The Express.
London, England, 1848-05-04 00:00:00

THE EXPRESS, THURSDAY EVENING, MAY 4, 1848.

was for the express purpose of palming bl_oosreion the so-
WWI Crown Gonnunant Security Sill He objected
to the name of the crown being in it. He believed that the
people of this country had a great regard for the crown, and
would uphold it. (Cheers.) The people knew that the
power of the crown was limited, and though the government
was called monarchical, it approached so does to republi-
canism that it would be a mere fares to change the form of
it. (Cheers.) There were large, powerful, and influential
slimes who were interested in keeping up the present state
of things, and though there might be same present who
might like to see • change in the farm of government, he
would say to them that if they had a republic in this country
it would not suit their purpose during their lifetime, or
perhaps their children's. (Chun) He looked upon the
crown as the rock against which they could rest, and the
only safeguard against the power of the House of Lords and
tho House of Commons. At the time of the Reform-Bill
agitation the people had found such to be the case, for if the
houses of parliament did not act tightly it was to the crown
the people appealed. They said to the Ring " You are our
executive minister," and they called upon him to amen
them. (Cheers.) Well, then, it was in his opinion clear
that the crown had nothing to do with the Crown and Go-
vernment Bill; that bill was not paused for the security of
the crown, but for the security of the timid and vacillating
whip. (Cheers.) The first intent of the bill was to render the
speaking of seditious language open and advisedly a felony
punishable by transportation, and that upon the evidence of '
one witness. But the bill had been altered, and the time of
its operation limited to two yeah, and the evidence of twol
parties required instead of one. The principle was the I
same, and if the government could have carried it as they
at first intended, they would have done so; they did not give
up the opposed parts because they wisheJ to do it, but they '
gave up to public opinion. (Cheers.) He had before dis-
cussed the necessity of having independent members in
the House of Commons, and not mere party men,
and he never saw the influence of party men more
exemplified than in the passing of the Crown and Govern-
ment Bill, all the party men being delighted with the mea-
sure. (Applause.) They might think he was digressing
from the subjects before the meeting, but he was not of that
opinion, for be was mentioning these subjects to show them
that they had no power in the House of Commons, but that
they bad a certain minority in the house who while they
desired liberty could not obtain it. What was it they did
want ? Why they wanted the redress of grievances, not
merely political grievances but commercial grievances.
(Cheers.) He complained that gentlemen in the House of
Commons would not give themselves the trouble to learn and
study the commercial and financial affairs of the' country,
but sat down without attempting to inform themselves
of them ; and he thought the meeting would admit there was
truth in the remark that none but practical men could un-
derstand the wants of this country. (Hear.) It was impos-
sible for them to have them now, hut the object should be to
obtain such a force of political power as would enable them
to elect such members as would look into the people's
grievance', understand them, and remedy them. (Cbeers.)
That should be the object of the meeting, and he could as-
sure them it was the object of the gentlemen who had signed
the declaration. It was not that they were called upon to
give up the measures they were desirous of seeing carried ;
but ho would advise them first of all to join and see if they
could not obtain the measures propmed that day, and thus
possess a power in those men who would grant them their
rights when elected. (Cheers) They must then unite in
one vast mass, both morally, soberly, and physically. The
people must now say, " We arc in want, we are in wretched.
ness and distress," and say that they don't understand why
there are these alternate periods of affluence and ruin.
They might not understand, but what they wanted was the
power of being enabled to send men to the House of Com-
mons who should form a majority competent by their practi-
cal knowledge to understand and rernedy the evils; and
until they had those men they must not desist. (Cheers.)
He called upon them above all things not to be divided. It
was known that if they were not divided they were ornnipo.
tent, and for that purpose their enemies insinuated and in-
sinuated till they did divide the people. After humorously
reminding the meeting of the fable of the " Three Bulls and
the Lion," the hon. gentleman proceeded to enforce the ne-
cessity of a union perfect and entire between the working
and middle classes, Let them first of all obtain the mea-
sures now sought, and then he would tell them plainly—
ay, and he would tell the government plainly, for he liked
to act candidly—that if those measures were obtained, the
people would receive other progressive Tamura for their
benefit. (Cheers.) He was present, as they were aware, on
Monday; and being at that meeting, and then hearing
something which in his opinion had better have been left
out, he determined to remain and attend the present meet-
ing, as he thought from his long acquaintance with the town
he might again enforce upon them the necessity of uniting
together, and ask them to give up their little differences, and
cordially go for these great measures. (Cheers) As he
had before told them, there were two relics of two old
parties to contend with, who were all profession but no prat-
tice, except doing all they could for the interest of their awn
party, and assisting one another in and out of office.
He called upon the meeting to forget party distinctions,
which too often had proved to be the bane of the many —the
good of the few, and he called upon them to steadily and
unitedly combine together for the attainment of their object.
