The Express.
London, England, 1851-10-27 00:00:00

TO THE IDITOIL UP Tlll DAILY DEWS.

Stn,—l beg to inform you that I was stand;ng
near the barrack gate this morning with a friend of
mine, in the 4th Ike., and he told me that the
commanding officer, Colonel Gold, gave orders to the
sergeants' mess (which took in the Daily News)
that they were not again to permit that paper to
enter thc barracks.

This, sir, I dare say, will be made known to you
in due time by the sergeants; but I only thought it
right and just that you should be made acquainted
with the circumstance : for, sir, ho might as well
take away our birthright, and deprive the soldiers
and sergeants from reading the scriptures—which,
from the rate he is now going on, is very likely to
take place. A RESIDENT OF WEEJJON.
Oct. 23, 1851.

- - -
ANOTHER SEARCH FOR SIR J. FRANKLIN.

It gives us great pleasure to know that the Admi-
ralty have decided on renewing the search for Sir John
Franklin end his party in the ensuing Fpring. This decision
may be regarded as an official judgment on the propriety of
Captain Austin's premature return. If the Admiralty were
of opinion that Captain Austin's expedition had thoroughly
covered the field of search, they would not send out a fresh
expedition to do the work over again; and, on the other
hand, if the work has not been done, it is quite clear that
Captain Austin should have remained on the ground to do
it. The Admiralty are well aware of the painful fact, that
the duty which lay clear before the eyes of the expedition
has been neglected ; and we sincerely trust that the coun-
cils which are to deliberate next week on the aloes of search
will take precautions fur securing the effective working of
future expeditions.—Atheruetuis

APPOINTMENT.—Mr. Edward Joseph Darley is
appointed a member of tho Legislative Council of Ceylon,
durng the temporary absence of Mr. James Swan.
IMPROVEMENT Of GREENWICH PARK.—The
mittec appointed at the late vestry, met on Thursday, to
consider the present state of the park. They appear to
have began their duties well, for it was determined to pre-
sent a memorial to the Commissioners of Woods and
Forests calling their attention to the fact that a large por-
tion of the park had been enclosed, and added to the garden
of the ranger. At the time, however, such portion was en-
closed, it was understood that it was only to continue en-
closed during the lifetime sr residence of the then Princess
of Wales, and that at her death or removal it should again
be thrown open to the public. The committee consider by
the recent determination of the Commissioners of Woods
and Forests in the park-keeper's garden, that was addi-
tional reason for the restoration of the ranger's garden. It
was also resolved to urge that an ornamental fountain
should be placed in the centre of the reservoir • that the
Rate at the foot of Maize-hill, which has been closed many
years, shluld be thrown open ; and also that a carriage road
should be formed from Blackheath to the gate at St. Mary's
Church. These improvements, we hope, will be carried
out. The necessity has often been urged in these columns.
—Kentish Mercury.

KOSSUTH.
DEJEUN. ER AT THE MAYOR OF
SOUTHAMPTON'S.
On Saturday, the Mayor of Southampton enter.
tamed at his country residence, near Winchester, a large
party of the friends of M. Kossuth and the other Hungarian
refugees. Among the company were Lord H. Stuart,
M.P., Mr. Cobden, M.P., the American Consul, Mr. Cros-
key, Moms. Pulsky, Mr. E. E. Crowe, Mr. Sheriff Payne,
Aldermen Laishley, Brookes, Lancaster, Tucker, and Perk,
and several of the Town Council, and about .50 other gen-
tlemen. The room was densely crowded, and the numbers
present were only limited by the extent of the accommede.
tion. It is impossible to over-estimete the deep attention
with which M. Kossuth was listened to, the impression he
created, and the enthusiasm with which he WAS received.
Nothing could be finer than the energy and pathos of his
elocution, and the purity of his Engleih was a matter of
pleasoat surprise to every one who had the advantage of
listening to him.
'Phe Queen, Prince Albert, awl the other routine toasts
having been given and duly honoured,
The MAYOR gave, in succession, " The Preddent of the
United States," and " The Sultan," with a compliment to
that monarch for having given a shelter to Kossuth. Thies
toasts having been received with loud cheers,
The MAYOR again rose and said, that he felt it to be a
great honour and pleasure that he had now to propose the
health of their illustrious guest, Louis Kossuth. (Cheer:.)
It was most gratifying to them, and, also, he helloed', to
the great majority of the people of England, that his
tingutshed friend was permitted to among thine
that day. (Hear, hear.) Fur his own part, he felt it
to be his duty, as the chief magistrate of a great commer-
cial town, to welcome such a stranger to this country,
which was distinguished above all others as the home of the
stranger' the land of the free. (Cheers.) 11,. was delighted
to see the unanimity with which Kossuth had been wel-
comed since his arrival in this country, because he was pre-
eminently the champion of constitutional lieerty, and ho
trusted that such demonstrations would have their proper
moral effect in the proper quarter. (Hear, hear.) The
press would, he trusted, be unanimous on the subject, be-
cause its power was sufficient tocarry any cause him 'staid'
it embarked. To it they owed the repeal of the Test Act
and of the corn laws, and it only required propor action in
that mighty engine to secure ultimate success to the raise
of Hungary. Without further preface, he would giro
them, " The health of Louis Kossuth, and prosperity to
his undertakings." (Loud cheers)
M. KOSSUTH then rose, and in excellent English pro-
ceeded to address the assemblage as follow::—Mr. Mayor
and Gentlemen,—ln rising to thank you most sincerely for
the noble, kind, and generous sentiments which have been
so well expressed, and so heartily respouded to, I experience
emotions far too strong to permit of any display of eloquence.
Besides, I was quite unprepared to meet so ih einguished an
assemblage as that which I have the honour of addressing.
Not much accustomed to address public assemblies
in my own language, I fear I shall have great difficulty in
addressing you in English, and therefoa! meet in the first
instance claim your patience and generous indulgence.
(Hear, hear.) I beliero I may attribute the generous sen-
timents of which I am the object to nothing elite than that
sympathy with a struggle fur freedom which so well befits
the free Englishman, and to the fact that the cause of Hun-
gary is a just cause, strongly and intimately eunneeted with
the maintenance of the principles of freedom all over the
world. (Loud cheers.) Now, instead of any vain attempt
to give you an eloquent speech, perhaps the better way will
be to give you in a plain unvarnished inauner some
information respecting the great cease which I have so
deeply at heart. (Hear, hear) I wish the ptenile of Eng-
land to know the true nature of the past trouble, in Hun-
gary, in order that we may preeerve the generous sentiments
already displayed towards us, and I believe that that cut in
no way be so well done as by a plain statement of facts,
without any unnecessary flourish or artificial pomp of words,
(hear, hear.) To understand fully the Hungarian question,
it will be simmer,. to say a few words about Hungarian
institutions. You all know that Hungary was fur
more than 800 years a constitutional monarchy, and
that alone is no small indication as to the ele-

