The Express.
London, England, 1865-06-30 00:00:00

ITALY AND ROM.)

(nor .

The rage for meetings has sEwn awn _
succension of them throughout the different cities
et Italy oa the 'tibiae at the Roam ques-
tion. The Florence wain, 1 which took
plane on 'Satanisy, 24th inst., ass the Goldoni
brought the whole to a climax. The ho-
rused by areal of the orators on the occasion
clearly subversive of all present rule. The
al enweratioal party met in strong numbers :
ins was president ; Albert Mario and Protease
0 erardi filled the chair as vice-presidents. The
ntanelli Society, of Pisa (where another
iresetiog_had not long since been held), was pre-
ApplitimaTilise society of Free-thinkers, from Sienna
se • • vote of adherence. The cities of Omens,
mink tenses PO BlZlllitsi Wm ra="4d
a/teen as e students of lova. Count • cited
of Houle a well-known democrat awl radios',
demonist:read, in warm terms, the necessity of
separating the interests of the Church from those of
the state. He alluded to the conduct •of the
Italian government during the fatal period which
dates from Aspromoote, and dotes with the
convention of the 15th September. He wound up
his speech by recommending au immediate
attempt towards Venice, as Rome seemed for
the present to be shut out from the aspirations
of liberal Italy. Still more inflammatory language
was uttered by Professor A. Giannizzo Buetto,
representative of the Liberal Association of Sioily,
who spoke against Rome and the Papal
institutions. He declared Roman catholicism to
be eminently inimical to science and liberty, and
an °biter's to the progress of Italian indepen-
dence. All these assertions were interlarded with
personal abuse of the Popes; narratives of their
profligate livee were brought in for the recreation of
the public, and many ounoegst them were shown up
who have disgraced humanity as hell as the
Papal sceptre. The same orator then attacked
the t government of Italy, and pro-
the abolition of the first article of the consti-
tution, which acknowledges the oetholic religion as
the recognised religion of the realm, affirming
catholicism to be in its precepts contrary to the
interests of seance, and morality, and opposed to
popular liberties and rights. A monster meeting
was proposed to be held under the presidency of
Garibaldi, in sane city of Italy, to be afterwards
decided on. The.return of Mania was to be pro-
pped and insisted on, as his absence from Italy
reflected shame on the kingdom. Professor De
Gubernatis, a young man of talent and promise,
said that reaction seemed dominant just now, but
that are long the people world bold their own ;
they would find means of seeding their ultimatum
to the Pope, which would drive him finally from
Rome. The chairman of the meeting alluded to
the necessity felt by the people of Italy for more fully
vindicating their natural rights and privileges. The
resolutions unanimously adopted by those regent
at the meeting were--lit. The sovereign right of
the people to be recognised as superior to every
other right. 2nd. The abolition of the first article
of the Italian constitution. Sold. That whosoever
treat* with Rome is to be considered as a traitor
to his country. The Diritto, which reported
these proceedings in a moderately diluted form,
has been let off with impunity. The A rveriere'
La doxistia di Firenze, the ex-official journal, Lo
&sumo, and 11 Firenze, which have given an ani-
mated notice of the meeting, have been seised.
The Nodose merely mentions the " meeting " as
a matter of "no importance," and otherwise
holds its peace. It is impossible, however, for
those who penetrate below the surface of matters
not to be conscious of the influence which these
meetings have had in turning the government
from the measures of extreme conciliation which
had been commented with Rome. The terms
of an understanding bad been fairly suggested
in a compromise, which Rome offered in treating
with the liberal government of Italy. It was pro-
posed to exempt the prelates created by the see of
Rome from any direct oath, an implied assent of
allegiance to the king of Italy and the present
order of administration and sovereignil throughout
Italy being understood and considered sufficient.
All reactionary measures being punishable by law,
it is very probable that the prelates, whose interest
it would have been to maintain their privileges,
would have attended to the spiritual conceits of
their diocese, and allowed the government to obtain
full command of the political situation, which it is
now far from possessing. But all political wisdom
appears for the moment to have quitted the muncils
of the state. The country is at the present
moment divided against itself. There is a powerful
faction, a sort of consorteria" which holds office,
and is more or less faithful and time-serving ac-
cording to circumstances. Weak and irresolute,
though in many oases with excellent intentions,
it has no fixed political programme, and governs
as it best may. The "reds" perceive all this,
and, with growing energy, take advantage of the
situation to disseminate discontent--and it is un-
deniable that through their indomitable activity
their ranks are filling fast. They abuse the go-
vernment, and declare openly, as we have seen in
this lastFlorenoemeeting, thelegitimatesovereiguty
of popular rights. Again there are the priests and
reactionista, who, goaded by perpetual innate join
against both parties. Apart from these there is a
small band of true patriots, men of noble aims and
pure principles, who look to the well-being of Italy
alone, and are faithful to the traditions of the
Cavour policy. These men are willies to fight out the
battles of their country honestly, an the cabinet,
the field, in parliament, and in every place where
the great principles of Italian unity and national
independence are to be defended or discussed.
Some members of this select band have issued the
programme of a new journal, which is to appear at
the commeneenieut of next month, and in which
the liberal aspirations of the country are to
find honest expression. The name of this new
journal is to be the Apennines. Amongst the
contributors are mes of first-rate abilities
and honourable station—senators, deputies, and
literary men—all much respected and well-
known. Such a journal is a desideratum in Italy
at this moment ; for though there are very many
others, not one does full justice to Italian good sense
and ability.
We have lately amongst other epidemics been
suffering from the epidemic of "Fetes." Sunday
week we bad the grand inauguration of the "Tiro
Nazionale" (the National Rifle meeting), by the
IlKing of Italy, at the Calcine. Saturday fast the
" Pak di St. Giovanni" were celebrated
with a review of the troops at the Gamine,
at which his Majesty presided. The 24th of June
is also the anniversary of the battle of St. Matinee
which has become a military festival Yesterday
(25th June) we had the distribution of prises to the
victors of the "Rifle Meeting," by the King, at the
Gamine. The ceremony took place under a raised
pavilion canopy, where the King, with several of
his ministers, the prefect, and the Gonfaloniere were
seated. A number of ladies were present, who bad
presented some splendidly embroidered banners to
the National Rifle Association. These banners
were awarded to the fortunate victors, who re-
ceived them from the ladies themselves. Enthu-
siastic were the manifestations of delight and
applause when a priest Padre Bernasooni, from
Como) came forward as the winner of the first prise.
The novelty of the circumstance was of coarse the
cause of this. display of feeling. Many Ater
manes were distributed of tacesatlem value The
a mating" here at Florence has pot been as sue-
cessfel as the two former, bad at Turin and Milan.
Thw material prosperitg.ed oar new Capital is
eeemme7 rising apace The Nettlwrincltelime
ea awing a thriving trade in every
bras" of Marinette they undertake, thanks to
Emir moderate prices and attendon to customers'
Than is a Piedmontese baker especial who
has begone the rage ameaget eves the
time through the moderation of his pine, the
excellence sit the bread and biscuits sad in his shop
and the desnliness and elegance a the shop half.
I myself have seen people in very thriving Cirenin-
Awed. tempted by the "look" of the place, glide
in and buy tisk provisions for themselves.

