The Express.
London, England, 1849-03-23 00:00:00

OUT-DOOR PAUPERS BILL.

On the motion of the Sul of Cnausts, jilts hone; went
into committee on this bill.

The Duke of RICHMOND objeeted to the principle of
farming out paupers altogether. Why should not ell the
houses in which these poor children were confined be subject
to the same regulations as the workhouses themselves ?

The Earl °I CARLISLE said the workhouses were not
sufficiently capacious to uccommodate all the children oho
became chargeable t the various parishes. It was not pos-
sible, either, to alter the system in consequence of the estate
ing contracts.

The Duke of RICHMOND thought a clause might be
inserted to prevent parishes enteritig into any new contracts.
He would not oppose the bill at this stage, but would move
a dame embodying his views on the third readieg.
Lord BEAUMONT thought the bill would correct the
evil complained of.
The bill then parsed through committee.
AFFAIRS OF NORTHERN ITALY.

The Earl of ABERDEEN, in rising to bring forward the
motion of which he had given netb e, for pipers respecting the
renewal of the war in the north of Italy, said he thought it
must be acknowledged that the present state of parties in the
north of Italy might nasonab:y call for serious attention.
He had for same time past regarded the probibility
of the result which bad now taken place—the whole
conduct sad language of the Sardinian govern-
ment having made it but too likely. He had ab-
stained hitherto from bringing the subject before their lord-
ships, and should have cootinned to do so as long as any hope
remained of a conference taking place in order to give effect
to the mediation undertaken by this country and France,
however improbable it might have been of its leading to any
practical resul'. But that being now at an end he thought
it right to move far certain correspondence, in order to afford
their lordships information of the steps which had been taken
by the British government to prevent the renewal of howl-
Miss. Proclamation of war having again been made, he
felt it incumbent en him to make this motion now, because
he thought the course which had been pursued by her Ma-
jesty's government both in the north and in the south o
Italy had been deficient of all sound policy and sense of
justice. He was still further - disposed to make the
motion at present because he thought that when the
war first commenced, it might have ben stopped
altogether, if proper means had been need ; or
at all events great e fforts should have been made to have ar-
rived at so desirable • result. (Heir, hear.) It was now
two years since the King of Sardinia, by an act of perfidy,
invaded the territories of hie neighbour, his kinsman, and
his ally. It was an act of perfidy almost uaparalleled, be-
cause for several months, in answer to inquiries and rearm
strum on the part of the Austrian government, the Court
of Turin repeatedly declared its earnest desire to cultivate re-
lations of friendship and peace with Austria ; and, even on
the fad Much, in answer to an application of the Austrian
ambassador, the Sardinian government again declared that
no object was nearer its heart than to live on terms of friend-
ship and good neighbourhood. Without, however, a declara-
tion of war, or the slighest allegation of any grievance or in-
jury, the Sardinian army was ordered ter advance into the
Austrian territory. Before he touched on the progress of the
war, he wished to advert to the position of her Mlumtz:s
government between the two contending
Their lordships would recollect that early r"trc
last session the noble marquis (Imedowne) laid on
the table certain papers connected with the territorial ar-
rangements of Italy. These papers were laid on the table
by command of her Majesty, without any address from that
bowie, or any esplanation of the object for which they were
peoduced. He did not at the time comprehend with what
view they were laid on the table, but the object was not
quite so unintelligible now. They consisted of two des-
patches from Prince Metternich, dated the 2nd of August,
1847, describing his apprehensions in consequence
of the state of Italy, declaring that the Emperor
of Austria had no other object in view but to maintain his
own podtion and rest on the security of thou great treaties
which regulated the settlement of Europe ; and the despatches
called on this country to gay if we acclaimed in such men-
time and in the security given by such treaties. The answer
of the no lord at the head of the foreign department de-
clared that her Majuty'e government were prepared to ad-
here to the treaty of Vienna in Italy as well as in other parts
of Eames, but he added that with reference to the posture
of affairs, the government wished to observe that there was
another right, beside that of seSeekuse, the maintenance of
which was isherent to inispandmet sovereignties, and that
was the right, the sovereigs puree in teary state ked, to make
such reform and improvalleale le=t be se•irg
dash, to the welfare tithe peel% was*, wry instie-