Having referred to the fact that the London committee of
liberal members had not yet defined the precise measures
they contemplated bringing forward, Mr. Muotz continued,
that whatever extension ni the suffrage they had, it was
clear they must have with it the ballot, u a security to the
working man—as an instance of the necessity of which he
referred to the vast number of tradesmen in Birmingham
who did not vote at all, for fear of offending customers. Some
time ago, when Mr. Attwood and the late Mr. Scholefield
were candidates, as also Mr. Spooner, for the representation
of the borough, one of Mr. Spooner's canvassers came to him
(Mr. Munte) and said, "There's such men in your em-
ploy, they have votes, but of course it's no use asking them,
as it was natural they would secure thou votes for their
friends." To which he replied, it would be very tut-
natural he thought if they did. Ile did not ask
a man when he engaged him whether he was a
whig, tory, or radical, or what his religion or his
creed might be, but only whether he was a good workman,
honest, and of good character. (Cheers.) He did net, as
he said, know what opinions his men were of, but he men-
tioned the circumstance to show that if they had universal
suffrage without the ballot they would be worse off than they
now were. He (Mr. Muotz) stood before them as a living
example of the evil effects of the present system; for be
would ask them how often had their members been swamped
by the other members of the house? and be would urge
upon them the necessity of obtaining the franchise for the
masses of the people, and then they would be in a better
position. In reference to the new poor-law, which he n
liked, it had been said that it was a had thing to give a man
relief till he had tried his own resources, but what were the
working man's resources now?—either the workhouse or the
gaol ; but if he had his labour and his wages for it be would
not want a poor-law at all. He recollected at one time the
man who had been in the workhouse was looked upon as a
very loose character, because then he could have earned his
money, but at the present time it was not so. That was
right then, but it was not right now. Still while those only
were then punished who deserved it, all alike were punished
now. (Hear, hear.) He thought he need not address them
further for the sake of convincing them that they must not
be divided upon little or extreme views, and he hoped for
their sake, fur the interest of all in this kingdom, they would
endeavour to carry out the object in view. The hen. mem-
ber then read the following resolution :
That this meeting is of opinion that the present critical state of the
country renders an immediate reform of Ws electoral system neees-
soy, and that this meeting is prepared to advocate an extension of
the suffrage to every one holding a distinct tenement, whether part of
the house or the house itself, and who shall pay a bowl fide rent for
the same, and who shall have occupied It at least six calendar months
prior to the election of a member of parliament. That as a protection
against bribery this matting considers vote by ballot es indispensable;
and that the oommunit may be more fairly represented the meeting
proposes a division of the country into electoral districts, counting
of an equal number of registered voters, subject to a revision every
ten years, according to the last census; and this meeting is further
of opin thea these reforms will be test insured from abuse by
limiting legal duration of parliament to three years.
In support of the resolution the hon. member remarked that
they must see that it was entirely in conformity with the
declaration signed, and the definition of kousehohi suffrage
was he thought quite right—(applause)--and the difference
between that and universal suffrage was so small that he
thought they would not be divided upon it. (Loud cheers.)
Mr. G. EDiton Da, clerk of the peace, then addressed the
meeting, and remarked that he attended upon the present
occasion in support of two great objects ; the first and para-
mount one was to advance the liberty of the people, and the
next was one so closet united with the first that he thought
it could not be severed, it was to preserve the monarchy of
this country—and he hoped the monarchy and the liberty of
the people would go hand in hand for ages. (Loud cheers.)
He had been an advocate of the great causes before them
ever since the time Major Cartwright brought them into
whoa in Birmingham—a man whom Lord J. Remelt had ad-
mitted wu the venerable and incorruptible originator of re-
off° variousTh
eiemovement,ar egen madetein
n byt theen wweonititongntoclumotiecseathmehile,
anurde
remarked that it was not till the middle classes joined the
incryo.fotraed
for reform,tw thineralB3th2,atth.athareit had
thebeemindeabtue
and
could
obtained.
