The Express.
London, England, 1848-01-12 00:00:00

Zile Cron'%ls•

MAILS
The melte for WWI North Ames**, Bernina, and the United
Rates, will be made 1111 nu the evening of the 14th January.
The West India Malls, excluding Bermuda, Neamo, Remise,
Rondonia, New Orleans, Vera Cruz, Tampico, and Porto Woo, and
belittling them for Madeira, Jame', Gathers'. Meta Martha,
Charm, Penman, West Coast of South America, and SL Juan-dia-
Nimrague, will be made up on the morning of the 17th January.
The mail. for Vigo, °pore, Lisbon, Madeira, Cadiz, and illbrallar
will be made up on the morning of the 17th January.
Tim overland mails for Gibraltar, Malts, Greece, the lonian Island&
Egypt, Aden, Ceylon, India, Hong-Kong, and Chinn oia Southampton,
will be ma& up on the morning of the 20th January.
The overland closed mails, ria Marseilles, to the Mediterranean
YRTIn. Aden. Cevlnn, lmlia, ilea* Kong, Sm., will he made up on the
evenly,' of the 24th January.
The mails fur New South Wales, Van Diemen's Land, sad New
Zealand will be made up on the evening of the Slat January.
The mails for the Brasile, the River Plate, Monte Video, Pernam-
buco, Bahia, Madeira, anal Buenas Ayres will be made ap on a e
evening of the 4th February.

TO CORItaSPONDEPI/11.
•e• Advertteammate loteetled fer " The Ewer." eell.l3lSf payee. meat
be at the dim BoaverleTareet.by Tiro kwo'cloc ut day or publleetirea

111011 WATTS AT LONDON 119.1U01.
T9t9 D.9-111ersing, yd. 999, Andrea" 19 mi. past G.
Trllloansm —Yon*" 4.1 .1.. gut G. 9.19999999. 9 9.*6. PM 7.

LONDON, WEDNESDAY, JAN.I2.

THERE was once a bold courtier, who dared to ob-
serve to a monarch that expressed his disgust at the
emptiness of forms, " What is your majesty but
a form ?" A similar reply might be made to those
who complain of the ceremonies of bishop-making.
One of the ornaments of the ceremony of bishop'
making, as of that of king-malting, is the pretence, or
the mimicry, of a certain freedom of choice, or at
least of the right of protest, on the part of the public.
At the coronation, the sovereign's champion, mounted
on his war-horse, flings down his challenge in the
shape of a glove, defying all and every to impugn
the Sovereign's right. If at the coronation of GEORGE
IV., when Mr. DYMoKE, who was the champion
of the day, flung down his
.gauge, TOM CRIBB, the
other champion of England, interpreting the words of
the ceremony 4 la 'dere, had stepped forward, picked
it up, and flung himself into a posture of defence, he
could have done nothing more absurd than what the
learned doctors did yesterday at Bishop HAMPDEN'S

cousecrentun•
We should go back to the days of GUELPH and
GIIIBELLINE—nay, centuries further, to find an epoch
when the people or the public bad more to do with
the election or consecration of either sovereign or

prelate than to lend their sweet voices to the efection
after it had taken place. Their doing so was a matter
of politeness, their refusal a question of no importance
The public had no right to attend or interfere in
the election of the clergy, or even in the confirmation
of that election. But to the olden times the right of
patronage or presentation to benefices and to dig-
nities was much disputed, and the point in dispute
was never the fitness of the person chosen, but simply
the right to nominate. Hence the form of challenge
calling any who had objections of this kind to come
forward and state them.

Even this, however, was of course abolished by
HENRY VIII., who not only commanded deans and
chapters to " elect and choose" the persons whom the
King should name, but who commanded the archbi-
shop to " confirm, invest, and consecrate with all dee
circumstance" the prelate thus " elected and chosen."
Part of the "due circumstance" is no doubt the " oyez,
oyez?' the old challenge to those who disputed the title
to nominate, carefully preserved. For HENRY, though
determined to add the Pope's authority to his kingly
power, wished to do an with as little change er abro-
gation of form as possible.
We can well conceive the