,Niarm;

The last—c 4 Sherman., „oily has
by this time the whole of it is sosttegargra:D4 wide
through the tarps and villages of theires‘ - Sher-
man himself, oh wallas Grant, is stidogidthrough
the towns, receiving what are called " ovations "
whenever be ventures to show himself. His popu-
larity is wonderful, but still it is evident that he
is far from having the mum hold upon the national
heart that Granthas. It is easy to see, both from
what is said *bout him in the press and in private
conversation, that his negotiations with Johnston
have lost him the reputation for sound political
sense which he undoubtedly possessed previous to
that unfortunate episode in his career. The ten-
dency of the American mind, as you know, is to
infer, from the possession of ability in any
ooe department of public life, ability in fall
others. The great general has usually
been supposed hitherto to be fit for the highest civil
duties. Until the second year of the war • dis-
tinguished lawyer or senator had little hesitation
in taking the command of • division or corps in
active service, and no difficulty whatever in securing
the approval of his friends for the sudden change
in his vocation. The notion that the distinguished
politician was competent as such to lead hosts to
battle was refuted very soon, but the faith in the
distinguished soldier's fitness for all other duties
survived until very recently, and perhaps nobody
has done more to dissipate it than General Sher-
man. But he still remains a popular idol—es sort
of spoiled child of the nation, of whom it is very '
proud and very fond, whose weaknesses or mistakes
nobody likes to speak of, and everybody is ready to
pardon. Nothing could have been more hearty or
more cordial than his reception here in New York. I
The friend's house at which he stayed was besieged
from morning till night by • large and enthmdastie
crowd, and all his attempts at walking or driving
about town were utterly futile. He had no sooner
made his appearance in the street than he was pur-
sued, surrounded, and fairly overwhelmed by
enthusiastic thousands. I saw him in Wall-street
make vain attempts to pay one or two calls ; the
crowd either would not let him out of his carriage,
or, being out, would not let him in, so he had to
give it up. He has • quick, nervous manner, talks
much at times, and frequently repeats what be
has said in a new and more emphatic form. His
contempt for the winces= of the newspapers here
on his campaigns is very great. He says " they
were always wrong." Of those of some English
journals he thinks more highly, and instanced to me
those of the Spectator as "admirable." He was much
pleased with Captain Chesney's lecture on his ope-
rations. I ought to add, however, that the Army
and Navy Journal of this city has frequently called
forth very high encomiums from him for the gene-
ral soundness and accuracy of its comments on his
movements. There appeared in it three days after
his arrival at Savannah a summing up of the lead-
ing events of the march from Atlanta, which he
pronounced a masterpiece in its way, considering
that it was written in New York before he had
made his appearance on the ooset. He is no spesoh-
maker, a serious defect io a man who desires to
retain the popular favour in America ; but ne has
winning ways which more than compensate
for the absence of the " gift of the gab."
Nothing can be more charming than his man-
ner towards women and children. There is not
one of his looks or tones in talking with them
which is not full of tenderness and delicacy ; and
the result was that be was martyrised by both of
them the whole time he was here. He was
assailed at all hours of the day by little girls, with
a strong reserve of mammas ready to follow up the
attack for all sorts of favours, and I fear that before
he left even his wouderful patience was exhausted.
His row with Haack and Stanton Ism entered
on a new phase. You may remember how bitterly
he assailed the former for the order issued from
Richmond, directing Stoneman and the sixth corps
to continue their advance during the truce with
Johnston, and recommending the War-office to issue
general instructions to et officers not immediately
under his command to disregard his orders. Halleok
has now written a long letter, showing that all that he
had done which General Sherman found offensive was
done by Grant's express directions. The public is
waiting anxiously to see how Sherman will take
this revelation, and what effect it will have on his
relations with Grant, which at present are most
cordial. From Graut we may be sure not a word
will hi extracted by way either of comment or ex-
planetton. There is not on the continent a more
retioffilt man as regards political affairs or his own
duties. At this moment no one in the country
stands so high for the popular confidence in his
political wisdom, in his shrewdness and judgment;
and his self-control is just as strong as is his military
talent. A more complete symmetrical character
has not appeared in the war, and few such in any
war, or in any country; and if anything were
wanting to prove the good sense of this people, it
would be found in their hearty admiration for
this plain, simple, commonplace-looking man,
who has never in his life made • speech or an
epigram, or the slightest attempt of any kind to
produce an " effect," who has avoided with scru-
pulous care even the appearance of conciliating
any man, or body of men, in any other way than
by • rigid and faithful performance of his duty.
President Johnson seems to have determined to
follow up the plan of reconstruction adopted in
North Carolina, as he has, since my last letter,
put it into operation in Mississippi. It consists,
as you may remember, in allowing all those who
I were legal voters under the State constitution as
it stood at the outbreak of the war, and can prove
I their loyalty since that period, to vote for a eon-
volition to revise the constitution, and restore
the regular relations of the State to the
Union. I do not believe it will week well,
for various ransom In the first place, it will be
found in ,practice impossible to restrict the Toting
to the " loyal men." The only mode of asoartain-
ing whether a man is loyal or not, which has been
devised as yet, is the administration of an unusu-
ally stringent oath. But it is well known that this
oath is taken by thousands all over the South with-
out attaching the least importance to it. Large
numbers have adopted the view of it propounded
bye greedy Joieson, the distinguished iderYlsnd
lawyer, that as it is not legal it is not binding,
and may be taken by anybody without risk of per-
jury. Many more are tainted by the feeling
which slavery bred long ago, and which was per-
haps one of the most singular results of the pecu-
liar institution, that faith should not be kept with
Abolitionists; in fact, that an enemy of "Southern
eights" (Xe. of the rights of slaveholding) is
also an teeny of the human race. All who
were familiar with the state of society at
the South at the outbreak of the war are aware
that there bad been developed in it on the subject
of slavery a fanaticism of the Maki:enema type, and
that the popular sense of the obligations of the
faithful towards the am-sks'shehling world was

