The Express.
London, England, 1851-12-05 00:00:00

AT MANCHESTER.

GREAT REFORM MEETING

The evening meeting of reformers, at the Free
Trade-hall, Manchester on Wednesday, was one of those
gatherings which carry the memory back to the most stir-
ring period of the Anti-Corn Law League agitation. Tim
platform was covered by influential and leading reformers,
from all parts of Lancashire, Yorkshire, and the midland
and northern counties, comprising molly of the delegates
who had attended the morning's conference.. The body of
the hall and galleries were crowded by a dense mass of the
middle and working-classes, and though, after thousands
of people had been tufted from the doors, several thousands
admitted could only be accommodated with standing room,
they waited with untiring patience over • period of mere than
four hours to hear the conclusion of the meeting. It
will be seen by our report that the resolutions adopted by
the morning conference, were endorsed by the seven thou-
sand persons present with their unanimously expressed ap-
probation, which they testified, not only by a show of
hands, but by the most enthusiastic cheering. It was one
of the most respectable, as well as one of the largest and
most successful, demonstrations ever witnessed.
Mr. GEORGE WILSON presided, and came upon the
platform accompanied by Mr. Cobden, MP., Mr. Bright,
M.P., Mr. Milner Gibson, M.P., Sir Joshua Welinsley,
M.l'., Mr. J. Williams, M.P., Mr. Jas. Heywood, M.P.,
Mr. Milligan, M.P., Mr. L. Ileyworth, M.P., Mr. Kershaw,
M.l'., Mr. Sharman Crawford, M.l'., Mr. Henry, M.P.,
Mr. George Thompson, M.P., Mr. J. Brotherton, M.P.,
&c. These gentlemen were welcomed with enthusiastic
applause.
Mr. BRIGHT, M.P., who was received with loud cheers,
said—There was • time, I believe it is on record, that the Flo-
rentine republic, in consequence of the sins of the:nobles, ex-
cluded them from any share iu the representation, or from
say share in the government by express enactment,
and a noble had to be elevated to the rank
of a commoner before ho could be allowed to partake of
power. (Applause, and laughter.) Now, we do cot Elmo-
poee anything of this kind. We propose, not that the noble
shall be excluded, but that the people shall be admitted.
(Hear.) We propose, for example, in these resolutions, in-
stead of the temporary, and I had almost said, the absurd
franchise of a lel. house, that reverting to the policy and
principles of our ancestors, all men who by the present law
have a right to vote in parochial affairs, all who have the
right to vote for municipal councils, and, further than that,
because in that case there is a long period of residence
which cuts off a large number, we propose that for the par-
liamentary franchise there shall exist the same
basis wheels the legislature and long custom have
adopted for parishes, and which in more recent
times the legislature has adopted fur town councils
and for poor-law unions—that is, that when a
man, fur the possession of any property—house, warehouse,
shop, stable, barn, carthouse, land, or garden (that of course
is included in land), shall have his name upon the rate-book,
he shall have a vote ; we propose that that rate-book should
be the final authority, and decisive in all cases as to the
right of any man to vote. (A veicc : " Why not universal
suffrage r") lam very sorry that Imu obliged, as it were,
to skip over both facts and arguments, fur the purpose of
shortening the observations which I am obliged to make in
going over this matter ; therefore, although I should be
very glad to take up any print that was suggested by any
person present, I ion sure the meeting, under these circum-
stances, will excuse sue even attempting it. (Applause.) I
only say this, that there never met, in my opinion, in any
one room so many persons so exclusively of what I may call,
so far as public opinion is concerned, an influential
body of men, as met to-day in that room at
the conference and agreed to these resolutions.
