The Express.
London, England, 1848-03-16 00:00:00

THE EXPRESS, THURSDAY EVENING, MARCH 16, 1848.

hon. members. (Hear, hear.) On the statement made by
the right hon. and learned gentleman, who had been chair-
man of the committee (bey, Wortley), he (Lord Palmerston)
should be quite ready to vote for the issuing of the writ,
con-
and
he tbought a reference to the former report of 1842
firmed hint in that opinion. In 1842 the charge against
Harwich was one of general •oreuption, but in this instance
the most smelling inquiry, invited by the committee, from
the petitioners, it appeared, had not resulted
bribe in the proof
of anything like general corruption, or that ry at
last election had extended beyond three ore four cases. But
at the same time he (Lord Palmerston) houht that
question of bribery was of such emit importance—that this I
abuse struck so fatally to the roots of the influence,
ter, and and usefulness, of that house, that he thought the in ,
ouiry ought to be extended, and therefore he was of opinion,
although he was aware that on general aid constitutional I
principles the Louse ought to be careful not unnecessarily to
suspend writs and to keep constituencies irons being tepee- I
suited in that house, that it was expedient that the motion
should be withdrawn and that the writ should not be moved
for until the evidence WAS in the heads of
t every member.
H ar, hear.) Ile, therefore, would suggest theeth motion
(e
should be withdrawn, and if the evidence was not already on
the table, it ought at once to be moved for, and ordered to
be printed, in order that no time might be lost, (Hear.)
Sir J. GRAHAM said he would withdraw his motion for
the adjournment of the debate on the understanding, as
suggested by the noble lord, that the writ should nut be
moved for until the evidence was printed.
On the question for adjouraine,the debate being put from
the chair.
Mr. WAKLEY said he rejoiced to have beard the states
meat just made by the noble lord the member for Tiverton
(Lord Palmerston). for after it, he expected some day
to see the noble lord st the head of • radical 'dean
nUtration. (" Hear, hear," and a laugh.) The noble
lord was satisfied that a vast deal of corruption pre-
vailed in the representation of the people, and he trusted
the noble lord would in future set upon that opinion. But
what had been the course of the right hon. baronet the Home
Secretary ? When that right hon. baronet came to that
office, he (Mr. Wakley) had phrenological!), viewed the
right hon. baronet's head, and found the indications co'
justice strongly developed. Hear, hear.) But where was
the right hurl. bareeet's " justice" when be would send
down a new writ to the corrupt mass of electors at Harwich,
and thus add to the number of " Attwoodian " members?
(Loud laughter.) The house might tamper with, bolster up,
and plaster this question in any way they thought proper,
but it was thoroughly underetood by the people out of doors. I
They knew well that while the Septennial Act existed, it
was a profitable outlay to purchase a small constituency.
It it were not so, would 4751., as had d
been Mated, be given
for a single vote? (Hear, hear.) It had been sai
that the report of 1842 ought out now to be regarded, and
that the present committee, after a most searching inquiry,
had not been able to trace, intwo caste, on behalf of which of
the candidates the bribes had been paid. Surely the in-
gairy could not have been very searching to have failed in
this respect. But he (Mr. Wakley I relied upon tile evidence
given in 1842 by the present sitting member for Harwich
(Mr. Bagshawe), and contended that, though the people of
England made uo demands for a republic, whatever might
Le clone elsewhere, still they die demand, and justly
demand, the removal of all corruption from their represen-
tation. (lies: bear.)
Sir O. GUST said that, as be had been personally alluded
to by the hon. member fur Finsbury, he trustedto be allowed
to explain. He hoped that there had been nothing in the
course which he had taken on this question which was at all
calculated to throw discredit upon the phrenological skill of
the hon. member fur Finsbury. (" Hear," and loud
liughter.) The hon. member sa.ii he had viewed his (Sir
George Grey'e) h. rid, and found ",astice " developed. He
trusted he had acted with juAice when he said that a report
seven years old ought not to be Acted upon on this occasion,
when the wore recent report o. ly disclosed three selitary in-
stances of corruption. Where was the justice of tee hon.
member for Finsbury when he allowed the writs for Lau-
caster, Carlisle, and e whistle to issue in the face of reports
precisely similar li
to that in the cage of the borough of Har-
wich ? It was because he (Sir George Grey) thought it but
equal justice that Harwich should be dealt with in the same
e
way as the borougi.s he had mentioned that he had taken
the course he had pursued on this occasion. Ile, however,
cheerfully bowed to the general feeling of the house in the
matter. (Chem.)
Mr. MOWATT rose to speak, and observed that at pre-
sent there was no question before the house. (Laughter.)
The SPEAKER said that the question at present belore
