The Express.
London, England, 1853-10-14 00:00:00

THE REGISTRATIONS.

MIDDLESEX.
Yesterday, Mr. Lancelot Shadwell continued the
revision of the list of voters for the metropolitan county, at
the King's Head, Enfield. The day's revision included the
districts of Edmonton, Enfield, File= Barnet, Hadley,
South Mims, and Tottenham.
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In the parish of Friers Barnet, Mr. Jones objected to
flue claims made by members of a Freehold Land Society.
The claimants not appearing, and Mr. James, the Liberal
agent, not having been famished with then instruc-
tions to oppose the objection, the court decided that the
claims were not proved, and they were accordingly disal-
lowed.
The other caws were devoid of interest.

Ws; -ware will ;it tiiii--d-a-y--at---tie Chasid's Arms,
Edgware.

DRAMA.

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ADELPHI.
The Discarded Soot (which continua, and will
&subtler continue a lug time, to draw great houses) was
Mowed last night by a little farce' called Holt Charges;
Bus to Cooke Bilos ; an attempt to extracts little
mamement from the clamour which the Times has con-
trived to raise about the extortions of English hotel-
Wows. The subject is treated exactly as the title give
meson to expect. A traveller of dashing exterior arrives
at a Brighton hotel, and makes it known to the audience
that he intends to practise upon the dread of being shown
up in the Tints, supposed to be prevalent among the inn-
t:Wraternity at present. Accordingly he orders a
dinner with expensive wines and then contrives
Misering the bosh of a letter, addressed to Blinn, Br.,
to be sem, to make the people believe that he is the
"Wan" they are all afraid of; and he frightens them
flurther by being overheard reading from his tablets me-
moranda for a letter to the Times. Terrified out of his
wits, the landlord endeavours to gala the stranger's good
report, by making • bill of exemplary modera-
tion. Dinner is served with most obsequious
attendance, and • perfect illumination of wax-lights;
sad the erne is enlivened by the waiters 'matching away
the dishes, trying to carry off full bottles of wine, and other
jokes of a practical kind. The gentleman calls for his bill,
which is brought—eighteenpence for dinner, two shillings
for a bottle of claret, and so on—no wax-lights, attendance,
or anything of the sort. The traveller expresses astonish-
ment bat is demurely informed that such are the regular
Muir of the hove. He pays his six shillings ter his
splendid entertainment, and goes away. Presently an irri-
table old gentleman and an old lady make their appearance,
one after the other, in a great rage at the extravagant bills
presented to them. Their complaints are treated with inso-
lence; but in the midst of the altercation, the bug-
bear " Biffin " suddenly re-appears, inquiring what
is the matter, to the dismay of the landlord and
his myrmidons • when it appears that the supposed
Hifila is • Captain Something, the old lady's nephew. He
reads the landlord a grave lettere on the duty, as well as
pod policy of moderate charges, which concludes the piece
and serves as a moral. Some variety is attempted by the
introduction of a dismal, sentimental, head-waiter, who ls
frantically jealous of the freo and easy attentions bestowed
on his fiance', the chambermaid, by the military stranger.
The piece, it err is written by Mr. Selby, who phi--

seems, r laaYed
the principal part. It is not neuly so good u some of that
gentleman's former productions. Its literary pretensions,
Indeed, are of the lowest kind ; but it will answer its pur-
pose of filling up an hour, and raising a little laughter for •
few nights, or, perhaps, a few week..

INQUEST ON A LIEUTENANT, R.N.—The circum-

cumetances attending the death of Lieutenant James Elwin,
H committed to prison in default of finding sureties to
keep the peace towards police-sergeant Back, were investi-
gated oa the 4th inst., in the apartments of the governor of
the borough prison, Dover, before Mr. G. T. -Thompson,
coroner of the borough. The jury having been sworn, and Mr.
Bennett Judge appointed as foreman, the coroner observed
that through the death occurring in prison the inquiry was
rendered necessary by l►w, that it ralaht be ascertained
whether death bad been accelerated by any neglect on the
part of the goal officials, and whether any attention had
been paid to the deceased The jury were perfectly satis-
fied with the evidence adduced, and returned a verdict of
" Death from natural causes." Deceased was said to be 59
years of age. Two of his brothers were present at the
inquest.—Konlie/t Casette.

