The Express.
London, England, 1847-09-07 00:00:00

torten), he extended his own resources, and the crimes
which led to the extensive confiscations in the reign of
ELIZABETH, would have been forgiven, and perhaps
forgot**, if all the new proprietors had acted as well
and as wisely u RICHARD , Earl of Coax." We com-
mend the example of the founder of the house of
BOYLE to Irish proprietorsof our own days.
It is perhaps a family trait in the Earl of SHANNON
to be sensitive aa to the character of his elites. One
of his ancestors—an Earl of Oneity—was the first
who ably vinditaied the reputation of his native
emmtry. A similar question to that of the Pere
BONHOURS, " Si nu Allemand pent avoir de l'esprit r
was a century and a half ago raised amongst ourselves
at the expense of the Irish. One of the Earls of
ORRERY defended his countrymen with much ability,
in a publication, which such writers as the Times'
Commissioner, and those who refer Irish miseries to
Celtic causation, might peruse with great advantage.
But in vindicating the intellectual character of Irish-
men, the Earl of ORRERY had a stronger case than
his descendant, the Earl of SHANNON, eosaesses, when
he puts himself forward as the apologist of the pro-
prietors of Irish soil. He refers with justifiable com-
placency to his own exertions. We believe that the noble
earl is an excellent resident proprietor, and that he
is deservedly respected. The droll sarcasm which
one of his ancestors indulged in at the family ex-
nee, does not apply to the head of the house of
SSHANNON. In Bishop BURNET'S "Memoirs of his
own Times," we are told by one of the learned anno-
tators that one of the BOYLES, referring to the irreat
statesmen and philosophers of his family, exclaimed,
" Ah ! they, indeed, were BOYLES (boils), but we
are only pimples." In the Earl of SHANNON there is
no degeneracy visible. Intellectual, accomplished,
and charitable, he is a worthy BOYLE. We only re-
gret that he is not more frequent in his attendance at
the House of Peers.
But could Lord SHANNON be justly angry. with us
for chiding Irish proprietors when we reminded him
of the public conduct of two leading landlords in his
own county? The same journal which printed Lord
SHANNON'S letter contains a long series of reso-
lutions proposed by Lord MOUNTCASHEL to the
Fermoy poor-law guardians. The tone which per-
vades these letters is of the most wretched and de-
spairing character. They have a strong stench of the
Slough of Despond, and have not the least savour of
wholesome self-reliance and manly resolve for
vigorous exertions. Though Lord MOUNTCASIIEL
may not have the necessary eloquence, he has
certainly all the woe-begone pensiveness requisite for
a great master in elegiac composition. He commences
his long-winded lamentations with the favourite cant
language so much in vogue amongst Irish landlords.
He tells us that the rates for repayment of advanced
money should not be expected from the Fermoy
union, "as it does not possess considerable
resources like English unions, from trade, commerce,
manufactures, and capital." But why does it not
possess them ? Simply because its inhabitants will
not create those resources. The time has been when
England was as badly off as Ireland is now. We
now have resources such as Lord MOUNTCASHEL has
described, bat they are due to our enterprise, our
energy, our industry, and, we proudly add, our
honesty. These are the true springs from which our
trade and manufactures are derived, and it is to such
sources that Irishmen must look for social improve-
ment. They must open these sources for themselves.
♦ parliament at Westminster, or at College-green,
esaU not make them industrious, or enterprising, or
, shady to their engagements, unless they resolve to
bis so of their own accord.
"The Union," continues Lord Moe:creamier. in
hie Jeremiad, " has suffered periodically from want
of capital." It is the old Irish story. " Want of
capital" is the regular stereotyped phrase, the
cherished cant expression by which every social
misery every culpable waste every redder
neglect—every foolishly designed project, and every
idle hour, are sought to be excused in Ireland. Then,
of course, England is abused fur not introducing her
laboriously earned wealth into this land of hereditary
improvidence.
It would be of no use for England to bestow on
Ireland a free grant of one hundred millions, even if
she had the power to do so. The money would only
be clutched at by the mortgaged landholder, whose
next heir would rival the profligate expenditure of
his wasteful ancestors, or it would be frittered away
in fantastic projects, or sunk in bogs never to be
drained. And then would come the old tale, " Want
of capital."
The late Sir FRANCIS BURDETT used to tell O. story of
the Irish sweeper of a Piccadilly crossing—a sort of
humorist among scavengers. " Well, Paddy, what's
to be done for the poor people now ?" " Ah! God
bless your honour; there'snothing for it, Sir FRANCIS,
but to divide. The rich must divide with the poor—
share and share alike, your honour." " But, my
friend, in a year or two things would be as bad as
ever. Some would remain idle and become poor
again, while others would work and get rich. What
should be done, then ?" " Och, Sir FRANCIS, we
should only divide again!" And just so with
Paddy's compatriots. Give them a grant of one
hundred millions. They will take it—spend it—and
ask for another.
But Lord MOUNTCASHEL will tell us that we are
dealing too severely with his countrymen. He will
ask us, where have they the capital: In reply, we
must refer him to Sir ROBERT KANE. " Want of
capital," says that rational and practical philosopher,
" has been the bugbear of Irish enterprise. Eng-
land has capital, Ireland has not; therefore England
is rich and industrious—lreland, poor and idle. But
where was the capital when England began to grow
rich? it was the industry that made the capital, not
the capital the industry. We leave our fields in bar-
renness, our mines unsought, our powers of motion
nnapplied, waiting for English capital Labour is
capital : intelligence is capital: combine them, and
you more than double your amount of capital. With
such capital England commenced, as Ireland must
commence ; and once that we have begun, and are in
earnest, there will be no lack of money capital at our