the house had nut yet been witadrawn. The right hom
gentleman thee severally put the questions that the motion
tor the issuine the writ and that Is: the adjournment of the
debate be withdrawn. Both questions having been agreed
to, the right hon. gentleman said, the question I have now
to put is, " that the minutes of evidence taken before the
Harwich election committee be raid before the house and
printed, and te at Mr. Speaker do not make out his warrant
to the clerk of the crown for a new writ for the borough of
Harwich until the said avid: nee bet rioted and in the hands
of members of this house."
Mr. MO WATT then proceeded to observe " that as one of
the electors of this country, he had ncard with great satisfac-
tion the manly conduct and straightforward declaration of
the noble lord the member for Tiverton (Lord Palmerston),
that he desired vi help in purifying the constituencies of the
realm ; and he could not but contra/it that declaration with
the conduct, he would say shameful conduct, of the noble
lord's colleague the ri.itit bon havonet the Hems Svcre-
tary. (Cries of " oh, oh," unti eider.")
Lord PALMERSTON rose and said he was sure hie hon.
frivud the member for Fidrucnith would at once see that.
the expression he had used was not eonsistent with the pro-
teedings of this house. The words " shameful conduct "
ought not to be applied to nay hon. member. (Cheers.)
Mr. MOWAT 1 said he at once withdrew the expression,
which be had only used under strung feeling, and hoedgnrance of the usages of the house. He bad unders the
right hon. Lennie. to have avowed himself an advocate for
the protection of the present system of corruption. (Loud
cries of " oh, oh.") Why use right boa. baronet had told
the house to dismiss from censideretion the moustrous cor-
ruption which had been proved on a former occasion
to exist in the borough of Harwich, for that it
had nothing to do w itia the question now be-
fore the house. He (Mr. Mowatt) contended that
although the evidence reeent.y adduced was not euf-
cleat to make out a preeeut charge of general corrup-
tion, yet that this, in addition to the established character tor
corruption of the borough, ni en 1842, ought to pre-
vent the house assenting to the iss.eng of the writ. Yet the
right hon. baronet advocated its issuing. Ile (Mr. Mowatt)
thought that this amounted to neither more nor less thanthat
one of the lesteing members of the government threw his pro.
Winton over the present system of eribery and corruption.
(Loud and general cries of " no, nee')
Sir G. GREY rose amidst loud cheers, Hewn' indebted to
the house tch its kindness when tie made his former explana-
tion, and after the view of hie conduct which the hon. member
for Falmouth (Mr. elowatt) seemed dispoeed to Luke he felt
that he need not attempt to ceheince that hon. member as
to the course he (Sir 0. Grey) Mae pursued being correct.
(Hear, hear.) He felt he flees not any one word in answer
In the hen. member, especially after the kindness
which the house had received tees i Sir le. Grey's) former
explanatioa. (Loud cheers.)
Alter a few words in CM/W.041.10n triter:oKr. WORTLEY,
which did not reach us,
Mr. MUNTZ said that es the corruption proved to exist
in kberwich in 1842 had bees pressed over for so mxeny
yens, it was incumbent on the house to loth no time in
visiting the also of recent commission with punishment.
Among large constituent bodies great doubts existed as to
the sincerity of the declaratious ot either or the great parties
in the house, that they desired to put down corruption in the
electoral bodies of the country. It they were sincere they
might get rid of the system in a week, and it steps were not
speedily taken to do so measures would lie take's out of
doors of a very serious nature.
Mr. I). WADDINGTON, who spoke from under the
gallery, was understood to :ay that the electors of Harwich,
increased as they were in numeers in 1847, ought not to be
visited with the this of the elector, of 1842, who were much
fewer in number.
Capt. ELLIOT, as a member of the Harwich com-
mittee, reported that they had made a most searching
inquiry ; and, in answer to the assertion that the house was
not honest and sincere in its wish to put down bribery and
corruption, he would merely rereerk that in the case of of
every petition pr. seated this session on the ground of
bribery which had yet been doggerel of the members peti-
tioned against had been unseated.
Mr. B. OSBORNE herd that there WAS no assimilation
between the cram of Lancaster, Carlisle, and Neemele,
and that of Harwich; the former had hitherto been pure.
whilst the latter was noturiumay corrupt. It waherel
issue
the writs to all. Unless corruption was put down, Englai.d,
Scotland, anti Ireland would Dot be eatitfied, and a new
Reform Bill would be d.-manded with a voice of thunder.
Sir W. IIEATLICOTE defended the hen. member who
hal moved the writ from the charge ef pursuing a
th different
rinse Item that which ho had 'greed to take on e pre-
ceding clay. He hid cons: ate' to wait ;ill the report— not
e evideuce--eras in the heads of members. ( lit ar, hear.)
I the evidsuce..ioim in the httada t,f m,mt'erv. lI ar, hear,)
it was open to the house to :csolve on a further post-
_ ..

