The Express.
London, England, 1848-06-02 00:00:00

The erpreso.

MAILS.
The malls for Brit oh North Anter,lca, and •t e totted
moue stow.
will be me up en the evening of 4 the v 1 luny.

-.
The mails for the Brazils, the River Plate, Mame rho, perm&
boon, Bahia, Madeira, and Buenos Ayree, will U;I nn the
evening tat the 3rd June.
The mails for Vigo, Oporto, Lisbna, Madeira, Cadis, nod Gibraltar
will be made up on the morning of the 7th Jim....
The overland elo.ed mails rata Marseilles, to the Meditert
Egypt, Allen, Ceylon, India, /long-Kong, &a, will. be made up on the
evening of the 7th June.
The Wed India Mails, including Bermuda,Navian. Bay
llossitinis, New Orleans, Vera Crux, Tamp,,, /3,1 portZ.
Including than for Madeira, !acme', C.rthazei, anete
ClUittren, 1...112M1, Went COMA of hoUth Artterien, nod St,
Nicaragua, will be mode up nn the mot ning of the rth June.
The overland mails for Gibraltar, Malty, filet ye, tut lonian Nap*
Egypt, Aden, Ceylon, India, Hong-Kong, end china, rig &sadism,.
ton, will be made up on the morning of the 20th June.
The nude fir New South Wales, Van Woman'. Land, rad New
Zealand will br made op on the evening of the .10th June.
The mails fur the West Comet of Afnea and Makin. will be n
up on the evening of the 30th June.

NOTICE TO ADvr.rrnsurts.
TLe number of STAMPS bulled by Ult. lutborities of tit.
Sterup-odiee, during 1847, to the

DAILY NEWS was 3.447.009
This, we believe, is within eight per nt w the nude
issued to the Morning Herald, Morairti chronsele, teal
klorsiing Post, ALL PVT TOOETHEN.
In addition to the above, jutted to the DAILY NEW;
Morning Paper, there were issued for the Amstar Edidea.
THE EXPRESS 778314
Which wu more, we believe, than wr • issued Attie II
,he Globe or Natorilird, Evening Papers.

BLOB WAWA AT 1,041.,174 SLi DUG.
T 424 pai—blor4l44. 4 tala pen 2 ; •t.nml... al,. ow A.
T. —WAWA& 54 ous.p.A4 41.4. wit I.

LONDON, FRIDAY, JUNE 2.
Trtx English tories ought to be too well satisfied
with the fulfilment of so many of their hopes and aims
with regard to Spain, to show themi,c lees ungenerously
vindictive towards those who oppose them. For the
last eight-and-twenty years our tories have upheld the
cause of absolutism and legitimacy in that country.
For eight-and-twenty /years the liberals strenuously
engaged in efforts to favour and to dr velope the
liberties of the Peninsula. The result has been, we are
sorry to say, a failure to no small ettent on the
part of the latter. Oar eight-and-twenty tears of in-
terference, of protest, of money lending, of recognising
and guaranteeing a change of succession, and finally
of soldiers and military store lending, as well :a co-
operation—all this has ended in the establishment d
a military and tyrannical government, ruthless and
unconstitutional as that of FERDINAND, based on
the support of the army and the police, proscribing
everything and person liberal, and including in that
proscription and insult everything and person that is
English, not even excepting the representative of our
Cp sex. To crown all, this military government has
begun to look to legitimacy as the haven in which it
is to repose, and to the old. CIRI.I4T absolutism as the
power into which it is to be absorbed.
It is impossible but that even the thorough
English liberals must feel supremely disgusted with
such results. They do not, indeed, go the length of
thinking all their efforts thrown away ; for the
germs of liberty, of independent thinking and acting,
are too deeply rooted and grown ti admit of total
extirpation. But the feeling is, that come what may,
the Spaniards should be left to themselves to follow
out their own fortunes and develop their own insti-
tutions.

