The Express.
London, England, 1848-04-19 00:00:00

THE EXPRESS, WEDNESDAY EVENING, APRIL 19, 1848.

bill.
Mr. HEADLAM contended that while the utmost free-
dom of discussion should be permitted, this license should
not be extended beyond the limits of discussion into the con-
fines of violent excitement, to outbreak, or to subversion of the
constitution, and the only offences touched by the present
measure came decidedly within this category.
Mr. IC. SEYMER expressed his opinion that in times of
excitement words spoken might very well be more dangerous
than words printed. He regretted that the bill had not been
earlier introduced, so as tolave given more time for its due
consideration by another assembly.
Mr. W. P. WOOD could not allow the bill to pass its
third reading without entering his final protest against so
gross an invasion of the constitutional rights of the people.
lie insisted that mere spoken words of themselves, without
overt act, had never constituted and could not constitute the
offence of treason. lie admitted that the limit placed upon
the duration of the measure was a good thing, but still he
could not sanction the very objectionable clause which he
had all alongoppoeed.
Mr. ADDERLEY supported the meserure.
Mr. MITCHELL had listened with much attention to
the various legal opinions which the discussion on the bill
had elicited, and, he must say, that they appeared to him to
be, on the whole, rather for than against the measure, lie
was no♦
di.posed to he b oun atogether by what was
termed the ' wiedom of our anlcestors," but, on the
contrary, if a new offence sprang up, he was
of opinion that the government and legislature were
bound to provide a check for it in the shape of punish-
ment without delay. In his opinion, the three principal
speakers of sedition, who had been preaching open rebellion
in Ireland, would be the first to fly from the c ,neequence of
their words in the event of an a utbreak. It was above all
things of importance for Great Britain to maintain a state of
internal tranquillity. If she remained at peace only for a
few years, her reward would he the trade of the whole of
Europe. It was very much to be lamented that the efforts
of au inconsiderable number of chartists should be able to
injure the trade of the country. For all the reasons he ha
the
d
stated, he should give his cordial support to the bill ; at
same time, whilst he was quite ready to extend the suffrage
to all householders, he would never sanction or countenance
an agitation which disturbed the trade of the kingdom.
Mr. BORMAN said that upon the points to which the
hon. member who spoke last had referred, in vindication of
his support of the bill, there was no difference whateverdom on
' the part of those who opposed it. All agreed in the wis
of England remaining at peace; all were united in opinion
I that above all things her internal tranquillity end the main-
tenance of her domestic trade were most important to be
secured. The opponents of the bill were equally desirous
with its promoters to have agitation put down, and the open
preachers of sedition, treason, and rebellion puni-hen.
(Hear, hear.) At the same time nothing coma make him
lone sight of the fact that to open and unrestrained speaking
and freedom of discussion were to be traced the greatness of
England and its continued prosperity during so many
centuries. That conviction it wax which had induced him
to oppose the measure in all its stages, and in its most im-
portant provision. The noble lord had, together with his
colleagues, met the objections urged by himself and
other hon. members in a fair spirit, and had made suck
concessions as would totally disincline him from offering
any further opposition; and he felt he should not be justi-
fled in resisting the motion for the third reading of the bill.
(li.ar, hear.) The measure was only calculeted to cope
with a temporary emergency, and he must take the liberty
of cariria the attention of those who with himself hod
hitherto opposed its progress to the actual state of Ireland;
and to ask them whether they considered they ought to
resist the third reading of the bill. Ireland was in one mood
of discontent from one end to the other, and in conceding to
the governiuent the powers to be exercised under the bill
for the space of two years, it was upon the distinct under-
sanding that within the! period ministers would apply
remidial measure' on an extensive scale to that unfortunate
countThery .
SOLICITOR-GENERAL explained. The distinc-
tion he hail drawn w.ei between the cases of " written
wrds" and " ken 0r.15." This distinetion was peculier
to o
the English.rdo law. Let what he stated was, that teis dis-
tinction only existed when the words alone constituted the
offence, as in the distinction recognised between libel and
slander. But in the present case where the offence imputed
was that of inciting persons to commit violence, the law and
the constitution a.ike ignored any dtstbaction between words
sp ken and written, because either of them was sufficient to
prove the offence charged, and the only question was how to
ascertain truly whether the person were guilty in intent to
the extent of his spoken words. It was impossible that his
hon. and learned friend could have clearly understood the
doctrine :lid down by Foster. Now, if a person pursued to
its utmost limits a deliberate scheme for overturning the
government by force, and did so by open speaking,
and by endeavouring to induce, by open
vised speaking, other persona to form such a plan, he
(the Solicitor- General) must contend that although
noting
hi
could be proved against such a person but " open and ad-
vised speaking." that man was, according to all the authori-
ties ancient and modern, guilty of a deliberate act of treasov on,r-
if his words could be proved to encourage a scheme for e
turning the government.
