The Express.
London, England, 1849-12-18 00:00:00

ghe elangt/40.

OUTGOING NAILS.
TM mails for Gibraltar, Melte, Gr. Kr, the lonian
Napa, Cellos, India, sad Chime, vie Southampton, will
blies& up es the monies of Dee. 20.
sjd blareeilles, to the Ilediterramas, Egypt,
liastiosg, de., will be 'tads up ea the
wales et Die. 24.
The ant mails for Lisbon, Spain, and Gibraltar will be
mob up inDret. 27.
TM MU/ for British North America and the Valeta
BMW trill be made up on the armies of Dm 28.
TM Brest India Mails, including
andaveas
Renderas, New Orleans, and Mexico, maladies
*Me ter fin, St. Jaan-de-Nicarague, New Grenade,
Ohill. eel Pim will be maderup on the morning of Jae. 2.
The sob he Medals, the &arils. stet Ruins Aymeonll
be meta up on tbe males of Jae. 4.

ow WA?IR AT LONDON ARM&
TONI D 4 sn
4-46444.44, 41. ....lesce. Os.
Twasaso4-144.10414 49. A. Alumna, 4 A no.

LONDON, TUESDAY, DECEMBER 18.

Tits present moment is one, which strikes us as
imparatively requiring that all men visited with fiscal
beefless should be called to partake in the final de-
aths of how they are to be borne. On this sublect
thin 'exists the greatest diversity of opinion; of
=not merely theoretically entertained, but
Isyli, passionately, interestedly disputed. The
comary has avowedly come to this pan, that
its most wealthy chimes declare their inability
or reluctance to bear their share cf tho
barbels of the state, unless they are protected, or in
ether words helped to do so. This is the case with
the landed aristocracy of the country, not indeed with
its more intelligent members, or thaw most versed in
the practical silence of politics and finance, but
still with a majority of that class. To get that
protection, or to shake off the analogous snare of
burden, is but too certainly the aim of this
powerful interest. On the other hand, with the con-
tinuance or restoration of the old dearness of corn, all
that capital which derives its profit from the prodnc-
tics of manofaeures mast become profitless and idle,
sad the hands which live upon it destitute. The in-
terest of the common mass of consumers is identical
with this; and so indeed is the interest of the farmer
and the labourer, could these dependent clams, rightly
understand ii. But in the division of the country
into two camp, many a man hastens blindly to the
standard which is not his owe.
In this war of opinion, and amidst the despe-
rate efforts of the party, against which judgment
went, to reverse it, a ministry or any toed of
officials is comparatively powerless; and political
party, in its present fractionery state, is equally with-
out the authority or power duly to resist, or perma-
nently to decide. There must come the necessity of
an appeal to the country at no very distant
day. That such an appeal will be mo:e
than usually solemn, serious, and critical in
its results, no the can doubt. And if ministers
have a due nose of their position and of the danger
of the country, they will render that appeal more
solemn and effectual by calling to the hustings and
admitting to the franchise the large but not enormous
body of ratepayers in every locality.. Could there in
each locality be second to all an independent vote
by means of the ballot, and to each interest its
fair influence in representation proportioned to its
wealth and population; then, indeed, a decision of
parliament might be considered so authoritative
and final, as to stifle the very murmur of discontent.
It is impossible, however, to hope for all reforms en
masse. And even one of these re orms, however in-
complete without the rest, should be welcomed.
Of these reforms, the extension of t: :s franchise to
all ratepayer is most to be pressed, because it is that
which even the whigs must contemplate. There are
now of them, indeed, who must not s e that to leave
the Irish with their present limited franchise
and dwindled electoral body, is neither mere
nor less than to give up that country
and its parliamentary influence to malcontent
ass frantic landlordism. There is but the one re-
medy, the one safeguard, the extension of the fran-
chise to ratepayers, 'Mich, however imperative and
indispensable, would still be impossible to adopt as a
principle in Ireland, without extending it to England
likewise. Ministers, we are convinced, cannot meet
parliament without a large measure dealing with the
Irish franchise, and how they are to do this without
enlarging the English electoral body at the same time,
we are at a loss to ornceive.
Nor is it merely the great questions of protection
and free trade, which demand that the country at
large should participate in them by their representa-
tives—there is the question of tisanes bound up with
them, and of expenditure bound up with finance.
If through any dexterous, and party handling of the
cry of protection, the landlord class should once
more get possession of the government of the country,
and of a working majority in parliament, we must be
prepared to submit to a large increase of indirect
taxation. Property will not pay, and industry
must. Anl whilst property is not made to pay,
the holders of property, however nominal, and of the
government together, will scout economy, and con-
tinue to the utmost the present lavish expenditure ;
nay, perhaps we shall see this expenditure th-
anes in order to support the despots of Europe, their
tyranny and their reaction.
However the fears of such danger may be elm-
geratedtthey are still not to be slighted. And over con-
fidence is as much to be deprecated as extra-panic.
To meet such danger, all that the popular party can
do is to be done by slow degrees,
by those popular associations for electoral
and financial reform, which have spread their rami-
fications throughout the country, and the freehold
land societies, which seek to raise to an independent
franchise the poor industrial, which the franchise will
not stoop to reach. It would, however, be a great
advancement to all the patriots engaged in efforts
necessarily so tedious, if the government of the day
were compelled by its necessities to fling itself into
ever so partial an extension of reform.
The carrying of even one article of Mr. Hunt's
programme would be a great achievement for so early
an epoch as the commencement of 1550. Nor should
the efforts of reform associations bar loft dormant
with such a prospect in view.