It de-
mod dams united they were omaipotent, an
carry say stosoure that was just and proper. (Cheers.) Let
them look et that petition lately presented to the House of
Commons, and which had been spoken of with contempt,
but that was found, after all the examinations and reductions,
to contain two millions of genuine signatures. What was the
result? Why the persons who brought it forward had the
reputation of being wicked enough to wish to drive the
people into insurrection and revolution, though they bad
only to take a common-sense view of the case to see that such
• course could only end in the transportation of some, the
hanging of others, and serve to rivet the chains of the
people. (Loud cheers.) The speaker then quoted an ex-
tract from the writings of the late W. Cobbett, relative to
our fiscal duties, by which it appeared that in 1822, the
taxes per head per annum, in the United States, were
90. 74. ; in Russia 9s. 9d. ; Austria, lls. 6d. ; Prussia,
12s. 4d.; France, 11. 4s. ; England, 21 12e. Cobbett used
to say it NU all a money question. and they might depend
it was so. In 1822 Lord John Russell brought forward a
motion for the consideration of the representation of the
people, and he showed that when there was a large number
of electors the parties elected by them were those desirous
of curtailing the expenditure of the country. In May in that
year Lord John Russell said:
In the boroughs centaining under 500 inhabitants one member
voted for redredoiotiw of expenses and 107 against it. In boroughs con-
tenting from 600 to 1,000, 12 voted for reduction and 33 against it. In
boroughs containing under 2,000 inhabitants, 17 voted for redaction
and 41 apinat it. In b roughs enntainlng under 3,000 inhabitants,
19 members voted for, and 45 against, reduction. In borough& con-
tenting ender 5,001 inhabitants, 25 voted ler, and 43 spina; franc-
:Mon. In boroughs of above 5,000 inhabitants, 66 voted for reduction
sad 47 against It. The unenerreralt of this calculation was that the
1 proportion of votes in favour and In opposition to ministers c
eseording to the Inereetee ol Melee eri Me plebs for Milan tee=
member sat. Of ;homeliest elms Use wee 19 to 1 in Incur
cd mildews ;tt berme that 3to I, 2to/, fa thsir Moo ; meal
atinraill 41900440 *3 filastONlßl

Osii Am be I WNW delenentetien than that to show
▪ 1161110 they bpsugles is She intrwenni-a-grwit body of
Pluglocalig• ildlitdegled. end where lint wee not the ewe
goverment could expend what they *end ? It wee owing
to Unger& the immense national debt, the great cure' of
thitis.ras crested. fer the wpm of maintaining
ws and espreakil 101111111 MS. (Cheers.) He
upon the westing &MB the great necessity
* existed for a oaks with the middle clam, end
*Mid remind them of the many failures experienced
by the originators of reform, until the middli
class took up the question. They must, then,
meet together with cordiality, for they had the mime
interest one as the other. If that was true, he asked the
working men to show they believed it, by joining the middle
classes upon the present occasion, and to despise the man who
came among thhm for the sake of creating suspicion or dis-
trust. (Cheers.) His friend Mr. Monts had before said,
that if there was to be a change of government he should
prefer a republic; but he would put it to every man present,
would he have a republic to-morrow if he could obtain one?
(Loud cheering end cries of " No, no," with some few cries
of "Yes.") He would put it to them as men, as the muses,
that if they were to have a republic they would give up
what they now have for speculation. (Cheers.) Diontesquieu
had said that the government of this country was but repub-
licanism masked, and it was so. True, the Queen stood at
the head of the law, and by her ministers she kept the law ,•
and that man who wished to break up " Peace, law, and
order" was a most unprincipled man. (Loud cheering.)
He now turned with some pride to an explanation end to a
definition of the particular household suffrage which would
be submitted fur their approbation, and on which he solicited
their earnest consideration. At present the occupation of a
dwelling-house was necessary to give a vote—instead of this,
they proposed that the bond fide occupation of a single room
should be sufficient. Some thought that between that and
household suffrage there was very little difference. (A voice
in the hall, " Why not go for it, then? ") He was asked
why he did not go for it ; his reply was, that he had gone
for it for thirty years, and he found that, without the as-
sistance of the middle clones, the working men could not
get anything approaching to it. But he would show that
the proposition submitted to-day approached as nearly as
possible to universal suffrage ; the best part of it was that
which proposed a change from the present system to electoral
districts. This was of great importance, and was. in his
mind, nearly as pod as the suffrage itself. ("No," from
the chartists) He (Mr. Edmonds) begged them to bear
before they said "No." The electoral district system wag
this, that portions of the country should be divided according
to the population, so that every member should spring frosa
a given number of votes. (Hear.) Now, what could be
more likely than that to ensure a fair represen-
tation of the people ? There was, fur instance,
and as illustration of this point, his friend Sturge, who
purchased grain from the sample—the same being generally
found to correspond with the quantity in the sack in stock.
Now a lodger had only to say, give me the key of my bed-
room and he became as independent a man as the man who
occupied the large house ; and if they had the suffrage, he
was contemplatiog,with electoral districts, he was quite satis-
fied, that, like the corn in the bag. it would give a fair
sample of the entire stock in the sack—meaning the whole
community. (Hear.) But without electoral districts he
objected to household suffrage, because he was convinced
that under the present system it was impossible to procure
anything like that which the House of Commons ought to
be—a fair representation of the people. (Hear.) With re-
gard to the ballot he regarded it as of vital importance, an,.
he for one would never cement to give up that port of the
reforms they were then contemplating. It was said by some
that that system was sn un-English one—those who said so
wantedto bamboozle the people out of theirjust rights. Where
was the possibility of bribing a constituency with the ballot,
and under no particular influence. (Hear.) By the reform
they propmed they would ensure almost all that could be
' ensured by representation. It would not put money into the
pockets of the people, but prevent others taking it out. It
would not give bread and clime to the muses, but it would
promote the prosperity of the country, without robbing those
who had justly acquired their property. He deprecated
anything in the shape of communism, and he hoped that the
people of Birmingham would scorn to join in a cry embracing
each contemptible twaddle. (Cheers.) During the whole
course of his political life, now a tolerably lengthened one,
he had deprecated everything in the •hape of physical form,
for the especial reason that a political good woald never
come out of it. The especial object of the toriea had always
been to dabble in a petty sort of treason, in order that a few
of the leaders of the working people might be caught,
and their cry after reform thus put an end
to, and in order that they might say, " See what a set of
wild beasts these unrepresented are ; all they want is to
scramble for your property." (Hear.) For his part, he had
grown grey in the service of the people, and heartily wished
them success in the good cause in which they were now
engaged. He implored them all to unite cordially in the
movement. Ile admitted that they had a right to the suf.
frage entire ; but social rights, like all ethers, required to
be arranged. Let two obstinate men meet in the street, and
if each went the precise way he liked, the probability was
that one would knock the other down. These abstract prin-
ciples and rights were all very well in theory, but society
requiredthat they should be regulated to suit circumstances.