ments of strength existing in my nation. (Hear, hear.)
When you reflect on the geographical position of Hungary.
and reflect that the Magyar-race are Asiatic people, men
thrust into the middle of European races, without friends
and without kindred, you must give credit for the tinnucss
and inherent strength that maintained the national institu-
tions for so long a period. We were, in fact, surrounded
by despotic powers. On tho one side with Turkey en-
croaching on us for centuries, and against which wo had
for ages been considered the bulwark of Europe—not only
of its civilisation, but of its Christianity—and on another
was Russia, a power which, not for the benefit of mankind,
has grown prodigiously in influence during the last century*
(Hear.) On the third nude was Austria, not the large empire
it now is, but the proper dominions of the House of Haps-
burg, not one of the sons of which, if history speaks truth,
was ever the friend of political freedom. One of
them, 'tis true, Joseph 11., was the friend of
religious freedom, and of the social freedom of the
peasantry. But even he, the best of the Austrian dynasty,
was strenuously opposed to any extension of political privi-
leges. Such was our position, then, surrounded by Turkey,
Russia, and the dominions of the House of Hapsburg, and,
besides all that, we had an internal state of things which
has always been considered a bar to national greatness,
namely, that the people of the country were excluded from
political privileges. Still, witholl these difficulties, the Mag-
yars preserved not only their national rife but their na-
tional institutions. (Hear, hear.) Ann I not, then, jus-
tified in saying that in such a nation there aro elements of
a future, and that such a nation deserves to have its rights?
(Loud cheers.) I have already stated that the original
people of the country had a share in constitutional rights.
The constituXon of Hungary was aristocratic, but an aris-
tocratic constitution in llungary was somewhat different
from the meaning which is attached to the word in Eng-
land. In Hungary the word is not synonymous with power
and wealth, but simply means position obtained by birth, su
that if a man were bunt noble, till his children and children's
children would lie noble than, What wax the consequence
Nations, like individuals, are subject to many changes, and
the deseentlauts of the old nobles of Hungary did not re-
main great and powerful, but became so propagated and dif-
fused as to lie nearly the people themselves, and pourer than
the peasantry, because the nobles hail the ambition not to
work, as if labour were not the highest honour of huma-
nity. (Loud cheers.) Therefore, we found that th,s
poor aristocracy were not only in the condition en'
the people, but actually poorer, because not so
industrious. But one prominent feature in these
facts is, that our aristocracy war nut so opposed
to the extension of constitutional rights as c:en the other
aristocracies of the middle ages, and as was formerly the
aristocracy of this country. I say was, because I confess
that the aristocracy of England have known how to meet
the exigencies of the time, to share their privileges with
the people, and to bear with the latter their proper share in
the public burthens of the country. And they have had
their reward, for the aristocracy of England has remained
firm, while other aristocracies have been scattered to the
winds. But in Hungary the nobles were diffused among
'the people, mere agriculturists, landlords, or matiufictu-
rem and labourers, and therefore the word Mune ease must
he taken with a meaning different (ruin its accepta-
tion in other countries. And I must add, that
although the people were not by the ancient constitution
allowed to speak for themselves, still we always found
among the aristocracy gent rous and valiant men, ready to
stand forth as the champions of their country and of the
rights of humanity. (Cheers.) To enable them to do so,
they hail framed two institutions—one was what I may call
the parliament of Hungary, and the other was the county
municipal institutions; which latter, more than the parlia-
ment, were the safeguards of the rights of the people. Be-
cause these county institutions were so framed that they
could be only media through which the government could
convey orders to the magistrates and other officers. These
county meetings were composed of noblemen who resided
in the counties, and in some counties amounted to twenty-
Jive or thirty thousand, every one of whom had
the right of voting at elections for magistrates
who were the only executive power of the country. If the
government wanted any order executed, it must be done by
the municipal magistrate; but he could not come into im-
mediate contact with the government, who must send their
orders in the first instance to the county meeting. Such
meetings hail a right to discuss the orders of government,
and more than one case has occurred, in which the order
was not forwarded to the magistrate for execution, but a
remonstrance sent to the government fur sending it. They
formed thus a strong harrier against the encroachments of
the government ; and no country has needed such a barrier
more than Hungary, since, for more than three centuries,
the house of Hapsburg has not had at its head a man
who was a friend to political freedom. (Loud cheers.)
Now, the House of Hamburg has ruled in Hungary fur
these throe centuries, not by conquest, but by the free
choice of the nation; not without conditions, but firnily
bound by treaties, the chief feature of which was, that
when the King was admitted to power in the order of his
lineal succession, he was to rule and govern Hungary by
means of its own public institutions, and according to Ito
awn laws ; be swore solerunlv to do so, and prayed to the
' eternal God to bless him and his race, as he was true to his
oath. Thirteen Kings we have had of this dynasty, and no
can can charge me with exaggeration, when I say that
Itissi rule of' these thirteen Kings has been a continuous
IPerlwhreuhrYsl.
;orte.auttiflietnhi:etwi sensation, causedto the
deblyi
delivery
wonderful nthdiacr (111
sentence.)eni•ry
Yes, perjury, that is the word. (Renewed cheering.) Gen-
' tlemen, I ant a plain man, and cull things by their right
names. (Cheers and laughter.) Now, when the Hunganun
nation elected the head of the house of Hapsburg as her
sovereign, the country contained upwards of 4,0)0 German
geographical squsre miles, which, I ant infornirl,th equal
to about 100,000 English square miles, and 15 millions of
people, no small or insignificant realm, as you will ad-
mit. (Hear, hear.) At that time, too, the house of Haps-
burg ruled constitutionally in all their other provinces, but
subsequently, those provinces lost their rights; and, through
the wh :le of the three centuries, the direction of the antbi-
tion of the house of Hapsburg has hems to obtain undisputed
absolute dominion over all their territories. Shortly before
the Pesth struggle there was not a single province of the
Austrian empire that had a coa.tAution, the ambition of
the House of llapidsurg having absorbed the constitutional
rights of all. Our constitutional rights were not absorb,l,
because we did not belong to the Austrian empire, nor had
we any coanexiun with it, except ouch as that of Hanover

with this emMay, with this exception, that the line of one.
colon wa SOS baited in the game manner. We adminis-
tered • stematien oath, tatting forth that there was
ier he me mantels:es between ll•ngary and any other
province, and that while we acknowledged the items
sorereign, ono rights were to be preserved, and we were to
browned solely ►y Oar own lam and means. (Hear,
moo We also provided that, in ease the sovereignty
should. la Online of succession, fall into the bands of •
child the same course should not be adopted a in the ease of
Austria. I• such a contingency the regent of Austria
would be some elder member of the royal runny ; bat see
provided that a Hungarian palatine should be appointed, SO
SS that our constitutional rights should sot be absorbed.
These rights were also protected by our municipal institu-
tions, which, with an inherent strength that never could be
collaldetele broken, steadily resisted the enenmehmentsof the
mown. Perhaps I may illustrate the defensive strength of these
institutions by alluding to the siege of Saragossa by Nape.
lean. When Napoleon had bettered down the walls, he
was as far from mimes... ever, became he had to fight
single battles with the citizens in every street. So it was
In Hungary with her municipal institution*. (Cheers.) I
remember an °cession when the house of Hapsburg, in de-
fiance of the parliament, levied troops, and raised the taxes
trout one to two-and-a-half times as much as they were
before, and when the majority of over fifty-two of our
counties, influenced by terror and every other means at the
disposal of the government, submitted to the encroachment.
At that time there were only ten or twelve tomitate
that resisted, and the resistance of even these few
was as effective as that of the people of Saragossa. (Loud
cheers.) By these means we preserved through all en-
orosehmente some shadow of independence. but the Austrian
government having obtained absolute power in their other
provinces, took every means, from open violence to the
most insidious frauds, to overthrow our municipal institu-
tions. They fomented our quarrel., undermined our na-
Com! character, im►overished oar country, and eorrup'ell
oar nobles. Our parliament, which ought to be Esteemed
mum in three years, was not convened for twenty, and so
arbitrary government went on, until at last we became
aware that from 300,000 to 300.000 nobles would not be
suelcient to defend the rights of the country from the des-
potic tendencies of Austria. From this point dates oar
struggles which have now lasted for about 28 years. We
decided that cur beat *lifeguard would be to inspire all the
people with the sentiments of patriotism, Ice giving all an
equal interest in ennetitntional rights. (Loud cheers.) That
was the direction of public opinion in Hungary in 18'25.
We felt the n' enmity the more, because, although we had a
board or council of government which by law wax respon-
sible to the country, and were hound non° carry into execu-
tion any order even of the sovereign, which was con•nry to
our laws, still we knew that there was no real respronsibility
la this council, because no corrupt body can be made to feel
responsibility. Individual, may be made responsible, hut
w►en the government Iwtonice collective responsibility
vanishes. We taw therefore that oar right- and privileges
were vanishing under the machinations of the Austrian
government, in which Metternich was then all in all ; and
feeling that 100,0110 nobles could not effectually resist such
entrenchments, we proposed to give to the whole fifteen
millions of our people an interest in constituti nal
✓ights, and a motive for defending them. The pea-
santry must form an important consideration in
every country, but doubly so in Hungary, which
was and is chiefly an agricultural country. The condition of
our peasantry became then the first topic with our reformers,
who felt that our country, so highly gifted Iry nature, could
never he made the earthly paradise it ought in be except by
free labourers enjoying constitetional rights; and, seeing
that our peasant had to work for his landlord lOt flays in
the year, to which most he added Sundays, festivals, and
winter, and And to give the ninth of his protium to the
ocieneur, the tenth to the heave, we felt that this was a
coalition contrary to human rights and the principles of
Justice. (Loud cries of " Hear, heir.") The first thing, then,
we did was to emancipate the people. (Loud cheers.) The
reform, however, was only effected lo y slow degrees. In the
long parliament, which sat from IV! to 13311, it was
proposed in the lower house, which consists wholly of
sleeted asemhem, that every peasant shonld have the
right to make himself free of hi, feudal and seignorial bar-
densby paying toff the capital of his duce. At first we pro-
posed that this power should he indepo ndent of the will of
the landlord, hut were opposed by the House of Lords,
until at laid, by the influenee of government, it was reduced
to the privilege of purchasing freedom with the cement of
the landlord. That modified measure was earned by
the Common. and Lords, hut was refused by the
Regent, who was thus at issue with the people
on this greet question in 1R313. 1 should state that theme's -
bees of the Commons voted as they were instructed by the
tomitats, and therefore it was towards the latter that the
intrigues of the government were principally directed.
They could not corrupt them by means of the Count Pala-
tine, who being by office president of the House of Lords,
could not intrigue with the county meetings, and therefore
other persons were selected to carry into the county meet-
ings eve• species of corrupt ion. (Hear, hear.) They
appointed an administrntor in every county, who should
never leave the county, but be present at every meeting,
control every act, and corrupt every troublesome member,
in order that the (Imitate might become at bet the mere
instruments mid tools of government. It was this system
that we opposed with all our strength of mind and body,
bat with no narrow view to the privileges of our own claw
We wanted these institutions to be independent in order
that we might reform nor system for the benefit of the
entire people. (Loud cheers.) hut the more we developed
our views of reform, the more actively the solve, ament set
their admini•tratore to work throughout the tountrv,and that
Was our condition up to the diet of Oct. or Nov. 1817,
*year or so before the French revolution. I wish to show
that in Hungary we were not revolutionists-1 am not
blaming revolutions—but the Ilangarians were engaged in
no secret conspirney, but at public meetings, and in an
open and constitutional way. etreirgled manfully for their
rights. (Hear, hear.) I myself hail the honour to be
elected &member of this parliament of 1817, for the metro-
politan county of Pesth, when the government of the day did
everything pomade to prevent my election. The good sense
Of the nobles, however, carried me in triumph. (eh eeri.) The
first question I proposed. secording to the instructions I had
received from my constitnente, was that our municipal in-
stitutions should be restored to their original purity, that
the system of administrator should be abolished, and that
until these measures should he carried no taxes should be
voted. The Houses of Lords and Common* were at issue on
this question, discussing it for upwards of two months, and
remained in disagreement. I should mention that it was ne-
cessary that both houses should ',gem upon a measure before
it was laid before the king, but there was no limit to the