Mr. HORSMAN.—Must not the words be spoken at a
alerting ?
Tee SOLICITOR GENERAL.—A person cannot speak
in a dangerous sense to himself. There mast be some other
person or persons for him to communicate his ideas to, before
they could be made the subject of notice. These persons
constitute a meeting, and any mutual understanding en-
tered ii,to between him and the persons listening to him, for
the purpose of overturning the goverument, constituted
treason
Sir H. PEEL rose and said—Sir, If Majesty gieen, up to this
moment my cordial sup.
during to her s government
during the progress of this bill, and if I have given that sup-
port in silence, it has cot been from any wish on my part to
disclaim any portion of the responsibility which attaches to
those who support this :measure, but because I believed it

to be of importance that the bill should, at as lady a period
as possible, receive the sanction of the laggisigglsra—(hear,
hear)--and I was unwilling to pretreat the gassesiffite by
offering any obeervations. But I emu* ellsw Os bux to
leave this house without distinctly mei illnMttyMatlsf la 7
approval of the measure. (Hear.) I mho as ',sheens* to
what hes taken place in neighbouring states, I believe that
her Majesty's ministers are justified in pripering this mea-
sure ; and believing them to beers justified, with reference to
public considentions alone I render them my cordial sup-
port. (Hear, hear.) But the hill has two objects in view.
The first contemplates the reduction of those crimes which
have heretofore been deemed by the law to be treason, to the
minor offence of felony, and the operation of this law is con-
fined to a period of two years. The second object had in
view by the proposers of the bill regards only the compassing
of certain acts, such as the intimidation of parliament or
of the crown, by declaring war or otherwise. The so
eompassing of such objects by open and advised speaking,
shall, it is provided, during a period of two years, subject the
person so offending to the penalty attached to the felony cre-
ated by the bill. Sir, 1 approve of this part of the bill.
(Cheers.) Ido think it right that men who neither possess,
nor are in any way entitled to, the dignity of being deemed
traitors, should not be allowed to shield themselves under
the illusion that they are not felons. (Hear.) lem always
ready to make allowances for men, who, carried away by
their ardent love of liberty, show themselves ready to sacrifice
themselves to the cause they. have espoused ; and who, when
they consider liberty to be in danger, are ready to set an ex-
ample in her defence, by sacrificing their own persons.
(Hear.) But, sir, I have no sympathy—l have no respect—.l
have no admiration for those who, by their proceed-
ings, involve the ignorant, the enthusiastic, and the unwary,
in all the penalties of treason, and who at the same
time, so demean themselves as to escape all the consequences
of their acts and words. (Lnud cries of "hear.") I cannot
conceive a more despicable or more detestable character than
the man who for the urpose of gratifying his own personal
vanity endeavours top get for his own name adatimion into
the list of those great men who in former times have been
included within the category of traitors—(hear)--the men
who urges on his believing and devoted listeners to acts of
violence and of treason, but who shrinks from taking his
seare of their common lot. (Cheers.) Such men I should
much desire to see reduced to the level) of the frog ; let them
not be swelled into the hulk of the ox who bellow treason.
Brand them with the felon's mark. Do not elevate them to
the higher ranks of their most dangerous class of offences.
(Hear, hear.) Therefore it is, Sir, that I approve of a
measure which will enable the government to prosecute
as felons those who may have acted in the way 1 have de-
scribed, and I must say that some there are who have so
acted. (Hear.) I think it impossible for any one to read
the speeches which have been mode at Dublin—l will not
quote any one of them, I will not give either circulation or
.mportance to them by reciting them—but I repeat, I think
no one who has read those speeches hut must admit that
ey make him familiar with the fact that there has been a
direct incitement to the manufacture and vise of pikes.
(Hear, hear.) Language of a similar description hail
Hear.)been
heard also in this country, at public meetings. (
What, let me ask, must be the effect of such language when
addressed to an excited mob? (Hear.) Suppose that the
people act under the injunctions of their leaders, whet is the
fearful consequence ? The loss of life—the suspension of
legislation—the paralysation of commerceand trade. (Hear.)
