The Express.
London, England, 1848-01-15 00:00:00

Eht vproisi.

MAILS
The malls for IRMA North America, Rereads, and the Unite
States, will be mode up no the 'veiling of the ithlt January.
TM Weet India Mai* excluding Bermuda, Kamm, Havanna,
Honduras, New Oilman., Vera Crux, Tampico, And Porto Rico, and
including thine for Madeira, interne', Cartilages* santa Martha,
Chutes Panama, West roast of Muth America', and St. Juan-de.
Nicaragua, will be made up on the morning of the 17th January.
The omits tor Vigo, thiorio, Lisbon, Madeira, Cedar, and tdbraltei
will be made up on the morning of the 17th January.
The overland mails for Liitiraltio, Malts, (Mecca, the lonlanl.land..
Aden, Ceylon. India, I long-Kerns, and China, vie Southampton
will be made up on the morning of the 20th January.
The overland 60.4,1 mills. rie Marseilles, to the Mediterranean
14ypt, Aden, Ceylon, India, Hong Kong, sic., will be made up on the
liming oldie 24th January.
The mails for New south Wales, Van Diemen's Land, and New
Zealand will he mode up on the evening of the Slat January.
The malls for the West Coot of Africa and Abukir& will be made
up on the evening of the 31st Mat.
The mails for the Brazils the River Plate, Monte Video, Pernam
Kea, Bahia, Madeira. end Silence Ayres will be made up on th
Raft of the 4th Febnou7.

TO CORRESPONDINTS.
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be at Ito oat% bomeMmmM.M Tmeetmlmt J. of poopootio..

111011 WATER k? LONDON DRUMS.
TM. DAT— YUMA*, • 4 W.. pot * After•oca. 21 Wu. we 9.
Teal* —Numb& n Ways** 9 Allerpooo.34 Okla. peel •G.

LONDON, SATURDAY, JAN. 15.
Dr. ARNOLD, in one of his letters, compares the
church of England, as built up by the statutes of
HENRY VIII. and EDWARD VI., to the tower of
Cologne cathedral, which was interrupted when only
two-thirds of the structure was finished, and which
was surmounted, in lieu of its due completion, by a
wooden crane for hauling up materials. The un-
finished tower and its crane have now stood for se-
veral centuries in the inchoate state, and when the 1
wooden crane was mouldering, the worthy citizens of
Cologne erected another, a perfect fix sinille,—what
had been merely intended for temporary use, having
grown to be regarded with veneration, as an adjunct
and an ornament.
The English church has stood pretty much in the
same way, surmounted by the old lumbering Roman
machinery, which HENRY VIII. put up as the only
known and current machinery of his time, and which
has served to haul up bishops and archbishops to
eminence, without a soul questioning the fitness or
unfitness of the machinery. Fate has decreed, that
in the self-same year folks should set about the
actual completion of the towers of Cologne, the first
step of which is, of course, the getting rid of the old
crane ; and that English folks, nay, English church-
men, should get so ashamed of their own old
Anglican machinery, that, by common consent,
the forms of bishop-making have been declared,
faulty, absurd, erroneous, and illegal. Church-
men having just gone to work with their pens,
lawyers have been employed with levers and crow-
bars, and we have no doubt that the public itself will
soon set to work with pickaxes (for the public desires
no better fun), to restore the antiquated front and
fashion of the old Anglican church tower to the com-
mon sense and common justice views of the age.
A reform of the church is, in fact, in every one's
mouth ; not that mock reform operated by bishops
upon prebends, which SYDNEY SMITH made so
merry with; but a reform in the fundamental
matter of ecclesiastical nominations altogether,
which hitherto has been but a system of po-
litical jobbery, and which it is evident cannot
be much longer so. The friends of religious
freedom must be equally surprised and delighted to
find the high churchmen themselves take the lead in
pioneering this reform by drawing the veil from the
abuses, by exposing the absurdities, and even by
proving the illegality of high ecclesiastical appoint-
ments. We have heard of the schoolmaster being
abroad, and the light of public opinion following him.
But we must own, we never saw him so boldly pene-
trate the darkness of high episcopal establishments,
and invite the people and the press, and opinion and
discussion, to enter also into the hitherto forbidden
saw-turn. People talk of the HAMPDEN controversy
being over. Why, the lIANtrnEN controversy is but
the great gate, which has been flung open for the
public to enter into the great question of church go-
vernment, church rights, and church propriety. The
folding doers of this gate have been flung open by
seven right reverend prelates. The public has been
invited in, and has rushed in, and is exploring all
from garret to cellar with an eagerness and with in-
tentions
of which the prelates who invited them are,
perhaps, not yet aware.
It is an often very small occasion and impulse which
set great ideas and reforms in motion. Father
Tenet- and his box of indulgencies raised protest and
inquiry, arid drove the Papal religion out of half of
continental Europe. The higgling of a Pope about
the form of a divorce set HENRY THE Eterrm at
the work of reformation. The high church-
men of the present day will not allow whig
statesmen to make liberal bishops, and with
this view question the right of the state to in-
terfere with the church. The movement is evi-
dently a signal for the church to walk away from the
state, to repudiate its dictation, and cease to undergo
its influence. This excites the further question, whe-
ther, if the church be allowed to walk away, it should
also be allowed to carry lay property-along with it?
A great proportion of the present revenues and endow-
ments of the church is lay property, in lay gift, ori-
ginally given for lay views, and for keeping ecclesias-
tics in lay dependence. If the intention of HENRY
VIII. and the spirit of his statutes be examined, and
if the disposition of the property be s'ill to be regu-
lated by the intention of the donor, we fear that the
church in repudiating the state would be allowed to
carry away not more than a dowry or an allow-
ance. The high church mooters ot divorce should
therefore look to consequences.
Archbishop WHATELY, in his admirable letter on
the HAMPDEN controversy, publish, d by us yester-
day, and which completely exhausts the question,
clearly points out to what the present agitation is