people elllmeney ewe deirjed dam redeeeL They told
me de dela would be asseded if Vienne egad may be
kept iet„ opa Imo it should
vutisMt all t*s Meese of
Hapsburg bid stele gentidled to lie It was ewe of
those curie,/ eategke et the - d human life, fa
which s.ysiW as banible NIS et mire Mengary, was in a
polities Us heid tiva ileetimise oldie Hewn of llapsburg and
sll its elielleirlik these hands. (M. Kossuth here made a power-
ful isrprombor by the energy of his manner, stretching out
boar his hush ea he finished the sentence.) I said, " Be
just to int ledisrload and I will give peace and tranquil-
lity to N yeas." They promised to be just, and before
twenty.foug Uwe I gave peace and tranguiliity to Vienna
—Octal alegereA—and before the Eternal God, who will
make eeigienink roy soul—before history. the independent
judged events—l lave a right to say, that the house of
Hapsburg owes its existence as a dynasty to rue. (Tre-
mendous sheering.) At bast the 111104*011 of the government
was to these laws, but while wo were receiving the
mg:es
of the Emperor in one room, the Archduchess
the mother of the present king and sister of the
last, was in another plotting with Metternich how to get rid
of these promises. (Hear, hear.) In a few week, the
King came to Preitb,irg, when I was first minister. an office
which I was forced to accept. For I can appeal to the public
knowledge of my nature, of my enemies, stud of my friend.
that I always eousidered power as • heathen. Before we
went to Vienna for sanctiou to the law appointing respon-
sible ministers I addressed the people of Preaburg, I took
my poor friend Louis Bathyany—(M. Kossuth was here
affected to tears)—by the hand and said to the people,
"don't cheer me, he must be the first president of Hun-
gary." lie declined unless I would enter office with him,
and thus I was forced to enter. (Hear, hear.) In a few
days after the Serbs revolted, stirred up as it appeared by
the Camarillo of Vienna. They took for pretext that by
@iciest diplomas, that part of Hungary which they occu-
pied to the amount of two or three hundred thousand peo-
ple had been given to them. Nobody denied this, but they
insisted that it should be politically separated from Hun-
gary aad form a separate Banat. Now although this
beast in which they lived contained 1,300,000 people,
the Sortie number only 300,000, who speak the
Wallachian tongue, the remainder of the people
speaking German. The governmeat of which I
was a member seeing that them must be some
plot in all this, considered that we were bound to suppress
this revolt. Besides I should state that ono of the chief
political manceuvres of Metternich was to oppress WIC nation
by means of another. One army was drawn out of the
land, part in Bohemia and part in Italy, while we had in
Hungary Germans, Croats, l'oles, and Wallacks. At the
head of this revolt was the Ban of Croatia, and they
finished by de:hiring their independence. We, the Hun-
garian ministers, entreated the king to give his consent to
convoke the parliament, in order that mean, might be ob.
tainNl to suppress the revolt. I, the minister of Hungary
nominated by the King, stood beside the Archduke Palatine
when he gave the order. (Hear, hear.) The Kini fied to
Inapruek, and a deputation went there, inviting him to
come to Buda, and rely on the loyalty of the people. We
promised to defend him against all the worhl—and the
Hungarians have proved that they can defend what they
have promised to defend. (Cheers.) I also stood Inside
the Archduke Palatine when he read the solemn edict of
the king, couilemning the machinations of the Croats and
Serbs, and stating that he had given orders to his ministers
in Hungary to put down the revolt. In the same edict lie
called upon his faithful parliatueut of Iluugary to levy an
army, and to provide mean, to carry on the war. I it was
who proposed it to parliament, but I had hardly said a few
words when I was stopped in my speech, and the supplies
grunted at once. While these matters were going on news
arrived from Italy that the Battle of Costanza bad been
won, and that the government of Vienna were now in a
position to consider the means of crushing Hungary.
A proclamation was Wiwi asking Jellachich, who
had been proclaimed a traitor by the king, to go
against Hungary, calling him a friend. Surely there is nut
an honest man in the world who will not eolith:sun that.
(Hear, hear.) Jellachich came on with 30,000 men; but
we beat him, taking two armies and one general, our only
force being the 1110131iplined people armed with scythes,
lie then asked fur a truce, and two days were given bun,
and in the meantime he broke his word and escaped. We
followed him. I was then President of the Couoeil, the mi-
nistry having resigned in consequence of the dissolution of
parliament before the arrangement of the budget, which
was against the constitution, which provided that the par.
liament should not separate without arranging the budget.
' In addition to this violation of constitutional rights the King
makes his alter eon, giving to him the power to
govern Hungary, of Jellachich, the man whom
he had proclaimed as a traitor. We said we would
not take the traitor as governor, and that the parliament
could not he dissolved, because it had voted no budget. We
declared that the order Ihr dissolution had not been signed
by the responsible officer, and that, therefure, the parlia-
ment must sit. I had then the honour to be president of
the provisional government, and I ordered Jellachich,
who had escaped towards Vienna, to be followed. When
he came to the frontiers of Austria, I sent commissioners to
the government, demanding from the general of the Atia-
trian army that they should respect the laws of neutrality
towards us, and not give any shelter to the revolted. But
they not only protected him, but permitted him to join in
the operations of the siege of Vienna. These two armies
came to Hungary under Windischgratz, calling us
rebels and slaves. We struggled, and fought
battles—history tells here. (Loud cheers.) But still
one thing I must add, that although we were vietora, de-
feating the imperial armies in several battles—although the
Emperor of Austria had is.ued a proclamation on the 4th
March, 1849, in which, relying on the false report of a
i general of victory that never occurred, he declared by a
single scratch of his pen that the nationality of Hungary
was blotted out, that its constitution was to be turn up, and
that henceforth Hungary was to he incorporated with the
Austrian empire, to he ruled by his good will and pleasure
—mot. ithstanding al this, I a iy, still we did nut proclaim
a rupture• with the House: of liap,burg until I received cer-
tain intelligence that Russiau intervention had hero de-
cided upon and accepted. (Hear, hear.) And, 1 am sorry
to add, that we also got information that against this inter-
vention we had no help to expect anywhere. (M. Kossuth
was here deeply affected, and burst into tears.) Then
I considered the matter in my conscience, and came
to the conclusion that either my aa:ion must submit to
overthrow, and to an end of its lite, without even trying to
save ourselves, or if we were nut cowards and base enough
to commit such suicide, seine reward was necessary to
justify the struggles and sacrifices of the people. And 1
proposed that if we were to contend against two great em-
pires—if there was nobody to help us, nobody to prevent
Paskewitash, as he had promised, treading on the neck of
Hnagm7—if we were to struggle for our liberties, as we
bed ewe tor the Christian liberties of Europe,
Oml n• reward, the independence or Hungary,
asy Imam' was accepted. (Loud cheers.) That is •
arimanst of what occurred, and you all know what was the
Ms& How we fared let me not say ; it is too deep matter
Meserrow. This much only will I my, that although for-
saken by the whole world I am to this day confident that
we valid have been a match for the combined forces of the
toe iheritic powers but it is my fault and my weakness
dud em governor of power,
having the lead in this great
moreement, I bad not art enough to tight with equal arms
die duplicity of Russia ; you know how he introduced trea-
son into our counsels. lied I only been prepared for
die treason, all would certainly not have failed.
(Hear, hear.) Bat the result of what has oc-
curred is, that the house of Hapsburg, as a dynasty,
exists no more. It merely vegetates at the whim of the
mighty Caar—(a laugh)—to whom it has become the °ba-
gasse senent. (Hear, hear.) But if the people of Eng-
les* allideinied that Russia should nut set her foot on the
Sisk of awry, if they would only resolve to say "stop"
ill Bowie. teed nothing more, we might still be happy.
Eiangary weld have knowledge, patriotism, loyalty, and
sewage Nee* le dispose of its own domestic matters, as it
le the soweeelis debt of every nation to do. (Hear, hear.)
Ased now, goodinsis, I trust you will excuse me if I have
net answered pow expettations, if I have tired you. (No,
no.) My leas-Ws was to show you that the cause
of wig pint ,entry is worthy your generous sym-
pathy, 111161111111 we have struggled for a national
esistemo, whisk when once lost, there is no re-
surrection any men he a people. This is the cause
fur which I ask your gener,,ls sympathy, and which I am
enabled to lay Wore you here through the generous hos-
pitality of the mayor of Southampton. lie has acted the
part of • kind and generous friend to one so undeserving
as myself. He was • father to the unfortunate, and the
protector of suffering humanity. Hap the realm where
such a men eta rise from the people by his own perm-
veVahl Ow* integrity, his own energy. It is the glory
of that each a man rising in such a manner ein
beau and confidence of his countrymen. Let
Mim. while expressing my hamblo and everlasting
iliwidelew ibe hind sentiments entertained towards me, pro-
pene, _ 'lib dr deepest affection, the health of the
=Cal (Cheers.)
MAYOR returned thanks, and gave the healths of
Lord D. Stuart, Mr. Cobden, and the liberal members of
parliament.
M. KOSSUTH interrupted the proceedings for a mo-
ment to explain that in Hungary there was no aristocracy
of race, but simply ono of birth. The Marya-e, who num-
bered about eight millions, had noblemen manufacturers
and peasants among them the same as the other races.
Lotd D. STUART having returned thanks for the liberal
Members of the House of Commons,
Mr. COBDEN said—Mr. Mayor and Gentlemen, I was
rusticating in a neighbouring county, where I have been
seeking some repose alter the labours of a session more than
nanally laborious, and far Wire than usually unprofitable,
end atter these labours of • more pleasing natore, such as
isiartiminins friends come sip to town to see the Exhibition,
'bee I bawd of M. Kossuth', arrival. I mention these
boa, lowsome It justifies me for nut being on the spot to
wham the reception given to our distinguished visitor
(Cheers.) But, gentlemen, the moment I received in my
aemewbat outlandish retirement the news of his arrival in
logisind, I started at once to pay my humble respects. I do
M presume to enter into the internal affairs of Hungary.
Now, then, do 'judge him to be a guest worthy of the hospi-
tality and moral assistance we give him? I judge of him by the
credential he brings in the name of • w hole nation, and en-
dorsed by the suffrages of • people. (Cheers.) When fugi-
tive sovereigns, driven from their thrones by the execrations
of their people, fiy to our shores, we throw open our vacant
palaces for their reception. (Cheers and laujritcr.) And I will
not say a word against the holaitalities ot Claremont ; but
when a man arrives on our shores beariug not the curses,
but the blessings of his countrymen, I say that if England
refuses a welcome to such a min, adieu for ever to that
sympathy with nations and with natiou's rights which has
hitherto beets the boast of England. (" Hear," an l
cheers.) But I take no merit in sharing in these honours.
Salliahnees al a public man might induce me, if I had no
other motive, to be here to-day. But I ram here
speaking in the name of the great majority of the