exclaiming

against forms so empty and so devoid of truth, as we
can also conceive how men of such opinions object
altogether to ecclesiastical authority emanating
from those already possessed of political power.
But for the high churchman to call in
question the great principles of authority,
antiquity and tradition—for the tractarians to criticise
and censure that reverence with which HENRY VIIL
preserved the form when he repudiated the supre-
macy of Rome, does appear an instance of strange
inconsistency. That they should moreover take
advantage of these forms, and by literally constru-
ing and acting upon them throw a light of the comic
and the absurd upon the grave and venerable,
though somewhat obsolete, customs of a great church
ceremony,—this could only be the conduct of men
moved by personal pique. and absolutely incapable of
comprehending, much less feeling, a great and
truly religious principle.

WE proved yesterday that the West India colonies,
so far from being benefited by the measures our
government has adopted for the forcible suppression
of the slave-trade, are likely to find these measures
a serious impediment to the immigration of free
labourers from Africa. We now proceed to inquire
what advantage the sugar colonies are likely to
derive from the subjection of slave-grown sugar to

differential duties.
It is sufficient, so far as a permanent system of pro-
tective duties for our West India colonies is concerned,
to observe that differential duties on slave-grown
sugar would only alter the class of competitors which
they have to dread, not remove the competition.
Mauritius can obtain any amount of labour at
a moderate expense from India; in the wide
regions of British India best adapted to the
cultivation of the sugar-cane, free labour is as cheap,
if not cheaper, than the slave labour of Cuba and
Brazil ; the low cost of production of sugar in Java
is notorious, and the Chinese, into whose hands the
sugar cultivation of that island has principally fallen,
will, ere long, do as much for it in the Philippines
and in their own country as there. The total expor-
tation of sugar from Mauritius in 1813 was
441,216 cwt. ; in the first eleven months of last
year 4;71,889 cwt. were imported into Great Britain
from that island. In 1821 we imported 14,000 tons
of sugar from British India, and 13,500 in 1822 ;
during the first eleven months of 1847 the importation
amounted to 1,101,848. As yet the sugar of Java
can scarcely be said to have taken its place in the
British markets ; but this is owing solely to the
dilatoriness of the Dutch in taking advantage of our
new sugar duties. 'fhe rapid and steady increase of I
sugar production in Java will ere long compel the I
Dutch to take measures for availing themselves of
Great Britain as a vent for their surplus produce,
even though the obviously embarrassed condition of
their monopoly-nursed, sugar-refining, interest should
not compel them to do this immediately. Against
such rivals differential duties on slave-grown sugar
afford no protection. If labour is to continue as
scarce in our West India colonies as at present, they
must be ruined in spite of such an illusory protection;
if a supply of labour is obtained for them adequate to
enable them to keep their ground against the compe-
tition of Mauritius, British India, and Java, it will
also make them independent of fiscal protection from
the rivalry of Cuba and Brazil.
We argue this question exclusively as relating to
trade, and that noony because the fresh-grown
zeal for the supp of slavery professed by the
most clamorous advocates of differential duties on
slave-grown sugar is so redolent of cant and hy-
pocrisy. Differential duties on slave-grown sugar
are quite as inefficacious for the suppression of the
slave trade or slavery as our coast blockade of
Western Africa. They cannot exclude slave-grown
sugar from the other markets of Europe and America;
they cannot prevent the importation of slave-grown
sugars into this country to be refined in bond, or to
await here the choice of markets. In despite of them,
British capital will continue to be invested to a large
amount in these anathematised sugars, to the great
encouragement of slavery and the slave trade.
The only means for restoring to their former prospe-
rity our sugar colonies in the West Indies, is a large
immigration of free labourers. And as soon as this
immigration has been carried to an extent sufficient
for the purpose, the British market will be inadequate
to absorb the sugar of the British colonies. The
greediness with which this country, during the last
half of the preceding century and the early years of
the present, kept appropriating to itself the colonies
of Holland, France, and Spain —Guiana, many of the
Caribbean islands, Trinidad and Mauritius—had the
same effect at the time upon the planters of the
old colonies, as the investment of capital in
the sugar production of India was expected to have
upon them at a more recent period. It glutted the
English sugar market, and set the planters of former
days to bombard government and the legislature with
complaints as vehement and sincere as now. Let
Guiana and 'friuidad receive an adequate and con-
tinuous stream of free labouring emigrants, and our
colonies will soon need other markets for their pro-
duce in addition to ours. In that case the protective