-and _Lloyd, who nabbashingly
OBlos instead qf. . resigning it;, foc the qr.
I throw of the govemmodnit Illey lad ssforsitrupbblii
sad were simply about to withdraw from, as they
saidipeacenbiy. But the most striking examples may
be foaled in private life, where unblushing frauds
were often committed before the war upon
Northerners, and justified, on the simple ground
that the victims were abolitionists.
Consequently, I fear that the whole white popu-
lation will vote for the conventions, and that the
conventions will, therefore, faithfully reflect the
old elaveholding prejudioes, pride, and ambition.
They will certainly not be allowed to frame a con-
stitution restoring slavery—that is gone for ever ;
but they will frame a oonsatution, as they bare
done in Tennessee and Missouri, restricting tits inn-
°bite to the white men, and under this will be re-
admitted to the Union. Now, this is tantamount
to leaving the blacks at the mercy of their old ene-
mies, keeping them in a position of degradation
and inferiority, and exposing them to all the evils
of class legislation ; in other words, perpetuating
in milder form that abuse of inequality of rights
which has been the cause of all the present trouble.
The exclusion of the blacks from the franchise
for any length of time, and to leave their enfran-
chisement in the hands of their old owners, is equiva-
lent to excluding them from it for an indefinite
length of time, and will of oourse place the govern-
ment of the South in the bawds of that portion of
the population hostile to the United States, and this
foreshadows a renewal of the old and exasperating
struggles in Congress, under very different circum-
stances I admit, but still full of danger. What
excites most uneasiness here is that it is well
understood that when once States are readmitted
under the new constitutions all power of interfer-
ence on the part of the general government will
be at an end, and the North will lose that control
ovtr the reorganisation of Southern society which
it was the great object of the war to acquire,