APPARENTLY there have been few of what are
called " thirsty souls" among the financiers of France
and England. On the contrary, they might reason-
ably, be suspected of a predisposition to hydrophobia,
so inveterate has been their persecution of drink-
ables, by subjecting them to heavy taxes.
The ordinary revenue of the United Kingdom
amounted, in 1847, to 56,000,0001. Of this sum,
nearly one-fourth was derived from taxes upon drinks
and drinking. The customs duties on wine yielded
1,700,0001. ; on tee, 5,000,000/4 on coffee 750,0001.
In England alone the exc;se duty on malt yielded
4,000,0001. ; on hops, 400,0001. ; on spirits, 3,300,0001.
Ths licensee of beer brewers ant retailers in England
brought 300,0001. to the exchequer. Here we have
14,430,0001., @daunt counting the melt, hop, and
epirit duties end licenses of Scotland and Ireland.
The impartiality with which English financiers tax
all kinds of drinkable@ is remarkable. The tea and
cease of the teetotallers, the wine and beer of the
moderate drinker, the gin and whisky of the confirmed
tippler, all must bear a COMMIII burden. Water
alone escapee them.
'lle hostility of French financiers to potable
liquids is almost as strnng!y mrrked. The annual
average of receipts from indirect taxes during the
four years ending December, 1840, was 942 millions
of francs, or about 4600.0001. Of this sum 72 mil-
lions of francs, or about 2,900,0001., was derived from
duties on wine. Wine is to the Frenchman what
beer and tea are to the Englishman : the wine duties
in France are the counterpart of our tea and malt and
hop duties.
AmooS other insurrections, which France has been
visited by during the last two years, is an insurrection
of the thirsty throats of the community. The provi-
sional government b3sved before the urgency sf
the public thirst, and abolished the tax on
drinks. The late ministers of Louis NAPOLEON
did not venture to restore the obnoxious impost. Bar,
M. Fottzt ant his colleagues have resolutely taken
the field, with a view to restore the hydrophobia
system of finance.
Dories the greater part of last week the Assembly
was buy debating the pros and cots of the impost
upon drink. '1 he dub,' e elicited some of toe meet
creditable displays of sense and stalesnisnl.ke
views that have been witnessed in the French lesisla-
tune, end also one of the moat lamentable exhibitions
of mystical oracular absurdity.