The Express.
London, England, 1849-03-01 00:00:00

THE EXPRESS, THURSDAY EVENING, MARCH 1, 1849.

that *ha whisk he had sow the kostour le submit would
enable thin *take effectual promeations !plait abases of
this Mad in future. He believed that Shies inatitatioas
wen oat to exit musk lemel=s, hot m long
so 11my did exist (and it would not jeer be
that the law should at one Walpole to destroy
whisk had bon eroded by the law as it existed for
11171;:°
ssrr ) they =gin to legislate with • view to ha
them, till the iteerethestica of that batter system by wktah he
hoped they would be e.L.utelegmthed. What he pee.
Need ia the way of wee this :—By she
Poor law Areenchneat let alitle power given for the re-
gulating of workhouse, bat =dabs like the same effective
control we given by the legislature with regard to houses of
this partioubs duniptiem. The pore= who we at the head
of such establishments could not he oonsidued the paid ser-
vant of any union or parish, and still lees could his servants
be ormaidered the paid office= of any sal= or parish,
eco as to give the poor-law board the power of isteriering
with them, se they could with any of the paid carets of the
parish or union. They could visit them now and then and
sive advice, but that was all they could do. He was anxious,
therefore, that effectual means of protection should be
afforded henceforth to the inmates of such house. For
this purpose he proposed, in the fiat place, to take power
to prescribe rules for the management of them. The
would make general tulle which would be applicable to all
such houses, and, if necessary, they could afterwards make
particular rules for such, and this would be the
more easy as they were only seven in number :
they took power also to mould the contracts which might be
made between the guardians of any union on one hand, and
the contractor on the other. In the sot of 1844, an analo-
gous power was wisely given to the psor law commissioners
to mould the contracts made between masters and parish
appreatiess. What he proposed, therefore, was this, that
they should lay down certain terms which should kern part
and parcel of even; contract made between the guardians of
any union and the contractor. They also tank power to en-
force the observanoe of the regulations so laid down by penal-
ties, by the power of summarily, dismissing the contractors
which they weld not do now. They also took power to dismiss
any of the assistants or servants of the establishment which
could not be done now, because they worked by contract, so
that if any of the urban did not do jostle* to the children
they *gold, when this bill pared, insist on his being dis-
missed. He thought they also took an effective power of
inspection, and with regard to this wt of the Dill he bad to
thank the hon. member for Ods (Mr. Henley) for a
Ingestion which would make the bill more simple and if&
dent. By the 7th and Bth sections of the bill
as it now stood they applied to how.. of this
kind the provisions of the Poor Law Amendment Act,
which gave the right of visiting work-houses, but on cond.
daring the matter he thought that the 7th section, striking
out the first three lines and leaving the power of? visiting,
would meet all the exigencies of the case, and put iastitu.
Lions of this kind, as to the power of visitation, on
the same footing as workhouses under the Poor Law Amend-
ment Act. By the 7th section, therefore, with the ended= of
the three first lines, the magistrate would have the power of
going into houses of this description usuddenly as he thought
fit, sad without any previous notice ; and he might author=
any physician, surgeon, or the officiatingclergyman of the
parish to inspect and report on the establishmeat
and the Poor-law Board, on report made to them, thad
have the power of sending down an inspector of their
own, who had now the right of visiting any hoofs where any
description of the poor are kept. He hoped they had thus
provided effectual security for the poor generally, and parti-
cularly for that class of the poor who were met unprotected,
and who deserved the greatest are, namely, the class of
pauper children. (Hear, hear.) But he looked Coward to
the time when houses of this kind would be unnecessary
by the introduction of these establishments, like the district
schools, which were marked out in the act of 1844. Pro-
vi•iOn was made for the establishment of schools of that kind.
There were great difficulties in the way of any school
establishments; but he was happy to say that one good
consequence which resulted from the melancholy occurrence
that took place near Lend** was this, that the metropolitan
parishes strongly desired to carry out those provisions, so
that these schools would be on a perfectly unexceptionable
footing. If that was done, great good would have resulted
from that melancholy occurrence, and consolation might be
derived from that circumstance, if from no other- (Hear,
hear.) He thanked the house for listening to so long a
statement; but he thought he owed it to the house and
public to make some such statement, which he had endea-
voured to compress as much as poodole. (Cheers.)
Mr. HENLEY thought that the statement just made
would be satisfactory to the house and country. (Hear,
hear.) He thought that these establishments should be
made as much as possible public establishments. Some of
the provisions of the bill were very stringent, but no person
would come under them bat by his own free act. He coin.
dared the bill a very good one.