10111.41 K,

recosererml
The black pepula-
yoke of their einem,
aligiltruguay, and are con-
tried to promote a
4 w, but this roved a re-
al disquietude between the two COVA.
get:SissANgszilam_propsietaes dieinctimaitate
Their slaves even in Uruguiyait tarri-
' tory. But they were not content even with
t_ The Brazilians frequentlyi made incur-
ekes . cmUruguay, ~ sad, se the name
Osalarbias, such advection" went on
plllegiNg fines, steeling cattle, and even kidnap-
ping free men from Uruguay to Rio Grande do Sul
I.n fact the proprietors of Rio Grande seemed de-
termined little by little to make of Uruguay a
Brazilian colony. The chief of them, Souza lint*,
made common cause for the purpose with Flores,
and at last, under the threat of revolutionietngthe
whole province, the slave proprietor and the Uru-
guyan chief suieeeded in inducing Brazil to dealere
war ou Uruguay. A commissioner was thereupon
sent, M. Seredva, to ask indemnities for a number of
old grievances all prior to 1862, and, backed by an
imperial squadron, immediate compliance was de-
manded, and Monte Video was at ono. invested.
It is easy to commies that, with such a diraZ of
forma, Uruguay easily succumbed. The ant
was soon laved to anode to the demands ; and by
a convention signed on the 20th February Pre&
dent Aguirre was displaced, and General Flares was
installed as president of the republic.
Other States, however are interested in this
issue, end first among these is Paraguay. Situate,
ea an independent republic, far behind between
Brazil and the Argentine Republic, her only means
of communication with the outer world is by the
Paraguay river and the mouth of IA Plata. Shut
up this outlet, or, what is the same thing, let it
become Brazilian on, and leer existence is
at once endan Hence it is that as soon as
she heard of demands of Brazil upon Uruguay
she formally protested against any invasion of that
State, and expressly signified "that the govern-
ment of the Republic of Paraguay will consider any
occupation of the Oriental territory by the imperial
forces, for the reasons declared in the ultimatum of
I the 4th of the month (August), to be injurious to
the balance of the States of the Plata, which oca-
yarns the Republic of Paraguay, as being the gua-
ranty of her sefety, her peace,
and ber welfare ;
sad that it most solemnly protests against
such ace, rejecting at the same time all responsi-
bility for the result of the present declarative"
The Breslau government took no notice of this
protest, and Paraguay promeded at once to take
reprisals by occupying Matto Grosso, an extensive
Brazilian province by her side. As matters advanced
towards the occupation of Uruguay by Brazil, it
became evident that the Argentine Republic was
not quite neutral in the contest. It was well
known that Flores and President Mitre had long
been in correspondence together, and that arms
and ammunition Ind been sent to him from the
Argentine Republic. It is. moreover, a fact, that
whilst Buenos Ayres has always been adverse to
Monte Video and Paraguay, the other provinces of
the Argentine Republic were not in good accord
with Buenos Ayres, in consequence of certain finan-
cial arrangements, and that the President might
rather bail the opportunity of a war to get out at
a difficulty. However it be, the hostile feeling or I
the Argentine Republic towards Paraguay was I
clearly manifested. Between Paraguay and
Uruguay there is the small province of Corrientes
and the so-called territory of Missions, which
belong to the Argentine Republic, but the
rights and boundaries of which are disputed. To pro-
ceed to the assistance of Uruguay the Paraguayans
must obtain permission for the passage of tarps
through these provinces, and this personates was
asked and refused. Supposing the Argentine Re-
public to be neutral, she would have certainly a
right to refuse this passage of troops. Wheaten
declares this right of passage through neutral tee-
ritory "an impeded, right, the exercise of widish'
depends upon the consent of the proprietor, and
which cannot be compelled against his will. It may
be granted or withheld at the discretion of the
neutral state." But Paraguay complained that the
Argentine Republic was not neutral, and that sleet