He begged them to be firm—to be united, and to take care
that nothing in the shape of disturbance took place ; and, if
they saw an enemy coming in and endeavouring to create
anything is the shape of a difference, that they would use
him something after the principle (only milder) of a snake
which, if they saw crawling on the kitchen floor, would dic-
tate to a man to pick up the rolling-pin and give him a
crack. (Cheers.) MraEdmonds concluded by seconding the

resolutitin.
Mr. Maxrus, a chartist, who had signed the declaration
for the purpose of addressing the meeting, proceeded to give
his reasons for supporting universal suffrage in preference to
household. lie insisted that the former was a principle and
the latter • temporary expedient. lie argued that the prin-
ciple of voting was vested in the man, and not in the house.
If they got household suffrage, it would only be the prelade
to another agitation for universal suffrage. (A voice " Let
us take what we can get.") He (Mr. Mantle) objected to
that because no principle was embodied, and he believed
that one half of those who had signed the declaration in fa-
vour of household suffrage were really friends to universal.
The question was whether the time had come to get the suf-
frage entire. lie believed that it had ; that it only required
a sufficient demonstration on the part of the people of Bir-
mingham, and it would have such weight as it would be
found impossible to resist. He objected, moreover, to the
resolution that had been moved, for the reason that the abo-
lition of the property qualification of members had not been
stipulated for.
Mr. JOHN MASON, chartist, next came forward to address
the meeting, but he not having signed the declaration the
anima* objected. Ultimately, however, the meeting de-
cided that Mr. Mason should be heard. He said that how-
ever much he might disagree with some of the principles
which had been laid down, he hailed the meeting that day
none of the most important demonstrations that had taken
place in the country, and as significant of the feeling that
pervaded the public mind. The chartists bad long sines de-
clared for the suffrage, and were not likely to recede ; they
came forward now not to interrupt the exertions of the
household suffragists, but to stand by and to maintain their
own reputation. He sincerely believed that as yet the middle
classes were really not up to the mark—that they were sot
prepared to go for reforms so extensive as those for which
the masses were disposed. Whilst however the political
union would never cease to agitate for comph to suffrage, it
would not take one step to impede the accomplish-
ment of those reforms which this party desired to
gain. (Hear, hear.) When their friend Mr. Attwood
first came down and joined the people, he did so
for the reason that the House of Commons had ceased
to represent the true interests of the people ; that the
commercial interest was being ruined, and with it was result-
ing the starvation of the people. The Reform Bill was
gamed by great exertion ; and what had been the result ?
Why, that not one measure had been passed that in any way
promoted the welfare of the people. He insisted that the
constituency created by the Reform Bill had not yet done its
duty ; neither did it seem to be prepared to do it. ( Hear.)
He believed, however, if the people were enfranchised
to the extent proposed in the resolution which had been sub. ,
mitted to them, that nine-tenths of the community would be
represented. (Hear.) It might have the effect of disfran-
chising one or two hundred thousand—men who, by their
labour, mostly contributed to the burdens of the state, and
who might be called upon to sacrifice their lives in its de-
fence. That was an injwitice that would soon remedy itself
with &suffrage as extensive as that which was proposed.
(Hear.) lie believed that the middle classes of Birmingham
at least were prepared to go the extent of the
working men ; but he still thought that it would
be a pity if such • movement as this were put
down because so comparatively few would be ex-
cluded from the franchise as he had estimated.
He as a chartist, was anxious of all things that nothing
which might be done that day should have the effect of dis-
couraging the parties to this movement, although be and
those with whom he acted could not struggle earnestly with
them, neither could they do anything to thwart their success.
(Cheers.) At the meeting of the members of the political
union which had taken place on the previous evening, the
unanimous feeling was that they (the chartists) should not
interrupt or encourage the exertions of the household sof-
impel e, but at the same time that they should not do any-
thing to compromise their own character. (Cheers.) Be-
fore three months was at an end the battle would have to be
fought on the ground of universal suffrage. The middle
class would find themselves compelled to unite with the
people. Once fairly launched in the righteous cause, it
would be out of the power, both of whir and toffee united,
to attempt to deprive the people of their just rights. (Hear.)
He called on such men am Sir J. Walmsley and Mr. Hums,
and Mr. Muntz, to place themselves in the front of the
battle for the people; and he implored them, in the name of
God and their country, to have the reforms which they
sought without anything in the shape of compromise.