Mr. P. SCROPIi said that the able and lucid statement
of the hon. gentleman was very satisfactory. But he
wished to cell the attention of the house to the re-
sponsibility of the Poor Law Commission in reference
to establishments of this kind, because it seemed to him they
had the power of preventing occurrences of this description,
and it was a lamentable circumstance that this power had
not been exercised. Oa none could the power of controlling
houses of this description be more beneficially conferred than
on the Poor-law Commissioners. The act of 1834 gave them
that power, and it wee the want of exercising that power
that was so much to be lamented. The 79th section of the
act of 1834 says that, "if say contract shall be entered into
on behalf of any parish or union, for the relief, maintenance,
clothing, lodging, or employment of the poor; or if any
other propelled shall be made, connected with the geseral
management of the poor, which shall not be made or entered
into in conformity with the rules, orders, and regulations,
of the said commissioners in that behalf, at the time of
entering into the same, or otherwise sanctioned by them,
the same shall be voidable." He would not pretend to say
what was the legal interpretation of the clause, but the
common sense interpretation of it was, that the commis-
sioners had ample power, and that they ought to exercise it.
They could not be ignorant of the existence of these
large establishments, and they should not allow themtill such
oontracts were made as would satiety them. There was no
imputation on the hon. gentleman or his predecetser, who
were too short a time in ofiloe to interfere with mitten which
had been going on for a long period. (Hear, hear.) He
understood that there was no contract et all, but a mere yer
bal agreement with respect to the Toting establishment.
He could not help saying that he considered the poor.law
comminionen deeply culpable and responsible for neglecting
to look after these contracts which would have prevented the
lamentable circumstance which had recently taken place.
The house then west into committee.
In the seventh dawn the first three lines were struck out.
Sir H. WILLOUGHBY thought that there should be
some positive Inspection. Suppose the magistrates neglected
their linty ?
Mr. BAINES thought that the poor law inspectors had the
right of inspection, and this, combined with the visitorial
power of the magistrates, would be amply sufficient. It was
not
ir to be armed that the magistrates would not perform
the duty.
Sir H. WILLOUGHBY still thought there should be in.
speetion independent of the pea law
Sir G. ORBY mid that we. provided by the authority
given to the magharatee
*rough
The bill then permed to
ugh committee.
The lunge adjourned at a quarter to 6 o'clock.

tare or a large increase of direct taxation; and the
country party is not prepared to follow even the
adventurous number for Buckinghamshire upon
either of theme scents.
Short of these, what can be the scheme but some
manipulation, or new mode of levy the local
taxes—some trick for setting farmers et towns-
people, and vice vend, in the hope o getting up a
squabble and a rivalry, and weaning the fanners from
financial reform ? But after the ,solemnity of the
promise, the mere handling of local taxation would be
delivering the mountain of a mouse, indeed, and
exposing the new protectionist leader to the laugh-
ter of par. anent.
For our part, we cannot but suspect the scheme to
be of the mime well-known category with DicseNe's
Iffre.ltarris, a respectable friend is store for great oc-
casions, but whose actuality no one u yet has been able
to ascertain. Nor should we be surprised to find that
Mr. Disaant flatly refused to produce his scheme,
and, to escape the dilemma, dropped down into a
motion for a committee—that common resource of all
those who seek to appear to be doing something,
when they know in their hearts that they can and
will do nothing.
Should such be the issue of protectionist promises,
they will cat as contemptible a figure as the young
Peelites themselves, who are thundering every morn-
ing in their journal, and sneaking away in silence
every night fi.m. the house. Abuse of the whip,
even petty and personal abuse, forms the staple of the
Morning Chronicle ; whilst the party which feeds
and supports this organ votes for every whig measure,
and dust not look in the face across the table of the
House of Commons the objects of its matutinal
ecurrility.
By the bye the Times made itself Feelits yester-
day morning, and reproached Mr. COBDEN with sup-
porting the whip in preference to Peelites, although
the non-intervention minister and tenets are to be
found in the ranks of the latter. Where on earth did
the Times discover that the friends of Mr. COBDEN
support Lord Faiminurrost in intermeddling or inter-
vention? _ _ _ _

There is this difference between Lord PALMERSTON
and the Times, that the one would keep up. fleets,
armies, and diplomatists, to make use of them in awe-
in g and influencing the smaller powers, so as to aid
what he considers the English or the liberal cause;
the Times and its school would keep up fleets, armies,
and diplomatists, to stand aloof and look on whilst the
absolutist powers gens-d'armed Europe, and put on
the fetters that revolution had knocked Off.
For our part we would deprive the Foreign Secre-
tary altogether of his instruments. We would deny
him Mediterranean fleets, or armies of marines, and
would cashier his diplomatists, leaving Italy and
Spain to fight their own battles, and make
their own revolutions, wishing the liberals all
success, and the tyrants the doom which is their
desert, assuming towards all, as far as treaties would
allow us, the forbearant policy of the United States,
except when the actual wrongs or honour of the
country call for redress, and striving anxiously and
hourly to extricate the country from those diplomatic
ties and guarantees, which are ever pleaded as
binding us to all that is worthless, and retrograde,
and perishable on the continent of Europe.