granted to Brazil that which she refused to her. It
is under these circumstances that Paraguay con-
sidered the refusal a hostile measure, sufficient of
itself to justify a war, and on the 18th Marcb,
1865, the Congress of Paraguay formally declared
war to the Argentine Republic, the reasons wtgned
in this declaration being the following :-Ist. The
refusal, under pretext of neutrality, to grant the
passage through Corrientes to the Paraguayan
troops, though on previous occasions the same
territory was opened to the Brazilian squad-
ron for the deposit of coals and provisions.
2nd. The non-recognition of the rights of the re-
public over the territory of the minions situated
between the rivers Parana and Uruguay. 3rd. The
protection granted by the Argentine cabinet to a
revolutionary committee and to strangers who
aimed at the overthrow of the republic. 4th.
The help officially given to Brazil against the
Paraguayan cause. The declaration was followed
by immediate acts of hostility. The province of
Corrientes was occupied. Steamers were seized,
and war was carried forward along the river Parana.
Paraguay is severely criticised for hay* pro-,
Deeded to such hostilities before any declaration
of war. But war eras declared and duly oommu-
skated to President Mitre. It is true that by the
treaty of 1856 between Paraguay and the Argen-
tine Republic, it was agreed that in ease of war
hostilities should not be commenced without a
notification six months in advance. but that treaty
was concluded for six years only, and it had therefore
expired. In consequence of these bold steps, Brazil,
Uruguay as represented by Flores, and the Argen-
tine Republic entered into a treaty of alliance
spinet the republic of Paraguay, and they are all
marching against her. Paraguay must be strong
indeed even to attempt
.to fight against three
powers, but, is fact she is more in a position to
injure than of being injured. Nor are the forces
of Paraguay of small moment Paraguay has 23
steamers, all capable for river navigation. The
Brazilian squadron draws too much water to be
fit for that navigation, and the Argentine Repub-
lic has not a single steamer. By land, however,:
Paraguay has an army of 60,000 men; and the
allies will be able to tidied 100,000.
Bus bow, and to what purpoee, can they pene-
trate Paraguay ? It is, indeed, to be regretted
that these republics should be thus arrayed against
each other,. but so long as they form so many sepa-
rate and ndependent republics we must expect
them to be governed by the same political con-
siderations which rule all European states. As for
the interests of Europe in this question, we have no
hesitation in saying on what side they lie. First,
there is the question of slavery. Hitherto Uruguay
formed a barrier to the rapacity of Brazilian slave
owners. Let Brazil take permanent posesseion of
that state, or have supreme influence on the govern-
ment, and slavery will sooner or later be.practacally
extended to that country also. Europe Is certainly
interested in the maintenance of freedom of
river navigation on the Plata, and the same
was seemed by specific treaties to which
the United Kingdom became a party. But
what security shall we have for this, if we
allow Brazil to have the key at the mouth of the
Plata, and Buenos Ayres the right to shut the
I river navigation altogether I We are interested in
I obtaining full security for the trade and pompons of
Europeans in these parts. Can we expect to obtain
this by allowing a state of things which may lead
to a etuan.= of the oivil wart Now that the
internal affairs of Uruguay are so far settled, let
I Brazil fulfil ,her promise of retiring from Mouth
IVideo, and restoring that republic to her free
I anion. As soon es that be dose, Paraguay will
sertainly relinquish her hold on Matto Grosso, and
by retiring from Corrientes, the clams el dispute
with the Argentine Republic will also end. Wei
are happy to find that hitherto the policy ci
United Kingdom in the Plata hes bola boasurahls
and satisfactory, and we tried that whilst we than
ever be the jealous guardians of those rights which
freedom, civilisation, and commerce demand, we
shall not depart from a poeitionof strict neutrality
in the troubles and conflicts d the states of La

,0001.