The Express.
London, England, 1848-10-06 00:00:00

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LONDON, FRIDAY, OCTOBER 6.

Taus French politicians who insist on referring
to the people at large the duty of electing. a president
of the Republic, appear to us perfectly in the right.
Although we fear that no party supports, or has sup-
ported, this on the ground of principle. The demo-
crats and the dynasties would either of them willingly
invest the National Assembly
.with this power, were
it likely to be exerted in their favour. Nor would
the moderate republicans, who compose the govern-
ment, object to the same expedient, did it promise to
terminate in the election of CAVAIONAC.
As none of these parties, however, can for the pre-
sent moment agree, or trust one another, all Nee the
necessity of referring the important choice to univer-
sal suffrage. There are, indeed, but two prin-
ciples of sovereignty—hereditary right, and popular
choice ; the former of which has been so utterly
crushed, complicated, and destroyed in France, that
recurrence to the other principle is unavoidable. Both
modes of originating sovereignty have their mama.
vesieeess. which oonstitational government has dis-
covered the secret of obviating. But in a country
whose constitution has gone to pieces with the throne,
popular suffrage with all its dangers and inconve-
niences, must be resorted to, and ought to be obeyed.
We think it a great pity, that upon the failure of the
third dynasty which had essayed the duties of
monarchy within the third portion of a century, all
rational people in France did not rally to the idea of
making a serious and fair eery of self-government in
the shape of a republic. We are, in abstract, no peen.
liar admirers of a republic, and think it would have
been best to allow the House of ORLEANS, with all its
faults, to prolong their reign. But the revolution
having taken place, the republic having been pre-
claimed, having been accepted, having been
sworn to, it ought to have had a fairer trial
than the moderates have given it. We know
=thave ample excuses mthe ignorance
urbulence of many of their colleagues, the dan-
gerous machinations of the violent, and the attacks on
property . and family made even by philosophic
speakers in the Assembly. It is the fact of the word
republic having been exclusively monopolised as their
own by these men and their ideas, and its having also
been made the signal and the source of the moat man-
' and subversive strife—that has disgusted too
many French, first, with the name of a republic,
and then with the thing.
It is, however, not eufficient to abrogate a turbu-
lent republic in order at once to enjoys constitutional
monarchy. And a nation which has fallen into
anarchy by stepping . from kingdom to com-
monwealth, may . fall into a still deeper abyss
whilst seeking to jump from republic to monarchy.
There are now "Three Ric.hmonds in the field,"
more than two roses to keep up a war of race.
And there remain the republicans, who have now ac-
quired far too extensive an influence, and too great a
vitality to be ever again trodden out. A republic
ay not be able to exist in France • but it has at
bed the power to render impossible ihe existence of
sag thing else.
The great, the immense advantage of an hereditary
monarchyic,that it precludes the ambition of princely
or oligarchic personages and families, gives firmness
and continuity to national policy, and budges over the
critical moment of the death of the sovereign, by the
fealty instantly transferred to his heir. Butno monarchy
that can be built up in France can secure any of these
advantages. How uncertain must be the life interest
of any
.sovereign—what a problem the descent of
power in his family ? No matter what dynasty is
hoisted next on the throne of France, that dynasty
will infallibly seek its force in that baptane de sang
which the BOURBONS of both branches avoided.
War will become the policy of any French king who,
according to a very sublime metaphor of the noes,
"although he may build castles in the air, must strive
to lay their foundations in blood."
Here, then, is a fresh element of both insecurity
and disorder. Let us consult the views and
conduct of the dynasties themselves. Why him
Louis NAPOLEON at present the best chance of
becoming chief of the state ? Not merely because of
the respect borne by old soldiers to his name, but be-
cause the Legitimists, and even the (Meanies, think
that monarchy however restored in his person, would
not be durable. LOUIS NAPOLEON'S accession would
probably lead to a war in Europe, for he could not be
deaf to the traditions of his name. And war might
lead to another restoration like that of 1814. Each
contending dynasty drops its line into the troubled
waters of France, and speculates on the very trouble
being favourable to its sport or its design. There is
but one government which could be a peaceful one, and
which would have at heart the prosperity of France and
the peace of the world ; and that is the moderate re-
public. In the present struggle it is, however, the
beset popular and the least hopeful.
The moderate republicans have the great misfortune
of being at present in possession of the government,
and al consequently being in a manner responsible for
both its laxity and its rigour, for the want of confi-
dence, the suspense of trade, the poverty of dunces,
and the universal paralysis of society. Every one
sees that to be the government at present is to be a
scapegoat, and to fall into disrepute ; and, conse-
quently, whenever General CAVAIONAC makes a move
to retire, all press forward to keep him in his present
Ingrate and powerless position. We wonder lie has
sot flung down sceptre and sword long since, in-
stead of consenting to keep the place warm for the
first bold intriguer.
He has evidently outlived his popularity even
with those moderates and that middle class whose
existence he saved. The worst characteristic' of the
moderates as a party is their incapacity of attachment,
and their seventy towards the wielders of power.
We need not speak of the two dynasties of BOURBON,
which theyfailed to guide, and which in enlisting they
overthrew. LAMABTINE was their idol till the Ist of
May. But they flung LABIARTINE aside, be-
canoe, having risen by the popular and repub-
lican party, he would not turn against it,
and mush it by arms. CAVAIONAC then came forward
to do what LAMAITINE had shrunharom. He did
employ arms, he did do the behests of the moderates,
and crushed the people. But even this has not suflostl.
A month's adhesion and popularity were considered
payment h for CAVAIONAC. He, too, was IMO.
mooed, hie arms, to break altogether with
the republicans, and look for support to the dynasties
Hs has relived, and, having refused, is re-
telitWho comes next as their chief and
LOUIE NAPOLEON, no doubt to be
fine flattered, cherished, elevated, then vii.
fled and overthrown. We must teams our
despair of seeing France either laved, or restored to
mesu..wesperity and grandeur by such conduct as
ax must desire to see the representatives
1171;10 and enlightened classes predominant.
paid_mew one met feel that the exclusive political
inge al the lower and labouring clams must be
es Nukes to themegves es to the dames Fumed
et wog end inteßigence. But without wisdom,
ic=dhintereatedues, fairness, honesty, thmuA
ea toped et prissilie, even the middle
deems at eel is id &owe, to retain their
legitimate oil Mimy Mmes.

Ms legislature is not alwa ressonable in its
reform% nor the people in their It is indeed
the midortane of free governments, that they can de
nothing lave under pr and that the u.
never owes tillaftwer the mews , and
till the abase is . And thus whoa the prawn
does some, it is and edges% and impatient
that the labour et yam cannot be done in so meg
days, and that statesmen or cannot imply.
vim remedies and hpeoremquite new nu-
Thusand systems.
it is with menibuy reform, with
with the cleansing of that nether world of

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