The Express.
London, England, 1848-03-27 00:00:00

NOTICE.

—— -
The number of STAI&PS issued to the DAILY NEWS
by the authorities of the Stamp-office, during 1817,:was*.
From JAN. 1, to Die. 31 • 3,447,009
This, we believe, is within eight per cent• of the number
issued to the Morning Herald, Morning Chronicle, and
Morning Post, ALL PVT TOOP.THEIL
In addition to the above, issued to the DAILY NEWS,
Morning Paper, there were issued for the Evening Edition,
THE EXPRESS,
F 143111 JAN. 1, to Dim. 31 ........ 778,714
Which was more, we believe, than were issued either to
the Globe or standard, Evening Papers.

TO CORREAPONDI:STS.
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111011 WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE.
Too DAlr—Worstsg. 16 waha. past 6; Alterseoa, 60 WA part 6.
TAN owoor—Mw•Wl. ww. OW 7. ADA... 6 71 7.

LONDON, MONDAY, MARCH 27.
'Mimi discontent with the existing system of impe-
rial government springs from two causes, and is fo-
mented by two very dissimilar sets of men. The mass
of the community are impressed with the belief that
their country's wretched condition is the result of
legislative error and neglect. They &Mend for Ire-
land "a parliament of her own" mainly because they
imagine that in an assembly whose members would
all peaces the means of local information, and whose
attention would be undistracted by the investigation
and adjustment of other important interests, more
watchful care would be taken of their peculiar wants,
and less delay and disappointment arise in the dui.
consideration of their wish. Right or wrong, such
is the conviction of millions: right or wrong, such a
conviction is a pregnant fact, which ought not lightly
to be disregarded. It is easy to call the cry for
repeal absurd and abortive. The cry may be so ; but
what is its cause? This is the question that aeeds an
ens tier—a fearless, just, and speedy one. It were both
impolitic and wrong to disregard it. Were there not
a certain truth in the popular complaint of imperial
misrule and neglect, the shout for repeal would have
died away long years ago, as casual and capricious
ow cries ever do. Nor can the staunchest friend of the
union seriously maintain that, measured by the past,
it has made goad the promise of its authors, or
realised the happy anticipations that were entertained
regarding it. Physically, the condition of the country
has no doubt improved. In respect of education
much has been done. But neither politi-
cal nor municipal franchises have yet been
granted to the people of Ireland as they
have been to the people of Great Britain ; and the
stiil more urgent and important exigency of industrial
life—the power of acquiring and the right of securely
cultivating the soil—remains still unprovided for in
any essential degree. Repeal would be a bad and a fatal
remedy ; but assuredly the imperial system of legisla-
tion for Ireland cannot be changed too soon.
There is, however, another and we fear a growing
source of alienation and distrust. The upper classes
have in Ireland never joined in the agitation which
O'CONNELL led ; and they are still lea disposed
to enlist under the banner of the United Irishman.
But discontent amongst them is not therefore the less
prevalent or profound. Coming more into daily con-
tact with the subordinate functionaries by whom each
department of the stave is manned, their feelings and
dispositions are necessarily influenced to a great ex-
tent by the manner in which they are treated. We
speak not now peculiarly of the landed proprietary ;
but of all those—including the professional and other
educated classes—who are called upon to take a
certain part in local public affairs. Such men rare
naturally attached to order, and habitually rink
fom anything calculated to disturb the stability of
property. Hence, if for ne other reason, their indite.
mention to coalesce under any circumstances with the
popular agitators, and their readiness to support the
law whenever its authority has been seriously put in
jeopardy. But loyalty is one thing, and content with
a particular system is another. There are many of
the best men in Ireland who would cheerfully rally
round the throne, or arm in defence of the realm,
whose confidence is nevertheless shaken in the equity
of imperial rule as developed in more than one execu-
tive department, and whose patience is well nigh ex-
hausted by the unrebuked demeanour of those to
whom too great and unchecked powers have been

devolved.
Of the many instances of this sort of thing which
recur unbidden to our recollection, none is so well
worthy of notice, because none is at the present
moment so important, as that of the Irish poor-law.
Of the supercilious ignorance and costly blunders of
Mr. Ntettou.s, by whom the original ground plan
of the scheme was laid, it is needless here
to speak. Of all his rash and ridiculous
calculations not one remains unfalsifled by
lamentable experience ; and of the absolute failure
of his successors to manage the vast mechanism of
Irish poor relief as a sub-department of Somerset-
house, the act of 1847, by which the English and
Irish commissions were entirely severed, is the most
emphatic record. But being severed, one might
have reasonably expected that at the head of each
would be placed a man of experience and judgment ;
a man who not only undirstood thoroughly the com-
prehensive and considerate spirit of the law ho
was to administer, but the temper ar.d disposition of
these by whose unrequited aid its provisions were to
be locally carried out. For England such a choice
was made. We have not heard an objection raised
n any quarter worthy of remembrance, to the appoint-
ment of Mr. CHARLES BULLER—a man qualified not
merely by the possession of distinguished talents, but
a man recognised by all as gifted with that tact and
discrimination which is so essential to the efficient
performance of varied civil duties. Very different
was the selection marle,—if, indeed, selection there
WAS any made at all—for Ireland. And the results
of the two nominations already show the difference in
the men. Mr. BULLER, as far as we know, has of-
fended nobody and has kindled no new quarrels ; Mr.
Twtstero:s has rendered himself the most thoroughly
unpopular man in Ireland, and from the resentment
and aversion engendered by his brief attempt at ad-
ministration, the law itself is already placed
in • position which no rational man can look
upon without feelings of the gravest migiving
and regret The whole character of
framed by the legislature, is changed. The elective
guardianship of the poor is rapidly ceasing to exist.
A power of suspending boards of guardians for obsti-
nate and flagrant disregard of their duty was con-
ferred by the act of last session on the poor
law commissioners. It was obviously intended es
a dernier reuort when all other RIMS should