'Ens report of the Mint Commission, as will be
seen from extracts in another. page, recommends
a thorough reform and revision of that ill-
managed establishment, an abolition of all contracts,
and existing agreements, a total cessation of all work
carried on for private and pecuniary advantage, while
at the same time it remarks with considerable severity
on past negligence and inefficiency. It proposes like-
wise a permanent and resident Master of the Mint,
In place of the usual political and changeable nonentity,
and insists upon a system of official discipline so strict
as to strike terror in the minds of those who have
so long enjoyed the luxury of receiving enormous
incomes without personal labour or attendance.
So far it appears the commission have ful-
filled their duty, and courageously combated the
abuses and corruptions of the Mint against every
dexterous and plausible representation of interested
parties; but we fear in the condemnation of the
Erthey have not fully discriminated between the
r; of the constitution and its practical working
in the present hands of inefficient officers, nor
given credit to the few who in spite of all
obstacles and disadvantages have acted up to
their duty, and so far sustained the credit
of the Mint in the efficiency of their respective
departments. They have in a measure condemned
the innocent with the guilty. They censure all alike,
as if all were equally slothful, corrupt, and negligent.
Merit to whom merit is due, should have cha-
racterised the proceedings of the Commiasion. And
we know there are at least some who, if placed
in the general category of offenders, are moat
unjustly. treated; who, if they have not received
any praise in high quarters, where negligence seems
to have the preference, have at all events the con-
sciousness of having one their duty in singleness of
pupae and with fidelity. But, so far from this hir-
sute having been displayed in the proceedings of the
semmission, or any attempts made to separate the
vutal and active from the useless and inefficient,
we have seen the Muter of the Mint, in the
House of Commons, go out of his way to praise those
who, in the experience of all in the Mint, have been
the greatest offenders in point of regu-
larity, attendance, and discipline. And we are
equally astonished to learn that the Secretary of the
with all his intelligence! penetration, and
rgt;sati.uoricial experience, has been influenced by the
delusive representations made by those parties, seeing
if the working of the Mint depended upon their prac-
tical ability, habits of business, and knowledge of de-
tails, nothing would ever be done satisfactorily. And
we maybe we if the new system be placed under
their guidance (judging by the past) we may safely
predict utter failure.
In the management of the Mint, adminis-
trative and executive, as in any other manu-
factory, the only ability needed is ordinary at-
tention to business on the one hand, and knowledge of
detail on the other, derived from practical experience;
but we cannot have much confidence in those who have
allowed the Mint to fall into its t state of dis-
organisation, and who either cl not or would not
employ the authority vested in their offices to pro-
mote mplar attendance and efficient discharge of duties.
Yet welearn these are the very men who have been put
forward to defend and protect the corruptions of the
Mint, the excellence of contracts, the zeal of the con-
tractors, the goodness and regularity of the coinage,
which, if true, certainly did not molt from their zeal
and labour in the cause. They take great credit to
themselves for qualifications which the history of
the Tut shows they are not entitled to : in
times of pressure they have not been the first
to place their shoulders to the wheel though
their emoluments were thereby vastly enhanced.
Daring the pressure of recoining the light gold,
spread over several years, they deemed absence quite
campanile with &dr duties and responsibilities,
while the board, with perfect knowledge of the cir-
cumstance, thought it no part of their business to
interfere, though the interests of the crown were
deeply concerned. It is in these times of pressure
that the new system will be tried ; and it would, there-
fore, better serve the public interests if the commission,
or the secretary of the treasury, or whosoever the de-
tails of the new system be confided to, would inquire into
such points, and prevent their recurrence, than engage
their attention on other trifles of immaterial conse-
quence.
We had been given to understand that the
charge we brought in a former article, on
such authority as we could not dispute—namely,
that the refiner of the Mint had for years used
the public silver by way of capital to carry on
his :private work—not as money, but as bullion—
had been flatly contradicted, and explained away to
the satisfaction of the Treasury, who deemed it neces-
sary to demand an explanation. On consulting the
report of the ocanminnon, however, we find that if it
does not condemn, neither dote it exculpate the officer
in question. The report says : " His (the melter and
refiner's) responsibility, and his emolument, are
wholly determined by formal arrangements with the
Master, and by the amount of work executed in con-
formity with these written obligations, which leave
him at liberty to carry on, also in the Mint, the opera-
tics= of refining and melting on his personal account.
The privilege thus allowed appears to us particularly
objectionable in regard to the refining process, which
cannot, like that of melting, be carried on under the
constant supervision of a' check' officer, but must be
left to the refiner's own discretionary management,
and unavoidably leads to a mixture of the precious
metal belonging to the Mint with that under
the operation of refining on his own a*.