The Express.
London, England, 1846-10-14 00:00:00

Zi WortROS•

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MAILS.
The We:4 India midis, excluding those for :d•iairo, 'bailiff's, and
Havana, will be made up on the morningof the 17th October.
The mails for British North Amerlet, and the United States, will
be made up on the evening of the 17th October.
Tb, overland mails for Gibraltar, Malta, Greece, the lonian Islands,
Aden, Ceyl ra. India, Ilong-Kong, and China, eta Southampton,
Egypt, Aden,
made up on the morning of the 20,h October.
The overland closed mails, via Marseilf, s, to the Mediterranean,
Egypt, Aden, Ceylon. India, Hong-Kong, &c., will be made up on the
evening of the 24th October.
The malls for N 2W South Wale., Van Dieman's Land, will be made
wp on the 3 let October.

TO CORRESPONDENTS.
We cannot notice, In any way, any eomwunlcation that Is sent to as
anonymously; but these who choose to address as in contklerioe will
RAI their oon.idenee respxted. NEITHER CAN WE UNDERTAKE
TO RETURN ANY MANUSCRIPTS WHATEVER.
a. Advertisements Intended for The Express moat be at the 011 lee by
Two o'clock 011 the day of publication.

HlOll WATER AT LONDOM-BRIDGE.
TIM DAT. Morning, 51 mei. part 8; Afternoon, 38 min. pent 0.
To.KOlLLOW.—Morning, 13 min. put 10; Aftertrun, 50 min. put 10.

LONDON, WEDNESDAY, OCT. 14.

THE deed is accomplished. Louts PHILIPPE has
attained the object which for the last ten years
has been the chief labour of his life. He has placed
his son on the steps of the Spanish throae, in such
a position and in such circumstances, that he can
scarcely fail to inherit it. What cost Lot- 1.4 XIV.
and his country a century of war, LOUIS PHILIPPE
has achieved by no other efforts than those of
diplomacy ; and by the expenditure, not of a cam-
paign, but of a few thousand lime well disposed.
When the French Consul, LE.IDEPR, stirred up the
people of Barcelona,—nay, paid them—to oppose the
Duke of VICTORY, the French KING was opening

the trenches of the MOI4TPENSIER marriage.

year since then he has made an advance, and run a new
parallel; masking his batteries, flattering Spain, and
blinding the English Court. The London press were
used to laugh at his lalsours,lo mock his assiduity, and
to wish him joy of all the good he got by it. When of
a sudden, the other day, the KING of the FRENCH
approached the completion of his long labours ;—he
had removed every obstacle, sapped every obstruction ;
—but when the mine explodes which lets the French
KING into the very citadel of Spanish strength, onr
writers and politicians affect to be wondrously sur-
prised, to be grievously offended, and to be outrageously
taken in. The fault was their own. A child that
could have taken the trouble to regard Louts Pni-
urrE's manceuvres for the last ten years, could not
but have seen what he was manoeuvring for, and
aiming at. His success is even more owing to English
supineness and folly, than to his own manmuvring
cunning and unscrupulous audacity.
This triumph, prepared with such address, and
eonsummated with such precipitation, is without ex-
ception the moat untoward event that could have
befallen Constitutional Europe. It is a PANDon t's
box, fraught with ill ; and, in all probability, with the
most dire consequences to Spain, to England, and to
France. When we look r.t some, the most obvious

and inevitable of these consequences, one really shad-
ders, and is at a loss to conceive how a wise and
imatious Prince, like Louis PHILIPPE, should, for any
purpose of family aggrandisement, have affronted
sash perils.
in the first place, the MONTPENSIER marriage dig-
solves every trace of cordiality and alliance between
the governments of London and Paris. They may not
indeed go to war; they may not even go the lengths of