Communication between the two houses. The measure had
not a majority in the Locals, because it contained so many
functionaries appointed by government and persons as-
piring to be functionaries, but still I have the gratification
of knowing that it was supported by many of the most
independent of the lords of Hungary, amongst whom was
my lamented and unfortunate friend Louis Bathyany.
Still corruption went on, and I felt at last that our only
tonne was to apply ourselves at once to the chief source of
evil. On the head of the King of Hungary rests two
crowns, the one constitutional and the other absolute, and
thew two enuld never nerve together. Which ultimately
fresaila in the struggle history tells in many a dark page.
p:odased therefore that, as the house of Hapsburg de-
eh to restore the rights of Hungary out of deference to
the people of Vienna, it was our duty, as the elder brother
in the national family, that the people of Vienna should
also get franchise'. I believe that no just roan will say I
was +ran is that proposition, which was universally
accepted. I was not planning revolution ; that is an
urination which I know will find no echo in the breast of
nay just or generous man. (Loud cheers.) My speech on
the subject was road in all the coffee-houses of Vienna,
News of the Preach revolution arrived, and the Vienne*.
nu. That was the Austrian revolution, and I mast
bun* own that I immediately decided not to be carried
away by the eacitcment of the time, but to bike the reins
of government into my own hands, and to avail myself
cif the opportunity that Clod had given, not Hun-
gry made. (Cheers.) The first thing I proposed wee
the amen potion of the peasantry, and of course, under the
circumstances, it was carried unanimously by both honest.
(Hear, hear.) Still I was anxious not to hurt the interests
easy person, but rather to spare those who, although,
Net quite national in their origin, had yet in course of time
become unedited with the fortunes of a great many people.
I proposed„ and my proposal was adopted, that peasants
snoold be free from all duties, free without
_paying—liberty
seta thief, to be paid for. (thee es.) But I proposed
at the same time that the seigneurs should get indemfica-
tion, aet from the peasant, hut from the land. Our country
boa largo resources, which by good management would be
i.e. than enough to givefull and entire compensation to
the nobles. 1 engaged my honour and my oath to give this
indemnification, and it was carried in parliament. (Hear)
Jul stalest before, the poor people had every duty but no
rights,and I proposed that rights should at once be conceded,
and that every man possessing the franchise should, accord-
ing to his means, contribute to the public weessities. This
was carried unanimously. The third plan was, that the
people should be admitted immediately to all rights of
franchise, not only as to the election of members of parlia-
ment, but also for magistrates and other public func-
tionaries. lint now, when all the people were admitted to
the franchise, half a million of persons could not be con-
voked on our plan, and therefore I proposed that every
community should select a person to represent them. These
were my principles. (Cheers.) I made no encroachment
on men's rights, either in their family or in communities-
I wished that the government shout be sufficiently power.
ful for the public necessity, and to enforce obedience
to the law, but not to interfere with the social
or municipal rights of men. We proposes' further
that as councils of government could not be made respon-
sible, the executive should be managed by members respon-
sible to parliament. These were the proposals which were
carried out, with several "them, with the details of which
I shall not detain you. We established a responsiblcminis-
try, emancipates' the peasantry, ordained that the nobles
should participate with the peasantry in all public duties,
and that all should have the franchise both for members of
parliament and for the county meetings. These laws were
brought by a deputation headed by the Archduke Palatine,
up to Vienna. Ile asked, in the name of the future of
Hungary, and of the peace of Austria, that these terms
should be granted. We were ordered to bring our claims
before the Emperor of Austria, and also to ask him to give
to our fettered brethren of Austria their rights. At that time'
there was doubt and hesitation in every country except'
toe, which, having made one glorious revolution,
finds the principles then s stahlished sufficient to carry out
every necessary change. Here, then, everything was quiet,
white en the continent all was movement. The government
heotated to concede these just claims. I went myself to
the Imperial Palace, and told the Emperor that if he per-
anted, I could not guarantee what would be the conse-
quence, with these movements in Europe, and when the