leading c
I cannot but think," says his grace," therefore, that the ill
effects of the late movement, the disturbance of the peace of
the church, and the contempt and odium thereby excited
against it, and which, in fairness, most be imputed to the
authors of the movement, would have been incalculably
increased had the movement proved successful. Already
our bitterest opponents, amongst those wbo stigmatise us
as heretics, and three who decry episcopacy, are exult-
ing over our dins nsions ; while many members of our own
church have evidently bad their confidence in its rulers
and in its constitution greatly shaken. But if the movement
had proved successful every man of good sense would have
foreseen, what the rest would have soon learned by expe-
rience, that a total change must ensue in the constitution of
Our church, and that the offices of it were to he henceforth
disposed of by a most irregular and turbulent kind of
election. Any man whose superior learning or ability might
have exposed him to the jealousy of some of his brethren, or
who might have become an object of dread to a party, by his
firm opposition to their attempts to introduce strange doe.
trines or practices, would find a cabal formed against him,
which, calling itself ' the church,' would overawe and in-
duce to join with them many well-moaning, but ill.advised,
persons, who ere alw eye ready to make unlimited concessions
for the sake of avoiding a disturbance ; and remonstrances
and protests, continually more and more loud and peremp-
tory, would be interposed to prevent this and that person's
appointment to a bishopric or to a living, for fear of dis-
pleasing ' the church ; and ultimately, no doubt, to die-
tateto the nominal patron what person he must appoint, in
order to gratify ' the church.'
" Better, by far, would it be, that the constitution of our
church should be changed avowedly and reeularly, and
placed upon a democratic for than that such irregular
encroachments should be encouraged—that the power nomi-
nally vested in the constituted authorities should be, vir-
tually, and in practice, exercised by any who should com-
bine to overawe them.
" I have long and earnestly advocated a church-go-
vernment; not a government independent of the state, or
el/timing control over temporal causes and properties, but in
due subordination to the state, and in its own legitimate pro-
vince ; not (what some seem to understand by church go-
vernment) a government by the clergy, but, as in the Ame-
rican Episcopal Church, by the clergy and laity conjointly ;
only, by those, exclusively, who are members of the church."
Perhaps this is what the impugners of the minis-
terial nomination are aiming at. They would fling off
the supremacy of the crown. If so, they must submit
to the suffrages of the people. Englishmen will
never bow spiritually or politically to a self-elect-
ing, self-perpetuating corporation. The English
church is sufficiently that already, and to that
it owes the greater portion of its weakness.
The true friend of the church must wish to see it
tempered by lay influence or lay control. And if it
fling off the royal, and the aristocratic, it will
infallibly be obliged to submit to democratic influ-
ence. The appeal is now from the crown to the
judges, and from the judges, if they decide for the
crown, the appeal must be to the people. This is an
immense stride made by the dignitaries and the high
Party in the church towards voluntaryism.