The tories, even the ultra-tories, ought to be
well satisfied with this revulsion of sentiment, and
this state of things in Spain, especially when they see
that the minister of ISABELLA, after having spurned
and proscribed the liberal party, and turned out the
British ambassador, has openly appl'ed for the sup-
port of the legitimists. They surely could desire no
better conclusion. It is but a part of the reaction
preparing in all parts of Europe, where it is believed
that the military power and the legitimist principle
united can alone make head against the spirit of
revolution. _ -

If the ultra tories have thus every reason for good
humour and satisfaction with the courre of events in
Spain, the liberals should not lx vindictive. For, in
fact, the principle of interference was born of their
pristine zeal. Let it be remembered how the first moves
of CANNING to interfere for Greece and to protest for
Spain, were hailed by the English liberals as the
dawn of a new policy, and of little abort of European
regeneration. Lord P.u.stxusivs is the disciple and
follower of CANNING. He has followed out that po-
licy, so loudly hailedin 1823, until it has been worn
thread-bare, been torn, and when it is good but to be
thrown aside. Let us then put an end to this CANNING
policy, and see that it be well extinct; but let
us see its remains buried with decorum, for
though economy will no more of it, still it was liberal-
ism that gave birth to it. Let there be an end of the
l'aLmEnsroN policy, especially in the peninsula; bet
that neither implies nor necessitates that the liberal
party should sacrifice Lord PALMER-.TON to Don
CARLOS, LOUIS PHILIPPE, General NARVAEZ and
Mr. BANKES. For such, in fact, are the members of
the new quadrtgprtite treaty about to supersede the
old.

- We think it a happy prospect that all parties in
England can come on the ground of foreign policy to
an agreement as to things. Lord STANLEY de-
nounced the intervention in Portugal u loudly as
Mr. OSBORNE, and almost in the self-same terms.
The same noble lord holds opinions identical with
Mr. COBDEN on the inexpediency of Spanish inter-
ference; and Lord ABERDEEN is not far removed
from either. Therefore we may say that the prin-
ciple of non-intervention will be carried by acclama-
tion; and there is no cry that we shall echo with
greater pleasure.
There remains the question of persons, more likely
to excite fierce debate than that of principle. To
wound the cabinet through its foreign minister is the
chief object of the protectionists. To enable them to
do so, without taking themselves too prominent a part
in the attack, will be the aim of PEEL and ABERDEEN;
whilst the thorough liberals are too anxious and bent
upon destroying the policy to admit of any indulgence
or generosity to persons.
To us, however, it appears that whilst there is an
imperative necessity of effecting a radical change in
the foreign policy of the country, there ioio a
necessity for maintaining its dignity. If we are to
remain indifferent henceforth to Spanish politics and
intrigues, we should withdraw twin them, and not
be kicked out ; if we are to be absent, it must not
be an absence enforced by violence and outrage. It
may be very convenient for the time to pocket insults,
but this only begets fresh outrage, and necessitates
in the end not only serious resentment, but
national excitement and war.

Instead of being crushed and snubbed, British mi-
nisters at the present moment seem to us rather to
require fresh courage and confidence to be given them
by parliament, At present they stand in presence of

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int

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parliament, in almost every act of foreign policy esp.-
eieily, like schoolboys trembling before a pedagogue.
They have the power neither of free motion nor free
judgment. No matter how grave the subject: their
sole anxiety is to slur it over, and get
out of the serape at any sacrifice, whether of their
owu friends or of the country's dignity. If such is
to continue the case, we had better be without a go-
vernment at all. We might as well have a provi-
sional government and M. i,I)IIIiTINE. If the
government he weak or incapable, let it be m et,
thrown and changed. But, for the sake of the ce,,mter,
let not this be dono upon grounds and ,iumtioti's,l
which involve tlie dignity and- foreign interests of
the country. 'the struggles of parties ought always
to be rcul,tvrd from such grounds. With us the
demerits of Lord l'AutttftsvoN 01. of Sir HENRY lii i.
writ sink into insignificance hefore the weightier con-
siderations of the honour, the dignity, and the vital
interests of Englund.