PEACE CONFERENCE AT EDINBURGII.

The Conference of the Friends of Peace met in
the Music Hall, Edinburgh, on AVedaes.lay. There er.ii a
very numerous attendance both of members and
the large hull being nearly tilled in the mornim% and
entirely filled in the evening.

Among the gentlemen on the platform were—Diehard
Cobden, Esq., M.P.; John Bright, Esq., MP.; ('hurls.
Cowan, Esq , M.P.; George Hadfield, Esq., m.p, ; Charles
Hindley, Esq., M.P.; J. B. Smith, L'•q .1.P.; Lem
Bell, Esq., M.P.; Edward Alkali, Ewl., ALP.; Lawrence
Heyworth, Esq., M.P. ; Joseph Crook. E.q , 31. p;
Thomas Biggs, Esq., M.P.; Joseph Sturge, Esq
thir-
mingham; Samuel Bowby, Esq., Gloucester; the Lem
John Burnet, London; Butritt, El.; ism Dr.
Guthrie, Edinburgh; Rev. Dr. John Brown, Edinburgh,
&e., &e.
Letters of apology for absence were read from Mr.
Joseph Hume, M.l'., Sir David Brewster, the Rev. J.
James, Birmingham; Mr. Jos. Brothertua, M.P.; Thos.
Barnes, Esq., M.P.; Dishy Seymour, E.q., M.P.; J. Silk
Buckingham, Esq.; James Kershaw, Esq., M.P.; it du
Cormenin, Paris; M. Auguste Vissehere, Brussels; De,
Varrentrap, Frankfurt, &c.
The following is the letter from Mr. Hume;
•' Burnley Hall, Norfolk, Sept. 26.
Sir,—l am this day favoured with your letter of August
last, a circular from the committee in Eslsuburgh, tv pro-
mote a meeting to be held on the I2th of th:tober ensuing
of the Friends of Peace. It will not be in my power to at-
tend the meeting as requested ; but I am more convinced
by what has occurred in Europe during the last twelve
months, that the course suggested by the lute Conferences
is the proper course to be followed by Sovereigns of States
to avoid war, and it ought to be persevered in. 1 would
not say that all international disputes can be amicably ad.
justed by arbitration, but en attempt amnia is, every case
be made, and experience teaches us th..l in many eases seek
attempts have been eminently successful. If my speech
to the Earl of Aberdeen, at the lout meeting u,
Downing street, be referred to, it will be seen
that we ask the cabinets and kings in Europe to do
with national disputes and ensue whet every pes.
dent man does in any dispute he may be involved to ; and
the Earl of Aberdeen admitted th..t ♦iew of mine to he
reasonable, and he admitted the benefit that may be de.
rived from having a previous declaration from kings aid
cabinets to that purpose. That is all that can be done, and
all we ask. If the substitution of arbitration could be
adopted generally in Europe, the reduction of the present
enormous military and naval establishment. would follow.
If it bo for one moment considered thst the industry and
finances of Europe are burdened with the payment of sear
two millions of unproductive men, who /night be employed
in productive industry, it must follow that the interest and
welfare of every country would be promoted by the re.
trencbment and economy that would follow the adoption
of arbitration. Where there are persons who will not allow
that wars ore against Scripture, it stems of importance to
teat your proposition on the great social and economical
benefits that each nation would derive from the reduc-
tion of the present large military establishments. It I were
present I should take that course of argument, and I en.
tertain some hopes that the frequent discussions on the sub-
ject mast be attended with benefit to the cause of peace. I
hope the proceedings at the conference may be such as to
include all the enemies to war into the advocacy of that
reasonable proposition.
•

" I retrain your obedient servant,
Josern Hume.
" l'.S. If I were to point out the danger to England
from the maintenance and support of such enormous
military and naval establishments, I hove only to bring
the sum expended thereon in comparison with the very
limited expenses incurred by the United States of America
for their establishments, and to ask what must ere long be
the effects upon our manufacturing establishments'? How
will Great Britain be able to produce as cheap as the United
States, when the taxation is four or five times greater than
in the United State' ? Industry pays the taxes, iicd the
cheapest article will find and will keep the market.