factory answer to the requirements of the Amnia govern-
ment. But her Majesty's government took it into their
heads that the Austrian goverament entertained project' of
ambition and eggresei as in It ly, and it was the r duty to
oppose themselves ta any each f reject on tae part of Aus-
tria. A month after. on the 11th S•ptantier, a despatch was
addressed to her Mejny's ambassador at Vienna. in which
enagiuments, and the despatch concluded, by4payieg that
girdthnew:asineAßrirejtati:tri:leawteglirensainverninreialveanunellet:lBl‘fpyLw:Adwiltinchttritenintoaahtirtnuournigatibioierif.
eiliiin:Pa.oakatuswpeai. hamaigberahle'dt: m at y
think proper to adopt. in their several demioions, a pound
foe any act of aggresnon on their territories or eights: The
crowns of Great Britain and Sardinia bad long been held
together by terms of alliance and friendship, and nag Ma.
Piety's government would not view with adifferenoe any
act of eggradon on the rights of Sardinia. This despatch
was, therefore, accompanied by a threat on the part at this
country, for when each a country as England said it would
not view with indifference auth and such acts, it was well
understood to mean more than the words themselves ex-
pressed. Theft pipers had lain on their lordships' table for
six months; and tho organs of the government, in this
country aad ell over Eimer, tusk peat credit for having
stopped Austrian selgreseeon, which had been reported
as imminent. But, however, in the month of August,
six months after the papers had ban laid on the table—his
noble and learned friend near him (Lord Brougham) moved
for additional papers ; and aocordiogiy an answer was pro-
duoed to this last despatch, datedi7ch:Septenaber. that
answer Prince Metternich folly reoognised the principle laid
down by her Majesty's government. As to the exercise of
the right by every government in making such improvements
as they might think proper, he readily assented to the jus-
tice it. And he went on to say that explanations had re-
peatedly taken place, and the Austrian government had
received assurances that no spprehensions ot any kind • were
entertained at Turin, and he added : "Therefore it is sot on
the part of Austria that the independence of the King of
Sardinia can be menaced. Recording its sovereign among the
number of its allies, the imperial government would be
ready, if required, to place its by the side of Cheat
Britain, to defend him against all foreign aggression."
Now he thought that was a satisfactory reply—(hear,
hear) ;—but why. was it not acted on, for the government
were in possession of this answer for four months before
the papers were laid on the tab:e of that house by the noble
marquis? (Hear, hen.) He was sure the noble marquis
could not have known of this answer ; but he mast say that
voluntarily to produce papers to tusks an impression that
we had been the means of stopping an act of aggres-
sion and enareechment on the part of Austria,
when at the same moment we were in poen:aim of
a most satisfactory and decided answer to any such
imputatiaa was a course of conduct which he need ouly op-
al to their lordehips' feelings as gentlemen to 'panda*.
Hear, hear.) What effect mut hem been reaneed on
ustria by it ? Could she regard such a proceeding ',Sh-
out feelings of ind.geation ? (Hear, bear.) But what posi-
tion did it place the not-le marquis in ? Tee noble marquis
had produced papers which were calculated to convey en
entirely erroneous impression ef the truth—he Lai been
made a party to the suppression of the truth, which in its
practical effect amounted to that which was practically false ;
and he was sure the soble marquis was ignorant of the tact.
(Hear.) No doubt he had laid on the table that which
bad been placed in his hands ; but every one must be con-
scious that from the well known candour of the noble marquis
in that house. he never would condescend to be a party to
such a transaction. (Hear, hear.) After these papers had
been laid on the table, he was surprised to find that Austria
so quietly sequinned in the impression which they conveyed.
Shortly after the war commenced he asked the noble marquis
whether similar intimations had boen made to the King of
Sardinia, having ob-erved that Austria bad committed no
act of aggression, but that the King of Sardinia had entered
the Austrian territories , Having seen this, he did aek
whether similar representations had been made to
the court of Turin, in reply to which the noble
marquis said that such representations had been
made; and that they had been the mesas of retarding
toe step taken by the Kiog of Sardinia. Now, he had no
eloubt the *table marquis fully believed in the accuracy of
that statement ; but to far from representations having been
made which would in an degree have prevented the step
taken by thediing of Sardinia, the greatest p. Bible remits-
ness was sho nin doing anything, and the little that was
done was quite incapable of predating any such effect as the
Roble marquis had signified. The intimation to the govern-
ment of Austria was made in the month of August, 1547,
and the first intimation on the subject to the Sardinian govern-
ment was en the 13th of March, 1818. Therefore, not one word
had been said during the whole autumn and winter previous
to the war, and indeed nothing before the French revolution.
On the 13th March, 1848, the Secretary of State said that the
British government felt great pleasure in learning that the Sir •
dinian government were determined to pursue that which was
the beat and worst course in the present state of affairs, via.,
to give no cause of offence either to France or Austria, and
to maintain a strict neutrality. On the 20. h of March Mr.
Abercromby wrote to the Secretary ef State, and ended his
despatch by saying that nobody under the then aspect of
affairs could take umbrage at Sardinia protecting her fron-
tiers from whatever side they might be as ailed, and the
armies which she thanked were osly what she required ; but to
employ them in acts of hostile eggresion would be to endanger
the home of Savoy ; and such being his view, he should
esnform all his statemenes to it when talking to the
Sardinian government. This, would their lordships believe
it, was only two days before the determination of the King
of Sardinia to declare war. In answer to that letter, the Se-
cretary of State said to Mr. Abercromby that he would see
by his (Lord Palmenton's) despatch of the 13th inst. that
he was only anticipating the instructions which had been
Riven to him (what they were did not appear), and he had
only to request bias to bold the same language, and warn the
Sardinian government of the danger they would bring on
their country by engaging in uaneeeesary hostilities. On
the 27th of Merck Mr. by said in a despatch that
he had that morning had a conversation with the Sardinian
minister, and he aid that his object was first to drive
the Austrians for ever oat of Italy, and in the
next place to assist the provisional government.
The Secretary of State, in reply, approved of the language
which Mr. Abercromby had held, and expressed Lis opinion
that the conflict into which the Sardinian government had
entered must be of doubt'ul result, and that the prisciple
was one of danger. Now, he thought the noble marquis
must admit that no greet effort had been mule to prevent
the war ; still less had anything been done after the war had
c -menaced which could have retarded it. It was true that
advice had been given to the King of Sardinia not to enter
into war with Austria; hut he saw nothing alleged of the
infraction of treaties—of the violation of engagements, on
the part of the King of Sardinia ; and he saw nothing in the
shape ef a protest against such a proceeding. The
King of Sardinia was not only an sccedisg party
to the treaty of Vienna, but he was under as engagement to
this cowry as well ae to all Europe to maintain the provi-
sions of that treaty, and therefore its violation by him called
for a protest in strong language. [The noble earl here read
an article lions the treaty of Vienna applying to the kingdom
of Sardinia.] Therefore, in addition to that violation of the
public law, and that act of scandalous violation of the peace
of which the King of Sardinia had been guilty without any
assignable cease or pretext, it was a breach of an engagement
entered into specifically with this country ; and the least that
the British government could have done would have been to
have entered a formal protect against it. There was a recent
example of the same kind. Not long before, Austria,
and Prussia had taken measures to deprive Cracow of its inde-
pendence. That was an act of comparatively trifling im-
portance as 00M1 artd with the war in Italy ; but the govern.
meats of France and England thought the three powers
alluded to had violated the treaty of Vienna. That there
had been great provocation on the part of that state could
not be denied, and the three powers declared that they had
rot violated the treaty, but England and Franca considered
that they had, and they lest not a moment in entering a
stroag official protest against it. Here then was an example
which ought, for every reason, to have been followed.
(Hear, heard Much had been said as to the treaty of
Vienna, and there appeared to be a good deal of uncertainty
about the application of that treaty. He would, however, ex-
press what his notions were on the subject: In the first place
all parties either contracting or acceding to that treaty were
bound by precisely the same obligation. He thought there
was a moral guarantee given by every power, whether sign-
ing or acceding, to preserve and cause to be preserved the
terms of that treaty. He considered that any violation of
that treaty, strictly speaking, might be a cause of war, but
of course it would depend on the view the party injured
might take ofliis own interests. But that some noticeought
to be taken of an infraction of the treaty there could be no
doubt, whether it should be by recalling the minister of the
offended power, or by what other means, mutt depend en
the feeling entertained. Ile fully admitted that neither
England nor any other state was bound to make
common cause with any other party who might be
injured. There were special guarantees which were on a
different footing. The moral guarantee of which he lead
spoken did not bind us to any such course; but there
were special guarantees contained in that very treaty, the
conditions of which, if violated, must be redressed by war.
Fortunately, this country had always felt great reluctance to
enter into special guarantees. They had avoided all guaran-
tees of that description, and he hoped they would continue
to do so. (Hesr, hear.) To prated with a narrative of the
war:—The remonstrances being of such a nature, had pro-

