The Express.
London, England, 1851-10-18 00:00:00

Vitt erortoo.

TO CORRESPONDENTS.
A 5ee...4 1.11.1.14 .fEzprorr," restallat •ho same evelleg's
Casette,' kr er.rry Teard ul Fr.day .:;lit, to tame
for port•
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th. • Mire, ir, Volertie.dreet. Tire o't:ecie es the
day of prbar•uoo•

111011 WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE
lhi--)Gmr.g, 63. SI u. Artereem :5.:4..
re.roaaw—Morniog, Mterse•i, SY. 49a.

LONDON, SATURDAY, OCTOBER IS.
Feria the promised Reform Bill of Lord Jells
Ressta.t., we cannot profess to expect any important
change in the present constitution of the Rouse of
Commons. The antecedents of the noble lord in the
character of a parEamentary reformer are not such as
to inspire full confidence. The people are comparatively
apathetic with respect to the subject itself; no imme-
diate ministerial necessity therefore will incite him
to action—nnd as very little party advantage can he
hoped for from any efiatege which he can expect to
effect--the reform measure, we suspect, will remain
a promise, like many others, forgotten and unful-
filled.
In IMO the whigs found themselves by accident
suddenly possessed of power. The Catholic Eman-
cipation Act had violently divided the once united
and powerful tory party—and one large section were
PO deeply incensed, more especially at the con-
duct of Sir it.attar PEEL, that they were ready to
join in any scheme or vote which might have the
cffi ct of (Irking him from poser. To this end they
supported the Whigs; and on Sir IlssitY Ps RNF.LLs
famous motion put the ministry into a minority,
and eventually the whir into office. These last,
however, were too shrewd not to perceive that their
hold of office WAS in the highest degree precarious—
the moat sanguine amongst them not hoping to re-
tain place for six weeks, if the old order of things in
the Rouse of Commons was to remain unchanged.
The eieramt among the tories, they knew, would soon
be made up under the effective influence of the cold
regions of opposition. The trial of a few
months' exelusion from the sweets and comforts
of place, would, they felt certain, make friends of the
angry disputants—and that the consequence would
for them. the whi,p, be an immediate and inglorious
defeat. When they were called to office, they had
really no plan as a tarty for the reform of the
House of Commons. Mr. Bithcrai sat, indeed, hail a
plan in pito, hot Mr. limier:ma acted without the
el.-operation of the Whig party. and his plan never
revered the it approval. they took bim and it, in-
deed, after same useless endeavours to avoid this ne-
cessity, and made them their own, when they found
thut without them to retain power was impossible.
This necessity produced the celebrated Reform Bill,
which lord )offs Itcsset.i. was selected to propose,
though not a member of the cabinet, because he
was a Resst.l.l,, had the Duke of Illtnionn for
the head of his house, and had during the
whole of his pirliamentary rimer, made reform his
subject. But the Reform Bill was not Lord Join
propmal—Lord I►eltll.ol, Lord l)t'sess-
NON, and Sir J eyes tin 'man, all co-operated with
him in the formation of the scheme --the chief mem-
bers Icing Sir J (hi.AtLeM, then deemed almost
a radical, and Lord tram %NI. The whole scheme,
as then propounded, was wholly at variance with the
theories and previous propioalie of Lord JOHN Res-
NELL. shay minute reform suggestiou.s had long
cued the standing jests of ardent and real re-
formers. Sehedule .1, the ten-pound clause, and the
nectreasilitmi members, were all proposals of the
other In. rubels of this celebrated committee. Vote
by ballot was proposed by Sir JAMES GRA-
HAM, and only rejected in consequence of a
asinpromise. The. bill, when remitted back
to the ministry, effertil a choice of various
alternatie es —a high franchise 1:e?., and the ballot, or
101., without the ballot. The lust was the plan
adopted.
From a consideration of thew facts we are not in-
clined to have any great faith in Lord Jona Res-
tev.i.rs reforming tendencies. lle and his party
were driven by political exigencies at a parti-
cular period to profess themselves reforniers,
and lie was impelled forward by more liberal asso-
ciates. measure eventually was carried by the
nation. The Whig ministry trembled at the storm
they had raised, and would gladly have retired, if