Wit are much mistaken if the report of Lord
GEOE(I E BEN T INCK'S committee make a stronger im-
pression on the country than it has made on Lord
JOHN ItussEtt. Carried in committee bra majority
of two only, and those two Mr. l'ittue MILEs and
Mr. JAMES MATHESON, both connected a ith our colo-
nial sugar trade, it is as ill-written as it is an
reasoned document, a thing of slovenly shreds and
Fetches, which avoids recommending what is practi-
cable, and recommends what is impracticable. Let
us run through its principal points.
It tells us that though severe distress now prevails
in the sugar colonies, distress has long existed; and
that for the recent augmentation of &stress, recent
legislation is only partially responsible. Yet its only
remedy is a temporary return to that legislation, the
abandonment of which is thus said to b.! only a small
cause of the even additional distress. It recom-
mends no measures for securing labour —no
laws for the suppression of vagrancy ; it does not
point out whence labour can be obtained—it does not
show how the funds to obtein it are to be raised ; yet
it recommends a protective duty of 10s. for six
years in order that lulsair may be obtained and va-
grancy suppressed in the meanwhile; and in the very
next resolution it throws cold water on African im-
migration by twaddling about the slave trade. It
states that the present mode of levying the duties on
sugar imposes a great practical disadvantage on the
colonies ; but in vain we look fur any particulars of
these practice' disadvantages, or for any su,,,,gecions
for their removal. In truth, sonic of its statements
are inconsistent with its conclusion. Slave emancipa-
tion raised, it alleges very truly, the rate of wages ;
and the act of 1816, it as correctly states,
has led "to a emsiderable diminution in the
wages of labour in many of the tropical colonies."
Why, if this be so—if wages are falling, and the cost
of production is being lowered in our sugar colonies,
the act of 1846 is enabling them to compete with
slave labour countries. (dm these colonies increased
protection, and wages will rise therein, and the great
contest between free and slave labour will be pro-
longed.
The report treats all our sugar colonies as if their
circumstances and present position were equal and
identical—as it' their soils were all of the same fer-
tility—as if labour were equally scarce in all—as if
they would all be competent, with adequate supplies
of labour, to compete with Cuba and Brazil—as if
not an additional labourer bad been imported into
any of them since their emancipation from slavery.
In one resolution it speaks of their " distress ;" in
another it talks of their "ruin." And it recommends
a prolongation of a 10s. duty for six pars without
assigning a single mason for the expectation it ex-
presses that at their expiration a six years small
protective duty will do for them what tifty years'
large protective duty failed to do. What is to be
thought of is document which inferentially so mis-
states notorious facts as is the case in the sixth reso-
ntion ?

That the change made in the sugar duties by the art of
1846, without any accompanying remedy for th• difficulties
of production by free labour in Vic British colons e, hay pre-
eipttated the ruin of these posses., ions, by aggravating the pees.
ware under wLich they laboured from the foregoing causes.
It might be supposed from this resolution that there
was no immigration into the sugar colonies in pro-
gress; whereas the very reverse is the case. Into the
Mauritius not lea than 90,001) labourers have been
imported since the slaves of that island were com-
pletely emancipated. In fact, the whole population
engaged in sugar cultivation and manufacture
has been imported into the Mauritius since the
abolition of the apprenticeship system. And yet,
notwithstanding this enormous addition to the work-
ing population of en island not larger than the Isle of
Wight, 'Mauritius is, according to the evidence given
before the committee, in deeper distress than any of
the West Indian colonies—not one of which has re-
ceived a third of such an addition to its labour. This
surely is a fact to which some allusion—of which some
explanation—might have been made in the report.
No; it suited the purposes of the protectionists, who
prevaibel in the committee, to avoid all reference to
the immigration that is in progress—to ignore, as it
were, the fact that labour was finding its way even
into the West Indies—slowly but sure:y. It is since
the act of 1816 that her Majesty's steamers have been
sent to the coast of Africa to procure labourers; it
is since the act of 1846 that the Gold Coast
and the Kroo Coast of Africa have been opened
to the West Indies; it is since the act of 1816 that
large sums of the imperial money. have been spent in
the service of West Indian immigration ' • it is since
the act of 1846 that the Colonial-office has had the
boldness to spend money in that service which the
House of Commons had not voted. It is untrue,
therefore, as stated in the sixth resolution, that the
change of 1h Pi was without " any accompanying
remedy for the difficulties of production by free
labour in the British colonies." .