ponement.
Mr. RUM 'el exhorted hon. members not to mske public
questions matters of feeling. lie h )ped the matter would
now be allowed to close.
Alter a few words from Mr. BLOTHEILTON,
Mr. MOWATT said 11,.: had meant nothing personal in
the remarks be had made.
The motion suspending the writ until the evidence was
print. d, was then agreed to.
ELECTION ILECOGNISANCES BILL.
Mr. WALPOLE, in moving the second reading of this
bill, alluded to the circumstances of the Monmouth,
Leices-
ter, ',nil other petitions, cad said that the select committee
which had been appointed to eternise into those recogni-
Inones had had si riuus doubts as to the sufficiency of these
recognisance'. Such being the case. the sitting members
might be materially injured. To prevent this result the
present bill had been introduced. which secured, on the one
hand, the rights of the 'juin', members. and, on the other,
the rights of the constituencies. In the Leicester case,
though the dehet in the recognisance had been pointed out
to the examiner, he had held it good; in the Walsall case,
which was still stronger, the ersm.ncr required a new recog-
nisance on the grou uf presumi.d informality
• thus, in both cases, hepetit'oners had been deprived of their
rights nrainst the sitting members by • mistake of the exa-
miner or his clerk. It was just to the constituencies that
thuse petitions should go on ; the committee had sougetted
four Cousin by which this might be done, the most s hg(bk
of which had been embodied in this hill. It gave the peti-
tior cm pow. T. • inter rito fresh neoiiinitaii s peed
then pros* cu. p. !awn Two cilicet o • hod
urgt d t this —flat would
be an , lash., law, and that the
menitlitr • :• ; rail himself of any infirm ty n
the of 0 .• .. the law stood, is u rho