systems of other countries, promoted or encouraged'
by our own, will tell to their disadvantage.
But it is alleged that our West Indian saw
growers do not ask for permanent protection ; that
they only complain of the measure passed in 1846 for
the gisidual equalisation of the duties on Britishd
and
foreign slave-grown sugars aspremature, antoo
rapid in its operation.
By the statute in question there was imposed upon
all tbreign sugars : to the sth of July, 1847, a dif-
ferential duty of 7s. per cwt. ; to the sth of July,
1848, a differential duty of C 4. ; to the sth of July,
1849, a differential duty of 4e. 6d. ; to the sth of
July, 1850, a differential duty of 3a ; to the sth of
July, 1851, a differential duty of ls. 6d. After the
last-mentioned date the duties on foreign and British
sugars are to be equal. It is said that the difference
from which this evanishing table of duties takes its
departure has been too low, and that the progress of
diminution is too rapid.
The experience of last year, certainly, does not
warrant the assertion that the protection afforded by
the rates of duty in force during the first eleven months
of the year (for which alone the official returns have
been published) was inadequate. The quantity of
sugar imported during the first eleven monthsof 1847
was, it is true, 7,414,351 cwt., whereas, only
5,028,446 cwt. had been imported during the corre-
sponding period of 1846. And of this large increase
no less than 2,234,176 cwts. were foreign produce.
But of this extensive importation of foreign sugar only
936,331 cwta. were entered for home consumption;
while the quantity of British sugars entered for home
consumption during the eleven months amounted to
4,450,999—0n1y 435,544 evrts. less than the entire
quantity entered for home consumption in the first
eleven months of 1846, and only 186,449 less than the
entire quantity entered for home consumption in the
corresponding period of 1845. The augmented supply
of sugar has occasioned an augmented consumption
which has fallen principally on British sugars. The Bri-
tish sugars have fully kept their. ground in the market
against the competition of foreign sugars ; and that
during a most trying period, for the first eleven months
of 1847 include the quarter during which the falling off
in the customs and excise returns reached its maxi-
mum, and two months of the quarter during which
the natural amount of consumption wan only being
slowly re-established. Experience has proved the
correctness of the estimates on which the point of
departure was taken for the gradually diminishing
table of differential duties; and this affords a fair
presumption in favour of the adequacy of the rates
by which they are made to diminish.
The plea for suspending the operation of the Sugar
Duties Act of 1846, founded on the embarrassment
prevailing among the mercantile housesconnected with
the West India trade, is untenable. The extra em-
barrassment adverted to in this argument neither is
confined to these houses, nor has its origin in the pe-
culiar circumstances of the West India colonies. By
some it is attributed to the derangement introduced
into all branches of trade by the great efforts lately
required to obtain adequate supplies of corn; by
others to that cause in combination with over-specu-
lation in railways; by others to the operation of the
currency. Surely there in no just ground for afford-
ing exclusive protection to West India traders in em-
barrassments which have affected all branches of
commerce alike—for adding to the pressure
of the general community in order that one
favoured class may escape it. Besides, it is
notorious that the most marked failures among
the class of merchants referred to have been occa-
sioned by their extending their transactions without
at the same time adding to their capital, with a view
gradually to exchange their connexions with the
West Indies for connexions with Mauritius or the
East Indies. It is not easy to see how the West
India colonies are to be benefited by measures asked
for the relief of traders who, with a rat-like instinct,
were running from them, in the belief they were
falling houses, to share in the prosperity ef their rising
rivals in the east.

