUEEN'S forces in
Arragon ; neither could we have a Queen-Mother
and a military President of the Council bargaining
for the sale of Cuba to the Americans. But Lard
PALMERSTON'S advice was, of course, very unpalat-
able to General NARVAEZ. It would, in the first
place, have deprived him of the lucrative, prospective
speculation of selling Cuba; and we are now less ear-
prised than ever that he seized the first pretext for
sending Sir H. BULWER out of his way.
The Times, however, argues that it was very
wrong policy of Lord PALMERSTON and Sir HENRY
Butwen to recommend constitutional and liberal
government. The English envoy ought, according to
the Times, to have flung the liberal party overboard,
and to have chimed in with NARVAEZ and flattered
him, given the countenance of the British government
to his schemes and system of military rule, by this base-
ness have ingratiated himself with the ruling power,
and thus, by enlisting himself as one of that corrupt
and tyrannical court, have had more influence to pre-
vent the sale of so important a portion of the
dominions of Spain. The Times, however, forgets
that there is no going half way with each tilers as
NARVAEZ. To have any interest with a Spanish un-
constitutional court, an envoy must go along with its
whole policy and cupidity, and do as the French
envoys did in the Spanish marriages—take a share at
once in the disgrace and in the millions, which were
the price of the Queen's happiness and the transfer-
ence of the dynasty.
For oar part, we congratulate this country upon
having no interest or influence in such courts
as that of Madrid. The great fault of our
government, indeed, has been, and is, to look and
to strive too much after such interest and such in-
fluence, instead of holding aloof in dignified indif-
ference, and refusing in any way to mingle ourselves
up with courts, dynasties, or parties. We have un-
fortunately got entangled in Spanish and Portuguese
politics, have guaranteed Inoue and imported con-
stitutions. To extricate ourselves from such tram-
mels ought to be our first duty, and we ought to be
much obliged to NARVAEZ far having given us the
opportunity to cut off all connexion with the Spanish
court. Sir H. BULWER% only excuse for ever giving
advice was, that the Spanish government asked him for
it. And had not the documents and the inquiries into
these matters folly proved to the satisfaction of all
parties that Sir H. BULWER had not interfered, we
should have been the first to condemn him.
As it is, we may regret that he took the trouble to
give constitutional advice to parties, who look upon
the possession of a power as a mere mine to extract
gold from, no mater in what shape. But recommen-
dations, such as those of the Times, which would have
our envoy not only refrain from protesting on be-
half of constitutional government, but actually join in

the tarpitade of a tyrannic and corrupt Gout, and
sanction military rule in order to have influence with
the dictator that wielded it--this is policy so lose,
these are counsels so disgusting and dishonourable,
that we did not think an English mouth could be
found to atter such, or an English writer to sanction

WeWe liberals are most anxious to enforce the law of
non-intreference even on behalf of liberal aims. But
in doing so, sad at no small secrifice of feeling, we
must at the same time take care that non-interference
for liberalism be not converted into a reinforcement
for absolutism ; and that our envoys, forbidden to
compromise themselves even for a constitutional cause.
shall not thereby be convertei into pimpi_! and panders
for snob personae' all CHILIBTIPIA and NAIVAEZ.

FRANCE.
PARIS, SATURDAY, 5.30 P.M.
The long-expected manifesto of General Cavaignac
appeared in the Munit eur of last evening. The form
given to it is that of a circular addressed to all the
civil and military functionaries. his u follows :
ss Cittreete,—The National Assembly, by a definitive
vote, has just completed the important work undertaken and
pursued by it with so much persevering end scrupulous
energy. The republican omstitution is voted, and its pro-
mulgation will convey to the people the knowledge of the
text of the fundamental law which is in future to govern
their destinies. In so important a conjuncture, and called
upon as you ere to 00-operate according to your functions
in this solemn measure, I have been desirous, by an excep-
tire, which the gravity of the circumstance will explain, to
place myself in direct relation with you, and to tell you
what new guaran,ees, what new torte the constitution will
give to your authority. From the month of February up
to the present day the principle alone was proclaimed, hut
the law, the written rule, which is the final consecration • fit,
was wanting to the principle. Hence inuoluiloo, perse-
vering hostility, and exclusive pretensions, and finally, the
wild and insensate projects of a small number.