examiner had once indorsed on the beck of the petition that
the recognisance& were sufficient, the peton must proceed,
whether the recogniaanom were sufficient or not ; and this
measure only gave the n protection, with regard to
colts, to the sattiag seemlie'.Equally unfounded was the
objection that the measure unduly favoured the petitioners,
by allowing them to remedy informalities in their proceed-
ings. If any other method than the one he proposed could
be devised for regulating this question, be should be glad to
accept the suggestion.
Mr. SPOONER moved, as an amendment, the subetitu.
tion of the following words in one of the clauses
nted of the
gbill
st
;
—"That the orders referring the petitions prese a
the returns of members to this house for the boroughs of
Bodmin, Cheltenham. Leicester, and .Valsall, the city of
Dublin, and the county of Longford, to the general commit-
tee of elections, which petitions are mentioned or referred
to in the said bill, be discharged, and that no further pro-
ceedings be taken on the said petitions." He had great
difficulty and embarrassment in opposing the course recom-
mended by his hon. and learned fnend the member for Mid.
cant; but he approached the subject solely ia • judicial
character, and without any party feeling whatever.
The preamble of the bill excited his surprise. It assumed
the existence of doubt. whi re none had exist
wied ;
thout for as the
law stood, no petition could be proceeded on recog •
nisences in the form prescribed by the act. Perhaps it might
be said that matters of form oug mot
to be strictly larded;rr
but he had always underatosol, , the matter
nisance', the form was most essential. But the great
objection was that the bill was an ex post facto law; and
thS was a principle which the house would never recognise.
(Hear.) Because the petitioners had not chosen to regulate
their proceedings by the law, it was now sought to regulate
the law by their proceedings. The hon. and learned member
spoke of preserving the rights of the constituencies ;
habud
t
what became of the rights of the majority, those who
returned the sitting members? (Hear.) It was said the
sitting members would not be injured by this bill; but was
it no iujury to them that their return should be questioned,
which could not be dune under the law as it now existed ?
Even if a prisoner were convicted, and the indictmeat after-
wards quashed, he must be liberated ; and would the lc gis-
lature think of passing a law to resider him punisbahle t it
was said the petitioners ought not to suffer by the fault of
the examiner, or the officers of the house; but let it be re-
membered that the fault was originally with tilt petitioners,
in committing the informality which MU now
*ought to care by making a law in their favour.
With regard to the Cheltenham case, it carried great sus.
picion on the face of it. The recognisance' were drawn cor-
rectly in London, but they were altered in Cheltenham, the
important words " each and every one" being lett out from
it. It was desirable to know whether that alteration was
intentional or otherwise. He did nut think the law ought
to be altered to meet a special case, or that an ex post facto
law ought to be made. That was his main objection the
bill of his hon. friend. His hon. and learned friend asked
the house not to throw any obstacles in the way of inquiry.
tie was as anxious as his hon. friend for inquiry, but be did
this* the house should proceed in the regular way, and not
make skew retorting to the past. He should, therefore, move
that theerier of nierence be discharged.
Sir G. GREY said he was opposed to the original re
serene of the petition to a committee, sad what bad taken
place since had not led him to alter his opinion. Ile con-
curred in the suggestion of the hon. and learned geed• man,
the member for Midhurst thinking that it afforded a rebsedy
against the evil to which the sitting members would be sub.
flirted in case costa were awarded ta them. He gave his own
individual opinion, and he did not wish to biro the opinion of
soy otter hon. member. The committee had carefully ab-
stained from saying that the recognisances were invalid.
They merely said, that there were conflicting opinions, and
that doubts existed wheel- ouoht to be remedied ; and all
the members of it were of opinioa that the
wouldy wee
ay act of parliament. Ile hoped the house not agree
to the amendment proposed by the boo, member for War-
wickshire, because that would be to interfere with an act of
parliament by a resolution of the house. (Hear, hear.)
would give ruse to all the scandals which were formerly ex-
periences! when a majority of that house decided on the
riht of members to a seat in it, initead of a committee
sworn upon oath. For these reasons he was opposed to the
amendment, and would support the bill of the
hon. and learned member fur Olidheirst. (Hear, hear.)
Mr. LAW thought the hone greatly indebted to the hon.
and learned gentleman who introduced the present measure,
but he dissented from it in the shape in which it was pre-
seeded to the house. He admitted that the object in view
could only be accomplished by an act of parliament, but he
thought the bill could be altered so as to give more effect to
that object. With regord to the Cheltenham petition, the
recognisance' were on the face of them clearly invalid.
Every petition endorsed by the examiner of recogniunces,
must be sent to a committee to try its merits. The act of
parliament was impt relive upon that point. Itdid not give
the committee the power of determining whether they had
any jurisdiction or not. He thought that all that was
necessary ICU to introduce a bill, giving a committee the
power ot jurisdiction with respect to the recogniunces, and
to examine witnesses upon oath. lie could not support the
resolution of the hon. member hir Warwickehire. because he
could not consent to alter an act of parliament by • resolu-
tion. (Hear, hear.)_
The ATTORNEY-GENERAL said that the question
no before the house was whether the order of reference,
inw the case of the Bodmin petition, should be dig.
charged or not; and it the house came to the
oonehision that ft should not be discharged, then came
the question whether any remedy should be applied ; and if
so, whether the rem. dy proposed by the hon. and learned I
member for lffidhuret we. the proper one. In the case of
the Bodmin petition the defect was in the affidavit, because
it was ambiguous what kind of estate the securities in the
recognisance" were possessed of, and whether it was *efficient
to cover 1,0001., the !tenant of the r. cognliances. No
opinion of counsel was taken on the one side or the other.
Under these circumstances be did not think that the house
would come to the conclusion that the order should be dig-
charged. The sitting members had a right to what the law
gave them. But if um examiner of recognisance. bad been
misled, were they the only parties concerned 5 Had not the ,1
public a right to inquire into the matter ? Were the in-
tenets of the public to be overlooked, and was all inquiry to
be stifled because the sitting members possessed a vested
right ? He did not think the house would come to any such
conclusion. Then came the question whethi r any remedy
should be applied , For himself—and he only uttered his
own individual opinion, and not as the organ of the govern-
ment—he had a coneiderable objection to any iuterference
at all. (Hear, hear.) He doubted whether it was wile to
have referred the question to the committee at all,
nut being referred to them, either they had the power of
deciding the matter re:erred to them, or they had not.
if they had not the power, then on act of parliament must
be pasted for that purpose. His objection to an act of par-
Lem ut was that it would take the privileges of the house I
out of the hands of the house. He did not approve of the I
euggestion of the bon. and earned gentleman (Mr. Law).
there were difficulties surrounding the quertiou. But the
I oropositiou of the hon. anti: learned gentleman the member
,'or blidhurst appeared to him to be the least objectionable.
Mr HILDYARD was opposed to the second reading of
the bill, but he could not support the amendment of the hoth
member for Manchester. His objection to the proposed
measure was that it involved ex post facto legislation. Ile con-
tended
that if any one of the r.cognisances under considers-1
lion was defective in itself, no proceeding of Mr. Booth, in
certifying its reception, would render it valid. He pro-
posed, instead of acceding to either the motion or the
imendment, to refer it to the Court of Common Pleas, a
competent tribunal in such matters, to decide whither any
of tho recogeirancesi was ipso facto void. The hon. and
learned Recorder manifested very little practical acquaint-
ance with the subject when he affirmed that it was no hard-
snip for a sitting member to be brought before a committee,
Inc it was perfectly well known that no member came from
before a committee, whatever the decision re peeling him,
without suffering severely in Hs pocket.
Sir It. INGLIS entirely concurred in the objections
stated to ex post facto legislation in the matter, and convey.
ng to the House of Lords a power of deciding upon parti-
cular cases affecting the particular return of indie ideal
l
members. He hoped that both propositions before the house
would he negatived, desiring the law and practice of the
souse in these matters to remain as they were. At the end
of the session legislatien en the subject generally might fitly
be adopted, if the house so desired.
Mr. ANSTEY supportid the amendment. He contended
that the proposed measure was essentially a private bill, end,
es such, ueprovided us it was with that requisite for private
hills—the consent of all parties concerned—might, if it passed,
he at any time impeached in a court of law by auy one of
the non.aseentient persons.
The house then divided on the question that all the words
after " that" be omitted—
Ayes l2B
Noes 124-2
The house next divided on the question that the following
leeringb inserted after tar word " that": " The orders re-
the petitions presented against the returns of mem-
bers to this house fur the boroughs of Bodmin, Cheltenham,
Leicester, Walsall, the city of Dublin, end the county of
Ltineford, to the generel committee of elections, which pcti
titres are mentioned or referred to in the mid bill, be dis-
the
charged, and that no further proceedings be taken on
said petitions "
Ayes
No es
So that at present the only word left in the main question is
the word, " that." Three was no time, however, to take any
further division on the subject, the hour of six being arrived
oast; and the Speaker vacated the chair.