And, in many instances, all that is sought for is the gratifica-
tion of the silly vanity of those who use such language. At
the same time, I readily admit that out legislation on these
subjects ought not to lie inftueneed either by our panics
or our indignation. 1 have ever unwillingly advocated any
departure from our constitutional limits, without the gravest
consideration. And if I could believe that the bill deserved
the character attributed to it by the hon. and leaned gen-
h
tleman the member for Oxford (Mr. W. P. Woodl, thoug
I might not alter my vote, I should certainly regret the
more the necessity for its enactment. But I confess I heard
from the lion. and learned gentleman with great surprise,
that it was new to the constitution of this country to subject
I to severe penalties the offence of open and advised speaking.
I I know it has been customary tow ake a distiection b
the pre-
sent ntinstance you are not about to make written words sub-
ject to the penalties of treason. But you are, on the con-
trary, about to commute the crime of treason, as committed
by written words, into felony. Is there anything unjust in
subjecting to the same penalty the party guilty of open
billd
an
advised speaking as qualified under this ?
Ice it, let me ask, unjust to subject such
an offence to transportation ? (Heir, hear.) I say, sir,
that penalties of more than equal severity have been applied
to such offences under the constitution of this country for
more than 500 years. This offence is not made treason, but
it is constituted a graver offence than a misdemeanor. What
punishment does the hon. and learned gentleman imagine I
this offence was subjected to by the 13th of Charter IL, c. 1
It was declared by that act that " To assert maliciously and
advisedly, by speaking or writing, that both or either of the
houses of parliament have a legislative authority without the
King" to an act punishable by pnemunire. I apprehend that
speaking in this sense openly and advisedly will bee peaking
maliciously, and that under that construction such nialice
would he implied under the act of Charles. Again, by the
statute oth Anne, c. 7, to assert maliciously and directly,
either by preaching, teaching, or advised speaking, that any
other person than such as, according to the act. of settle-
ment and union, are entitled to the throne of Great Britain,
bath any right to the throne of these kingdoms, or to assert,
on the other hand, that the king and the parliament ea inot
make laws to limit the descent of the crown, such presenting,
teaching, or advised speaking is a priemunire, as writing,
printing, or publishing the same doctrine amounted, we re-
member, to treason. There is a distinction male where
the overt act is in writing and where it is in speaking scoria
But Blackstone observes :
" liming thus inquired into the several species of prrimiutilre its
punbhmeat may be leathered from the foregoing statutes, whch' are
thus shortly summed up by sir Islam IrOike -.That morn the COOTiC-
tton the defendant shall be out of the king's protection, and his lands
and tenements, goods and chattels forfeited to Mc king, sod that his
body shall remain in prison at the
ir ing's pleasure,' or L. other audio.
nuts bane it, during life.' Threfore for the offence of advised I
speaking, these were the penalties which the law undo stood to imply
the forfeiture of goods and the ' imprisonment for life.'"
I cannot understand how you could have more severe penal.
ties than under these acts, but here the penalty is nut less
than seven years transportation. I cannot say that in the
other case I think the penalty more severe. But here
you have a proof that the offences of malicious and advised
speaking, though distinguished from written words, and not
made treason, were yet subjected to penalties at least as
severe, and by this law you reduce these other offences from
the penalties of treason to thou of felony, whilst you con-
stitute open and advised speaking a felony. But the ques-
tion for us to consider is, whether there are no circumstances
in the present case which, together with the influencing
example of another country before us, are sufficient to
justify us in passing the bill ? Is it, I ask, unreasonable or
unjust to enact for a limited period that he, who by advised
and open speaking, shall influence the people to endeavour
to effect a certain object, by making war or otherwise_, shall
be subjected to the penalties attached to felony ? To the
punishment, for instance, of transportation. Sir. I have ob-
served language addressed to people liable to sudden excise
ment, having no other objects than those denounced by this
bill. Ido draw a distinction between them and a mere as-
semblsge of persons where words spoken would not be within
the compass of the bill. (Hear, hear.) I admit that it la
not alwas advisable to resort to the law in all such cases,
but Ido think that the practice of cengregating !urge mares
of the people under the pretext of presenting perk
tioos, is one which lays the leaders of such novs
ments under the highest moral responsibility. I cannot
conceive that the sole object of calling together such
large mares is for the purpose of deliberation. I heard,
with perfect good humour, the disclaimers of the hon. mem-
ber for Nottingham. I heard his loyal protesaions. I heard
him deprecate all attempts as confusion and des 'ruler ; but
let me tell the hon. member that those who bring their hun-
dreds and thousands together cannot hope always to gain
credit tor their love of order. And as for his declaration of
loyalty, I must say it was not satisfactory, fof it appears that
provided he gets democratic institutions,
iit is P matter of in-
difference to him whether Beelzebub s sovereign or not.
