The Express.
London, England, 1848-05-29 00:00:00

THE EXPRESS, MONDAY EVENING, MAY 29, 1848.

FREE LABOUR IN THE BRITISH COLONIES.
PUBLIC MEETING.
Oa Saturday, a public meeting of " all persons
deaireus of upholding the apts.' of freelabour in the British
°Anna' porres.ions, And of preventing this country from be-
coming dependent for its supp'y of sugar and coffee upon the
extension of cultivation by means of slavery and the slave
trade," was held in the great room at the London Tavern,
and was numeromy attended by the leading City commer-
cial men of all ahMets of political opinions. The retail we.
crowdsti in every pert. On the motion of Mr. Samuel Gur-
ney, seconded by Mr. William Cotton (late governor of the
Bank of England), Mr. Thomas Baring, M.P., was called to
the chair, amidst loud chef re.
The CllAtallate said that the commercial community of the
City of Looduo was not often in the habit of meeting on the
subject of policy, or for the discussion of poFtical subject. ;
indeed, they had often been accused by the . youdger
and more active members of the commerce' body.
of neing passive, dilatory. sod slavish in respect to such mut-
ters. He (the chairman) for one we, very glad that such
wee the case because he believed that each of them better
promoted his own interests, and better performed his duty to
his country by acting in his own particular sphere for the
e,neral welfare, in such a way as to increase that welfare by
attention to bu.iness id times of national prosperity and
by struggling against national adversity wben adversity at-
tacked the national body. (Caeca.) rejoiced to hear
that sentiment so responded to by his fellow citizens, and he
trusted it would always remain a characteristic of the com-
mercial community of the City of London that they wise
not friends to political ag ta inn (Applause) At the same
time, however, events and circumstance, might arise, in
ankh it might become the duty of the commercial body to
express an opinion, and .specially when they saw the pros-
perity and :Mance of any portion of her Majesty's domi-
nions, or of any portion of their fellow-subjects,
threatened with ruin and annihilation in consequence
of a course of great national policy which had
been deliberately adopted by the country being virtually if
not openly reversed and changed. It was impossible for the
mord cursory observer of passing events or the most superfi-
cial reader of the statements made before the select com-
mittee of the House of Commons on the subject of colonial
agriculture—it was impossible for any man who mixed in any
society whatever—not to be aware that at the present moment
the interests of the British colonies were in a state of most
critical danger. (Hear, hear) When he used the term
"Interests," he begged not to be supposed to allude merely
to those in the colonies who hitherto had been tee powwows
of property there, but also to the labouring population ; be-
cause in no country could property be ruined without injury
to poverty. You could not render a man, hitherto wealthy,
a pauper, without reducing the labourer to the condition of
a beggar, and in the colonies the course of the legislature had
not only destroyed the value of property, but had seriously
affected the progress of civilisation, by disturbing
the whole social system, to which alone they could
look fur gradual Improvement and advencement in
well-being, morals, energy and activity, which, under the
blessing of Providence, could only be promoted by the in-
dustrious habits of a population newly emancipated and be-
coming happy labourers. (Cheers.) At present they were ha
this position: the colonies had not only, by bad legislation,
become valueless and discontented, but also most expensive
appendage, to the mother country. (Cheers.) It wee ha.
pusible that the colonies could contribute to the mainte-
nance of their own defence, to the expenses of their own go-
vernment, or to the suatentation of peace and tranquillity, li
when property in them had been annihilated and all the
sources of revenue drained and exhausted He had men it
stated that when the colonies became useless and unproduc-
tive this country could turn them adrift. Wnat, were the
colonies to be allowed the management of their own finances,
when this country had mired their power of producing any
revenue ? This would be on the principle of telling a man
whose pockets you had emptied that it would be un-
just to interfere with hie disposal of his own moneys.
(t. Hear," and a laugh.) But England could not
adopt such a course so long as any portion of the
dominions of the crown clung to the mother country
with feelings of loyalty and na.ional devotion and
sympathy—no English minister—no member of the British
public would, fur the mere purposes of economy, tell the
British eolonists that they should neither have the support,
maintenance, nor protection which, as British subject', be-
longed to them. (Loud cheers.) This question was one of
pounds, shillings, and pace—not simply a question of one
penny per pound protection on sugar, but involving an ex-
penditure of millions on millions to maintain colonies which
this country bad herself ruined. (Hear, hear.) Then arose
mother consideration. If this country destroyed gradually
hut rapidly the cultivation of the produce of those colonies
which hitherto had mainly furnished -upplies to this market,
was it not evident that perhaps for a time, but per-
tops permanently, the price and cost of the commo-
dity would be enhanced? You could nut diminish
the supply of 260,000 toes of colonial sugar without
knowing that the result would be to raise the price to the
consumer for a time until the supply of production had re-
gained the power to meet increased consumption, and thus
came the last question, viz., how was the increased !supply to
be produced when they had swept away the production, by
free labour, of 2.50,000 tom per annum? Why, it was mani-
fest this increased supply could only be obtained from those
countries which cultivated their produce by slave labour to
create that increased supply those countries must obtain an
increase of the number of their labourers, and that increased
number of labourers could only be secured by a great and
vast extension of the slave trade. (Loud cheers) II some
yeah ago he had ventured to say that an Englishman
grudged a little addi'ion to the cost of his sugar in order to
psevent the eatestshmt 01 slavery and the perpetuation of the
slave trade he should have been told that he much