It is idle to suppose (as the report obviously
does) that any plan can be devised that will even in
six years, or twice six years, give to the West Indies
such an amount of labour as will enable them to pro-
duce what the committee state can be produced, "a
supply of sugar far exceeding the probable con-
sumption of the United Kingdom." Whence, we
ask the committee, is such an amount of labour
to be obtained ? From Africa, where (the Kroo
coast and British factories excepted) slavery
is the only form in which labour is known ?
From the Kroo Coast, where the rate of wages is at
this moment in reality higher than it is in the West
Indies? From India, where Mr. GURNEY and his
friends require, they tell us, every coolie to enable
that country itself to undersell Cuba and Brazil ? As
we are expected to tax ourselves for other six years
that labour may be obtained in such an amount, it is
but reasonable to require that we should be informed
whence the labour is to come, and at whose cost. Are
we to pay both in the shape of protection and for ob-
taining the labour too?
But the " British possessions have capabilities fee
the supply of sugar far exceeding the probable con-
sumption of the United Kingdom." If they have,
why have we not a supply of sugar from them equal
to our consumption ? And at what figures do the
committee place " our probable consumption ?" Our
actual consumption is very much regulated by the
price at which sugar can be supplied us ; at present
it is very large because that price is very low; 'but
adopt the recommendation of the committee, and our
consumption must ba materially reduced for the next
six years. Iteitore the monopoly of supply to our
colonies, and our " probable consumption' will be
small enough.
It would be an error to suppose that it is only a lOs
differential duty agaiwitthiscountry (aa well as against
Cuba and Brazil) that is involved in this report. In
addition to that, its recommendation, if adopted, will
involveboundless expense. The colonistaaresaidinthat
document to be too poor to send for labour, to provide
for its reception, to pay for its maintenance, and to
bear the expense of depressing vagracy ;
and the imposition of the proposed burden
on the people of England is not to enable the plan-
ters to pay and provide for these expenses, but merely
" to prevent the immediate and otherwise the inevit-
able abandonment of the majority of estates, and
secure time for bringing into operation the intended
measures of relief." So that after we have bur-
dened ourselves with a protective duty, we shall then
have to find the planters money to find labour, to
Pay Wages, to suppress vagrancy—in ahort,to cultivate
their estates. We shall have to rear in Llio West
Indies those national establishments which ItOUIS
BLANC has imposed, too successfully, in France.
Are we prepared to do this, and at the same time
to abandon cheap sugar ?

Ir is with sincere pleasure that we announce an
intermission of that alarming state of suspended ani-