(Laughter.) Then, Ido most cordially wish, that when the
bon. genteman has got the sovereign of his choice—(re-
newed cheers and laughter--he will enjoy the confidence of
the crown. (L tughter.)l des)ire,however, to enter briefly upon
the subject before the house. I think I see a proof that there is
good reason for streeethening the hands of the government
with respect to one class of offences the evidence of which
is daily before our eyes. It is said, indeedislature, that
it is, not necessity to appeal to the leg
for fresh powers ; and in proof of this we are
reminded of the splendid manifestation made by the
people the other day. Yes, but at the same time it is neces-
sary to tell the people that you are prepared to take your
share of the responsibility of that magnificent demonstration.
The time of those who made it i, most valuable, and looking
at the sacrifices and personal exertions then made, it is the
duty of the government and legielsture to tell them that we
so highly value the institutions of the counter, that we are
determined to maintain them in all their leading principles
and upon the ancient foundations. Arid :bat so far from
deprecating such manifestations yol are content to lend
your aid to encourage similar demonstrations of a
good
and loyal spirit in the people. (Hear, hear.) I be-
lieve that the constitutionof this country is strong enough to
bear a temporary departure from the ordinary law, when it is
found necessary to resort to extraordinary pewees. Thus it
is upon the present occasion. After the lapse of two years,
it will be in the power of the house to determine whether
that additional power shall continue. His be permitted to
expire, I cannot doubt that the constitution will be found
to have been unblemished by its temporary existence. If
we find that treason and sedition are resorting to new de-
vices for the purpose of subverting the government, and
if we do not meet throe new devices with new enactments
suited to the purpose, then we shall give to treason and sedi-
tion an advantage with which thelaw will not be able to cope.
I make no reference to political events which may be passing
in another country, because my firm belief is, that the secu-
rity of every existing government depends upon a rigid as-
stinence from interference in what is passing among its
neighbours. (Hear, hear.) We may maintain our own
opinions—l have mine—but I believe it is for the stability
of governments that the experiment now being made in
France should have a fair trial, unembarrassed and undis-
turbed by external interference. (Hear, hear.) But at the
same time, with respect to socialist principles, I earnestly
hope that our working classes will not be deluded by the
doctrines on this subject as affecting their labour and its
rights, which are elsewhere so openly avowed. (Hear, hear
If the doctrines thus maintained be true ; if there be indeed
an antagonism between capital and labour ; if it be true that
all MCD, without reference to their different c inabilities,
different strength, and different capacities, are tohave the
same iron formula and to receive the same deity rate
of wages; if these things be true, then all our expertence and
all the lights of the het one hundred and fifty years have
been shining upon us in vain. (Hear.) In vain have the
works of Turgot. of Say, and of Adam Smith been written,
L we are now to establish in triumph the doctrines which

led to the Mississippi scheme, the doctrines of that Law who
is supposed to have involved the whole of France in edam
and confunon. (Loud cheers.) But let us wait the result
of the experiment. Let us see whether it is poseoble for an
executive government to become great manufacturers, to
force the employment of labour, and to compel such a divi-
sion of prelim as shall reduce all men, without reference to
their strength or talents, to the same level of pecuniary re-
muneration. (Loud cheers.) Give the social principle the
same trial that you are about to see given to the political
principle; but I have so much confidence in the good sense of
the working classes of this country
.as to believe that no
false delusion of compulsory shares in profits, no enmity
directed against capital, no doctrines of communism, nol
overbearing interference with individual enterprise by go-
vernment endertakings at the public expense, can be looked
upon by them as tending to their benefit, or as likely to
have any result but to involve their whole body in misery and',
destruction. (Loud cheers.) Imy so much with reereano-
nce I
to the carrying out of social and political principles in
ther country, bet it would be a shameful dereliction from the
truth were I not to predict the fatal consequences of thine
experiments to the country in which they are n course of
being tried. (Hear, hear.) I have to beg pardon of the
house tor allowing myself to be diaerted from the
fur th main
question. 1 believe that there are political grounds
temporary increase of the authority of government.