under-rated the philanthropy of nation—
he should have been told that it was not cheap
sugar but philanthropy that guided and dictate. the
policy of the legislature. But he must say, without im-
pugning the motives which actuated all the exertions made
for the abolition of slavery by the great men who had been
the leaders of that movement, and who had no ether feeling
than that of the most unalloyed philanthropy, that if those
exertions had been known to lead to the annihilation of the

property of their fellow-subjects in the colonies, and to the
consequent ruin of the colonies themselves., and to establish
that for the future Great Britain wu only to look for a
sapply from slave-growing countries, then this nation must
be stamped by posterity as • nation of hypocrites and •
nation of fools. (Loud cheers.) Looking at the present
meeting and those who were around him, he felt it would
he impertinent if he presumed to offer to them atly
recommendation. This wee not a party meeting—in
fact in these days he hardly knew what and where
party was; but this he did know, that if ever
there had been a cause victimised by party struggles
and by party feeling, it wu the cause of the British colonies.
The colonies had the strongest grounds for complaint against
all parties, for when the present government introduced the
measure of 1848, that hill wee supported by Sir R .hert Peel,
although everybody knew that if the right hon. baronet had
offered one suggestion or word of advert) the government
would have been induced to make a considerable modifica-
tine in that bill. (Hear, hear.) This question, therefore,
was wholly distinct from all party considerations ; but a call
was made by the colonists, and by those who were opposed
to a dependence for • supply of sugar from slave-producing
countries, upon all parties to unite in saving the colonies
from annihiladon, and the policy of this cogntry
from stultification and contempt. (Cheers) He said
thus much because he should be sorry to take
any part with the intention of embarrassing her
Majesty's government; and on the other band he
would not have taken the chair at any meeting declaring
itaelf an anti-free-trade meeting ; for he believed theft. was
not a free-trader, however firm and sturdy in his principles,
who, looking at the state of the question, would not say at
once that it wee taken out of the category to which the prin-
ciples of free trade ought to be applied. (Hear, hear.) He
should not trouble the meeting any further—he had already
trespassed too long. (" No, no.") The question upon
which they had been called together was one of grave mi.
perforce, owl would be treated upon by gentlemen of far
greater abilities and knowledge of the subject than be pos-
se.sed. His aberrations had been dictated by the selfish
wish of setting himself right for having taken the chair ; and
he believed that if this meeting carried up its opinions to the
government, it would not offend a prime minister who, in
the most sincere and emphatic manner, bad lately declared
that if it were the pleasure of this country to separate
from or injure the colonies, he would nut be the instru-
ment to effect such a purpose, because he recognised those
colonies as part of the dominions of the crown ; and looking
at their extent of territory, their fertility, natural resources,
and power, he felt that they were closely connected in the
promotion of the glory and prosperity of the mother
country. (Loud cheers.)
Mr. S. Gvasiav proposed the first resolution, se follows :
That this meeting, consisting of merchants, bankers, and others, of
the City of London, assembled without regard to the political mews or
private interests of any elate of ber ifajwitylit subjects, is of opinion,
that, while it is an object of great importance to the people of this
nountry too italn an aoundant and cheap supply of sugar and coffee,
it is no Its desirable to combine with that object the maintenance of
the system of free labour which has been established at so great •
sect-Mee in the British colonial possessions.
It was satisfactory to his mind that in all its bearings he
could recommend the resolution te the unanimous adoption
of the meeting. It was practical, and based upon sound
policy and wisdom.
Mr. F. HUSH seconded the resolution, which wu carried.
Mr. W. Cortex proposed the secoad resolution

IRELAND.