THE EXPRESS, MONDAY EVENING, OCTOBER 27, 1851.

people of this mentsy. I say it advisedly, I know s& much
d 'oldie *Mee es any newspaper can pretend to know;
NM I say Mot this meeting, enthusiastic as it is, fairly re-
pretests is Wee majority of the men, aye, and the women,
of this essamMy. (Loud cheers.) And why is such spot-
Lialit fee the mese of Hungary in England ? Why is
that the user of Louis Kossuth is heard at the firesides
of the middle and working classes, and, I would fain hope,
of the higher classes, one of whom we number among our
visitors today? It is because he is believed worthily to re-
present the wants and wishes of a great people, that ho
has intellect to make him worthy of their confidence,
and Slut he has those qualities of the heart without which
intellect would be a curse. (Hear, bear) Now, my
illustrious friend stated, at the conclusion of his must
eloquent address, that lie wishes only for such a demonstra-
tion in this country so shall prevent Russia from invading
his country, or from interfering with the settlement of their
domestic effairs. Well, if there be one man who has a
etrouger opinion than another on the subject of non-
' inters-intim, I am that man. 1 am fanatical in
that doctrine, because I think their can be no vigour
or manhood in the country which looks to the
right or left for external sot, and is nut allowed to
develops its resources by its own internal working; but I
quite agree with my friend that a word spoken by England
would have an alined irresistible force m the councils of
despotic sovereigns. I confess I can but regret that the
iovasiuu of Hungary by Russia, the greatest scandal to
civilisation in our day, should have been allowed to pass
without an angry protest from this country. I stated ,
that so lung as the dispute lay between Austria'
and Hungary, we should nut go farther thou
express our sympathy with the right, but front the moment
that Russia interfered, it became a changed question.
Here was a semi-barbarous power coining down with its
hordes to crush • more eitilised country, and a strong
protest from tho government and people of this country'
would have been of immense advantage. But what were
the facts? Other states were in the toils of a re-action, but
the leading newspapers of this country not only
uttered no protest, but actually expresses' opinions
in favour of the Russian cause. (Hear, hear.)
Well, then, I say that were public opinion so far enlight-
ened, that newspapers would not dare to falsify it by taking
Sidel with Russia, it would not require many words from
an English foreign minister to make that opinion have
weight with foreign despots. (Hear, hear.) But if we
wish our opinion to have weight, we must come into court,
with clean hands. My efforts have been made to make us
understand our duty with regard to interference in the
foreign countries. Now, our friend tells us that he comes here
on the principle of non-interterenee, and I think we owe him
some explanation before he is fairly launched on the public
gatherings that await him. Ile is anxious to
avoid even the appearance of interfering in our
domestic affairs, and under these circumstances I think it
would be WrOUF for any political party to offer any act of
special fraternisation to our friend, or to claim any par-
ticular identity. (Cheers.) In short, I think I may once
for all avow that there is nothing in the position of our
friend to warrant any political party claiming political
identity. (Hear, hear.) He has told us that the movement
of th, Magyar* was not a movement haviu for its object
organic chanfe sin the national institutions. It was a move-
ment to maintain the eonsti!ution as it was (-templed with
certain refonus which he was anxious to effect. I hope our
excelleut friend, the consul from America, will nut think
less of our distinguished friend if I avow my belief
that the Hungarian movement was nut a democratic
movement solely, but a movement of the people with the
aristocracy at their head to maintain the national indepen-
dence. !lad it not have been such a movement they could
nut have achieved what my friend has detailed to us this
evening. In short, we honour in him the champion of a
minim that is identified with constitutional institutions.
The next toast was the health of Mr. Croskey, the Ame-
rican Consul.

or sect. It is understood that the illustrious Magyar has
intimated his willingness to visit Birmingham if it wasthe
general wish that he should do so, and that he calif be
eathairiseticolly received in the most democratic town in
England there cannot he a doubt. A (Nativism, who has
taken a deep interest in the Illungarian cause, will be de-
spatched to Winchester tor the purpose of carrying the invi-
tation to Komuth himself.

FRANCE.
Our Faris correspondent writes :
In general the Parisians are startled at the amount of
enthuxiasm which has attended Lousuth's reception in
England. The and Constitsdionnel attempt to sneer
downthisremarkable demonstratiun. The rinfication of

the liberal papers at the great success of the Hungarian en•
governor is expressed with moat I, igour by the l'resse, Pays,
and atimull. The Sleek produces a very scanty report
without comment. In connection with the subject of Kos-
suth I may mention the unanimity with which the demo-
crats of the llonelies-du-Ithone have come forward to pay
the supplement of caution money required by the reaple,
the journal of Marseilles prosecuted for an article on tho
interdiction of the Hungarian' hero from the soil of France.

A cheap excursion train is to start from Norman-
ton, in Yorkshire, to-morrow, and to proceed all the way to
Southampton, picking up passengers at the various stations,
to join in the demonstration in favour of Kossuth when he
attends the Southampton banquet.

REFORM MEETING AT BURY, LANCASHIRE.

On Friday evening the large room of the fine new
Town Mill ut Bury was tilled to et crflowing by working
and middle class people to r. (wire a deputation from the
National Podium ntory and Financial Reform Association
iu the persons of Mr. W. J. Fox, M.l'., and Mr. Tindal
Atkinson; and a spi r t and bitereieing meeting was held
to advance the objects of this ewes-lat. . Mr. J. Gime:DT
Of Outwood Lodge. a magidrute of the (witty, presided, and
ho was supported by a number of the leading and most in-
fluential inhabitants of the town.

...
The CHAIRMAN, having opened the proceedings,
Mr. 11. GLOVER moved the adoption of the first resolu-
tion That the first mini.ter of the crown having inti-
mated his intention to introduee a measure of parliamentary
reform during the next session, the people should lose nu
time in giving effective expressiun to their wi.hes. This
meeting doth therefore declare that soy measure which
does not rearrange the electoral districts, extend the fran-
chise to every occupier of a tenement, protect the voter h
the ballot, shorten the duration of parliament, and abolish
the property qualification required of members, will fail to
satisfy the just expectations of the people—will he ineffectual
in preventing the corruption, intimidation, and oppression,
now prevailing at elections, and in securiti4 the full and
free representation of the people in tho Commons flown of
Parliament." (Cheers.)
Mr. E. GRUNDY, of Park Hills, a highly respected and
veteran reformer, seconded the motion.