(Cheers.) He deprecated any such thing sa casting ridicule
on the chartists. With all the chartist errors, with all their
denunciations of the middle classes, they had many redeem-
able qualifications, and the apathy of the middle classes, in
the midst of their desperate condition, had awakened feelings
elf bitterness which might be forgiven. lie insisted that the
interests of the middle and lower class were identical. It
was opposed alike to the laws of nature and those of civilised
society that they. should be antagonistic. (Rear.) Acting
upon a broad principle he could not give t
anshuseduffrage principle his cordial co-operation support. He
would be glad, however, to see it successful, beano. be
hoped that a House of Commons sent by such a constituency
would set about such a change in our monetary system as
would have the effect of reviving trade, and giving employ-
went to every man who wanted work. (Cheers.) He ex-
peened a hope the there would in future be a cordial reeling
sad good understanding between the middle and working
flames; that a reeling of brotherhood would exist amongst
Area; that bowasforth there would be no such thing as
• ans that if there was to be a leaning
co the aide of the saivezeel sat-

flragists, the creators of the country's wealth, and
net en *elide se these without heads and without hearts,
who had tilde tke greatest nation in the world the moat
wretched sad the most miserable. (Applause.) His policy
was this : never to stand as a stumbling-block in the way of
pstg He spoke the voice of the political council whim
be d that they would never compromise their party
or their principles ; at the same time they would do nothing
to thwart these who sought for as large a measure of political
justice as was embodied in this resolution. Whatever com-
promise there might be the people would struggle for uni-
versal suffrage, and he considered that the people were
bound to lied in the movement with all their energy,
their pockets, and their exertions. (Applause.)
Mr. HILL, another chartist, in the course of a few vehe-
ment sentences, said that he was ready to give all be pose
seated for the sake of the suffrage ; and so strong was his
feeling and his attachment to principle that he could not
conscientiously support any movement that went for less.
Mr. KUNTZ, iu reply te thedffrelon which had been rained
that it had been sought to make a house and tenement of
more value than a man, said that he at least never enter-
tained any such opinion, but the matter was this—at mount
they had a household tenure ae a qualification of a certain
value. He did not approve of that, and others who did
approve of it did not object—to its being further extended.
A third party thought that the right of voting was in the
man and not in the house. These were undoubtedly right
in principle; but the real question was, could they get the
support of a sufficient party, if they stuck so rigidly to prin-
ciple, and sacrificed everything to universal suffrage. (Hear.)
But there was another thing to be considered, and that was
how this universal suffrage principle had worked. Before
the Reform Bill passed, the universal suffrage existed ; the
pot wallopers were all suffrage men, and a worse set of men
never lived. They sacrificed everything to their bellies and
throats, and he defied any man to point to a borough where
the universal suffrage system prevailed, that was not famous
for the greatest rascality at every election. (Hear, hear.)
Re was as much an advocate for the people having their
just rights as any man, but he was not so green u to refuse
a great deal because be couldn't get everything. (Hear.)
Who asked the chartists to sacrifice their principles ? They
were merely asked to aid them in getting nineteen-twen-
tieths of what they actually wanted. (A cry of " No.")
It was easy to say, " no," but he (Mr. Munto) challenged
any man present to prove to the contrary. But, suppose it
was only twelvetwentiethe hat they obtained, was not that
better than nothing? (Hear.) Hiw long, he would ask,
had the radials, in days gone by, struggled for nothing ?
but the moment they joiued together, they got a very great
deal. He admitted that they did not get all they wanted,
but without the Reform Bill the pot-wallopers would have
remained rampant, and the country would have been sacri-
ficed to genie and swill. (Hear.) Now they proposed to
take an immense stride in the right direction; were the
chartists prepared to lose their present chance, for the sake
of the bare probability of getting something more in tea
years ? (A cry of " No.") Were the people prepared to
see their children plunged in starvation and in misery,
rather than aid those who were disposed to assist us
getting some portion of their rights ? He thought be
Anse the people too well to suppose they would
be half so unreasonable. In tut, would they not be stark-
Mika mad to refuse such a measure of reform as they might
' get, for something which there was not the slightest present
pespect of their obtaining ? He come elled them, as I eason-
able men, not to forget this, and to accept half a loaf rather
than no bread. (Applause.)
The resolution was then put and carried, three or four
hands only being held up against it.
Mr. R. K BUI;OLAS then came forward to move the se
sand resolution. lie said if this movement can carry out its
object, Mr. Mason's principle is certain to be successful. The
household suffrage party said to him and his friends, " Go
I on"—if you succeed, we must; if only us, you will have at-
'. tabled a great deal. They had heard that from 100 to 150
members of the House of Commons were in favour of this
movement, whereas not more than haltiedezen were in
favour of universal suffrage. The odds were, therefore,
greatly in favour of theirs with whom he was acting. The
French revolution of 1830 had produced the Reform Bill of
1832; he hoped that some result equally advantageous would
result from the glorious revolution in that country
of 1848. He denied that the middle and lower classes
were really antagonistic, but insisted that each
were knit together by mutual interests. It had
been said this was a suffrage of matter instead of man.
