The Express.
London, England, 1856-11-06 00:00:00

THE NAPOLEON DYNASTY AND THE

JUDGES OF FRANCE.

The pages of the Moniteur were yesterday devoted
almost entirely to the publication of the orations de-
livered on the previous day at the opening of the
courts of law. Ordinarily these addresses have little
more than a professional and legal interest; the
present occasion, however, has been turned to politi-
cal account in a very remarkable manner.
The judges in a body proceeded to the Ste. Chapelle
and attended mass, which was performed by the
Abbe Surat, Archdeacon of Ste. Genevieve, and after
the service repaired to their respective courts. In
the Court of Cessation, presided over by the First
President Troploog, M. de Royer, the Procureur-
General, delivered the opening speech, the subject of
which wee the judicial and legislative reforms of
Louis XIV. In the Imperial Court M. Vaisse, the
Procnreur.General, delivered an address, which the
French papers state "was frequently interrupted
by the plaudits of the assembly." M. Veins
proceeded to give his view of the actual state
of political feeling in France, and dwells with
elaborate severity on that spirit of opposition
which manifests itself in what the orator stigmatises
as "a little wretched warfare carried on by means of
false reports, malignant insinuations, allusion., and
epigrams "—a warfare of words, not deeds, having
nothing real or deep about it, and involving nothing
serious, except it he the result of "creating a false
public opinion—a public opinion calculated to deceive
alike government and people, leading government to
believe that it ought no longer to place reliance
OB the people, and the people that it can no longer
look for protection from government. M. Yana.
then purse by an easy gradation, from this mere
vulgar war of epigrams and envy, to the hostility
of those abler sad more dangerous foes " who,.
as M. Veins assures his hearer., " would unhesi-
tatingly side with the government if the govern-
ment could consent to accept their services." This
section of his Imperial Majesty's opposition—C" au
temps de la Fronde," says M. Vaime, "on les appellait

le parti des importans")—comprises many persons of
oonsiderable ability, who under various governments
have formerly been employed in public affairs. The
orator proceeds u follows :

It would be too much to upset from the weakness of
haulm sitars that they should spptovs of what has been
dose, and is doing, after them and without than. They
fool a degree of impatiens whirl, is their place, we should,
ao doubt, feel equally, at seeiog power sod administration

In the hands of those whom they naturally regard as I:-
evadingly thoompetent, and they It.. no opportunity,
public or private, due et or indirect of magoi-
flies themeless by comparison, and contolths them-
selves by critleiem. They effect, moreover, to take
vadat their especial protection the caw of liberty. Doubt.
Use, it is a high gem. to play ; but we must first understand
clearly whet the word Liberty mans. When the aristo-
cracy of old Boma had lost its hold on the assemblies of the
people, It took every or partunity of proclaiming that liberty
was no more ; and for a long time it soecesded by the aid of
its orators .ad historians in imposing this belief on the
world. Modern Bathe, however, have taught us to compre-
hend ancient times, and we now know what the word
liberty ..at ea employed by the friend* of Pompey. Let it
be coseeded to governments founded on the buds of an ark-
' teensy, whether patrician or mercantile, that they are well
adopted to produos, and mote especially to promote and
'wheels with aotoriety —men of distinguished parts; that
these men are habituated in the noise that is made about
them to God the priacipal evideoce of the free political life
of n sada' ; that there is thus formed in sod would the
prom, the tribute and the higher region, of power a
species of politiesl life, which is no doubt soffieleatly active,
and admirably well adapted to corneal from view the real
hollowness and fectitiousuess which underlies the ani-
mation end bustle of parliamentary enisteace. This is what
we have i.e. during the last reign, end we will not say that,
like so lathy others, we may not ourselves have been ao far
sedated and carried away as to mistake this imposing
spectacle for a real manifestation of political life. But
when this. great actors abruptly quitted the scene, and a
secondary class of meats, feeling the weight of tesptheibi-
lity which rested on them, sought evetywhere for support,
sad ao •hen found any—neither in the government, oar I.
the army, nor I. the constituencies : then it was that all

resoganad that this bas of that system was too narrow
sad onallasd, that the nation het asset heartily soured
into it, that oh. spout her force in seeking to manifest to
herself her owe existence, until, org►nised aid ditaiplinwl,
ohs aceptimd the eight of suffrage to make her will known,
and • single chief to cony that will into execution. A
people mad as Emperor—that is what the nation wanted
—that is two words, the politigl constitution of France.

It is very sublime this constitution, says M.
Values, but we must sot shut our eyes to what are
alleged to be its dangers. Among these dangers--
which M. Valise only alludes to with the greatest
caution—are, it seems, to be reckoned that want of
facile mechanism, elastic movement, sr d easy self-
adaptation which characterise parliamentary govern-
ments; it requires implicit oeofidence between go-
vernor and governed a community of sentiment
being the indispensable condition of the unity of
power. But, nye M. Valise, if this system has its
dangers, it has a stability also which no other form of
government has ever equalled.
As as organisation of social powers. comprehending sot
a fraction alma of the eo•atry and a gives category of !W-
-INN but the whole country in its entirety and all classes of
the citizens without distiaction—lt possesses a power mid •
reality which ems regarded theoret,celly leaves so grand
kossfrivaisf th• lotions of the parliamentary *yam.
M. Vallee then proseeds to exemplify the beneficial
remelts of this system in the material and moral pro-'
areas which he represents Franoe as having made
since 18d2. He exhorts the members of the bar to
show themselves the ministers of order and pesoe.
If their liberal tendencies incline them to the cause
of popular freedom, they ought, he reminds them,
to remember that liberty, like all the other gifts of

God, "ought to be proportioned to our strength and
the necessities of the time." He quotas I rem the famous
address on the opening of the Session of 1862, the
stemovable words that " on the day alter a revolution
the lWrat paralltee for a people emulate, not in the
immoderate exercise of the pees and the tribune,

but hi the right of choosing such government as it
pleases."

That right (continues the orator) you have exercised in all
its plenitude. You live under a Government founder; "en
the people, the source of all power ; the army, the source
of all strength; and religion, the source of all justice.%
With institutions established on such bases, liberty can.
lot be wanting. The ple.'ge of this is to be found in thee
word., which France has stored in htr memory, and which
I have no hesitation in repeating on this solemn occasion.
"To those who regret," said an sagust voice, "that •
greaser measure of freedom has not been conceded, I would
reply, Liberty has never taken tart in founding a durable
political edifice. She comes to crown the work when time
has consolidated it."(Addrese of the Emperor atthe opening
of the session, 1853 )

Let these noble expressions, said M. Vaisse, in
conclusion, " form the appropriate termination of my
discourse. Let ue all labour, laying aside party
differences, at the great work of public pesos; this
will be the means of raising ourselves towards that
liberty which is the sure crowning grace of the com-
pleted edifice.'