W. J. FOX, M.P., was introduced by the
chairman to the meeting, and was received with prolonged
cheering. After a few introductory remarks, he said—
Every man woo has a known and registered place
of abode, who is not a vagabond on the face of the
earth, who has a dwelling which you know where to find,
and who enjoys the advantage of citizenship, should have
the responsibilities of citizenship, and should feel that he
has both his duties and his rights. (Hear, hear.) Sir, it is
an interesting time this in which we are met. We have
heard very recently, indeed, of the arrival of an illustrious
foreigner on our shuns—(tremendous cheering)—who
has already been welcomed at Southampton with a greet-
ing which not all the monarchs of the Continent
with all their power could command. (Hear.) Ile has been
received as it behoves Englishmen, and he will continue to
be so greeted, I believe. over every part of the country ; but
amongst all the COUIriIMCIUS Windt we can pay to that
illustrious patriot, 1 think one of the best will he this, that
in cheering hint, as the champion of his country's rights,
we don't forget, even in the full flow of our eidhueiasin,
that we are the guardians of our own country's rights.
(Cheers.) Let us show that we are worthy to welcome
Kossuth to our shores; let us show that our own struggle,
like his, is a constitutional, though determined struggle ;
let us show that which constitutes his real greatness, and
that we belong to that brotherhood of integrity, independ-
ence., and universal freedom which distinguishes the real
nobility of mankind from its baseness 1111,1 its slavery.
(hear, hear.) Sir, the association which my colleague, Mr.
Atkinson, and myself have the honour of representing on
this occasion, the Parliamentary and Financial Reform
Association, of which Sir Joshua Walmsley is the presd
dent, has, I think, peculiar claims on the attention of the
people at the present crisis. We are here, we
may say, by the invitation of the prime minister of this
country. lie says, " What do you want, and what will
content you ?" We give him our answer in the words
which have just been read to you as the first resolution pro-
pounded to this meeting. We give him our answer in the
terms of Mr. Hunte's motion, and we say this both to him
and to the public, " We don't propound these terms as a
perfect theory of political right; we don't say that this is
all the people of this country will ever require, we merely
soy this,: it combines it larger amount of support both in
parliament and out of parliament titan any other changes
which have been submitted to your consideration." If
Lord John Russell chooses to propose anything broader
than this, by all mama let him do so, and we will give our
careful and cautious consideration to any strong measure
which he may have in contemplation. (.1 laugh.) Bat
in the meantime we give him this as our minimum ; we say
it is large enough to secure the people the benefits of a rea- '
repreeeutation, which they do not now peewee; while It is'
limited enough to satisfy any cautious reformer. And we
say it is constitutional in all its parts. (Hear, hear.) We
say that entail boroughs and poor boroughs were not origi-
nally selected because they were small and poor, but be-
cause they were then rich and populous, and therefore we
claim :that the representation be redistributed, so
that the rich and populous places may have their due
share of that representation. We say that my Lord John
Russell has himself repeatedly confessed and stated in the
Howie of Commons, that householders' votes he esteemed to
be the common law of the land. Well then, we say, "Give
us household votes; or, if you don't like that, give us
universal suffrage, which will include all." (Loud cheers )
Even the ballot is not a novelty in this country. We find
by the state tracts of the reign of William 111., that it was
at that period practised at the borough of Lymington, in
Hampshire, and highly praised, as giving independence to
the ruin, and preventing his being bieeed and influenced
by others; and no doubt those pilgrim fathers who sought
liberty of conscience across the Atlantic, and established
the ballot there' —lio doubt they carried it with them from
this country. It has been already tried in this country,
though on a limited scale, and it has met with approba-
tion ; and we ask for it, that a man's vote may be his real
vote, and not the vote of his landlord, or his customers. As
to triennial parliaments,—all ordinary parliaments were
formerly &anted, or oftener if need be; triennial parlia-
ments were the law of the land front the Revolution of 16dd
until that monstrous usurpation, the Septennial Act, by
which, as has been justly said, parliament arrogated such an
arthority,that it might on the same principle have declared
itself perphtual—it made the representation of the people
hereditary. (Hear, hear.) Here, then, we are within very
reasonable limits. It unites reformer of different classes,
and I trust it is producing throughout the country, and es-
pecially throughout this part of the country, a co-operation
and au union between the middle and working classes, which
is the essential condition of any progress; a union without
which no great improvement as ever been wrested from
the ruling classes; without which our labours are never
safe ; but with which we have before us the great eit and
most glorious prospects. (Hear, hear.) That union is in
itself a blessing; a good understanding between these two
classes of society establishes harmony and co-operation
throughout the land ; it gives advantages which are not to
be possessed when class is battling against class, and interest
against interest. It has bten very absurdly said
that some of us want to exclude the peers from
the House of Commons—nominal peers I mean, sons
es relatives of the peers who constitute the upper house.
I lorene, bavenever deemed °feuds* thing,where they are
tie a lair and free choice. Let them have the quails
seetimmend them, and no doubt they will find
their wow diem What is complained of is this, that lords,
so, '—leer of lords, are sent there from paltry boroughs,
the whale el which together, perhaps some 20 or 30 of
them, would not muster as many voters or such an amount
of population, as to entitle them to a single representative.
(Hear, hear.) I say that it is not the place which a man
represents nominally, but the class to which he belongs that
influences his opinion. A number of Quakers might re-
turn, in a small constituency, a naval or military
officer. Does he become a memo r and friend of the Peace
Society therefore ? He does not look to the interests of his
electors, but of his comradee in arms, and he votes for keep-
int up armaments, in order that his profession may flourish.
SO it is through all the gradations of society. It is what
a man belongs to that mainly ihfluences his feelings, and
therefore it is that I wish that the middle classes of this
country, and the operative. even, should have persons of
their own class to represent them in that house, to give
voice to their wants, to demand justice for their wrongs,
and to assert their political right and privileges. (Cheers )
Well, the people whohavegotpoeeession ofuur house we are
toldarechosenandsent there. Chieleo—by whom ? Why, by
ono male adult out of 7 of the population of thetinited King-
dom of Great Britain and Ireland. The other six have no
voice in the matter. They are vested in the representatives'
of one-seventh, and in looking at that seventh, we fiud a I
great portion of it is composed of persons immediately un-
der
influence. We find the line drawn by rent. What
has money or rent to do with the qualifications of
a man to know who is a fitting candidate to i
represent a place in parliament ? It is not the
amount of rent, but the amount of brains, which ought to
decide the point. The line is drawn so that you include
men of different classes, shopkeepers dependent on their
customers, tenants-at-will of farms who may
be turned out
in a day, and you exclude the sturdy, independent, intelli•
gent operatives of this conatry. You draw the line so as to
shut out the independent, and to include the dependent.
(Hear, hear.) Why, when we look at the returns of the
different amounts of rent which are paid, we can scarcely
conceive that above 1 in 17 of those already on the roll of
constituents is of the operative class. The constituents them-
selves being only 1 out of 7, the working man's real propor-
tion in the electoral system is only 1 out of 105, just one per
cent, for the men whose strong arms and muscles, sad
whose skilful labour, whose indomitable perseverance, whose
powers of endurance have made this island of ours what it
• s,—covered it with spacious buildings, cultivated its fields,
• and realised all the pro luetions which make this country a
I pride and wonder in the world. (Loud cheers.) Well,
' sari that is by whom they are chosen. Where

