The Express.
London, England, 1849-05-07 00:00:00

diplomatic, nullity and anarchy. At Frankfort
and at Rome there has been nothing to destroy
but despotism, and every thing to build, even to
laying the first stone of an echfloe of liberty. At
Perth the constitutional edifice has on the contrary
existed six or seven centuries. To restore anti preserve
it along with monarchy, and in concert with the aris-
tocratic and sacerdotal institutions which existed,
was the aim of Kossurn. Last week the limes
extolled the forbearance and allot% ed the right of the
Hungarians. They were in the full tide of success.
This week the Russians pour down upon the de-
voted Magyars, and the nmes straightforth with-
draws the laurels it held forth, and pours upon Hun-
gary the phial of its condemnation and its wrath.

ALL the world has heardand re-heard GAnniar's old
story of the Scotehman who wanted to be an actor,
tut 4 whom being told by that dramatiojudge that hi"
talents lay neither in tragedy nor in comedy, replied
by asking where the de'il his talents did lie. We are
really tempted, after reading Mr. ROEBUCK'S two
speeches at Sheffield, to ask, notindeed where his talents
It., for there is ample proof of them in all directions,
but where his principles do lie, and whither these
principles tend.
Mr. ROEBUCK declares that taxation, be it great or
small, is of little importance ; that it makes no dif-
ference to the unskilled labourer; and that, as a
lateral consequence, he declines the making retrench-
ments and redaction of expenditure one of the great
aims of his parliamentary efforts.
Mr. ROEBUCK moreover told his audience that an
extension of the suffrage would do nothing for them,
and that if the labouring chilli were represented, the
boon would do nothing for them.
When we put these two declarations together, we
feel ourselves compelled—and very reluctantly, per-
haps mistakenly—to set down Mr. ROEBUCK as be-
longing to a party, the counterpart of which has been
just formed avowedly in France, but which has long
existed in this country. This is the party of what
our neig_hbours somewhat oddly call the statuquisto.
Mr. ROEBUCK is in perfect accordance with bola
wbigs and tories on two very important pinta —the
state quo of taxation and the atatu quo of the fran-
chise. Re objects, indeed, somewhat to taxation, tut
then it is not for its burden, bat for its restrictions.