- -
That it appears bons the evklence taken before the select coin-
, mince on sugar and coffee yilanting appointed by the House of Corn-
mono In Pe bat, and from the published &witches of the go.
terrors of her y's tropical possessions, that the competition
itonsequent upon the ad of INS between the Awed and unrequited
' Lebow of slaw in Cuba and Brazil and the paid labour of our eman-
cipated perces, hes already brought the British oolonios, which had
been previously straggling with the difficulties of their new vaition,
to the brink of ruin, end endengered the existence of those civil and
religious Institutions on which the future welfare and progress of their
Inhabitants depend.
Mr. M. T. Stara, M.P., seconded the resolution, which
was then agreed to.
Mr. C. !Ciao proposed the third resolution
That the inhuman traffic in Mares, which, in the years 1544 and
1543, had been more alketuall chocked than at any antecedent
period, Ina, according to the er given before the oosarnittee by
Lord Palmerston, her Majesty's Secretary of State for PoreignAffinrst
actually doubted in amount during the last two years.

Mr. Gnomon Hatmos seconded the resolution, which was
agreed to.
Sir E. N. BUXTON, M.P. in moving the fourth resolu-
tion, said he was a sincere Partisan of Lord John Russell,
and he would do that minister the justice to say, that it he
had viewed the question as it was regarded by the
merchants of London, he was the last man who,
for the mere purposes of political advancement,
would adhere to the mistaken policy which dictated the act
of 1846. He begged to move the resolution u follows :

That to stimulate on the one hand the demand for slaves in Cuba
and Bradt, by enhancing the value of the products of their Lbout
and on the other hand to make a show of checking the supply of
Warn from Africa to those countries by armed haterrentioo, is an in.
Onsmisteacy whke Jmpagea either the Wang or the mama sew

of the geopie of this country, tad madam their *ley. a muter of
raVrto torelin Pon".
i. 8. Tzoartroiluseetlet the rssolution, wbiolt was
earned.

