The Express.
London, England, 1851-03-05 00:00:00

GERMANY.

The Cologne Ca:ctfe repeats that Ilanover, as well
as Wurtemburg, has declared itself decidedly opposed
to the Austrian scheme of aggrandising Bavana.
The Breslau %titan!, says that it has been arranged
between Count Spenneck and Prince Schwarzenlxrg
that in ease of extinction of the male line of the
royal house of Denmark, the Grand Duke of Olden-
burg is to succeed to the Danish Crown, and that
Prussia gives up her claims to the succession ; thus
making way for those of the Duke of Glucksburg.
Austria, it is asserted by the sante paper, has secured
the entrance of all the Danish States into the
Mid-European Commercial League she contemplates
establishing. The Denlsrhe Zeitang of Bohemia
says that the Austrian Minister of Foreign Affairs
has prepared a note to all the great powers concerned
in the treaty of Vienna of 1815, in which the
German policy of Austria is fully explained.
The February account of the flank of Vienna gives
for the first time some show of improvement. The
stock of silver has increased nearly a million, and
paper circulation has diminished two millions and a
half.

BERLIN, :Miami 1.
The departure of Count Arnim, the new ambas-
sador to Austria, has been delayed for some days.
Most of the papers are occupied with the sup-
posed demand of Schwarzenberg that the imperial
crown of Germany shall be re-conferred on the
monarchs of Austria. According to some it was
made in a very categorical manner at Dresden; ac-
cording to others, it has never been made at all. The
truth hes between the two. It is a part of Schwar-
zeulwrg's plan, but it has as yet only been hinted at
by himself and his agents; the press having been
made the medium of sounding public opinion on the
point.
. . .

Some days ago I mentioned a letter which the
King of Wirtemberg was declared to have written to
the Austrian premier, reproaching him fur refusing
to carry out the convegtion signed at Bregenz. The
leilM11:11 Allyemeine %clime!, publishes what purports
to be a copy of this letter, of which the following is
a translation : . .

Your Highness—From the reports of my minister at
Dresden, I learn that you decidedly reject the plan for esta-
blishing a collective representation of the nation by, the side
of the executive power of the confederation, which IN to be
newly appointed by us. That I honestly regret this
information, your highness will, I hope, think na-
tural, even in this open declaration of opinion,
which accords with my well known freedom of ex-
pression. With regard to myself, I have always
before as well as after the deplorable events of 1848, consi-
dered a reform of the Bundesakte, especially a revision of
the 13th article, to be indispensable. The last I still con-
tinue to regard us the true palladium, and the only true
test of all that we may in common negotiate and resolve
upon in Dresden. But if that article is to be revised in a
manner suitable to the spirit of the age and the moral ne-
cessities of the people, we must apply the hitherto existing
repre-entation of the people to the federal body as a whole,
and unite the divided, barren, and confused power of the
several chambers into one compact national parliament. It
is only with a parliament thus united that, according to my
firm conviction, it will be possible to create a generally re-
spectisl and durable central power, whose activity, power,
and influence will be sought in vain in its external form and
numerical composition. In the present day mere physical
force alone will not suffice to maintain a general form of
government, coercive laws and police measures alone have
formerly neither preserved political institutions nor averted
political convulsimia. If lam not very much mistaken the
old confederation has proved this to us very clearly, indeed
so clearly that I may call it a fearful example. A federa-
tion of states is much more difficult to control and keep to-
gether than a single state. The former requires much more
than the latter, one common moral bond of union, which
may protect it from internal dissolution and external de-
struction. Such a moral bond of union is alone to be found
in one general parliament for all Germany, and we shall in
vain endeavour to find a substitute for it in a general com-
mercial league. Material interests promote social convulsions
more than they prevent them; these intemitsdonot do battle,
they fly at theliour of danger and submit readily and with-
out conditions. They are changeable as the capital itself
on which they depend ; their exclusive demands in France
impeded neither the fall of the restored monarchy nor
the revolution of 1818. In my opinion, a federal govern-
' mcnt, supported by a general representation of the people,
is the only means of overcoming the destructive elements
and of effectually preventing dissensions between the in-
dividual states of the confederation. If we deprive the
nation of its proper share in the chief political government
we must not hope to reconcile it with the constitution of
the confederation ; still less can we hope to conquer the
spirit of revolution in Germane ; in the course of time
th, old conflict will he renewed with all the demons of
anarchy, within and without the several chambers arrayed
against the central government, and I fear that I do nut
err, when I assume that in the end this conflict must termi-
nate to the disadvantage of our new political creation.
The above, your highness, is a faithful confession of my
political faith respecting the question of the new formation
of Germany. Either we can or we cannot govern in the
individual states without chambers and representation of the
people. If we cannot, neither can we dispense with a simi-
lar institution in the central federal government, if we do
not wish, sooner or later, to create a conflict be- ,
tweet' the newly organised central power and the,
disorganised elements of the several state parlia-
ments, which must create internal dissensions and
external weakness. To dispute the possibility of maintain-
ing one general parliamentary convention is, in my opinion,
equivalent to admitting that the confederation itself can
neither he adapted to the times nor maintained for any
length of time. Your highness knows that lam no friend
of improvised charters or of modern political experiments ;
hut in political affairs I approve us little the introduction of
or the return to a system which comes too late or which has
outlived it, age. As a prince of the confederation I shall
conscientiously fulfil my duties both to the old and the new
Blind, but as a German, and the regent of my country, I can
not acknowledge that to be satisfactory or definitive revision
of the confederation adapted to the age, which does not fully
admit the just demands of the nation to a share in its own
great political destinies. Happily, I am old enough not to be
compelled to see the unavoidable cocisequences of all that
which we are doing and neglecting in Dresden at this mo-
meut.—Accept, d:c. (Signed) WILHELM.
Stuttgart, January 18, 1861.

A STE tMER SUNIC.—On Sunday evening, as the
steamer Atalanta was coming from Harwich, when opposite
the cliff, she ran foul of the Admiral Codrington's anchor,
which bad been imprudently left without a buoy. Thorn
were about 18 or 20 passengers on board the steamer, who
were taken on shore in boats; all the valuable property,
carpets, looking glames, &c., being taken out of the cabins
as sp-salily as possibtt; ahirttappily without sustaining in-
' jury. The boat quickly filled with wat..r, ant sank. For-
tunately, the damage dune is very trilling, and another boat
being in reserve, the public sustained no inconvenience,
nor as the slightest blame attributable to Captain Cook, of
the steam boat, or any of his crew.—lpswiels Express.