And we must bear in mind that whatever we propose,
however democratic may be anybody's opinion individually,
we all should come to this conclusion, that whatever mea-
sure should be proposed with any chance whatever of sue •
errs, should be a measure which will not appeal eutirely to
the sympathies of any one class; but, while it invites the
great body of men of all classes within the pale of the con-
stitution, will still abide by our antecedents with regard to
the franchise in those other dgparunents to which 1 have
alluded; so that it will bring in its support not the unen-
franchised only, but the enfranchised of the middle classes,
and those very powerful sections of the community who, if
they could, most of them would prevent our having any
extension of the franchise at all. (Hear.) I would not
myself, at this moment, whatever may be my own opinious
upon any question, I would not propose to parliament, and
would not carry if I had dictatorial power, any law
which 1 believe was not received with general
acceptation and sympathy by the intelligent and the good
of all classes of my countrymen. (Applause.) But now
we must bear in mind that no franchise that ever yet was
proposed omitted to exclude somebody. We propose that
the forty-shilling franchise, which is now confined entirely
to freehold property, should be extended to leasehold and
copyhold. In many districts copyhold is very common; in
other districts—where I live, for example—leasehold is the
prevailing tenure. Well, we propose that by this the
forty-shilling franchise shall be made more easily obtainable
almost all over the country; endive believe that wherever
any man is permanently—and there will be very few per-
manently excluded on the rating suffrage, for by one means
or other we all come to pay rates at some time of our lives—
that if there he a man so excluded because he has no posses-
sion of any kind of property which is liable to assessment to
the poor rate, still he will have the power, and no doubt great
numbers of them will exercise it, of qualifying himself for
the franchise by obtaining possession of one of these forty
shilling
.freeholds much more easily obtainable under this
proposition than they arc at present. Our object is to sim-
plify the franchise, making the rate-book the register, and
at the same time open a channel to individuals obtaining
the franchise who don't happen to get it through the rate-
book, by obtaining the possession of a 40s. freehold ; and
we believe that, at present, at any rate, and I think many
persons will believe that permanently, such an accession to
the list of elector., with such other changes as we propose,
will give to the people of this country the government of
themselves, so that whatever in future may be required,
either of organic chan,e or of admiuistrativc reform, the
people of this country may have through their regularly
constituted legislature, the members of both houses of par-
liament. (Applause.) Now of the ballot I say nothing. It
seems to be almost universally adopted by everybody
who calls himself a reformer. I noticed the enthusiasm
with which it wee received at the conference this morning,
and the marks of approbation which it met when it was
read by Mr. Robinson just now from the resolution. I will
not go into the question of a threesyears'.parliament, or a
two-years', or • four-years' parliament; ot would not be
possible for anybody to demonstrate that three years was
better than two, or perhaps that it was better than four;
but we know that triennial parliaments, for a considerable
time, were the law of the land ; we know that the altera-
tion took place to serve the purposes of a party and of a
dynasty ; and we see no reason whatever that should pre-
vent us in making the change which is necessary, going back
to that which our forefathers had established, and which
there is no reason to suppose was prejudicial to them, or
would be prejudicial to us. (Applause.) We are
willing to hope that the Prime Minister is about to
perform a great national service. We are nom indi-
cating, to the but of our abilities, that which wo think
he ought :to do, and we are setting before him the path I
which we think he ought to tread. Now, Lord John Rus-
sell, in the House of Commons, makes • great many able
speeches every session ; but I have always noticed, that
though his speeches are very ingenious when he's wrong,
they are very much better when he's right. (Applause and ,
laughter.) Now, he generally winds up his speeches on
some great queacion, with a peroration in which he praises
the constitution of this country, and speaks in almost
sinking terms of the loyalty of the people—l don't mean
loyalty to any particular person now, or hereafter, or here-
before on the throne—but loyalty to the law and to the con.
stitution. He speaks of them as persons having a great love
of order, and who may be trusteckto every large extent. Well,
then, I think we may fairly ask Lord John Russell, in
obedience to his own often-mede declarations, to give to the
people of this country at least as great a measure of reform
as that that the conference has agreed to recommen 1, and
which, I trust, you will unanimously approve of this even-
ing. (Applause.) Now, I have said that I believe we
all have an interest in a good and honest government. The
Queen hes • great interest in the peace and prosperity of
this country. But that thoughtful boy that she led up the
Exchange when she was here, is not more dear to her, than
the boy which is to be found in • million houses in this
country is to its parents. The property of her family is no
mere than the property and success of our families. (Hear,
hear.) Those great peers and territorial proprietors make
a grievous mistake when they fancy that every man who
has not acres, or what they call a great stake in the coun-
try, has not • stake in his employment, being steady and
well-remunerated, and in the comforts and con-
veniences of life, which are being more extensively diffused
amongst the people. Why, all this has an effect upon every
man—the head of every family; and all these bind him as
much to morality and to order, as the vast property of the
peerage, or of those territorial proprietors, bind them to
the prosperity and interest* of the country. (Loud cheers.)