the people would have allowed of their defection.
But seeing that if they retired, a far more searching
change would be the consequence, they re-
mained. mid the. Reform Bill lee tote the
law of the land. By that hill they fan-
cied they had for ever excluded the tories front
power. 'their only fear then was lest the more tho-
roughgoing party of reformers should force on the
reform movement and utterly overturn the aristo-
cratic influence in the llouse of Commons. Under
the influence of this fear they acted till, in 1831,
they found themselves almost ruined, their popu-
larly gone, and Sir Iteentarr PEEL puma-shell of a
minority itt the blouse of Commons which every day
threatened to become a ninjoriiy. 'they then changed
their policy, : lihe'rulity lawsuit. again tic order of
the day, the Lichfield-house compact was entered
into, and the policy of bombarding the House of Lords
with good measures wait proposed and supposed to be
adopted. This game was continued for some years. and
by the aid of Mr. (fetes N ELI, the Melbourne minis-
try maintained a precarious existence. The fatal
hour at length arrived. Sir Reimer PEEL, having
rallied the country party, fought under the standard
of Protection. Lord Jolts Ittssial., true to his
eompreatioing policy, proposed his fixed duty
of eight shillings, and thereby diagusted the anti-
corn law party. and in no way conciliated his oppo-
nents. Sir Iteintacr Peet. became premier. Sir
ItnuEteT PEE 1. defeated the whip, and again became
Prime Minister. In a few years after came the
Irish famine, and the excitement in England against
the corn law monopoly. Sir ROBERT PEEL, in spite
of his having won his way to power by means
of the protectionist cry, de-serted his old views and
old friends, again listened to the voice of reason,
changed his policy and his language, and again
shivered his party into atoms. 'the whigs, as in
1830, took advantage of this quarrel—they put Sir
R. Peet. into a minority, after he had carried the
measure abolishing the corn law monopoly, just in
the way in which in 1830 they had defeated him
after the passing of the Emancipation .tct. In 1830
they professed a violent love for economy, when in
opposition, but forgot all their good resolves on that
head when they came into office. So, after the pass-
ing of the net repealing the corn-law monopoly, they
professed an extraordinary desire fur liberality in
Irelend, and opposed Sir Itonear Peet., when
he proposed to renew their own act, called
the Irish Arms .tct. 'they put him into a minority
—turned hint out of office, took his place, and
passed the very measure he had proposed. Since
that hour their ministerial existence has been one of
sufferance. They have maintained their ?coition,
because their enemies have been divided. }or good
purposes they are, we fear, impotent—they are power-
ful only when they call in aid sonic narrow principle
which meets with the approbation of their foes, and
gives bitter offence to their friends. The moment quiet
comes—the instant they attempt to adopt an inde-
pendent line of conduct, they are powerless. Any
continued tenure of office under such circum-
stance* seems almost impossible—and if symp7
tom of discontent appear in the purple--should
• time of pressure come—then, indeed, we should
believe some reform would be proposed which would
win popularity, and gain for the ministry power, by
rendering office dangerous fur their opponents. At
present, however, we are all too comfortable : there
is too little discontent among any class, except some
of the farmers, for fear to enter into the minds of the
present holders of office. Let a storm blow, how-
ever, and the policy of our rulers will be immediately
changed.
For this we ought to be prepared—our principles
ought to be fixed—what we should demand ought to
be predetermined, and, if we be wise. our plans of
reform ought to be carefully prepared. When the
ministry, pressed by adverse etreumstances, propound
their scleme, we should be ready to point out their
short-comings, and to substitute those changes which
we believe requisite. We ought to be guarded
against surprise, by having thoroughly determined
What we ought to demand—what the good govern-
ment of the nation requires.

THERE WWI no department of the Great Exhibi-
tion which was better managed than its police. its re-
gulating of crowds, and direction of living currents, its