mation into which Lord JOIIN RUBCELL, the re-
former, has of late sunk. His lordship irlve notice
last night of his intention to renew immediately his
efforts to obtain for the Jews relief from their politi-
cal disqualifications, and to introduce a bill to repeal
the ratepaying clause of the Reform Act.
The new Jews' Bill, so far as we can learn, will
simply declare that the words "on the faith of a
ohristian," shall hereafter h, omitted in the declara-
tion made by members of parliament before they
are allowed to take their seats. This is
an alteration in the form of the declara-
tion which is entitled to the support of every
sincere and reverential believer in the truth of the
Christian revelation. During the late discussions—
both in and out of parliament—on the Jews' bill, it
was admitted by all that the declaration had once
and again been emitted by men who were notorious
and avowed infidels. To a real Christian there can
be nothing more revolting than the profane trifling
with so solemn a sanction as its formal utterance on
public occasions by unbelievers. So long, however,
as the words, " on the faith of a Christian " remain
part of the legislators' declaration, it is impossible to
deny permission to any member of parliament, however
well knonu to be a scorner of Christianity, to trille
with this solemn adjuration. Only by omitting the
words can this profanity be avoided. The bishops,
of all men, arc bound to co-operate in this endeavour
to prevent the profane from trifling with the solemn
sanctions of the faith. Consistently with their sacred
characters dust. dignitaries of the church cannot but
assist to remove the occasion of such scandals. What-
ever be the cinsequence, it is their duty to aid in pre-
venting the uncircumcised in heart from laying their
hands on the spiritual altar. Toe form which Lord
JOIN contemplates giving to his motion will put to
the test those professions of devotedness to religion
which have been made the ostensible ground
of rejecting the claims of the Jews to be
admitted to parliament. If the parties who prof. es
to think the well-being of the state depends up in the
exclusion of all but Christians from the legislature
arc sincere, let them introduce a bill to exclude all
who are not Christians, and carry it if they can ; but,
as they value true religion, let them not persist in
attempting to keep out unbelievers by a side-s$ iud—
by the retention of a formula which notoriously has
not kept them out, but only wounded the religious
sense of the nation by the spectacle of irreligious men
making mockery of sacred words.
The other measure announced by Lord JOHN is
equally creditable to him. The rate-paying clause
was introduced into the reform bill to a mood
of panic, superinduced by hasty and unretlected
words about non-payment of taxes, let fall
by hustings orators, in the struggle to ensure suc-
cess to that measure. If the mind of the general
public should at any time be goaded to such a state
of excitement as to be capable of having re-
course to so extreme a measure, the rate-paying cause
would be too feeble to control it. The country would
then be in a state in which all laws cease to be re-
tarded. In ordinary and healthy moods of public opi-
nion the clause is uncalled for. And it is as mischievous
as uncalled for. A thousand accidents may occur to
prevent men from paying their taxes boron, the day
of registration comes round, which in no way affect
their capacity or trustworthiness to act as electors.
The rate-paying clause makes every elector's
admission to, or exclusion from, the register,
depend on the hazard of a die. It is a fruitful source
of tnose juggling tricks by which organised conspi-
rators against purity of election pervert small consti-
tuencies, and pack the House of Commons witb un-
worthy members. It ought never to have been en-
grafted on the Reform Act, and the sooner it is lopped
from that statute the be'ter.

We need tot remind our readers how deeply we
are impressed with the conviction that more com-
prehensive and searching alterations of the House
of Commons and the electoral body than are included
in the measures of which notice was given last night,
are immediately required. It is not because we arc sa
sanguine as to hail in Lord JoitS'S noticesof motion in-
dications of any approximationen his part to our views
—still less bc:atuie we are weak enough to dream of re-
tarding for a moment the new movement for electoral
reform out of gratitude for such concessions—that we
hsve spoken in terms of approbation of what he pro-
poses. Simply because we think the measures good
in themselves, and because we approve of the spirit of
pertinacity with which Lord Jolts returns to the
charge on the Jewish question without loss of time,
base we used the language of praise. When mi-
nisters, or any set of min, do what is right, it gives
us pleasure to do them justice. This may be done—
and must be done—without intermitting for a mo-
ment our advocacy of the immediate adop:ion of
household suffrage, equal electoral districts, vote by
ballot, abolition of the property qualification of mem-
bers of parliament, and triennial parliaments.