It annoys free action, fetters labour and trade, no
doubt. But if the honourable member for Westbury
would come forward with a plan for raising the same
amount of taxation without throwing deaths, in the
way of any man's industry—an impossibility which
that ingenious gentleman would no doubt very spe-
tiously attempt—he might reckon on Mr. ROEBUCK'S
support, unless we misconstrue his electoral declara-
tion.
With respect to taxation not weighing on unskilled
labour, we deny it. That it weighs upon, and there-
fore diminishes, the capital that can alone furnish em-
ployment to labour, even Mr. ROEBUCK will not deny.
Taxation has, thus, the same effect as over-competition
of labour. But, even in the normal state of the labour
market, does Mr. ROEBUCK believe, at the present
day, that employers of any kind will grind down their
workmen to a minimum of wages just as rigidly when
the burdens taken off food and raw material render it
more easy for theca to compete in foreign markets,
as they are forced to do when the elements of pro-
duction arc taxed, and when whether it be best to
prodnoe or be idle becomes a mooted question P One
of the most emphatic recommendations of Mr. ROE-
BUCK to his constituents was, that they should be
frugal—words that excited some ejaculation. Does not
Mr. ROEBUCK see that, in proportion to their frugality—
that is, to the lowering of their standardof necessaries
—the greater will be the effor t of the employer to reduce
wages ?—sucb, at least, is Mr. ROEBUCK'S OWil th=
We cannot but think that the world has already
advances in England, and must do even in Ireland, to
nullify that doctrine of political economy which
supposes employers, in all eases, ready to reduce
wages to the minimum that competition can squeeze
them to. That there is and will be a margin, and
that taxation weighs throughout all the limits of that
margin, and weighs heavily, too, even on the most
unskilled labour, is what we beg to believe and to as-
sert, in despite of Mr. ROEBUCK'S theory.
Another argument of Mr. ROEBUCK, and a singular
one, certainly, in his mouth, is, that there can be no
use in extending the suffrage, because an extension of
the suffrage will return to parliament popular mem-
bers, who will disagree. Why, whoever heard of, or
expected to see, a collection of mon that did not dis-
agree P What is the use of discussion, of publicity,
of representative government, but to strike light out of
collision, wisdom out of discussion, Seal resolution
and accord out of the jarring, and the pleading, and
the measuring of interests P When Mr. ROEBUCK
condemns difference of opinion and temper as an
evil, he really calumniates both his own talent and
his own profession.
There are a great many qualities which each have
their value in a representative, and few can have
all. Some will have natural talent, some beefless
habits and experience, some independence and learn-
ing, while the mother wit of others will be sharpened,
if not straitened, by the narrowness of their circum-
stances. A very humble quality, no doubt, is that of
representing a class truly, honestly, consistently, even
with no very great talents and acquirements. Yet,
perhaps, this is the very best kind of representative
an extension of the suffrage could procure for
the industrial classes. Some of the constituencies
in which they prevail might obtain the advantage of
the brilliant talents, and of that extensive degree of
political knowledge which Mr. ROEBUCK has
mastered ; but others might send men intimately
I sympathising with them, whose word in the House of
Commons would convey more of what is important
to be known there than the most brilliant or moat dis-
cursive of Mr. ROEBUCK'S perorations could contain.
And then if we pass from the worth of a member's
oratory to that of his vet-, then indeed we begin to
perceive the value of an extension of the suffrage
and of popular representation.
1 Mr. ROEBUCK knows full well the class of interests
which prevail and form the majority of the House of
Commons. By denying the value of any extension
of the suffrage, Mr. ROEBUCK declares that he is the
partisan of the maintenance of this aristocratic,
this landed predominance in parliament. Mr.
ROEBUCK'S genius and learning lead him to that con-
clusion which a representative for Sheffield, who
had been a simple working man, self-enlightened by
thinking, and self-ennobled by industry, might pro-
bably not come to. Were such a man returned for
Sheffield in conjunction with Mr. ROEBUCK, differ-
ences might arise between them in parliament, no
doubt ; but they would be differences, by which the
electors of Sheffield might learn and might profit.
Mr. ROEBUCK, who is lukewarm about reducing
taxation,and who is even more indifferent about the
suffrage, is very' zealous for emancipating the poor
man, and setting his labour free. Without more ex-
planation, it is impossible to understand what Mr.
ROEBUCK meant by the phrase.
We dare say it means in the mouth of the hon.
member something sound, feasible, and philanthro-
pic. We shall wait for it, and expect to find some-
thing more than a trivial amendment of some of the
minor details of the poor law. If Mr. ROEBUCK, with
his powerful voice, and his lawyer' xperience, will set
about throwing open the land to the poor man, that
is to his power of purchase, and thereby offer him
what is chiefly wanting in this country, a security
and the only profitable and just investment for the
economy of his life, he will do more to emancipate
that class, and give a right direction to their frugality
and their efforts than by any other measure.
But can Mr. ROEBUCK hope to throw open the soil
of this country to the poor man's as well as to
the rich man's investment, without making the re-
presentation other than a lords' and a landlords' par-
/Lament? Mr. ROEBUCK may attempt what reforms
or what emancipation he pleases. But of this he may
be sure, that he will never carry a practical or an
effectual one, if the question of the suffrage and the
ballot be not made to precede it.

FORGERY OF GOVERNMENT STAMPS.—On Friday
the police of Birkenhead, in consequence of information
which th.y bad received, proceeded to the house of a person
named Thompson, residing at Tranmere, and instituted a
search. Bernal dies for impressing government receipt
ramps of various amounts, a variety of slips of paper bearing
an impression of the dies, and a great number of articles
used in the process of the forgeries, were discovered and
carries away by the police. The occupant of the house, wdo
is a paper ruler, and who, a short time ago, resided in Chester-
street, Birkenhead, was token into custody. On Saturday
ke was brought before the magistrates, but till further in-
quiries should be made he was remanded. During the ex-
amination of Thompson several of the forgeries were pro-
duced, and excited surprise at the complete manner in which
they were executed.