Mi.
AM. Monism M.P.. maned the nest resolution—
Ten mhos_ the Doan Mt et ISM bane=likeed saset.
ally alter* funsei Oat the pedustles
:14=1, deans Oa' we Oa muddy beasue iltpa=rrne
ging igges.wedimg-omimwdeggre =deist thmeweeMet
met ea prke, MO anal silkier& lame eta be
ken Africa to extent whine= In Cuba sad Deasii.
Mr. BALMS seconded the resolution.
Mr. RateaT, M.P. said he did not think the real=
of the mating had been correctly set forth In the
He conceived that the real object was, by the °ultimo* oral
foreign sugar—(N.., no)—well, then, at least of all foreign.
slave-grown been—to give protection to the West India
planters, by enhancing the price of sugar in the rime mar.
list. (No, no.) It was clearly the purpose with each of
the speakers who had precede.. him to enlist the apt:patties
a the meeting is favour of the West India interest, in their
sow depressed condition, and to suggest that the application
et free-trade principles to the article of sugar bad town the
emu of the misfortunes of this interest If the West India
isterest had never complained until 1847 or 1848, he might
bum thought that probably there was some ground for im-
latiat distress to the act of '46 ; but the journals of par-
t showed that from time to time, for much more
than the lut half century, the same complaints
though not, certainly, to the same extent, had been,
made by the same parties. Fifty years ago they petitioned
parliament to enact that no rum should be consumed in the
11n i-h army or navy, except what was produced in the Bri-
tish West Indies. Of the large sum given by this country to
the West India planters, a very large proportion bad gone to
the honest and meritorious purism, of paying off incum.
brances on their estates, which fact in itself showed that their
difficulties were of somewhat later date than was suggested
by the present speakers. He (Mr. Bright) was there to
deny that the distresses of our West India colonies were at-
trioutable to the act of '46, and to deny that the modification
nor repeal of that act would, in any degree, serve permanently
to raise the price of sugar for the West India planters.
There was a time, and no distant one, when the British
Meet India planters were almost the sole producers of sugar
for Europe, with a strict monopoly of the home market, and
a very large shire in the supply of the continent. In 1828,
when the produce of sugar to our West I oodia colonies was
224,000 tons, the prodtice of Cuba, Porto Rico, Brasil, and
Jam, and of the rest of the world, was only 108,000 tons, lees
than one half. In that year, Cuba, Brasil and Porto M,co sent
large quantity of their sugar to the United States., Louisiana
then producing scarcely any of the article. Of the Jun
sugar, a great proportion went to Holland, so that the conti-
nental states generally bed to look to our planters for their
sugar; and, of West India sugars, consumed 64,000 tons per
annum. In the isms year, from our possessions east of the
Cape, we had 25,000 tons, whereas in 1847. those possessions
sent us no less than 135,000 tons; while Jays' which, in
1828, sent us only 15,000 tons, in 1847 scut us 105,000 tons.
On the other hand, Cuba and Porto Rico, which, in 1828,
exported 65,000 tons, exported in 1847, 305,000 tons wid
Bras.l, which, in 1828, exported 28,000 tons, exported
in 1847, 112.000. In Louisiana, where, in 1828, so little
eager was grown, that no return existed en the sub'
net, it was, expected that this year 80,000 tons I
would be produced, all slave grown sugar. In a
word, while the consumers in this period had only
increased 30 or 40 per cent., the growth of sager had increased '
300 per cent. He pointed out to the meeting, that how-
ever so disposed, parliament could not take steps in various
directions contemplated by the meeting and the provisions of
existing treaties. To receive the free labour sugar of Java
and Manilla, involved us in the necessity, pursuant to a
treaty with the United States, of receiving on the same
terms the slave-grown sugar of Louisiana, and receiving this
we must, pursuant to a treaty with Spain, receive on the
same terms the lave-grown sugar of Cuba. The average
exports from our West India colonies to this country for
many years past bad been about five millions per annum.
Calculating the profits upon these exports at 16 per cent., he
would say that, at 6 per cent., the sixteen and a half millions
which had been paid to them for their slaves, would be more
then equivalent, for ever, to this 15 per cant. There was
no complaint en the part of the 924 per cent. of the West
India population other than white, calling for the inter-
position of the meeting, and let the meeting beware, lest in
their anxiety for .he 74 per cent., representing the white
population, they did not wholly dstroy the interest of the
024 per cent.
Mr. 0. AIJIMANDER, as an amendment more calculated
in his ooinioa an promote the object of the meeting, moved :
That in the judgment of the meeting the law of 1816 ought to be
repealed, so far as itedrnitted slaw-grown sugar Into the country, free
grown foreign sugar being Admitted on equal terms with the sugar of
our own colonial pomeenona.
He quoted, in support of his amendment, the following
evidence of Mr. Deacon Hume before the committee of 1840 •
Chairman Do you consider that the madam of our British role.
Wes should be protected in our markets, tbs reentotions and Imps&
meats which nuw exist in the colonies are seitreasowed I lam strongly
of opinion that all our colonies would be abie to am with the world
snot to become exceedingly prosperone,if they thereaelm had him trade
off,red to than ; end, haring granted that boon to tthlteaeq, I think It
would be wholly unnecemary to support them by any peateetYa MIMI,
oomio.oditics in this country. At the same time, I must be ailmissil
that they must be colooka that are placed in all respects spa ea
'pill footing with these remarks which produce shinier
Um 1 came* conceive that having thirty years ago Wolin' the
sane trade, and now abolished slavery itself, any question it has
trade cm an,. between Jamaica and Cuba Cuba, with stealers et
doh and fresh soi:, not only having the advantage of erapioylair slaves
whatever that may be, but notoriously Unwed Um enennons
amount of 40,080 or 10,000 slaves every par, ham, % hat, the sine
trade, and slavery, and as the laws of dais country hue deprived the
planter in Jamaica of that enema of miring hie madame, l woody*
that this is a gusistlon like amend others, that am taken entirely eat
vf Ilseware trade.
Mr. Alexander, in conclusion, expressed his opinion, that
Mr. Cobden and the free traders generally, did not concur
with Mr. Bright on this subject.
Cipt. ACititttLitT shouted out from the lower end of the
room " I beg to second the amendment." (Loud cries of
" No, nor- put tine original motion.")
Mr. B:GURNET and Sir E. N. BURTON both urged the
importance of perfect unanimity on this occasion, and strongly
pressed the withdrawal of the amendment.
Mr. 0. W. Al,axaguag eventually acquiesced, and the
original motion .tea., after a few words from Mr. Scobell, put
and unanimously mgr. ed to.
Mr. R. D. MANGLES, M.P., in moving the sixth resoln-
non, expreosed his conviction that the West India colonies
had been treated by this country with gems and cruel in-
justice. Reparation was due to them; at the same time he
did not think the act of 1846 was the primary cause
of the mischief; on the contrary, the great cause of all was
the utter ineftt iency of the department known as the
Colonial-office, which had always been a sort of national
drag chain. (Hear, hear.) It was the duty of the Colonial-
ottice directly the Emancipation Act passed, to have taken
energetic measures to furnish free labour to the colonies.
This had, however, been neglected, end hence the present
deplorable state of things. The hon. member concluded by
moving :
That the interests and the honour of the British empire see MOM
eoseerned, in averting the destruction of the agriculture and trade d
the colonies, and In securing the full suorens of the great experiment
ofemancipation, the failure of which would indefinitely postpone the
abolition of slavery throughout the world.
Mr. HENRY TUITION briefly seconded the motion, which
passed without a dissentient voice.
Mr. Jostle GURNEY HOARE defended the anti-slavery
party for the course they had taken throughout their labo-
rious exertions, sod moved the next resolution :
That this meeting, while it would most strongly deprecate enrrisamP-
tem of Immigration which might lead to a renewal ef the A
slave trade, by a payment in money or otherwise for a supply of la-
bowers from that country, and while it would be opposed to any
enactment.. in the colonies which may be incompatible with (red=
and the Act of Ems cipation, is, nevertheien, of opinion that, la
order to enable the liritoth colonies to competesucoessfully with slave-
trading counteise, It is highly desirable that her Maj. sty's govern-
ment should give prompt encouragement to the introduction of
writable free labourers under proper supervision; that just relations
should be maintained between employer sad labourer, to score to
both the beoeflrs of Ireedom and industry, and that every local improve.
merit which can tend to reduce the coot of production should be pro-
moted by generous; assistance on the part of the mother country.
Mr. t;HAELIts BARCLAY briefly seconded the reeteution,
which was supported by Mr. Rae, and carried unanimously.
Mr. J. MASTattleaW, M.P., moved :
That until them objects can be fairly accomplialsed, and the
cotooles placed in a pootios to encounter a competition which must,
ander the most favourable circumstances, prove formidable, they have
a claim to slush support as.; alto I at them upon a footing of virtual
equality in respect to Use coat of labour, with these countries in which
alwery still exists.
Sir C. Pawn, Bart., in seconding the resolution, said he
WAS es free a trader as Mr. Bright, but he was convinced
that the subtext which was ander discussion had nothing in
common with free trade.