ELECTION CO)INIITTEES.—YESTERDAY.
i)I:NDALIC.—The committee appointed to try the '
merit- of the petition against the return, met for the first
time yesterday; Lord Harry Vane in the chair.—Mr. Sea-
jesht Kinglake, in opening the case, said that the sitting
main's r seas Mr. C. Cerro' MTavi.h, and the petitioner M i
T. M-Cullagh, the unsuccessful candidate at the late .-
tine. The seat was challenged, because Rat t'
bving
an alien was disqullified from
grounds of bribery
ing. If these points or any of them n
he were esta lbishehouldd,
the petitioner prayed a serutiay, whe tru he s
be able to prove that his client had had a real majority nu
the pull. The learned counsel then stated that Mr. hl.Tarish
was horn id Baltimore, United States, his father being
a British born subject, but not his mother. An objection
was also raised on the ground of qualifi ation. first
business was the production of the poll-books,The against
whit': a technical objection was raised, but being overruled,
the c;•mmittee proceeded to hear the evidence. The first
Witl• fn called was 'Mr. Hyties, a soli,itor, who stated that
lie b I acted at the election us inspector fit Mr. M'Cullagh.
1 This witness molted conapietaliie ainuirnt by his Twa-
t; ,n% ot the speeches cu(
Mt l''T iti-h'e metliJrte, made
i • ii I', biistings, in all n• woiie'i the tier of the hoe. member
h .;:, • an Amtrscan rids I:sr:eider. h upon with much fervour
1 0,:.'. • ,:area, Th.: r-5• wOnes, echo,. was Mr. )l'Tavish,