" J. 11."

The LORD PROVOST of Edinburgh, who was called on
to preside, briefly explained the objects of the Peace So-
ciety and of the present conference.

Mr. Iticii.tuos then gave a restum: of the proceedings of
the society since the conference met at Manchester in is.
nuary lut.

Professor M'MICHAEL (United Presbyterian Gaud;
Dunfermline), then moved the first resolution That ft
is the special and solemn duty of all ministers of religion,
parents, instructors of youth, and conductors of the public
press to employ their great influence in tho diffusion of
pacific principles and sentiments, and in eradicating from
the minds of men those hereditary animosities rad political
and commercial jealousies which have so often been the
causes of disastrous wars."

Mr. M tau, M.P., seconded the resolution. He referred
to the negotiations which had taken place on the subject of
the Eastern question between the great powers,and observed
that these were the circumstances under which the Peace
Conference had met. Now, he would ask of what earthly
interest was the whole quarrel to this country ? lie debied
that there was any large principle interesting to humanity
in the integrity and independence of the 1 urkish empire,
or in which the progress of society was in the slightest de-
gree concerned.

Mr. COBDEN said—Perhaps it was proper that our es-
teemed chairman and the geatlemen who have preceded
me should enter into a few explanations as to the peculiar
tenets of this Conference, deeming it necessary that we
should not be misunderstood at a moment when they con-
ceived that this movement was encountering peculiar oppo-
sition. Well, lam glad they did so. Though Ido not in-
tend myself to assume the tone of the defensive on this oc-
casion, it is well that our friends have explained what are
the peculiar objects and what are the doctrines of this asso-
ciation. My experience in past movements of a public
kind teaches me this: It is very difficult when you have
got hold of a good cause to bring your opponents to a fair
and candid discuuion of what you really mean. It
is a great deal euier to misrepresent than to meet you
wften you happen to be right. (Hear, hear.) Anil
therefore, instead of meeting us such as we are, and
opposing our objects such as we represent them to he,
when we hold meetings like this, the enemy raises the
cry, ' Oh, they are a set of fanatics, who, if Cie enemy was
at cur gates, would cry ' Peace, peace.' (Hear, hear.)
They are a set of people who want us immediately to dis-
band our soldiers sod sailors, and to invite the invasion of
a foreign foe. These people would lay us prostrate at the
feet of the first horde of brigands who chose to land on our
shores." Now, I wish to make my profession of faith most
distinctly with regard to this, very shortly. I don't believe
that there is anybody coming to attack us at all. (Cheers.)
I h►ve never heard or read in modern history of anybody
that meditated an attack on our shores (Renewed cheers.)
I will hardly except even Napoleon the Great; because
he came and took a look at us, and then turned away to
a more inviting foe. (Cheers and laughter.) But what
my reading and experience has taught me is this, that
the 'danger which Englishmen have to apprehend arises
from that peculiarity in their temperament—that idio-
syncrasy of their nature—for nations have their idiosyo-
crazies as well as individuals—which leads them con.
stantly to go and seek for grounds of quarrel and objects of
hostility in the remotest parts of the glohe—(cries of
" hear, hear," and cheers)--and I h►ve seen that in past
times England has at times been successively fighting the
battles of almost every nation on the globe ; but I have
seen that, whether the objects of their intetvention in
remote quarrels have been to advance the principles of
civil and religious liberty, or, as I have sometimes heard,
to promote free commercial intercourse—l have seen that
our objects have steadily eluded our grasp, and that the
only result—almost the only practical result—of this chariot
teristic of our country is this, that we have loaded ourselves
with an amount of debt greater than that of all the other
nations besidea—(hear, hear)—and that we are mistrusted,
and not liked, by almost eery nation in Christendom,
(Applause.) Nor do I see that the spirit cf late times has
been very much changed for the better, for, if we cannot
be per-uaded to go and attack somebody else, then it seems
to be equally easy to persuade us that somebody else it
coming to attack us. (" Hear, hear," and laughter.) Now.
I beg most emphatically to be understood, that when I
attend these peace meetings, it is not that I wish the
we should bow down the neck to invite the invader. Nobody
intends—nobody wishes—to invade us. (Hear, hear.) The
quarrels you have had, the w►rs you have had, and the
debt you have incurred, have been of your own seeking;
and what I want now is—and it was never more necessary
than it is at this moment—what I want, if I can, is to put