It was not more so than that the chartists themselves pro-
posed in their original bill, as drawn up by W. Lovett and
the other leaders—by that draft, a residence of not less than
'three months in some locality was necessary precious to the
'election to qualify the elector to vote. That was as much
Axing the franchise on matter as when it was made to de-
peed oa the occupation of a house or room. The object of
such restriction was to give a guarantee that the voter was
not a mere vagrant wandering about from place to plane,
possessing no interest in any locality, and voting in the
morning at Birmingham, in the afternoon at Wolverhamm
ton, and the next morning at Manchester or Liver; isoL
(Cheers.) If universal suffrage, without any restriction as
to its exercise, were adopted, it would be in the power of
money to influence elections even more than it did at pre.
sent, for what would there be to prevent any who could pay
(or the services of 500 or 1,000 men, putting them all into
a railway train and influencing every election, perhaps,
within 100 miles? They talked of the value of principle—why
what was there of principle in the term universal suffrage as
understood by those who now advocated the measure? What
I universality was there in a suffrage that cut off half or two-
thirds of the whole population ? Would anybody tell him
that the educated and well-conducted woman who was sup.
porting herself by. her industry wee not equally qualified and
sup-
full as worthy to judge of the fitness of candidates for parlia-
ment as men of 21 years of age? (Hear, hear.) Then what
was the reason for fixing the age of 21 as that from whence
the qualification should commence? The standard of '2l.
years of age was in this country a mere matter of property,
and had been fixed in relation to property—why not go at
once for the ace of 14, when, according to the lawyers, man
became marriageable. Then it was well known that a enen
of 18 years of age, in the present day, would be in most MOO
more intelligent and better qualified to exercise thetremeides
'than men of 80 were 40 or 50 years ago. And yet the edema
chartists refused to unite with their present movemece, am
the ground that they preferred principle to expediency. It
was all a question of expediency in political matters. The
question was not what they ought to get, but what they
could get. He would say to them as he would say to a mer-
chant, or a manufacturer who had a large sum owing to
him and wanted the money, " If you cannot get more than
16s. in the pound, take that and wait for the rest." (Cheers.)
And while he thee advised them to unite, foe the purpose of
obtaining what they could get—let him warn them that if
the whigs and the tories should once be enabled to drive the
wedge of disunion amongst them, they would have accom-
plished their purpose, and all reform would be indefinitely
delayed. Let it not be supposed that those who were the
promoters of this movement desired to interpose between the
chartists or complete suffragists, and the utmost exertion.
they might wish to make for the accomplishment of their
ultimate objects. He would say to them, on the contrary,
go on with your exertions, sod God speed you. (Hear,
hear.) But as he and others were prepared to go a certain
way in their company let them go together that fir, and
then, if others could see through his spectacles, they might go
together still further. (A laugh.) And with regard to the
exclusion of the drapers assistants and clerks, as the conse-
quence of household suffrage ' • was it so very important a mat.
ter that because a few would be excluded for a time that the
franchise should be refused to those hundreds of thousands
whe, were household suffrage adopted, would be admitted ?
They had so often discussed the ballot that he need not now
dilate on its advantages. With electoral districts, Tam-
worth, and email boroughs of the class, would no longer be
allowed to return as many members as Birmingham, Men.
chester, or Liverpool. Let electoral districts be adopted,
and if Tamworth then returned two members Birmingham
would return twenty. As to triennial parliaments, that was
not new. Triennial parliaments was once the law of theland
—a law that was repealed in 1815 by as contemptible a fac-
tion as ever ruled in the House of Commons. Let them I
then go for these points together; and seeing, after all, that
the question was a bread-and-cheese question, arid as he did
not anticipate soy great amelioration in the condition of the
wotking classes at preurit---perhaps the worst had not yet
come,—he believed there would be such a large intuition of
strength to the society from amongst those classes as would
speedily enable it to carry out its objects. Whether the
members of the society acted with energy must depend se'
the force by which they were propelled. Let the column be
sufficiently strong, and if thou at its head did not premed,
they must be trampled upon. (Cheers.) He would cos-
elude by moving • resolution :
That unit/idng is of opon that these reforms will be beta
effected by ng the middle and working classes, and it views with
great satisfaction the spontaneous desire universally evinced by the
intelligent oleo of all claws to unite medially in support at any
movement in favour of moderate reforms.
Mr. W. W. Morena seconded the resolution. He
thought that at this time all parties must see the necemity
lof a cordial co-operationin the present movement. (Hear.)
I The advocates of universal suffrage should remember what
they had been told by. Mr. Blunts, that if the society were
to substitute universal for household suffrage they would not
have the support of twelve members of the House of Corn
mono. They should also remember that there were very
many of the middle claims who thought even household sd-
frage was going too far, but who for the sake of conciliating
the working classes and obtaining some reform had in this
respect consented to waive their objections. (Cheers.) And
if by sticking to principle, as they called it, they drove
'those persons away, they would be in • much worse position
for obtaining anything. He believed the changes now pro-
posed were necessary for the peace and prosperity of the
country, for we were now going fast on to such a disruption
of claws that unless some such reform were effected we
should shortly have nothing left but aristocracy and pau-
perism.