The resolution was then agreed to.
Mr. J. BAOSHLW, rd. P., proposed the 9th resolution:
That the chairman be requested to oommunicate the foregoing
resointions, in such manner as he Env deem proper, to the First Lord
of the Treasury and Ire' Majesty's Secretary of State for the Colonial
Department.
Mr. M. Winitiot having seconded the resolution, it was
put and carried.
A vote of thanks, proposed by Mr. RUSSELL Emaca to
the chairman, was received with acclamation and passed
unanimously.

TRIALOF MR.MI rcHEL-VERDICT.

DUBLIN, Faiosr, MAT 26.
At a few minutes put ten the judges took their seats, and
were received by a very crowded bar.—The Attorney •
General rose and commenced with an exposition of the old
law, involving the compassing of the Queen's death and
levying of war. These offences were formerly punishable
with death, if accompanied with overt acts; but, by
the recent change in the law, these provisions were
milicated, and the offence, instead of death, is now
punishable with traneportatioa. The Attorney-General
then referred at considerable length to the origin and pri-
mes of the United Irishman—the immediate attention it
excited on the part of the government, and the influence
it exercised on the order and tranquillity of the
country. Government, however, did not interfere, and
it wu not until Mr. Mitchel arrived at the subversion of all
authority in his speech in Limerick, that government re•
solved to vindicate tree law, and to question the right of any
subject of the crown to promulgate avowed republicanism.
This portion of the address was listened to with much atten-
tion by the jury. The " Barricade and Lord of Battle's"
sentiment of Mr. Meagher wax repeated with milked em-
phasis, and leaning to Mr. Holmes, who sat opposite the At-
torney-General, observed, " I ask the able counsel, who will
speak for the traverser in this cue, to tell you and the court
hia sincere opinion of this language, uttered by Mr. Meagher
anal confirmed by Mr. Mitchel"
Mr. HoLmea (in a low voice)—" Wait awhile and you
sisal! hear."

The ATTORNEY GENERAL then turned to the article in
the United iris/sown, aditres-ed to the protestant farmers of
Ireland, on the 13th of May, in which he lays down the
republican constitution only shadowed torch in Limarick.
The bold words, "And how are we to meet that day? in
$tW, my w 7 rla crass!" the Astorae7•peaseal