VIENNA, JAN. 3.
You have heard that the Jesuits expelled from Fri-
burg, in Switzerland, have been installed in the va-
cant monastery on the Leopoldeberg, near this city.
Unfortunately for their chances of repose, this spot,
which terminates one of the chief onsets of the Styrian
Alpe towards the Danube, commanding a most beau-
tiful view of that noble river with the capital on one
side, and the rich and magnificent monastery of
Closter Neuburg on the other, is a favourite place of
resort for the Viennese. In summer they stream out
in crowds into the lovely mountain scenery that forms
the charm of the country round this luxurious capital,
and on particular days make a kind of pilgrimage to
favourite spots that have been frequented haunts
from time immemorial. Nothing, however, can
subdue the hatred of the populace of Vienna
to the sacerdotal habit paraded in the street. It is
as if they regarded it as a mark of their degradation
and the peculiar dress of the Lignorians, the pre-
cursors of the Jesuits, joined to the circumstance of
their being constantly in the street, gave rise to so
many unpleasant scenes that the reverend fathers,
although specially protected by the empresses past
and present, received a hint to be more sparing of
their visits to the city, and to confine their rambles as
much as possible to the suburbs where they were
domiciled. Now if there is any word which more
than another stirs the gall of the Austrian mobocracy,
it is the term " Jesuit," and it is not without appre-
hension that their stay may lead to unpleasant colli-
. sione, that wary men have seen them located on their
present eminence.
A street row at Pesth has given rise to a grave
question of parliamentary privilege. A young Man,
secretary to a member of the Diet, passed a sentinel
smoking. To do so is as great an insult to the
cloth as quondam refusing to strike topsails to
'an English man-of-war. The sentinel ordered the
smoker to desist ; who, according to one version of
the story, did so at once ; according to another, gave
his monitor a box on the ear. The guard, at all
events, turned out, and he was carried off ; but
meeting on the way the member to whom he was at-
tached, this gentleman joined him, to give him more
protection, and as they marched with the guard, a
crowd soon collected. In an altercation that took
place, a soldier levelled his bayonet at the member.
The commanding officer, as soon as he was informed
of the matter, ordered the detachment on guard to be
relieved, and inquired into the matter ; but the of-
fended Hungarian insisted upon a formal protocol, to
be submitted to his chamber, for a violation of his
privilege. The whole probably originated in the
clever Austrian trick of having iseldiers that do not
speak the language of the province in which they
are quartered.
Three battalions of Croats are ordered to Italy. It
will be amusing if they learn there to cry " Evriva
Nono

NAPLES, ei IN. 1
The political aspect of the Neapolitan capital be-
comes more and more interesting every day. The people's
cause is decidedly advancing, despite the most determined
opposition on the part of the King, and his hated Minister of
Police. The popular movement, too, is progressing, with the',
steady and peaceful determination which must end in a
happy result. I shall narrate a few events which lir
occurred within the last few days, and if they appear trig ang
it should be remembered how limited are the mere as by
which any demonstration can be made. The Toledo was
again the scene of confusion a few nights since. The revolu-
tionists, as they are termed by the police, collected in large
numbers. A strong military force was marched tlrcough the
streets, who by their overbearing conducrends avoured to
excite the people to open revolt. This *it evidently
the policy of the government. Considering the excitable
nature of the people much credit is due to Vicm for resist-
ing, in a great measure, the temptation. A. few only were
slightly hurt, and the mob dispersed. It is now certain
that nearly all the nobility have joined the popular move-
ment. Several young nobles are in prison at this moment,
amongst whom is Santa Teadona, a member of the richest
and most important family in the city. It appears the
nobles have organised themselves into bands of ten. On
any one or more being taken the first interrogation is,
" Have you shouted in the streets ?" The reply is, " Yes."
" Base you any accomplices?" " Yes," and he immedi-
ately denounces the rest of his band. This is reading the
government a very important lesson, since nearly every im-
portant family ere long must be on the " list." The people
publicly ask for three things . 1. Freedom of the press. 2. A
persons.] freedom, such as is enjoyed by an Englishman
(this idea came from Sicily). 3. An independent munici-
pality.
The Prince of Salerno has again urged the King to mete
some advances, but with no effect. One remarkable change
is visible. I remember when men spoke in whispers on
any political subject ; it is now no uncommon thing to hear
politics publicl discussed ; and yet it is known that 1,500
ducats are spent daily on spies. Unless the whole of Naples
was turned into a prison, it would be vain to b,..ed those ex-
pressions of liberty. The government can only persecute a
class, the nobility, who are, of course, limited in number.
Several instances have occurred, ele:sly demonstrating the
sympathy of the rich. A barber who Lad his windows
broken during the late dist,lthatece received, anonymously,