Mr. T. Dicta (chartist) observed that the spirit et fair
play exhibited by the association at that meeting was more
than he had expected, and he only regretted that the middle
classes had not gone with the chartists to the full extent of
universal suffrage. In insisting upon household suffrage
they were, according to themselves, insisting upon a distinc-
tion without a difference. But what he thought of great
importance also was the abolition of the property qual.Mca-
boa.
Mr. BLOXLAND (chartist), as a universal-mange man,
would assist as far as he could to obtain the points for which
the association went—vie, household suffrage, triennial par-
liaments, electoral districts, and vote by ballot ; and,
having got these, he would never relax his exertions
until universal suffrage was secured. (Hear, hear.) Mr.
Hume had calculated that there were about 6,000,000 adult
males in England, of whom, deducting double votes, about
600,000 had votes. Under the system of household or room
suffrage now proposed between 5,000,000 and 6,000,000
would probably have votes, and with each • ocinstitufincy
the people would have little to fur,
beet Unwary, R.N., in supporting the resolution, re-
minded the working classes that it was not so much for the
benefit of the middlecLuses as of themselves that they should
join this moesmeat, the gent object sat which was to caw

- t.
~~

cipate them from that political serfdom in which they had
been kept for ages.
The resolution was then put and carried unanimously.
Mr. PERILING proposed the next resolution.
That thla meeting pledgee noel to support the radical reform men&
bees of the noose of Commons In say legal and constitutional ceder-
vow to elk= a rotor= In our present =woe= system,
and reminded the meeting that in 1832 their standard bons
the motto of " Peace, law, order, and union." If they ad-
hered to the principle declared in that motto they would •
now succeed, as they had succeeded before, in obtaining at
' least that which would be a stepping-stone to something
better ; but in any political movement in which those prin-
ciples were abandoned the result must always be anarchy •
and confusion. ( Hear, hear.)
Mr. Aid. PHILLIPS, in seconding tho resolution, alas
expressed himself favourable to the full extension of the
franchise, but thought it better to take what they could get
rather than lose all by retuaing it unless accompanied by
all they could wish.
This resolution was also carried unanimously.
Mr. Blythe proposed and Mr. Webster seconded the
fourth resolution viz.:
That thin meeting do resolve Itself Into a committee, to be called
The He Lcogue, and that the rules subnutud, embodying the
constitution of the league, be agreed to,
which was adopted farm. con. The president, vice-presidents,
and secretary of the association were then appointed, Mr.
Monts. M.P., being chosen for the tint office ,• mad after •
vote of thanks to the Chairman, which was duly acknow-
ledged by him, the meeting separated. p

RESOLUTIONS ON THE GENERAL PRIN-
CIPLES OF REPRESENTATION. BY LULL
STANHOPE.
1. That for the purpose of preventing bribery and
corruption at elections, oaths shall be takers or declarations r
shall be made, by each candidate and by each elector, the i
former stating that he had not given and would not give
and the latter stating that he bad not received sod would
nut receive, any money or any article having the sable of
money, directly or indirectly, with the view of influencing
the election ; that a similar oath or declaration shall at the
commencement of every session be taken or made by every
member of the House of Commons; and that every person
taking any such oath, or making any such declaration, and
being proved to have acted contrary thereto shall, exclusive
of other pains and penalties, be subject to those of perjury.
2. That fur the purpose of securing from any undue in-
fluence, those electors who may consider themselves sub-
ject thereto, every elector may if he thinks proper, vote by
allot.
3. That for the purpose of avoiding those expenses which
might otherwise prevent many fit and proper persons from
sitting in parliament, the necessary expenses Weeding an
election shall be paid, by a rate to be levied on the electors',
and that every representative shall during the session of
parliament receive, if he shall think fit, an allowance for his
expenses.
4. That for the purpose of conducting with greater conve-
nience the public service, and of allowing to the crown the
unrestrained exercise of its prerogative in the appointment of
its ministers, a certain number of persons holding official
stations shall by virtue thereof have seats in the House of
Commons.
5. That for the purpose of maintaining the due respon-
sibility of the representatives, the duration of any parliament
shall not exceed three years, and shall not be affected by a
demise of the crown.
G. That for the purpose of establishing a full and fair
representation of the people, all the rights, interests, quali-
fications, and franchises which now exist, with regard to
elections in counties, towns, boroughs, and universities, shall
be abolished.
7. That for the purpose of enabling each elms of the com-
munity to elect those representatives who may support its
rights and promote its interest*, there shall be representatives
for each of the following classes, viz.: 1. The owners and
occupiers of land ; 2. The manufacturers and those wbo
make any article for sale on their own account ; 3. The
merchants and those who traffir is any article on their own
account; 4. Those who are employed in daily labour,
whether in agriculture, in manufactures, or in trade;
5. Those who have professional employments, or who have
rent charges, annuities, or mortgages charged upon real or
personal property, or who receive salaries or yearly wages.
8. That for the purpose of giving to every citizen of the
state his due share in the representation, every person of full
zeslaltol bewheictitileed toyvtettinngea.achd
in ethitehartreierswer where
is either an owner or occupier of land, or a manufacturer, or
a merchant, and when absent co vote by proxy.