Tu state of affairs in almost all the countries of
Europe, although not such as to menace a disturb-

anne of the general peace, is still so fraught with in-
ternal straggle and disquiet, that one scarcely knows
to which attention should first be paid. There
is one country, however, in which not only the in-
terests of its own freedom and prosperity are at stake,
but our own honour is also deeply concerned.
This is Portugal, in which the tyrant CA/MAU have,
through British aid, succeeded in completely crushing
every remnant of national or constitutional freedom.
We are now called upon to acquiesce in this tyranny.
The limes, which has once more become the organ of
the CABRALB, received from that party a copy of the
Queen's speech to her most faithful Cori es two days
before it was spoken. Of course the Times, in grati-
tude, declares the speech and the ministry excellent.
It declares that the protocol is cloned, and that the
British fleet, having come to Lisbon to put down the
liberals, under the cloak of protecting them, has
completed its task, and that it may now sail away,
and leave Lisbon safe in the hands of its exe-

cutioncrs.
We will not here recapitulate the too notorious cir-
cumstances of the Portuguese revolution, all but com-
pleted, when we interfered to put it down. We did so 1
to save the Queen's authority intact. The excuse with
which we covered our violent proceedings was, that we
stipulated for four things. First, an amnesty, and the
restoration of the liberals to the enjoyment of their
rights. How have we caused this to be executed?
The liberals have indeed returned, but all have
been obliged, as a measure of personal safety, to waive
political and electoral rights. Most of them are
obliged to remain within their houses, as their stirring
out would be the signal for violence and assassination.
With the presence of the British fleet muet disappear
too this rag of an amnesty, and every liberal who
would preserve his freedom and life, must seek these
blessings either in insurrection on Portuguese soil, or
exile from it. This is the alternative which the Por-
tuguese liberals have now to meditate. Which they
would choose, is evident enough to them and every
one, were it not that the British government and
British army are there, as the ever-ready auxiliaries
of a despotic, corrupt, and cut-throat administration.
The next article of the protocol was the repeal of
the CABRAL laws for abrogating the constitution and
creating a dictatorship. The CABRALS are now as
much dictators as ever. There is not a member of
either chamber, or of the administration, that is not
their creature, and the Times tells us that English and
Portuguese are called to acquiesce in this—and why ?
And. why! because the "electoral system in Por-
tugal is essentially a nullity ; because any government
can cause, by intimidation, any Cartes to be chosen ;
and because in Portugal any effective opposition
must assume the form of an armed pronunciaments."
here the admission is made that the liberals and the
people of Oporto took the only effective means of op-
position and of securing a liberal government. And
yet we interfered to put them dawn, pretending to
make them amends by a protocol in favour of flee
elections and constitutional government, which the
Times now tells us were, and must ever be, mere
moonshine. What a description of, what a
comment upon, British faireess and wisdom!
Having thus proved and recorded the nefa-
rious folly and itjustice of an intervention in
Portugal, ending, as it has, necessarily, in the en-
slavement of that people, the Times proceeds to make
its reflections and to draw its moral. There is in
it no compunction, no sorrow, for the crushed
liberals of Portugal—no blush for the equally foolish
as infamous conduct of England. No—the Times
winds up with congratulating both countries that the
government in Portugal has fallen into the hands of
the C'ABRAL.% who have " talent and strength."
Why so has NICHOLAS " talent and strength" to
rale Poland, Louis PHILIPPE "talent and strength"
to rule Spain. NIETTERNICH has sufficient of both to
give him full claim, in the view of the Times, to lord
it over Italy. If talent and strength be the only re-
quisites of government, better abolish constitutional
government altogether, better avow ourselves Jesuits
at once, and re-establish the inquisition wherever we
can ; for the monks had all these qualities, which, in
the opinion of the Times, constitutes the claim of
the CABRALS to tyrannise over Portugal. The Portu-
uese liberals, however, Count Domeier, I)As ANTAS,
SA DA BANDEIRA, may plead that they too had talent
and strength, that they too made themselves thereby
masters of Portugal, and could have ruled and rege-
nerated it, if an English minister had not come to
deceive, betray, and, under the guise of friendship,
destroy them ; and if an Esglish fleet had not come
to override their strength, to discomfit their
fleets and armies. To talk of a party having
"talents and strength," when it has acquired the
upper hand solely by British armed intervention, is
too insolent as well as too false to be tolerated. It is
too much for England at once to knock the Portu-
guese liberals on the head and deprive the country
of its freedom, and to insult these same unfortunate
Portuguese liberals with wanting " strength."
We have discussed two of Lord PALsteriseote's
solemn stipulations to Portugal. The third article off
the protocol was, that the election for the Cartes
should take place without delay, at least in June.
This was never executed. The Cortes have not met
till its regular time of sitting, and the election did not
take place till the corps of Cabralist volunteers and
employes were organised so as to overpower the liberals
in the districts where they had the decided majority.
As to the remaining stipulation of the protocol, that
a non-Cabralist ministry should be appointed, that,
we know, was never complied with. Ever since
British interference CABRAL or his creatures have
ruled, and even the ministry appointed to please
us, consisted of men whom SALDANHA called " his