their organs of publicity, and scold or menace ;—but
the wrong rankles on one side ; the consciousness of
having forfeited friendship, and the necessity of guard-
ing against revenge, awakens vigilance on the other.
And let it not be supposed that France and England
csm remain indifferent to each other's feelings or
linings, and that they can go on in a neighbourly way,
isolated and politic. That is not possible. In the
present state of the world, no country can exist with-
out allies. States are vessels that cannot anchor.
They must direct their prows to some point of the
compass, and the current will drift them, even if the
sails cease to impel. There passes not a week in
which the French and English cabinets are not
called upon to take decisions, in which their feelings
towards one another have paramount influence. That
an event achieved under such outrageous circumstan-

cee, and calculated to have each a prospective and
permanent effect upon the future policies, fortunes,
and balance of both countries, could take place with-
out fatal estrangement—is tosuppose that Englishmen
are without dignity, patriotism, or foresight; and that
French statesmen are without the necessary sense of
self-preservation. But all this entails on both coun-
tries great insecurity, continued expense. While
courts keep up a show of mutual politeness, work
will grow brisk at Cherbourg and at Portsmouth ;
the solitary flag, which has so long floated dully in
Malta harbour, will be multiplied to a dozen ; and the
three-deckers of Toulon will quit the dock for the
roadstead.
And Spain? What is to become of her? We
never heard a single person, at all acquainted with
Spanish affairs, who did not admit that France could
never manage Spain, if England chose to oppose
her; and that England could as little hope to govern
Spain, if France opposed her. Nothing bat either
England and France leaving Spain to herself, or else
coining to an agreement to act conjointly towards
Spain, can give peace and orderly government to the
latter cbuntry. No matter what the government, the
elements of opposition are so many that the mere
fact of England or of France opposing a cabinet,
shakes it. Hove, then, is the present Government to ,

subsist Execrated by all the Exaltados, and bated
by half the Moderados ; abhorred by the citizens ;
hooted by the rabble ; unpopular with all classes
for its stringent taxation ; denounced by a starring
ald and equally feared by those who have bought
ecclesiastical spoils ; there is really nothing to uphold
the present Government but its military escorts, and
the name of France. The country, and every town
in it, are this moment organized in one vaat con-
spiracy; unarmed indeed, but only awaiting some anti-
national act of the new Afrancesados, or expecting
to take advantage of a Carlist outbreak, or military
discontent. England has but to hold up a finger,
and the entire Peninsula would be in insurrection.
She may not give this sign, but she certainly will not
make a dissuasive sign ; and yet, refrain as she will,
the inevitable insurrection of the Liberals will be
imputed to her.
Amidst this chaos, this ocean of disaster, of anar-
chy to Spain, and of covert hostility between France
and England, what is to be hoped—what to be done ?
Lord BOLINGBROKE, contemplating a similar com-
plication of interests and prospects (for the present
relative situation of the three countries does not pre-
sent itself for the first time) asked a similar question.
" What remained to be done ? In the whole nature
of things there remained but three. To abandon all
care of the Spanish succession was one. To com-
pound with France on this succession was another.
And to prepare, like her, during the interval of
peace, to make an advantageous war, whenever the
sovereign of Spain should die, was a third."
We know not that there is now any greater choice
of alternatives than a century and a half ago, al-
though the nature of these alternatives is somewhat
altered. The first course—that of abandoning all care
of the Spanish succession—is not merely a vague
aggrandisement of France, but it is a sacrifice of our
trade, the giving up of an excellent market. It is
putting into the power of the French government to
accomplish a scheme long in contemplation, namely, to
make a Zollverein of the south of Europe, and to turn
the Mediterranean into a " French lake," in a com-
mercial as well as a political point of view. Care-
lessness of foreign influence, or of foreign balance of
power, may do extremely well for a people that has
no foreign trade, and that does not take the ocean
for its home. But England can neglect or lose no such
influence, without wealth and trade being lost and
neglected at the same time. Need we dwell on the
political weight of Spain, and its immense import-
ance for the preservation of the peace of Europe?
The dominion of Spain, with its ports and geogra-
phical position, doubles the naval power of France in
a war; that dominion taken from France, would take
from her that confidence which seeks and braves
war. Give Russia Constantinople, and she is mis-
tress of the Ein.t. Give France Cadiz, and she is
mistress of the West.