eon., who said he was a native of Suantland. Hebb
ady.ad
emigrated to Baltimore, and married American
The sitting member was born in Baltimore, but was sent to
England at 10 years old, and educated at Stoseyhurst. The
passport was then produced describing Mr. M'Tsvish as a
person " with light hair ;" but Mr. Roger', for the sitting
member, objected that Mr. M`Tavish had dark hair. The
point was under diSCuMion, when the messenger announced
that the Speaker was at prayers.
ATLCSBURI.—The day's proceedings consisted of
the examination of tavernkeepera as to the treating alleged
to have been carried on.
BEWDLET.—Evidenee U to the treeing on th
part of the late members, and am to the treating by on T.Win•e
nington in Stourport, occupied the sitting.

fte l~~e•

MMLS
Tie Wept ladle Malta, excluding Bermuda, Nassau, llamas.,
me,eeeee. New cieNewa. Vera Cruz. Tampico, I\ll4 Porto Bah
Martha and
including those for Madeira, Jaemel, Carthagerm, Manta ,
awe., panaroa, West Mass of tioath America, end At. J oan-de-
Nicaragua, will be made up on the morning of Me 17th March.
The overland mails Mr I:Mealier, Malts, ae, the
me loom, Islands
Egypt., en
Ad, India, Ifong-Kung, end (lune, Southampton
and up on the mornieg of the tOth March.
The mails for New Mouth Wales, Van Menses's Land, ad New
Zealand will be made up be the 'arming of the 31st Much.
The is
for the West Omit of arise and Madeira will he made
up Oil the evening of Me 31st March.
The mails for Vigo, Oporto, Lisbon, Madeira, Cadiz, ant Uibraltra
will be made up on the morning of the 17th March.
The sable for the Brani4, the Hire? Plate, Monte Video, Perlis-
boa liable Madeira, and Baas Ayres, will be mode up on the
evening of the 4th April.
Use overlaid elmed male, Maresilles, the Mediterranean
Zgypt, Aden, Ceylon, India, Hong to
ong Kong. Lac., will he made up on Me
*vain of the 24th Apt U.
The made for Uriush North America, Bermuda, and the United
elates. will be made up en the evening of the 1411 April.

NOTICE.
Tue number of STAMPS issued to the DAILY EWS
by the authorities of the Stamp-office, during 1847. w N
al
From JAN. 1, to Dec. 31, 3,447,009
This, we believe, is within eight per cod. of the number
ber
Issued to the Morning Herald, Morning c
Morning Post, ALL PUT TOOETHCIL
In addition to the rbove,issued to the DAILY NEWS,
Morning Paper, there were issued for the Evening Edition,
TEE EXPRESS,
From JAN. 1, to DEC. 31 778,714
Which we. more, we believe, than were issued either to
the Globe or Standard, Evening F.ipers.

