The Express.
London, England, 1851-09-20 00:00:00

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7)OX, SiTt-RDAY, SEPTEMBER 20.

MR. iWit \ELI professes his determination to op-
posc al reforms, electoral or otherwise, just or not.
which have a tendency to diminish the power and
influence of the agriculturists. Ile tiropeaes to de-
vote whatever surplus the CHANCELLOR of the F.:t-
-enet/IAR may have--und a handsome artrpius it will
be, for Sir Cif vittl:4 Woou under-es timated the re-
ceipts both from stamp duty and income tax—this
surplus, wrung almost allogetlier from the non-
landed class, Mr. Lisa ve.ka would devote to
fill the pockets of the landlord. The latter
interest, nevording to M. Dim vett, is entitled
" to a measure of relief tantumount to the assistance
withdraw a from them." So that whatever trade or
interest protection laws have ever assisted (the
word is a good one) are entitled to an indemnity on
a withdrawal of the alms. Should, however, the'
income tax be thrown out, and the ministry neces-
sarily ejected with it, then Mr. I)isnes.i.l foresees
that another administration must be formed, which
will meek to replace the direct taxation rejected, by
some other system of direct tax more palatable.
That, said Mr. DIsRAELL we shall oppose. And in
the sante breath the Protectionist orator denounces
the malt tax, which prevents the British fanner
from growing barley as he lists, and the tobacco duty, !
which precludes his cultivating that profitable plant.
Stith a plan of campaign fur the reckless leader of
opposition is all very well, however little compatible
with conservatism. But Mr. Disaveii forgot to tell
his audience what he would do if ever the court
honoured him with its confidence," and the current
of circumstances called him to power. Ile told his
hearers to abandon all hopes of seeing protection
restored. Even if lie were minister, he would not
think of it. Yet lie is to abolish direct taxation, and
discontinue the income tax; whilst the malt tax,
after such a denunciation, call scarcely be maintained.
We. should like to know what kind of a budget
Mr. I tistevett would bring forward in the observ-
ance of all these promises, anti in harmony with all
these pletlos. Ile expects the farmers and squires
to support him in the abrogation of direct taxes, and
to fling off the burden of the pier law. With these
he inlituons the malt-tax, and foreseeing the objec-
tion, Wady to be made by every thinking map, of
how the obligations of the state are to be met, Mr.
Disko:it answers for himself, and for the squires
and farmers, " That is not our affair."
'the deuce it isn't. The interest of the debt is not
theaffair of thelanded interest ;themaintenance of the
army nail navy is not the affair of the landed interest
--why, tin wildest communist that ever perorated
from a l'arisian kerleatone, never uttered anything
more revolutionary or anarchic than this. Aud this
mass of frantic folly in a statesman, which would be
hooted by any other than a Buckinghamshire audience,
all comes of Nlr. lßsavell confining himself to class
poities and class legislation. It is really time fur
111 r. Ind: veil to give up the endeavour to be
what lie never can be—a country squire ; and to
speak, as we are confident he thinks, like an Eng-
Lehman. It is not worthy of his talent or his pros-
peels, especially now that he is within sight of power
and office, to entrench hints-If within the limits of a
narrow class, and to be eternally drilling and mar-
tanning. his idinightnen and his Niemen to tight
the spinners and the weavers. Mr. DISRAELI
is eternally passing his agricultural army in
review. mid exclaiming. how superior it is
in numbers and in right to its imaginary an-
tagonists. The landed interest and the mound inte-
rest are the Gott and Nlatate; of Mr. Insicaut ; he
knows nu other giants, and acknowledges no other
gods.
Now we beg to say, that a great mass of intelli-
gent Englishmen, nutfieicittly numerous to decide
and to form public opinion, arc neither exclu-
sively ugricultund nor exclusively commer-
cial, but with their ideas, habits, interests, and
pnsliketions, so intermingled and blended with
both, that it can see neither meet with harm,
without deeply and immediately feeling it, and
neither meet with injustice without the prompt des
airy to remedy and to repair it. In the great
straggle larween what were the purely agri-
cultural end the purely commercial and mann-
factutittg interests, it was nut the strength of
either of these parties which decided. It was
not that paucity of agricultural wealth which
Mr Detest:it pleads, that caused the landed
interest to be non suited of their demands ; it is
not the oven% htltuing proportion of their Hutu-
berg or influence as employers of labour, that will
ever terrify the rest of tale community to submit to
unequal and unjust taxation—it was the great class
between the two, and partaking of the nature and
interests of both, that decided between them, by fling-
ing their verdict and their weight, in the matter of
the corn laws, against the purely. agricultural interest.
And that same great class of mixed interests will be
ever mat ready to listen to the just complaints of the
agricultural clue when they come forward as fair
plainunts, and without t he setni-bullying,semi-cajoling
tone, made use of by champions like Mr. DISRAELI.
It is certainly one of the most singular freaks and
alsondities of the British constitution, that it is pre-
this clasiethis gnat intermediary and arbiter be-
ta till the agricultural and commercial classes, which
it has leen the sedulous can of legislators to exclude
from the electoral franchise. Our old constitution,
still fraught with the ideas of past centuries, and too
little imbued with the spirit of this, knows none
but the extreme, niarked, exclusive divisions of
the population the country and the town.
And it has established dittlyent laws of re-
presentation, different rights of franchise for
both. It has drawn a marked hue between them,
requiring property in the one and merely a domicile
worth 110. 'yearly value in the other. The come-
*pulite is that nut only is there a marked and most
unjust difference• between those who live by land and
those who live by civic industry, but the existence
of those who exist between both. are totally
it,nitired. The industrious man of civic pur-
suits and interests, who blends them with
agricultural ones, is, if resident in the country, and
of moderate fortune. and holding, totally ernifran-
chime!. Whole towns in the midst of agricultural
districts. and of mingled interests, IN:1114111 without
the franchise, in belonging neither to the rustic nor
the civic population. And, great as may be their
weight in the verdicts of public opinion, they have
none in elections or in parliament.
The first duty of a British statesman is to remove
this anomaly. this injustice. This large class of
Englishmen has a right to the franchise, and should
be given it. without iuquiring whether their votes go
to strengthen the agricultural or the commercial iu-
terest. For our part, we ti-el confident they will
strengthen both by uniting them. But this is what
party advocates. like Mr. Du-mm.l, most abhor.
They live by the separation and conflict of classes,
and will continue to do so as long as dlikrent Cllitist •
are foolish enough to be so gulled. If Englishmen
would hut commune together, they would Mid that
all had but one species of interests and the one
kind of rights.

A rAmenuT Bet before us, clad in the old livery
of the Porttillio, marked number one, as if it were
to be the precursor of a series, and embodying the
complaiuts of the Paella of I. GYPI" against the Porte.
Some weeks same we fully stated the objections of
the Sturvst to Egypt's acting altogether as a power
independent of the Moslem empire, to its underta-
kiug so important a project as a railroad without
consulting the Divan. and concluding what could be
considered no less than a treaty mortgaging the
revenues of Egypt for the sake of .a
more speedy ex-
ecution of this railway.
In stating these objections of the Porte, we admit-
ted
that several of them were natural, but that some!
of them sprung from misconception, and in all pro- 1
bability from a previous state of misunderstanding'
1,, ;urea Inv', y and its powerful vas!.al. To the
ell:, t c.iu.c Ut m;sunderstanding we did not then
allude. But it is revealed in the pamphlet alluded'
to. It begins by stating that during the last years of
Mutt Er ALl's life and lunaunis administration the