The second aPernative of BOLINGBROKE'S compro-
mise is no longer possible. Louts PnitAreE would
not listen to it. Lord ABERDEEN gave up the
opportunity and the possibility. Besides, in BOLING-
BROKE'S time there were Spain, and the Indies, and
the Low Countries; a wide empire to carve. There
are now no territorial divisions or compensations to
be thought of; and the marriage once concluded,
what room there is for compromise, we do not see.
There remains then the third : to prepare for
war. This, perhaps, is the most impossible of all.
In old times, monarchs and cabinets might hatch war
in sz.cret; whet their swords, and charge their mines, to
explode in a certain year. But statesmen cannot now
levy war, unless nations and national opinion rise
culminating behind. If this feeling be not excited,
One cannot prepare for war; and if it be excited,
it will not tarry for provocation, nor await oppor-
tunities. Free nations will rush to the encoun-
ter; which will probably be fiercer and briefer, than
anything of the kind yet known. Heaven avert such
calamities ! The English are a people the most averse
to war ; to propose, or even to think of it ; and, strong
in this feeling of disgust, and fully confident at the
same time in their own quiet strength and calm
courage, they put away and deride even the possi-
bility of warring. Noble and charitable as are such
sentiments, it has been no other than the knowledge
of their existence and their forte in every English
breast, which has emboldened the Napoleon of Peace
to achieve, per fat et alias, that annexation of Spain
which is more likely to produce a future war, than any
one other act or event in the politics of tho world.

AT the late anniversary dinner of the Waterford
Agricultural Society, some home truths were incul-
cated by Sir H. W. BARRON upon the landlords of
Ireland. True to the principle of absenteeism, the
parties chiefly concerned were not there to profit by
his admonitions. In their privacy or their gaiety,
however, the report may reach them, and furnish pro-
fitable matter for their private meditation. Nor will
it come merely as the animadversion of one of them-
selves, upon the class to which he belongs. The
opinions of Sir H. BARRON were enforced by the
chairman, Lord CAREW ; and received by the meeting
with strung expressions of sympathy and approval. '
It stands, therefore, as the recorded opinion of this
Agricultural Society, that the landlords of the dis-
trict, with some honourable exceptions, fail of render-
ing the friendly co-operation which their tenants have
at all times a right to expect, but especially in the
peculiar circumstances of the present time; that in-
stead of making exertions for improvement, they set
the bad example to tenants and labourers of desert-
ing their posts at a critical moment ; that their neglect
and misconduct arc chiefly responsible for the dis-
graceful fact of land being worth one-half more in
Scotland than in Ireland, and the cultivators mach
better off, with higher rents ; that the extent of re-
claimable waste land, and the wretched condition of
much that is under cultivation, are most discreditable
to the proprietary ; that the inferior grades of society
are paralysed by the apathy of their superiors ; and
that, unless the landlords do their duty, " millions
will perish, and they, too, will sink and be buried
in the common ruin." Such is, not the railing
accusation of party writers, nor the fervid denun-
ciation of League orators, but the verdict of the
Waterford Agricultural Society upon the landlords of
Ireland.

It is to be wished rather than expected that erring
landlords should be converted by a homily of this de-
scription, and forthwith begin to amend their ways.
Some will be indignant at a censure of which they
are justly conscious that they only deserve a small
portion. Others, with less excuse, will affect to be
indignant. Others, again, are thoroughly convinced
of their right to do as they will with their own, and are
impenetrable to all the remonstrances of public opinion.
. ._ _