I will not force on the government powers which
they do not require. All the question I have
to deal with is, whether, for two years, he who
incites the people of this country to intimidate the
legislature, not by words, but by declarations of war, shall
be amenable to the provisions of this bill. I think that the
circumstances of the times jussify and demand it, and I be-
Helm that by it the loyal people of this country will be en-
couraged to continue those exertions on which, and not
on police or military force, the safety of the empire
depends. (Loud cheers.)
Mr. BRIGHT remarked that the right hon. baronet, in
his observations on the bill, had founded hie praise on the
fact of its being taken for only • limited period. sneer,
hear.) But the house would bear in mind that, when
and
ori-
ginally introduced, it was intended to be permanent,
that it was only the determined opposition of some forty or
fifty members on that side of the housebear.) which bad given it a
temporary character. heard
the observations of the right hon. baronet with great
pleasure in so far as they relate. d to the labour market, and
he concurred with the right hon. baronet in believing that
nothing could be more fatal. in this country or elsewhere,
than such opinions as were becoming prevalent. But let
the house beware, and consider how far they had themselves
originated the germ from which such opinions had sprung.
(Hear, hear.) The right hon. baronet bad added his opinion
to those previously expressed against large assemblages of
the people, as being calculated to lead to disturbances of the
public peace. He (Mr. Bright) believed they all agreed that
Buell meetings as they had been lately threatened with might
be dangerous; but, whilst they all agreed on that point, let
them not lose eight of the fact that such great and
general protestations of the opinions existing in the public mind
must of necessity arise under such circumstances as existed at
that moment. lie would ask the right hon. hart. to look
back at his own career and experience, and see how unavoid-
able such demonstrations were. Twenty years ago the right
hon. hart. hail consented to a great legislative change respect-
ing some millions of the people residingin Ireland ; and he
(Mr. Bright) believed it was on record that the Duke of
NVellington declared the alternative of granting such
changes to lie the breaking out of civil war in Ireland. They
been asked tor respectfully y ear after year, lmt the
house was deaf to the demand. It was only when under the
influence of terror that they acceded to it. Coming down to
later years it would be found that parliamentary reform
had le en demanded year after year in the most mode-
rate manner. The noble lord at the head of the government
had frequently proposed plans of reform in that house—he
hoped to have the pleasure of seeing the noble lord de so
agoin—(slivers)—but it was only when the country was
threatened with violence and disturbance that that house
and the House of Lords consented to what was sow admitted
on all hands to have been a fair and necessary, reform. In
Canada, alto, it was only when an insurrectionary move-
ment had taken place and been put down that the conces
eions for which that movement was made were agreed to.
Neither would the repeal of the corn laws have been con-
ceded had it not been for the powerful external organisation
which was brought to bear on the middle chases of this
country. (Hear.) He merely reminded the house of these
things in order that while they censured enormous assemblages
of the people, they took care not to leave any real grievances
unredeemed. (Bean, hear.) lie lived in a part of the
country where that frightful object, the working classes
were to be found in the densest masses. Be believed them
to have made great progress of late years, not only in politi-
cal information, but la the knowledge of their true interests.
Ile believed that communist principles did not find among
them many advocates, and ttat even when advocated it
was not from approval, but from a hope generated in die-
tress that any change would he for the better. (Hear,
hear.) They had had demonstrations in favour of order
from Manchester as great as those which had taken place in
the metropolis—(hear, hear) ; but there had beShaer the
same time declarations from many quarters
people would not take up arms or evils constables'
staves if the object was to stifle the free expression
of public opinion. He could himself bear testimony to the
good conduct of the working classes of Manchester, to whom
order was as dear as it was to any member of that house.
(Hear, hear.) He hoped, then, that government and the
house would think that the time had come for widening the
pale of the constitution, which, at present, was but a theory
in so far as regarded the great mess of the people. The
800,000 electors we had at present were only a garrison
which five or six millions were besieging, and if they wished
to have it secure they must take in a large number of the
besiegers. (Hear, hear.) He was willing to admit the
many excellencies of our constitution, which he be-
lieved was admired not oaly here but throughout the
world ; but gentlemen . must not think that it could
long remain as it was at that moment (Hear, hear.) Ile
had risen to express his approbation of the sentiments of the
right hon. baronet as regarded the relations of capital and
labour, and aloe to implore him and the government to con-
sider whether the time was not coming when even our
boasted constitution might be strengthened by admitting
within its pale a large addition from the ranks of the
people. (Hear, hear.)