We want, in fact, and we don't disguise it—we want a
government by this nation and for this nation. (Applanae)
We, the merchants, the manufacturers, the traders, the
professional men, the artisans, the proprietors of the soil,
the farmers, the labourers—we are the basis, and we are
the superstructure of this great commonwealth, whose
deeds and whose progress fill so great a space in the his-
tory of the world. We have outgrown this antiquated and
deerepid system of representation. We have attuned to an
intellectual and a moral height which enables us not only
to comprehend the theory, but also to appreciate the bles-
sings of a free coostitutioo, and a free represen-
tation; and we have grown, also, to the stature which
gives us strength not only to demand but to insist
upon the concession of all that we may honestly
and wisely demand. Now, I want the population
adds United Kingdom to read the resolutions which have
hew the proceedings of this day, I would like that the
people of every city, of every town, of every village, nay,
of every house, should weigh well the resolutions which
haus been pawedd by the conference, and which I hope will
be unanimously and enthusiastically adopted by this meet-
ing. I want them to hold meetings everywhere, so far as
they honestly can, to make these resolutions their own. If
they like to make 'em better I'm sure I shall have no ob-
jection. (Hear, hear.) Let them, by the time of the
meeting of parliament, prepare strenuous petitions calling
upon the House of Commons to enact propositions,—these,
or such u these,—in an act of parliament, and if they do
this, rely upon it that the year upon which this nation is
about to enter,—the year 1852,—wi1l be for ever memorable
in the history of the struggles which Englishmen have made
for the liberties of England. (The meeting upstanding,
gave repeated rounds of cheers as Mr. Bright sat down.)
The Rt. Hon. T. MILNER GIBSON, M.P., neat ad-
dressed the meeting.

m chSeeirrinlgO, Aid.wWrAsoLmMeSiLatrlaodli Litosure.oebnivrevdatiwo.ittsl:
ulch:
" I shall best evince my appreciation of the reception you
have Riven ine, and for which I am deeply grateful, by study-
ing to be as brief as I would be earnest in the observations I
our privileged to make to this great meeting. No proficient
l in the art of rhetoric or declamation, it must be my pro•
VitICO to take a sober and practical view of the question we
are met to discuss, and of the objects we desire to promote.
What, then, are those °limes e To do to others as wo
would they should do to us. To bestow upon our
unenfranchised fellow-subjects the same political rights wo
ourselves enjoy, and from which they have been so long and
so unjustly excluded, and, ea a consequence, the renovation
of the popular clement in the House of Commons, and a
more equitable distribution of the national burdens. We
have met less for the utterance of words, than for the de-
vising of works; less for the expression of our opinions,
than to take measures to give effect to thole opinion', and
to make them the basis of future legislation. The time
draws nigh when we shall be called upon to
consider the proposals of her Majesty's govern-
, meet on the vital question of a modification
of our present system of electing members to legislate for
the interests of this vast empire. It is all important that
this time should be wisely improved ; for the minister, who
ever he may be, that brings forward the new reform bill,
will not fail to refer to the development of this particular
period, and found upon it either his justification of a
comprehensive, or his excuse for a partial measure.
It is not for me to say how far the labours
of the National Association have contributed to procure
the ministerial declaration in favour of parliamentary
reform—suffice it, the declaration has been made, and in the
absence of any ministerial plan. It is the duty of the
association as far as possible to take the sense of the country
on the scheme they have adopted, and to call upon re-
• formers everywhere to enrol themselves against the day
• when the battle will have to be fought in the legislature.