Not a few are in the condition which Pater half
jestingly described es hie own ; and " (=riot
afford to keep a conscience." Improvident mort-

gages on their estates have deprived them
of the landlord's power to do the landlord's duty.
While others talk of surplus capital, they are think-
ing of deficient income. The rents called theirs pass
by them without stopping., and only rest in the
coffers of the mortgagee. They cannot borrow for im-

provement, unless itioe of theGt;vernment; and Gov ern-
went must be very liberal in the matter of security.
They arc paying 61 per cent. ; it is only tantalising
to tell them how a handsome outlay would realise
10 per cent. In public, they are lords of the land;
in secret, they are slaves of the money bag. They
are only representatives of ownership; and destitute
of qualification. They are not the mau that had lost
his shadow, but the shadow that has lost its man.
They are the galvanised corpse of Landlordism.
The vital power is gone. It is vain to call
on mockeries and shams for the discharge
of living duties for which they have no living powers.
This is the Chad on whose behalf a poor-law is identi-
fied with confiscation. The next straw is the last, and
will break their backs. On their nominal squ are
miles they only hold by a few square inches. Mort-

•

le • r
• . •
!-THI4 'TXPRESB,

InglY )4k.
gage obligations haves up twit Moral
obligations. Of their feudality, is lost save the
honour ; and honour has no 6lltailus—Faiiital for- agri-
, cultural improvements. The good example to their
tenants, which Sir H. BARRON recommends, is beyond
their means. They cannot afford to become patterns
of improvement. Empty pockets make barren fields.
Borrowing is their bog, and cannot be reclaimei.
They are hungry for their share of a public grant.
Give them money, and they will employ the poor ;
themselves included, as diligent spenders. One almost
pities these people, under the pelting of a volley of
agricultural ethics. Exhorted to help others, they
cannot help themselves. What must they feel under
such an admonition as this?
I call upon the landlord.' to come forward and say to the peasantry,
" You shall do so and so, and improve this spot of ground, and I
help you; I will give you turnip seed for thi, geld, and clover and
mangel wurvel tor that, and I will have my steward to inspect your
crops —I will give you my advice—l will give you my money to assist
you in bringing about this change that must take place." Without
these things are dace—without great sacrifices ath. made— I dread to
loch to the consequences to ourselves.

All very well, they may say, for you to call, with
money in both pockets; but as to us, you may call
again. We give all these things, where shall we
get them ? Seeds do not descend from heaven.
Money will not allow even mangel wurzel out
of 61 per cent. No, we must go to the Government ;
and let tenants and labourers go to the Government
after us. And thus does a pauper class, is a false
position, pauperise the spirit of a nation.
The Irish people are infected. Not the entire body,
any more than that of the landlords; but probably
about the same proportion. They seem to consider
starvation as one evil, and work as another, and want
Government to relieve them from both. They dictate
the rate of wages, when all employment is almsgiving.
They find it difficult of comprehension that Govern-
ment moneys should be earned, or Government stores
paid for, before they arc distributed. They. take a
second look at famine, when regular labour is
the alternative. They have as little stomach
for roadmaking as their landlords for fencing and
drainage. The chief lesson they have learned
from their betters is that JOHN BULL is a great mileh
cow. They take the extreme terms of the series, pub-
lic money and public feeding ; and disregard the
intermediate steps.
But this disposition is no more to be attributed
to the entire population, than the class just de-
scribed is to be identified with the entire body of
Irish landowners. Each is a section only, though
there is an intimate relation between them. The
one owes its existence to the other, and, together, they
constitute the great difficulty of helping the Irish
people. They chill the warmest charity, and bring a
blight over the wisest plans of benevolence. They
are worse than famine to contend with, because they
present the greatest obstacles to rendering the pres-
sure of famine subservient to the amelioration of the
condition of the people. And yet this is not the time
to be severe on the accumulated embarrassments