9. That for the purpose of allowing a free and unrestricted
choice at elections, every citizen of the state being of full
age, being willing to take the requisite oaths, or to make the
requisite declarations, and not being a peer of parliament,
shall be eligible as a representative in the House of
' Commons.

IRELAND.

DUBLIN, Id AY 2.
EX OFFICIO PROCEEDINGS.
Mr. Mitchell still occupies the court and troubles
the Attorney-General. His pleas in abatement were
offered last evening at the Crown-office, and refused
on the ground that the Court of Queen's Bench had
judicial knowledge of the matter of the pleas. To-
day the question came before the full court. At two
o'clock the Attorney-General, setting aside the ob-
jection of the Crown-office, handed in a demurrer to
one plea. and a replication to the other. The matter
of one plea I have before stated—the second, which
differs in some respects from the first, is to
the jurisdiction of the court. It states that
by the laws and customs of the realm
and the privileges of all her Majesty's subjects, Mr.
Mitchell is not bound to answer the offences charged
is the information aforesaid, unless found upon the
oaths of 12 good and lawful men, and therefore prays
judgment, &0., &c. The question involved in the
latter plea is of some importance, and likely to raise
much constitutional discussion in the argument on the
demurrer. It denies the right of the Attorney-
General to file an ex officio under the circum-
stances, and will be handled ably and acutely
by Sir Colman O'Loghlen. The Attorney-General
called on Mr. Mitchell to join at once in de-
murrer. Mr. Holmes and Sir Colman O'Logh-
len insisted that the traverser was entitled to the four-
day rule, and on the authority of the " Queen against
O'Connell," the court ruled that Mr. Mitchell was
entitled to the four-day rule. Accordingly Mr.
Mitchell need not join until Saturday, and as it will
take Monday to make up the demurrer books, the
argument cannot take place before Tuesday. Now
assuming the pleas to be overruled, and Mr. Mitchell
compelled to " answer over" immediately, the crown is
still shut out from a trial in the after sittings. Mr.
Mitchell is entitled to an eight-day notice of trial, and
term ending on Friday next, it is evident the notice
of trial mast run out of the term. Mr. Mitchell then
is safe for the present—the other trials will go on
before special juries.
Mr. Smith O'Brien has been influenced by his
friends, and withdrawn his resignation. The Free-
man of this morning authoritatively contradicts the
rumour, but the letter of resignation was written, and
withdrawn only last night.
Addresses from various parts of the north of Ire-
land continue to pour into the Castle. To-day we
have accounts of nearly a dozen, and among them
an important address from the landed proprietors of
Down, agreed to at a recent meeting at Hillsborough-
house, Lord Dovroshire's residence.
His excellency received two addresses on Saturday,
from the nobility, gentry, and freeholders of the
county of Wicklow, and the magistrates of the county
and city of Dublin. His excellency stated to the depu-
tation of magistrates that he had no intention at pre-
sent of placing Dublin under the Crime and Outrage
Suppression Act.
The Young Ireland demonstration at Cork came off
on Monday, as pre-arranged. The object of it was to do
honour to the " persecuted patriots," but only one of
them was present, Mr. Meagher, the others having
necessarily to attend in the Queen's Bench. The
trades marched in procession, and the day being fine,
and among Irish artizans always held se a holiday,
the show was not uninteresting, but not at all urn.
posing. There was a meeting of the Desmond Club
held on the night previous, at which Mr. Meagher
was present, and recounted lls proceedings attendant
on the soirée and the discomfiture of his party. He
continued as follows :
The consequence was, that the authorities were at last com-
pelled to interfere—the bugles of the garrison were sounded,
and every soldier of the garrison was drawn out, and they
swept the streets, and it was by that very power eseinst which
we are arrayed—and it is after all the most humiliating and
depressing circumstance of the whole occurrence, that the
very power by which we have been enslaved, the very power
which we curse, the very power which we called on the
people to arm against—that the very power we, last
night, speaking sentiments that were hostile to them,
defending the cause of Ireland's liberty against English
usurpation, had to feel grateful, or, if not grateful, at least
respectful. (Cheers.) That was the circumstance, I say,
which caused me the greatest humiliation. We left the
place, and the whole of the street was occupied by the
military body, who had been stationed there to regent the
assemblage of those who, from ignorance, I would say—
for in my heart I cannot bring myself to attribute it to any
other source in the present trying circumstances of the
country—had attacked us. This is the plain, I trust the im-
partial, and I eh* trust the temperate statement of the cir-
cumstances which occurred on last evening. I feel that it
the. government of England knew that the spirit of
democracy in this country was organ,,•,l and confele.
rated against ita holding In this island—l. if there was
no antagonism of paargons, thwarting, and dividing, cor-
roding and diseasing the power of that democratic spirit, the
government would feel its inseeizity on the soil, an insect-
nty which would be worse than a mutiny l• het army, or •
division in her cabinet. (Cheers.) They would feel, indeed,
that they had no longer any moral influence 'amongst
people—they would feel that mire was no looser ayeice on which they might rely. But when trod iii:ik.
in the country—when we Wt that the old winch

ii