The revolution not being defined, audacious minds
took ee pe, and because a necessary interval of
time was to elapse between the destruction of the
monarchical and the construction of the republi-
can edifice, it seemed as if all was to be done anew,
and that nothing of existing society was to be preserved.
These fatal theories could only produce bitter fruit, and you
know what terrible responsibility falls on them for the acts
'of sacrilegious preparation or savage aggression, which,
under a borrowed flag, attacked all that is most respected.
most sacred, and most vital, in human society. These de-
plorable crises cause to you and to us serious difficulties, and
when you had to oppose them you triumphed lees by the
force which would have been given to you by • written law
than by the iuspizations of en enlightened coessiseas, as ea-
limited devotedness to your duties towards the satioa and
the whole of society. A powerful and irresistible weapon is
about to be added to those which you already posussed.
The constitution is made, and henceforth the revolution is
defined in its organisation and in its law, and whoever, riming
against the new law, should pretend to demand from the re
volutiort which has been accomplished the discharge of any
imaginary debts, will most justly incur the severities ot the
law. The fundamental political law has placed itself by the
side of the eternal law of order and stability, which is the
netteasary condition of all human society, Both are hence-
forth inseparable. The existence of the republic is indis-
solubly connected with the maintenance of good political and
sorgoil order. The republic without good order, good order
without the republic, are henceforth two facts equally impos-
sible; and he who should pretend to separate them, or to
sacrifice one to the other, is a dangerous citizen, condemned 1
by reason and rejected by the country. Endeavour to be
imbued with these ideas, and to cause them to penetrate into
the minds of those who assist or surround you. Founded '
on the great principle of universal suffrage, such as it is
defined and determined in its application by the constitu-
tion of the republic, the constitution leaves ell liberty of
discussion, and takes away all pretext for iuurrees
tine and revolt. For, by what right can the vote
which could not prevail by law be made to pro/ail by vio-
lence ? And, on the other hand, in presence of this incessant ap-
plication of universal suffrage, what is the authority which
could attempt to corrupt the e xprenion of it ? Universal suffrage
is the entire revolution; all the other principles no Weiler
present themselves bet as consequences. In the first rank
of these consequences you all place that which consists in
maintaining the government under the action and inviolable
respect of the majority. in the sew state of things which
the constitution is about to create for the republic, to forget
these principles would be on the part of all a grave fault, and
a crime • n the part of any man, who, invested with an au-
thority of any kind, should thus dispute the very source and
basis of this authority. The first result, the first danger of
such an error, would be the destruction of the police itself
whose origin should have been rejected, and whose value and
signification should have been misunderstood. Drawn up'
in conflict, if we may so express it, with the
subversive theories which attack property Red society
(la finnilk), and the ponsible and salutary conditions
of labonr, the constitution bad nothing to add to the
power of the eternal principles upon which these rights re-
p se ; it limited itself to recording, acknowledging, ai.d con-
secrating them bye solemn declaration. Its text, therefore,
would add nothing to your duties in this respect. Every
period has its dangers and its errors. Yen know these errors
and the dangers of our epoch, end you will continue to
combat them with the devotedness which the republic has a
right to expect from you. gee support of the authority
which directs you, and the opinion of the entire nation, are
the sources from which you will strengthen the courage re-
quisite in order that you may not fail in presence of andseioes
aggressiore, if they should again take place. Long parakeet
struggles preceded the revolution which is befog mew
'Asked under our eyes end by our efforts. Parties bed
been long in conflict ; the men who composed them were
separated by energetic diesentiment and profound inecien-
petit:Slides. You will not forget that the rends-
tion of February is the entire nation beholding
without anger the suicide of the monarchy, which
remained alone with itself. You will not forget
that the repuh'ie, the object of the hopes and of the old wor-
ship of a small number of citizens, proclaimed on the day
when all ether government, all other authority wee want-
ing to the country, 'has been accepted and legitimised by
the acclamation of the entire nation. In what has passed I
do not see a conspiracy which triumphs and maintains itself
by vitlence and exclusion. I see in it the evolution, painful
without doubt in its crisis, but fortunate and natural, of a
nation which suffered in its wants, and its dearest and wet
respectable rights. Under the influence of these salatery
truths broil will remain convinced that the remembering's, of
former strugglm, and of the sympathies or repulsions et-
Cached to them, if they still subsist, must be effaced sad
extinguished. You will devote all your efforts to this work
of peace and conciliation. The nation has not had the re-
public imposed uponit, nor will it submit to a minority, what-
, ever it may be. Engaged seriously end irrevocably in a
republican coursr, it will not cast a look behind. It looks
forward—it progresses' but it will see clearly, it will
attend to its own affairs, and this sentiment is legi-
timate ; not to acknowledge this would be to depart from
right, from truth, from public reason. In the post which
you occupy, and devoted as you are to the new metitutions
which ensure the future of the republic, you will experience
no sentiment of systematic exclusion. In the choice whicit
you will have to propose or to make, open the career rem-
lutely to every citizen who comes to you with a sincere heart
and honest intentions. Examine what he is worth, and
not from whence he comes ; let it suffice for you that his
character •guaeantees his word. But you will turn aside
without hesitation whoever foes not deserve from you the
enlightened confidence which you will seek in your conscience.