TO COItREBPON D ENDS.
Isp
me
verburee..• Isteadee n.. ress mew ww4
Le ems
IN tlou.eM+tw.t.N
M Tem day of puNWti.

[Mal WATER AT LON DON RattlflE.
P ts— 0100.10 A 00 Ala poet Aflame. 0 stIA ism 0
Mos —ldorAtoS. it Ala pest 0 Afters...oA b• W. p.m 0.

LONDON, TIIURSDAY, MAR. 16.
THERE is one very remarkable feature in the pre-
sent time of revolutionary effervescence, and one
which mainly distinguishes 1848 from either 1789 or
any former epoch of the kind. It is the utter absence
of individual influence,authority, or popularity. Never
was the press more feeble : its columns arc devoured
for their na ws,butaltogether slighted fort heir opinions.
Never was there such a lack of popular outcry, or
popular idolatry. The Paris clubs, all open and in
full swing, do not produce a man. But they throng
with members, as if the many-headed multitude had
little to listen to, but something to say from every one
of its heads. The people in 1789 had politics to
learn. The moral and social principles flung forth to
them, however villainous in too many instances, were
a- least new, fascinating, and exciting. They were
accepted with greediness, and set the blood and the
mind in motion. But there is no novelty now in what
demagogues may write or preach. Revolution, and
all appertaining to it, is an old story. It is, moe-
over, a prosaic one. it has lost its poetry, its illusi,
its disinterestedness, its fanaticism. What your chief
republican looks for, is place and position; what hour
rort
mob republican looks for, is good wages and sh
labour. Or, perhaps, he is a communist, and will
have his share of the produce of the laud, or the 1
profits of stock. 'the " rights of man" are no longer 1
in the abstract ; tie 7 are reduced to plain, practical,
tonglble demands. They may require the logician oe
the sophist to expound them ; but trey are not a
theme fur eloquence or rant, or fine phraseology.
They will not make a MIRAREAI; or a Worris.
We arc, therefore, not at all surprised to find, that
in England mobs have no heads, and that their heads
have nothing either to say or to dare. In Ireland,
indeed—that happy island.—where men and ideas do
wonderfully contrive to be generally a century or so
behind the res of the world, here is an attempt to
waken then old spirit, and tre-enact the old tree
dies of '92 and '9B. But even there the " unreal
mockery ' of the thing is too evident. The press, er
one or two members of it, do indeed fling themselves
into the old, traditional attitudes and contortions;
they mouth the same bombastto treason, and ma
pros in-ke the
same old clap-trap appeals bigotry and 1
cialism. But the mob of Ireland, like that of France,'
thinks more of " tenant right" than" repeal," and',
more of the " organisation de travail" than of
either liberty, equality, or fraternity. We were,
therefore, very sorry to hear Lord done Busses'. the
other night, when speaking of Ireland, allude to it as
if there was a formidable conspiracy in that country,
against which it was requisite to undertake a campaign
with an army,and to send a distinguished general with
a bundle of coercive and exceptional laws. If Lord
JOHN treats the turbulence of Ireland in this way ho
will merely compliment it and increase it. The pre-
sent is a moment when the servile herd of political
imitators may be expected to bluster. They should
be allowed to strut their fretful hour unnoticed. No
power, save that of the ATTORNEY-GENERAL, could
preserve them from contempt and from oblivion.
In Paris—it is very remarkable—there is scarcely a
print, or article, or an orator, who preaches a sub-
versive or anarchic doctrine. There have been some
that may be criticised, but on the whole it is impossi-
ble to conceive a popular revolution, giving the
utmost licence to tongues and pens, which has been
marked by the sprouting and development of so
few dangerous ideas. The artisan and operative,
panting from the conquest of a dynasty and a parlia-
ment, have no doubt thronged the ante-chambers of the
government of their own creation. Yet, what have
they demanded ? A ten hours bill, such as passed a
British parliament, with some few more demands,
but Ilene more revolutionary or subversive than that I
proposed and carried by Lord ASHLEY.
It is certainly not to be desired that a government
should exist whose entire support is that of the work-
ing classes. But neither these classes nor this go-
vernment in France sought their present supremacy.
It was thrust upon them by the blunders of the other
classes. Undoubtedly the paramount influence of the
government must return by some mode or channel to I
the middle classes—to those possessed of property
and education. And it is to be hoped that this titilla-
tion may gradually and naturally take place without
collision or bloodshed. By the last accounts it ap-i
pears that the middle classes are exerting themselves,
that their bond of union and expression of strength is
the National Guard, and that in the reorganisation
and efficiency of this force, as well as in the elections,
they will bestir themselves, and show firmness, ac-
tivity, and moderation.
At the same time it Should be borne in mind, both
in English and in French politics, that nothing can
be more dangerous and fallacious than to draw lines of
distinction between lower and middle, middle and'
tipper, dames. No su h line can be drawn defi-
nitely. For instance, in Paris, the theoretic denouncer
of the lower class would confound the industriousl
operative with the idle youth who has seized a'
musket, scaled the palace staircases, and become en-
rolled in a plundering band. No two classes can I
be more distinct. When the nand of three or four ,
hundred idle ruffians refused to evacuate the Tuileries,
which they persisted in plundering. the honest populace
outside, clad in blouses, and evidently accustomed to
daily work, were indignant, and clamoured to be al-
lon ed to act the part of police in punishing the vaga-
bonds. Such a populace as this is not the populace of
1789 and consequently there is no chasm between
the middle and working classes that may not be
bridged over by moderation, fairness, and good sense.
Some writers on this side of the Channel, however,
persist in mucking every effort of the popular party,
in throwing all the blame of the commercial crisis
and bankruptcy upon it, and seeking to excite the
contempt and fanatictsm of the upper classes for
those beneath them. Such doctrines—such a resusci-
tation of the worst spirit of old toryism—could, if suc-
cessful, have no other effect than to excite, both in
this country and in France, a servile war. Neither
in France nor here do any Jacobins exist. Let us
then, for Heaven's sake, have no anti-Jacobins. So-
ciety and political power in France have been thrown
into dieorgarisation and chaos, and this altogetnsr
through the faults and exaggerations of the coaseeva-
fives. Let it not be supposed that this disorgnilisa-
Ron can be remedied, and this chaos remove!, by