diral" . _
rd MOUNTCASHEL and the landlords mast show
that "they are in earnest," to use the expression of
Sir R. KANE. They must not ruin the commercial
character of their native land by their abject declara-
tions of national insolvency, and by their spiritless
apathy. They must convince the public opinion of
England that Ireland is willing to exert herself, and
to apply the industry of her sons, in the laborious and
workmanlike fashion of Englishmen. Unless the
Irish show this in the plainest way—ln a manner
that cannot be mistaken—it will be absolutely impos-
sible for any British government to help them. Mr.
O'CONNELL'S remedy for Ireland was to get her a
loan of thirty millions. It seems by the last reports
from Conciliation-hall, that his son is talking of the
same remedy. But where, we should like to knew,
is the money to be got, when we hear the Irish de-
murring to paying the increased rate required for
repayment of part of the money already advanced ?
We are glad to see that some Irishmen have begun
to strike the right chord. The speech recently deli-
vered at Athlone by Mr. WILLIAM KEOGH, the
newly elected member foe that town, has a tone of
manly energy that is very cheering.
This year they were told (said Mr. Keogh), that the
poor-law should supply the wants of the people : but, be-
lieve me, neither the government nor the poor•law can save
the people or raise their condition, unless Irishmen of all
classes combine to open new fields of industry and enterprise
for the employment of the people. I cannot believe that this
country, with its navigable rivers, its harbours in which the
navies of the world might ride, with such mines of iaex-
hanstible wealth within its bosons, with a people capable of
being made industrious, and ultimately prosperous and happy
—1 mown believe that such a people and such a country
must be dependent for support on the sister kingdom ; that,
whilst they were content to be thrown on her for support,
they should remain a nation of sturdy beggars, and bee by-
word among the other nations of the earth. It was not by
speeches on the hustings, or rabid writing in the public press,
'VICO 111 our condition was to be effected ; for so ;wig
degenerate and miserable,
e be a degredill people,
as we conliaried to receive the I "Jul/11aq support of the
English people. Why, then, not make some 'molt to re-
trieve our condition, and avert the ruin which we see every-
where around us 1 Suppose a number of the trades of this
town combine togettier and erect a factory, no matter for
what purpose, it would employ your unemployed, it would
inculcate induatrious habits Amongst your people, and would
confer a lasting benefit on our country. Such an example
would be speedily followed by other towns ; and eventually
poverty, vice, and beggary would give place to wealth, in-
&etry, and prosperity. Unless some such exertions are
made, this country will still retrograde, and in the end be
Flanged in anarchy and blood.

WE had octagon a short time ago to call attention
to the grievous injustice inflicted upon Mr. LANG-
ELOW in his royal from the office of district judge
in Ceylon; and to urge upon the Colonial-office the
nosomity of confining within narrower limits the
power of military governors over judicial officers