Mr. CItOSK EY, the American consul, in returning
thanks, said that he did not wish to take a very prominent
part in this demonstration, which it was his wish should be
purely British in its character. (Hear, hear.) He wished
that when the news of the reception given to the illustrious
Koasuth in this country went to the other side of the
Atlantic, it should have all the value of spontaneity on the
pan of the British people. Ile felt sure that when their
worthy guest reached the shores of America he would hee
received by all parties, both whig and democrat, as La
Fayette was received in 1825—as the Nation's guest.
(Cheers.) He would take the opportunity of saying a few
words in regard to the subject of niters% ntion and
nun-intervention, upon which his friend Mr. Cobden hod so
much dwelt upon. No country hail so firmly cantered to
the doctrine of non-intervention as had the Coked States.
The doctrine had been bequeathed to them by Washington,
and they still looked upon it as a sacred bequest. But there
were many of his countrymen who considered that, with
their Mere:teed power and their denting future, a new and
a somewhat different policy might be forced upon them by
the necessities of their growing condition. The time would
come, if it had not already come, when the United Staten
would bo forced into taking more than an interest in
European politics. When they should be so forced, he
hoped they would still adhere to the advice of
Washingtou, and at the same time require of the
other members of the great family of minims to adhere to
the Caine doctrine. He hoped, when ititroduceil into the
tenni of European politics, they would be iutroduced as the
ally of England upon some such great constitutional cause
as that of the independence of Hungary crushed by foreign
intervention. 114nd-in-hand with Great Britain so com-
bination of demotic governments could re-enaet the terri-
ble drama of pllcing the Met of absolutism upon the neck
of national independence and constitutional freedom.
M. KOSSUTH rose and said—Mr. Mayor and gentle-
;
men, allow me to interpose for a few minutes, and make one
'or two observations to you. (Hear.) Allow me in the
name of my nation to express the gratification with which
I have heard the sentiments expressed and the hope that
has been uttered and so warmly responded to by you that
through the justice of the Eternal God, my country may
yet regain her liberties. (Cheers.) I um proud to
find that we are supported by the sympathies of
this mighty people, and of the offspring of England across
the Atlantic, through whose government the blessings of
liberty are enjoyed in both hemispheres. Supported by that
sympathy I trust iu God to eye the hope so fervently ex-
proofed realised, and that soon. (Cheers) I um not elo-
quent, but the words—l cannot say the brief words—
which you have done inc the honour to listen to, fell from
my lips in order to explain the position of my country, and
not with the view of exciting sympathy for myself. Ours
is not the cause of one family—of one party ; but it is the
cause of a whole people claiming those just rights to which
a nation is entitled. After the length at which I have
already addressed you, I feel that I dare nut now long de-
tain you; but I am a man who speaks, ea it were, frorn in-
spiration, and I now feel that, had I not already spoken, I
could speak volumes to you from the warmth and energy of
my heart. (Cheers.) In consequence of that inspiration you
must allow me to address to you is few more words. I had
beard of the reception which I might expect in England,
but I had not pictured to mys.lfeo warm, so cordial a
greeting, as that which you gave cue on lauding, and the
noble welcotne which has this day been given me iu this
room through the hospitality of your mayor. (Cheers.) I
have but just come from the East, where I have always
loved to see and closely examine the institutions and habits
of the people of the citiessin which I have been. No study
can be more interesting, because tho character of a people
is chiefly dependent on that of their institutions.
New, as Eastern story tells us, there are different
ways to Heaven, there may also be, and there are, different
ways to the promotion of the happiness and welfare of the
people. (Cheers.) England wants no change, because
the is governed by a coustitutional monarchy, under which
all classes hi tee country enjoy the full benefits of
free institutions. (Cheers.) The consequence is, the peo-
ple of England arc musters of their own fate--delenelers
of her institutions—obedient to the laws, and vigilant
in their behaviour—and the country has become, and
must ever contiuue, under such iustitutions, to be great,
glorious, and free. (Cheers.) Then the United States is
a republic—and though governed in a different way to
this country, the people of the United States have no
motive for desiring a change—they have got liberty, free-
dom, and every means for the full development of their
social condition and position. (Cheers.) Under their go-
vernment, the people of the Coded States have, ii, 60
years, arrived at a position of which they may well be
proud—and the English people, too, have good reason
to be proud of their descendants, and tho share which
she has hail in the planting of so great a nation on
the other side of the Atlantic. (Cheers.) It was most
gratifying to ace so great and glorious a nation
thriving under a constitution but little more than 60 years
old. (Cheers.) It is not every republic in which
freedom is found to exist, and I could cite examples in proof
of my assertion—and I deeply lament that there is amongst
them one great and glorious nation where the people do not
yet enjoy that liberty which their noble minds so well fit
them for. It is not every monarchy that is good because
under it you enjoy full liberty and freedom. Therefore I
(eel that it is not the living under a government called a
republic that will secure the liberties of the people, but that
quite as just and honest laws may exist under a monarchy
as under a republic. (Cheers.) If I wanted an illustra-
tion, I need only, as I have done, examine the institutions
of England and the United States, to show that under
different ferias of government equal liberty can and does
exist—(cheers)—and I trust that the people will, in the
fullness of time, show which is deserving to he
the possessor of the " real ring" by the propriety of their
behaviour. (Cheers.) Let me then toast this meeting by
expressing my sincere wish, that the time may not be far
distant when, in accordance with the generous sentiments
I have listened to from my hon. friend., the sovereign
' rights of the people will be universally acknowledged,
despotic governments cease, and the world be free. (Loud
cheering.) •
Lord DUDLEY STUART then gave "Health and Pros-
perity to the Corporation of Southampton, coupling with
it the health of Mr. Leishley."
• Mr. LEISHLEY briefly returned thanks, and the com-
pany separated.

Kossuth will leave Winchester fur Southampton on Tues-
day, to be present at the municipal banquet to be given in
his honour there.
Mr. Macsingherd, of Eaton-place, has placed his house
and servants at thu disposal of Kossuth, sod there the
governor and his family propose to stay till their departure
for America.

BIRMINGHAM.
A meeting of the Hungarian committee was held on
Saturday night; it was announced that the signatures of •
very large number of persons had been obtained to the in-
vitation to be given to Kossuth to pay a visit to this town.
The list of signatures embraces persons of all ranks, and
(excepting the ultra-tories) without any distinction of party