. . _
a check, however 'eeble, to the tendency which a large por-
tion of the people of this country have, who seem to me to
be working to erect into a maxim for public opinion that
what we hitherto found only appertained to princes and
despots—our people seem to learn nothing, and forget
nothing. (Ilear, hear.) When I speak of our people,
mind, I am not going to draw down upon myself the taunts
and rebuke that would place me in this disadeantageou

tnstwas, that I appear hen commons that I am opposing
ehe ststv:t and w.ttled opinion. and convietions of the great
▪ of my toeustrymen. No ; the great some of my colas-
menses this go, vies are now standing and observing, and
lay Wady to hi sr, and Isom, sad be convinced. (Applause.)
j;.l I speak of these who, if we were nut hers, would take
r4„.,0n a the T.uhlie mind, and if they could appear to re-
que whole people, then the policy of the country
moat rsg...w their views. I say, we have seen lately that it
il.dicait to persuade the English people that others
see e..m mg to attack them. Ido cot want to refer to what
"coned via moths ago tor the purpose of t.iumph or et-
-1;:a..00. I have never a,luded, that lam aware of, in the
• of Commons ,ir elsewhere, to that consummate
“..1.% wh.C. this Conferesse• effected in the change
the' has taken Vacs none we last met at Manchester on
suSjeet f the French aggression—(loud cheers) —but
i• I.:cowry that I shauld allude to that now, because the
vet) woe peas are being dipped in venom to record their
etas an I sneers at this conference that we had to encounter
se M incherter. Although I do not want to deny them the
p; oure of either ahusing or caricaturing us, yet we have •
right to wit that the people of this country shieuld estimate
t to vaiae of the present attacks of those individuals by look-
mg at the vile. of their opinions and of the attacks which
they cede upon tn sic months ago. (Hear.) But more, I
of t!.at tie present position in which this country is placed
w.:h Get to the Ronnie empire is distinctly to be traced
ts the co:indite' which these foolish people pursued six or
site months ago. (Hear, bear.) I do not speak vaguely
or al.y. I spec:. from information short only of information
feint the first parties acting in these proceediugs, when I
sty that what ha: been done in the East by the Emperor of
Ihus.ia was done on the deliberate calculation that it was
impos.ib:e for France and England to unite to oppose him.
(fileu, hear.) We all know that it is an old traditional
p.iicy of the Russian empire to encroach upon the donsis
mins of the Mohammedan people that are at their side.
We know that that has been a maxim of the state policy of
Russia for the last 1.30 years ; but we know, also, that the
encroachments of Russia upon Turkey have been steadily
rtsistcd, not as all times successfully, but still ed by
the combined action of the western powers of Europe, who
made it a part of the state policy of Europe to oppose the
aggrandise meat of Russia in the East. The Russian Em-
peror saw, nit only in the public prints of this country, but
he observed in the speeches of our statesmen in the House
of Commons, expressions of opinion of mistrust and of horror
of tee Christian character of the sovereign of our next
neighbour, France. (" Hear," and cheers.) He saw that in
the House of Commons we made pruoiaion for calling out
the militia, avowedly in order to resist a French invasion.
He heard this from men who now, we are told, are the
very trustworthy peacemakers of the country. I heard
them myself say that, in one night, the French might come
from Cherbourg and land on our shores. We were told
that for as, the peace party, to assume for a moment that
the Emperor of France was not a brigand or • pirate, or to
krgse fur a moment that the French people were not.
coming to throw themselves upon our shores, without •
declaration of war, without notice, without any offence,
like a body of buccaneers—to assume that that would not