Apply yourself, therefore, to conciliate men, and to reconcile
them to each other. Your first duty is to serve faithfully the
interests of the republic. Nothing will better secure to it ems-
victions and hearts than the spirit of +Wont and impartiality
you may display in your choice. In the path I trace to you
you must expect the most contradictory attacks. Some will
accuse yon of deserting the muse and principles you
are called upon to defend. Leave to facts and to time
the care of demonstrating whether you or they have best
comprehended the interests of the republic. Others, on the
contrary, will accuse you of hesitation, of exclusion, perhaps
of duplicity. In the face of all these obstacles, neither
hasten nor delay your march ; the feeling that you are doing
your daty will indicate to you the just measure ; do not
suffer yourself to be diverted from it. Think that the pub-
tic life of a functionary belongs to you, and, consequedly,
to truth and to error. Do not be eager to defend yourerff
against a calumny ; knew that as soon as one is destroyed
another is ready. Devote your time rather to your errantry
than to yourselves. If, in the exercise of your functions, yea
have to experts nee some disgust, some discouragement, think
that all these attacks, all these calumnies, have no lama
duration than your temporary authority, end that, after that
is at an end, nothing will remain but your acts, which will
mark you ior remembrance or oblivion, for the gratitude or
contempt of your fellow-citizens. Think that free nations
are never without suspicions, and that it Is right that they
should be se. More than one nation his stifled its own liberties
under the weight of its gratitude, but I know none who have
lest them through remorse for ingratitude. It is by this
spirit that you will fulfil the duties which the constitution is
shoe• to impose upon you. The country is suffering, and
some unenlightened citizensare but too much disposed to at-
tribute to the very principles of the republican government
the sufferings and privations which they endure. Apply
yourselves to combat these evil tendencies, neglect nothing to
hasten the termination of these sufferings, and remember
that confidence in the stability of the present, and in the pro-
mises of the future, will restore to the people that well being
which awaits only that confidence to revive of itself. Reckon
that the government will atd your efforts, will encourage you
by its approbation, will guide you by its advice and
instructions. Like you, it tett Is all the value et
the return of confidence, which is the foundation of
public credit. The thoughts of the country are
oleo turned to events abroad. In priesmeion of good
order at home, it is made unea'y by the agitations, the com-
motion', the struggles created by the champ of ideas in
neighbouring nations. Say to all around you who will listen
to you, and be net afraid of deceiving them, that, thanks to
the loyal and generous principles of policy traced out by the
National Assembly, the government of the republic is confi-
dent that it will reach the term of its provisional authority
without seeing any disturbance of those pacific relations
which all its effete have tended to and succeeded in main-
taining and consolidating, and that it will bequeath to the
definitive power a state of affairs by which the maintenance
of peace will cost nothing to the honour or the interests of
France. The National Assembly has willed that religion
should be ca. led upon to consecrate the solemnity which is being
prepared. The government anticipated this idea, and assured
itself of your concurrence in realisiog it. The constitution
guarantees to every citizen the free exercise of his own mode