are they chore° ? By little places as well as
large ones. The little boroughs of Thetford, Arun-
del, and such places, each perhaps with something lees than
a couple of hundred voters, return members to parliament,
and Blanchester, London, and Liverpool do no more. Why
I the very growth of this county of Lancaster, in h n years,
from census to census—the very addition of population—
would, had it its fair proportions, return as many members
as those all put together, which return perhaps 40 or 50
perms to the House of Commons. (Bear, hear.) Sir,
we ask Lord John Russell to remedy this; that there shall
not be grievous disparities between the number of repre-
sentatives and the amount of population. We ask him, not
to let the highest duty of citizenship be the means of
popular corruption and debasement; we ask him not to let
responsibility continue, for so long a portion of the parlia-
ment:ay career, a mere name. if his reform bill will'
achieve the rectification of these evils, why we will receive
it with thankfulness; but if not, we tell him that our sys-
tem will do it, and that he ought to come to us if he cannot
himself find the direct remedy fir the evils complained of.
(Bear, hear.) What is the natural result of such a system ?
Unequal taxation—taxation in spirit like time corn laws,
where the pour man's bread was made to pay the land-
owner's rent ; taxation bearing upon the necewaries of life
rather than on property. What are the results
of this system, but a monopoly of office for clans
and classes of people, and even for families, and held
so much to he the patrimony of those classes, that when
the leader of one set, say my Lord John liAlsAell, is out of
office, he advises the sovereign to send for the leader of the
other aristocratic fiction, as if it were a ball to be "
kept between them two, and nut a matter in which the
people have a most vital concern. After some fur-
ther observations Mr. Fox concluded as follows :
We are no innovators, we are not newfangled'
constitutionmorigers —we arc not revolutionists, we''
stick to principles which have been asserted genera-
tion after generation, and which are the real constitutional
principles of this country, which, while it I.IIS one house of
hereditary legislation, should have another house of re-
presentative legislation—a House of Commons nominated
by the commons of England. (Lund cheers.) That rry
for real representation has been echoed by one succeeding
generation after another. We have n tiled our flag to the
toast. It was not lowered for l'itt or Castlereagh, nor
Peel or Wellington, and it shall nut be stained or dis-
honoured fur a Grey or a Rumen. (Prolonged cheering.)
Matters of detail maybe arranged. (Rear, hear.) Com-
promises, if nut unworthy or dishonourable, may he made
on a gnat variety of particular.; but what we claim, and
iu what the Parliamentary and Financial Reform Associa-
tion will, I trust, obtain, will be backed by the population
of England, is a real anal not a sham representation.
(Hear, hear.) This association invites you to exert your-
selves. We say, my colleague and I in this depwa-
tion, that we want your support in the difficul-
ties wo shall have to overcome. We ask you
to work, to help us, to co:tibiae, by joining this
emaciation, or by forming local associations d your
own, or both—to unite with us in endeavouring to
win for the people the great and permanent good of real
representation ; and then when these benefits arc realised,
when economy is established, when a greater liberality of
spirit is mauitested, when the union of the various classes
of society is thus cemented—then those of you who when
young pitted in this movement /WC the good effects, and
enjoy the advantages, you may live to say to your children,
It was not thus when we came into political life—corrap-
tioa, and irregularities, and abuses were then abundant;
we helped to reform them ; this magnificent temple of
order and peace, of prosperity m.d justice, we helped to
build; we brought sonic stones to pile on this great menu-
meat, and we new leave yon the bergage we had front our
forefathen, not only unimpaired, but improved, and carried
onwards to perfection. Go you the same with what still
remains to be rectified; and then, when your final hour
shall come, you will have the consolation, which we now
feel, of saying that we leave the world better than we
found it, and have done something towards that blessed
change." (Mr. Fox resumed his teat amidst prolonged and
enthusiastic cheering.)
The resolution was then carried unanimously.
Mr. THOMAS WRIGLEY moved the next resolution,
and was loudly cheered on presenting himself to the meeting.
lir acid : Gentlemen, we arc met to demand from the legisla-
ture that justice which should come of its own free will
from government. We are met to demand a reform of the
representation of the people. 'the principles have been
stated to you in the resolution which has been previously
proposed. I have no doubt in my own mind if the came
union, the S.LIVIC good sense, and calm resolution he mani-
fested by the people, the same result they have achieved in
the ease of the corn laws will he achieved in the ease of the
reform in parliament. I hope and trust to live to ace the
time when the name of Mr. Fox will h.: associated in the
achievement of reform in the same way as that
of Richard Cobden in the triumph of free trade.
(Cheers.) The resolution I have to propose to you says:
" That the cordial union and energetic action of all re
formers are now imperatively requisite. That the prin-
ciples advocated by the National Parliamentary and Finan-
cial Reform Assoctation merit the support of the great body
of the people of this kingdom ; anti this meeting, consist-
ing of refurtners of every shade, pledge themselves to sus.
tam the well-directed efforts of that association." Gentle-
men, I can have uo objection, I am sure, to anything that
is put forward in the terms of this resolution, but the
danger we have to guard against is this—that at the
present moment the country is experiencing a degree of pros-
, perity unexampled in history, and it is natural at times to be
afraid that that very prep erity may bring about en apa-
thetic indifference to that which is in the future, and that
it will come upon us if we do not bestir ourselves. It is
not because we have plenty of prosperity, plenty of employ-
ment, and fair wages, and because the sun now shines
upon us, that we are not to look forward to the day when the
clouds will rome. I believe giving the people annual parlia-
ments would give a greater spur to education than all the
educable isms you CAI pass, because it would give people a
greater appetite for education. They do not value or ap-
preciate education and the cultivation of the mind in the
way they would do if they hod a purpose to apply it to. I
cannot conceive any more consistent duty than that of fill-
ing their minds with a knowledge of their country's inte-
rests, and cultivating that mind for the purpose of instruct-
ing themselves how they should vote in the election of go-
vernments. (Loud cheers.)
Mr. Twines tinesinv, solicitor, seconded the resolu-
tion.

Mr. TYNDAL ATKINSON, of London, then addressed
the meeting, and was greeted with s,vervl rounds of cheer-
ing. He said the great difficulty which had always stood
in the way of human progress' as far as political rights
were concerned, had lain in the divisions which had been
industriously sown among the people themselves. (Hear,
hear.) A bad government would not exist a single instant
if it were not fur the division of class interests. (lkar,
hear.) Mr. Atkinson then took various items of the na-
tional expenditure to show the extravagance of our finan-
cial system, adverting to the iniquity evidenced in the
history of the present pensions to the Wallow and Richmond
families out of the post-office revenues and the customs. Mr.
Atkinson then referred to the cost of collecting the taxes in
this country. In 1806, in a time of war, the collection of
68 millions of revenue cost two millions and three-quarters;
but in 1848, the cost of collecting 57 millions, a smaller
revenue, amounted to upwards of seven millions. (Hear.)
A system of patronage had slowly but steadily crept into
their public offices. Men were appointed to place because
it was necessary to reward them in some way for voting
against their conscience at dections. (Hear.) The people
could accomplish nothing to remedy this except by union.
(Loud cheers)
The resolution was carried unanimously, and the meeting
ma afterwards separated.

EXECUTION AT GLaiaotir::LOn Friday morning
our city was afflicted with one of those sickening spectacles
which take place from time to time—a public execution.
The crime for which the unhappy ;man, Archibald Hare,
suffered death, was the murder, by stabbing in the mein
street of Blantyre, on the night of the 16th of August last,
of Ronald Iti'Gregor—apparently from drunken frenzy or
bravado. M'Gregur lingered till the 31st of the same
month, when he died. Ihe case was tried on the 2nd inst.
before Lord CoMassy, when the jury, by a large majority,
found Hare "guilty as libelled." Thursday wax the day
originally fixed for the execution, but the fact of that day
being the Sacramental Fast having been represented to Sir
George Grey, a brief respite was granted, and the doomed
man was allowed twenty-four hours longer to live.
Although not a doubt existed on the mind of any one as to
the guilt of Hare, the ditty of the officials was rendered
additionally painful from the determination with which he
continued to protest his innocence. He was 24 years of age,
short, and strong built, and his manner throughout the
period of his imprisonment was wonderfully courageous
and self-possessed. During the night of Thursday the ap-
proaching execution produced the usual excitement amongst
the lowest class of the community, and small groups of
men and women were prowling about in front of the
gaol before twelve o'clock. About two on Friday
morning, a strong body of police were marched to the
foot of Saltmarket-street, and were drawn up opposite, and
on each side of the place of execution, and at three the
parties engaged by the authorities began to erectthe scaffold.
Immediately after this a crowd began to assemble, and
previous to the awful ceremonj the multitude had in-
creased to about 10,000. At o'clock the ground was
taken up by the whole police force, consisting of about 600
men, who formed a square on all sides of the scaffold. A
little past 8 o'clock the wretched culprit ascended the
scaffold, and on taking his place on the drop faced the mul-
titude with great firmness. Having signified to the chap-
lain that he was going to address tue people, the Rev. Mr.
Smith retired a few stem behind, and Hare raising his
voice to its utmost pitch, in order to be heard by the crowd,
spoke nearly as follows: " Fellow-men,—l am going to die
for a crime of which I am innocent, but I pray God to for-
give all those who have persecuted me. All of you beware
of dram drinking, and beware of Matthew Miller, and take
warning by me this day to keep out of bad company,
and to put your confidence in the Lord, for He will never
leave you. He has given me grace this day, and I care
no more for death than any person going to his bed this
night, for I have found favour with Christ Jesus our Lord."
The robe was then adjusted by the executioner, and the
cap having been drawn over his head, a white handker-
chief, as a signal, was put into his hand, after which the
Rev. Mr. Smith engaged in prayer, in which the culprit
appeared earnestly to join. Alter the lapse of a few se-
conds the handkerchief dropped out of his hand, and the
executioner instantaneously withdrawing the bolt, the drop
fell with a crash, and the wretched MM, after a severe and
protracted struggle, ceased to be of this world. When
thrown off, a low suppressed cry was heard from the im-
mense multitude, but no further manifestation of feeling
was exhibited. After hanging the usual time the body was
taken down, and during the day, after the funeral service
of the church of England had been read over it, was in-
terml within the precincts of the gaol iu the presence of lair
—l3l4scoto Citizen