boys."
Since England has been a monarchy, never was its
honoured name made so vile a use of as in these said
affairs of Lisbon. Netsox's treatment of the Neapo-
litan liberals and CABACCIOLJ, was the act of an
avowed partisan, and enemy of liberals and revolu-
tionists. But our fleet and our negotiators in 1847
went to Lisbon under the pretence of securing free-
dom, protecting the liberals, and cherishing that
constitution which we dethroned a prince to found.
The result turns out to be, that our admiral
and envoy were made the mere cat's-paws of
• court to betray and ruin the liberals and their
cause; whilst the partisans of the interference now
turn round and say, that the constitution is a farce,
freedom in Portugal an absurdity, and that the sole
requisites to govern the country are "talent and
strength." If so, let us do justice, and at once restore
DON 'MIGUEL. We have not the least doubt that the
result of our policy—if it deserves the name—in
Portugal, will be either the restoration of MIGUEL,
or the annexation of Portugal to Spain. Either
would be better than what Lord PALMERSTON'S pro-
tocol has produced.

IN their parliamentary visit to this country
the Irish members have demonstrated one thing
clearly—viz., that the Irish repeal party was totally
broken into pieces. Their speeches and conduct in
the House of Commons were enougk to show this fact,
but even from more authentic sources we know that
the idea of keeping up a party for repeal is beginning
to be rapidly abandoned. Several Irish members are
now seeking how to back ou' of repeal with as much
decency as possible, and so convinced are we of the
ruinous result of the repeal agitation, that we would
be very glad to help them in turning to better
ways.
The history of the decline and fall of repeal may
be stated very briefly. The word has at times
had various significatious put upon it by different
lexicographers of politics, but it had only one ge-
nuine meaning, popular faith in O'CONNELL. It was
he who raised the cry, controlled, and might at any
time have stopped it. In 1832 it meant anti-tithe
agitation, parliamentary reform, down with Se-
cretary STANLEY, and up with DAN O'CON-
NELL, and an Irish party in parliament.
This last consideration gave some extrinsic
importance to the joints of the tail, who, judged
separately, were little calculated to shine in par-
liament. But the idea of keeping up an Irish party
was soon abandoned by O'CONNELL. He contented
himself with his sway over his obedient followers,
and marshalled his political band in support of the
liberal party. In 1843 he raised repeal again, and
blundered into a false position. He declined in
strength, and the decay of repeal progressed with the
decline of the great agitator, who had called it into
existence. O'CONNELL died, and now repeal is only
the empty echo over his tomb.
The Irish members in the popular interest have
no vigorous leader in whom they confide. They
laugh at the pretensions of Mr. JOLIN O'CONNELL
and Mr. SMITH O'BRIEN. They see no man amongst
them with eloquence to excite, argument to convince,
or great character to dignify. Their party has not
been recruited with any able acquisitions at the last