The association, in the manifesto of its council addressed to
the people, bas said that " It is not for the executive
government of a constitutional monarch to dictate funda-
I mental changes in petaled institutions." They may advise,
• but as ministers of the crown their duty at such a crisis is to
ascertain, to adopt and then to carry into law the will of
. the people, or, I will venture to add, to resign their place!,
• and to leave the Sovereign free to eta to her councils those
I whose opinions are in harmony with the wishes of her
I people. Let me impress upon all whom I now address,
and upon all who desire a measure of reform as compre-
hensive as that promulgated by the national association,
, that if through a misplaced confidence in ministerial laden-
tints, or through wilful neglect of the present opportunity,
they fail to give effect to their opinions• they will indeti-
lately postpone the attainment of the objects they seek.
Neither should we lose sight of the fact, that a
partial measure of reform will to the extent it
I is carried subtract from the chimeras which it may
now be possible to combine for the realisation of the entire
object. What would be the probable effect of giving the
franchise to an additional million of the population ? To
content that million, and thus to lessen the power of those
who are equally entitled to the right, whilst it would add to
the strength of those who have hitherto sucemetally re-
i sated the claims of the unenfranchisiel. A partial measure
of reform should be deprecated as ineffectual fur the removal
of those abuses, either financial or eeclesauitical, which it is
the übject of a real reform iu parliament to extirpate. Ate-
member, whatever may he the extent of the measure which
' is carried, it will be regarded as a settlement for
a long period. Tho opponent, of reform will strive
• to make it so. Many will desire that it shall
have a lair trial, and others will be indisposed to renewed
agitation, the more so, as they have nothing to gain by the
l change. And not without reason may it then be aged,
t there was a time when you might have obtuinml what you
• wanted, but you slumbered and slept when you should have
, been vigilant and active, and were inert and divided when
, you should have been resolute and united. If we are
• wise we shall anticipaoe and denounce all lialameasuies
• while they arc in embryo. We may feel satisfied that
r ministers will be guided by the ascertained feelings and
determination of the various classes of the population, and
• if the unentranchised allow others to display greater earnest-
) ness in the cause of modified reform than they exhibit in
their own behalf, the mischief will be done before
• parliament meets and no sooner will the new reform bin be
promulgated than every power which :he government on
I the one hand, or the opponent, of progress on the other,
, can employ, will be used to prevent any larger extension of
t the franchise, than that which the iievernment may pro-
s pose. These arguments may, to some extent, apply even to
I the scheme set forth by the association itself, but with tlus
, material difference, that the measure of parliamentary re-
I form which we ask is of so bread and c imprehennive a
I character as to leave little of a practical nnturo to be at-
' tained. 1 have made these remarks for the purpose of
I showing the dangers to which our cause is ex-
: posed, that being forewarned we may he fore-
' armed, and take the precautions necessary to meet
and overcome these dangers. There is ample power
in the people to sweep away every obstacle which the
opponents of progress and the advocates of a limited suffrage
may throw in their way. But that power must be evoked.
It must be preserved intact ; it must be put into action ; it
must to wisely directed and resolutely employed. Let us
take the measure of our resources, end so learn the amount
of our strength. It is notorious that a large portion of the
intetigent producing classes have for yearn been in favour
• of universal suffrage—that they are still so—and with the
advantage of a great increase of knowledge and experience.
t They now not only know their rights, but aro sensitively
r alive to the grievances they bear through denial of
r those rights. With an increase of numbers and
intelligence, they have acquired in the school of
suffering, disappoiutment, and defeat, the wisdom
which they once lacked. Twenty years ago they
allowed themselves to be organised nail directed for the
attainment of the bill, the whole bill, and nothing bet the
bill. If at that time a great victory was won, it was
through the energy, temperance, and cool determination of
the working classes—that which the aristocratic friends of
reform in parliament could not achieve of themselves.