duped ao effeet, and the neer au iniquitously begun con-
tinued at first with success to the Sardinian arms. In the
distracted state of Austria—with a revolution in her ca-
pital, without resources, without instructions, without order,
the Austrian army was, for a lbw, completely paralysed.
In this emergency, the government at Vienna, still relying
on the alliance which had so long exssied between that
country and this, sent a messenger to Eogland in order to
induce us to mediate, and restore peace He did not know
e d
which, b u
e h e
presumed had
re accfeurietteei ely
madhowe t
tle;itAmuisserisionnbadde.bpeen chr , i v
were authentic. The proposals, however, made by the Aus-
trian government were not sufficient to satisfy the exigencies
of her Majesty's government. Stillsforther concessions were
ateT
required ; and although Austria offered to surrender the
whole of Lombardy, and recognise her independence, that
was not thought suffic ent to satisfy our friend, if he must
call him so, the King of Sardinia. Happily for Austria, the
conditions were refused, because shortly after the Austrian
army baying been reinforced in Italy, and a better spirit
prevailing in the Austrian councils, the offensive was re-
sumed, and the Austrian general, Radetzki, drove his ene-
mies before him until the Austrians had crossed their own
territory, showing as much energy and vigour as when he
(the Earl of Aberdeen) had before seen him himself at the
head of his victorious hussars. (Hear, hies.) Oa arriving at
the Piedmonttes territory, he with rare prudence and gene-
malty abstained from following his beaten enemy into his own
territory. (Hear, bear.) He granted an armistice to the
King of Sardinia, with a view to the settlement of the terms of
peace ; which, indeed, would have been an easy matter, and
have required but little time to accomplish if England and
France had not in a few days offered their media l's: This
was mrtly accepted by the King of Sardistb, and, sitar some
kesitaWa, by Austria. This asediatice, however, Owl no