of the one class, or the misguided ignorance of the
other. We must be content to take them as facts. They
are part of the difficulty to be faced. They enhance
the labour which the season devolves upon all honest
Irishmen and generous Englishmen. And to enhance
the labour will stimulate the exertion. Ireland must
be raised from the slough of Despond, to firm footing
on the solid earth. if the evil be deeper, and the
enterprise more arduous than at first appeared, that
only shows the moral impossibility of halting, or of
turning back. The work must be done, and tho-
roughly ; and done for futurity. In this spirit we
rely on its being undertaken by the government ;
and this is the spirit required of those who co-operate,
whether in Ireland or in Englar.d. The problem to be
practically wrought out, is not only the relief, but the
regeneration of a people. Without that, the relief
will be wretchedly incomplete. For famine not to
be periodical, the means must be found of rendering
perpetual an improved condition and improved habits
of industrial action. "We are come," says Sir H.
BARRON, " to a state of awful transition ;" but a clear
perception of the crisis, with all its difficulties and
horrors, is one element of deliverance and hope.
Awful transitions are the pathway to blessed results.

TILE subject of National Education has been pretty
largely discussed for about twenty years. Books
have been written, pamphlets published, and speeches
made. But that which is written about and talked
about, is not always thought about. On the contrary,
speculative discussion, in this as in many other in-
stances, has had the tendency of diverting men's
minds from the consideration of what is necessary,
and what is practical. If all were once agreed that
something must be done, and that right early, we
should have had far less of hair-splitting and straw-
balancing as to the means of its accomplishment.
While we write, talk, theorize, dogmatize, do every-
thing but work,—while we are motionless, time con-
tinues its ceaseless flow. Every day and every hour
carries other nations forward in their intellectual
career ; but it also adds to the vast amount of evil
and of danger which has already resulted from our
multiplied anomalies and uncorrected abuses.
One great cause of apathy has arisen from regard-
ing the question as between education and non-
education.
But there is no such thing as non-educa-
tion. Every human being is educated ; that is to say,
he derives habits of thought and principles of action
from the persons and circumstances by which he is sur-
rounded. What is education but such a training of the
mental and moral faculties as to fit a man for his
future career in active life? The FAGINS are about
the most efficient schoolmasters in the community: the
thief is highly educated, so is the pickpocket, so is the
incendiary, so is the poacher, and the housebreaker.
The most efficient industrial schools are provided for
these classes; and the pupils sent oat are always
among the shrewdest and cleverest of their class ;
first-form boys without a single exception. Now, we
are not satisfied with this " truly-English " system
of education; and much as we love established institu-
tions, we should be glad to call it truly anything else
rather than English. We have great respect for
voluntary systems, but we cannot avoid viewing
volunteer policemen with some feelings of suspicion.
It is true that the public apathy, which some identify
with public liberty, has not prevented the establish-
ment of many valuable schools; but neither has it
hindered the founding of academies preparatory to
the college of Newgate and the degrees conferred at
the Old Bailey.
It is believed that because we have no system,
nothing exists as a substitute for a system, and
therefore that we may leisurely discuss the vari-
ous schemes propounded for our consideration until
we discover that which most nearly approaches ideal
perfection. But whi!c the vonnium &mum is sought
in theory, the +luny:sum malutra prevails in practice.
Taking the educational age as ranging between five
and fifteen, it is a lamentable fact that while we have
been discussing the subject two generations have
slipped away; we have lost for ever the opportunity
of moulding their character, and we have entrusted
the future destinies of our country to chance ; or rather
to the moral certainty that they shall be less brig ht
and less flourishing than it was in our power to have
made them. He whom we have forgotten to teach
to read, may be an apt scholar in picking up
a licentious song or a seditious ballad; and the man
who cannot hold a pen, can set a snare or fi re a
corn-rick. Our no-system is not a mere negative;
it has a very real and positive existence. Anarchy is
no form of government; but it expresses a state of
things as substantial and as absolute as monarchy.
Igaoranee has been ignorantly termed the mother
of devotion; for the devotion it produces depends for
its oontinaanoe upon caprice, accident, and chance.
Bigotry is subject to frightful fits of re-action; men I
who have believed unreasonably, are not indisposed to
disbelieve unreasonably. None had been previously
more blindly submissive to the hierarchy, than the
population which embraced the tenets of JOHN of
Leyden and ,:ft;SzErt; forms and ceremonies were

f. • . • I•.
4rESDAY Offr^l---

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