What the middle classes, aided by their tith d champions,
were unable to effect, was promptly done by the millions
of the manufacturing districts. That which they did at
the bidding of others, and fur others then, let them do with
the aid of others, but for themselves now, and then
instead of a barren victory, as in 1832, they
will achieve a triumph which will give them
status as citizens, dignity as men, and a legitimate share in
the management of their own ;Min. They may rest
aoured, whoever else may fail them in the hour of need,
theee who have been partakers of their devotion in the
cause of freedom, and witnessed their willingness to yield
their own l.ng cherished views for the attainment of speci-
fic and practical reform, will never desert, but stand or full
with them. We may finely estimate in our ranks every
friend of political justice, all who have faith in the integrity
of the masses, and who believe that the true way to dove-
lope the virtue of the people is to invest them with
equal political rights. Neither can we fail to enlist
the sympathies of those who see no hope for any
alleviation of the national burdens until the great body of
tho people can be appealed to, and who believe that the
country can neither be permanently safe, nor lastingly
prosperous, until the number, skill, &versified interests,
and growing intelligence of the masses, aro fairly repre-
tented in parliament. Such are our resources, such the
materials at our command; and if we set ourselves heartily
and earnestly to the work, I cannot doubt they are more
than sufficient to immure the triumph of the cause in which
we are embarked. We seek not to disturb the aris-
tocratic element—still less the monarchical— but we
believe both may be strengthened by the concession
of a full, free, and fair representation in that
assembly which the constitution has declared should be the
embodiment of the mind and will of the people. What,
under such eacumstanem, is the obvious policy of the real
friends of reform ? I say real, for the time is at hand when
hosts of sham reformers will enter the lists and shout for
reform, either as a means of promoting their own interests,
or that they may more readily mislead those, who are
earnest in the cause. My answer is, let us find common
ground on whichto stand. Let that ground be equal justice;
let us see, eye to eye, in reference to the minimum amount of
reform, which as a united body we shall demand,
and which, if we seek in such a spirit, we
may hope to attain let us determine how much
is reasonable, safe and obtainable, as well as just and
constitutional, and having chosen this ground, let us stand
together and act as men who have counted the cost and are
prepared to pay the penalty. Having so recently addressed
you on the means by which the National Association seeks
to attain the objects to which 1 have referred, I would
merely urge upon you fidelity and tierseverance, assuring
you that thousands iu every part of the empire are anxious
to unite with you in the great struggle. I speak in the
name of the unenfranchised millions when I say, their
rights to an equality of political power none can deny,
nor will any deny their loyalty, their intelligence, or their
fitness for the exercise of that power. They have sought their
rights in a spirit of patriotism and self-devotion which has
commanded the admiration even of their opponents. Nor
has any act of theirs been calculated to militate against the
institutions of their country, or to injure the interests of
their fellow men. They have borne their degradation to
the hope that political justice would at length reward their
moderation ; and they still approach the legislature in the
spirit of supplication. Let not, however, their forbearance
be mistaken for apathy or indifference,. they are
alive to their position • they know their rights,
and their power to enforce ;Inn ; and are prepared to co-
operate for a full measure of constitutional reform. The spec-
tacle I now witness, the character of the men who 611 this
piatform, the thousands I see before me, and the hundreds
of thousands whose views they represent—all enure me
that if westeaday seek a measure of even-handed justice,
It will not be long ere we agate meet in this hall to cele-
brate a 1110011 d triumph, even greater than the one to
which it owes its name.

Mr. COBDEN, M.P., on rising to address the meeting,
was received with enthusiastic and protracted cheering
which continued for upwards of a minute. Ile said—Mr.
Chairman and Gentlemen, I feel too much commiseration
for you to detain you more than • very few minutes with
any remarks on this important question. I have been sit-
ting all the evening on • comfortable chair with • beck to
it, and surveying the scene before me, and bare really felt
my heart melt at the melting position in which you must
be placed—(laughter)—and alter all, gentlemen, there is
nothing new to discuss about the matter that is before us.
There have been four propositions, as old as the hills al-
most, that have been now submitted to this meeting. We
have had a discussion at the conference this morning, for live
hours, and it resulted simply in declaring ourselves in favour
of those four points which Mr. flume has for four successive
years been bringing before the House of Commons—(hear,
hmir)—household suffrage, with the right of lodgers to
claim to be rated and be upon the rate book—(cheers)—
' - "

triennial parliaments, redisifibution of electoral Power, and
the ballot. (Hear, hear) Why, gentlemen, these four
points have been subjected to discussion within the house