Mr. MUNTZ declared that he would persist in voting
against the bill so long as it contained the provision against
" open and advised sp. aking.•'
Lord J. RUSSELL—After the protracted discussion whichin
this measure has undergone, and the part I base taken
its various stages, I do not think it will be necessary for me
to do more than advert to some few observations which have
been made in the course of debate this day. It appears to
me, in the first place, that it is extravagant to suppose that
without alterations of the law from time to time we can
secure those benefits if peace and order which it is the
bounden duty of the legislature and the executive govern-
' meat to maintain. (Hear, hear.) The act of Edward 111.
was the foundation of the law of treason, but of course it
i could not provide for treason by publications, or by speeches
'at public meetings, no more than could the legislature of
that day provide for the cases of jeint-stock companies, oceans
railway acts. (Hear.) As civilisation grows up the law must
nuke progress; as new malaise( overturning the government
are resorted to, and assume important proportions, the legit,
lature must be prepared with such alterations as wilt meet
those evils. (Hear, hear.) I will not now enter into the
question which has been so fully debated respecting words
spoken, but with regard to the alteration we have made—
that is to say, making temporary that which we intended to
he permanent—l mast di dare that I think it of infinite value
that any measure passing this house at the present time
should combine the advantages of being effectual for its
purpose, nod of ohtaiuing the concurrence of mederate men
perhaps over afraid of infringements upon liberty, and yet at
the same time not willing to deny the government the powers
they ask. (Hear, hear.) I think that the proposal
we made, originally intending it to be permanent,
will be a great improvement in the law,and that parliament,
when it comes to reconsider it hereafter, will make it part of
our permanent legislation. But I do not think it fair when
I find men, not only among the fifty to whom the hon.
member for Manchester adverted, but several who sit on this
side of the house and who have voted constantly with the go-
ys rnment, when I find such men willing to give the govern-
ment every power necessary for a temporary purpose, but
doubting whether such powers should be made part of
our permanent legislation, I do not think that
any majority we might obtain—and I believe it
would be quite as large for a permanent measure,
would be compensation for violently straining the
opinions of those gentlemen, when all that is required for
present purposes could tie obtained with their consent. I
therefore am not afraid of being accused of waut of courage
or consistency in eons-mting to such an alteration. I only
say that I did not consent to it from an opinion that it
was not wise to make a permanent alteration in the law, or
that parliament would not hereafter confirm it. I have
adopted it as giving sufficient powers for the urgency of
the case, while the question of its permanency may b •
has
de-
ferred until parliament can calmly consider t. Such
i
been the course on former occasions ; and since the case has
arisen, why not now; I must confess that our reasons for
bringing forward these alterations in the law at
the present time were not merely that it is desirable
to reduce many of these treasons to felony, not merely that
we were desirous to make other alterations in the law, but
that it did appear to us that government was not armed with
sufficient powers against the peculiar kind of machineions
which have been recently adopted against the throne and
government of these realms. I believe that in adopting any
alteration of this kind you have to steer between two great
dangers. I believe that if you leave treason and sedition to
take their course unpunish. d, you not only expose the con-
stitutit.n and the government of the country to the greatest
peril, but you run the danger that for weeks and months
together the minds of the working classes will be disturbed,
the peaceable occupatians of trade and industry will
be interrupted, and thus discontent will grow from the ab-
sence of that peace and order which are necessary to their
progress. (Hear, hear.) But, on the other hand, if in
adopting such alterations, in taking such powers, you ex-
ceed the necessities of the occasion, if you at all interrupt the
course of free discussion, whether at public meetings or
through the press, in that way you incur a danger equal, if
not superior, although in an opposite direction. You in-
crease that discontent which it is your wish to allay, you
send that discontent into other channels, and you find,
finally, that se far from accusing peace and order, you have
greatly endangered both one and the other. (Cheers )
We have endeavoured in the measure we have brought
forward—we shall endeavour, in the course we intend topur-
sue—to avoid those opposite dangers. I believe myself that
this bill will tend much to the security and peace of the
people of this country. I believe that the instance which
the hon. member for Nottingham gave to-day of one who
was eery brave in language, with respect to insurrection and
fighting, daggers and guns, but who, when the day of tris:
came, found himself so bad with • fit of the rheumatir.n,
that be could net come, will not be tll4OOllllOll Qt sinrAlar,