trusting to the exaggerated counsels and com-
plaints of these same conservatives. The liberals
only an salve the tremendous difficulty,
and no wty of them can do it alone. The middle
and wealthy class must satisfy the excited operative,
and must come forward to do so, instead of shrinking
into inactive despair. Both parties may, we believe,
come to a common understanding ; and we do hope
this, because we see no fanaticism, no hallucination.
The differences which exist are those of interest and
matter of fact, and leave the eight and the sense
clear to perceive how they may be made to agree,
without pushing each other to mutual destruction and
ruin.
In the midst of these, we repeat, it is fortunate that
there are no leaders to conduct any party astray.. The
far
press, instead of being a source of agitation, is
calmer and duller than the people. There is not an
orator that could command a hearing. And there
exists not one individual, civilian or soldier, who
could command a following of twenty. We observed,
some days ago, how much and how fast the French
were Americanised, and every day we see farther
proofs of it. It is the surest sign of their settling, if
not under the "best," at least under the only possible,
of republics.

__—
A SMALL measure of alteration in a corner of tho
game system has been prevented by Mr. Coavine to
the House of Commons in the form of a bill, "to
enable the occupiers of land having a right to kill
hares on that land,to do so by themselves or pens
authorised by them without being required to take
out a game certificate." As a practical abatement of
the evils of the game laws, the bill is too trifling for
notioe ; but as an admission of those evils it is some-
thing. It is plain the squires feel they must do some-
thing to save their feudal code, and this measure we
presume is intended to propitiate the farmers. If so,
its author will find it a failure. It will not reach
the case of one farmer in fifty, and will afford but
imperfect relief to that one. All the rest of the mis-
chiefs of the game laws it leaves altogether un-
touched. The preamble of the bill recites that by
three acts of parliament, of which the tithe are
stated
Vi
t., C. 55 52 Geo. 111.,
3 and 4 Viet., c. 17), certain duties of assessed taxes
were granted, upon every peraon who should use
any dog, gun, net, or other engine for the purpose
of taking or killing any game whatever, or who should
assist in any manner in the taking or killing of
any game. And it recites that, by divers laws now
in force, penalties are imposed on all persons taking,
or killing, or assisting in taking or killing, game, I
who shall not have obtained a certificate of the due
payment of such duties. We are thus particular
because it is well that the full effect of this certificate
duty should be understood—that it may be seen how
minute is the modification proposed by Mr. Omelet:.
The bill then recites—and this from the squires is
an important admission—that it has been found that
much damage has been done by hares to the produce
of enclosed lands, and that great losses have thereby
accrued, and do accrue, to the occupiers of such lands,
and that it is expedient that actual occupiers should
be allowed to take, kill, and destroy hares thereon.
without the payment of the game certificate duties,
and without incurring penalties. The bill then pro-
poses to enact that, after the passing of the act, any
person being in the actual occupation of any inclosed
lands may by himself, or by any other person
directed or commanded by himself so to do, destroy
hares upon the land in his occupation, by any save
certain excepted means, without liability to certificate
duty or penalties. The next clause exempts persons
directed by occupiers of land to kill hares from
liability to assessed tax duty as gamekeepers. Then
comes the excepted means, namely, coursing or hunt-
ing hares, by which if occupiers take or kill hares, they
are to do so subject to the certificate duties and game
law penalties. This exception marks the tone of the
'iliiirearchal mind—the amusement to be derived from
killing game is still to be paid for as a class privilege.
Coursing is to be no amusement for farmers. How
small and invidious is this discrimination of the means
by which farmers are to kill hares ! 'This is a point
which will not be lost on the agricultural community.
The bill then provides that nothing therein contained
6111111 extend to make it lawful to pat any poison or
poisonous ingredient on any ground, whether open or
inclosed, where game usually resort, or in any high-
way. Why the farmer who lays poison for the smaller
vermin, rats and mice, should he debarred from re-
sorting to the same means for destroying the larger
and more destructive vermin, hares, we do not com-
prehend, unless we as‘ume that the proposed law is
only meant to be a sham, and that the squires have
no real intention that the farmers shall destroy the
hares which infest their farms.
The next clause is, that where any tenant now is, or
hereafter shall be, bound by any agreement not to take,
kill, or destroy any hare upon lands included in his
agreemeut, then nothing therein contained is to ex-
tend to authorise the tenant to destroy any hare upon
his land. And, by a subsequent interpretation clause,
the ward agreement is declared to include "covenant,
proviso, promise, undertaking, condition, or reserva-
tion." Now, as game is almost invariably reserved to
the landlord, there probably will not be a five-hundredth
part of the agricultural land in England and Wales—
to which alone the bill applies—that will be affected
by the act. The remaining provision is that which
enables the occupier, who comes within the operation
of this act, to sell hares to licensed game-dealers with-
out having obtained a game certificate, as at present
he must do, even where he has the full and exclusive
right to the game on his farm. In the comparatively
few cases in which such a law would have any opera-
tion—that is, where occupiers have a right to the
game, and their lands are infested by hares bred in the
preserves of their neighbours—relief from the certificate
duty and game law penalties for themselves and their
servants is something ; but it is not enough. In such
cases they should have a right of action against the
neighbours who breed the vermin. We know a
gentleman occupying, in Norfolk, a farm of about 7.)
acres, his own land, who is compelled to keep a man
constantly employed to destroy the hares which
invade his crops from the preserves around him, and
even so he suffers much injury. Why should he not
recover from those neighbours, who so use their own
land as to injure the land of others, the expense of
his vermin killer as well as the actual damage done
by hares and game besides? If the damage had
been done by useful creatures, by the horses, cattle,
or sheep of his neighbours, they must have paid his
losses ; and why should not the game preserver, who
stocks his land with noxious creatures, be amenable
to the same measure of justice? That in Mr.
BRIGHT'S promised bill we shall have a more real'
and effective measure we hope and believe.
But, taking Mr. CoLvii.es measure as one, though
minute, of reality and substance, why should not the
occupier of land be enabled to protect himself against
the depredations of pheasants without paying taxes
or penalties? Nothing is further from the truth
than the assertion sometimes made by game
Ipreservere, that pheasants do no damae. They
Ido quite as much injury too o
farmers'g crops as
an equal number of domestic fowls would do if left to
I! find their subsiestence in his field. On ts point we
find Mr. Hin, one of the best and largest farmers in
East Lothian, told an Edinburgh audience last week :
" As for the pheasant, there is not a bird alive more
destructive to the crops of the farmer. They scrape
up the seed, for a long time after it is sown, as effec-
tually as barn-door chickens. In summer they
trample and tread down the growing crops in every
direction ; and thenmaturity,, as soon as the grain
begins to approach they are at it again. In
a wet or damp season many of the heads trodden
down by them spring up, which deteriorates the value
of the sample several shillings a quarter ; and even
after the grain is in the stack-yard it is hardly safe
from their depredations. This autumn, passing a
stockyard a few a ilea from where I live, shortly after
daybreak, I was astonished to see more pheasants in
it than I ever saw barn-door fowls in any other. On
my approach they teak wing, and literally darkened
the air." And this will be corroborated by every
farmer who has been afflicted with the plague of
pheasants on his farm. We trust that all the members
who desire a real reformation of game-law evils will
reject Mr. Convlne's make-belief bill.

TIIE SUDDEN DEPARTURE OF THE DUKE AND
Ductless Or MONTPENSIBB. for Germany, on Thuteday layt, 1
partnaturally enonah canoed cen-iderable surprise ,• ore
icularly as it took place before the expected arrival tithe
I) lito of ihnenada, who had been commissioned by the
Queen of Spain to invite her sister to Madrid. It is now,
however, stated that their departure was caused by the dis-
cover. of a cirrespnvidener, in the Tailerirs, which, In irg
colmueicated to the British government, rendered the rest-
t'ence of those augipt persqnsers in' this ceuntry as dit igret -
04., to the court of St. James's as it would lave
ft beencon
un
, pleasant to themselves. It is added that they le in
' terety with an ictitaatioa front the l'oreigu-:gice.