very long care—(loud laughtor)—becaus he declared that
he did not believe that the French were coming over to in-
rade us? Who has got the long ears and the fool's cap
now ? (Loud cheers and laughter.) I have alluded to all
this to show that there are a large number of people in this
country who ate ready to believe anything they are told
about some foreign foe coming to attack as; and the reason
is this—we hare too many people in this country who are
ignorant of the state of society in foreign euuntri. s, and who
do not do justice to the condition in which the people are
placed in other countries. They are too depreciating in
their opinion, both as to their economical condition and
also as to their moral qualities, or they would never believe
these things. And it is to the ignorance of what is going on
in other countries—it is to the fact that we are not suffi-
ciently informed, and cannot be sufficiently informed, as to
what is the condition of other countries—that is one
great reason why I argue against our lending ourselves
to au interference in the affairs of other countries. In
the first place, however wise we may be, we know
moth more of our own affairs than thaw of other coun-
tries. The Spaniards have a number of wise sayings,
and one of them is, that a fool knows more about the
condition of his own house than a wise man knows of what
is done in that of his neighbour. But now, you find fools
getting together, and they call out—war with Rus-
sia about this Eastern question. I have seen with per-
fect amazement en amount of ignorance in regard to
the condition of the Turkish empire just exactly parallel
to that which was displayed in reference to the condition of
France ; and some of those persons are those from whom I
would have expected of all men in the world more knows
ledge of these affairs. For instance, with regard to the
condition of the Turks in European Turkey, and the
condition of the Christian. population of European
urkey the great body of our people, I should
have thought, would have ►een actuated by demo.
cultic notions in their syrnpstbies with other countries.
I mean, I would have thought that the mass of the
people of this country would have sympathised with
the mess of the people of Turkey ; but I find that all their
sympathies ars for the minority of the people of Turkey;
for the dominant and tyrannical class, who are oppressing
the majority of the people of that country. I do not say
that this is any ground why we should go to war to remedy
the evils that exist in Turkey ; but I mean to lay that, if
you are going to war, it is of all things necessary that you
should know what you are goiog to do, otherwise you may
incur all the expense you have incurred in the French war,
and which may end in totally failing to accomplish what
you sought to effect. (Applause.) I tell you, from my
knowledge of the Turkish empire, that not only not all the
King's horses and all the King's men, but not all the horses
and men of all the emperors in the world, can maintain the

be their natural course of action, argued, we were told, that
we were the most credulous and foolish fanatics in Britain
(Laud cries of " Hear," and cheers.) The Emperor of
Russia saw sad heard all that, and naturally concluded that
it was utterly impcsinble for France and England again to
unite and join in one armament to resist his encroachments
an the East. These plans have been laid in the southerd
par:s of Russia ever since last September and October,
when this cry began. They were steadily pursued as the
foi:ish spirit of hostility to our neighbours of France
WY more and more manifested in high quarters. And
now the cocsequese• Is, that the Emperor of Russia dads,
when it is toe late, that the foolish people whom he mis-
toult for the people of Bogisad have entirely misled him.
-What do we see? We were denounced as most credulous
and foolish for saying that possibly the Emperor Louis
Napoleon did not necessarily meditate ea lavainon of our
shores. What do we se*? The very minister who talked
of the French coming from Cherbourg in one night, with
60,000 men, to attack us, I heard myself say that now
France and England were united—that they had now one
common bond of interest, and were actuated by sentiments
of metal confidence and esteem—that they wen • power
suited against which it was is vain for Russia to contend,
fer all Europe would be powerless against such an ins-
usable combination. (Cheers.) And what did I hear at
the end of the session ? The Queen's Speech was as if framed
to give the climax of triumph to the peace party. Not only
does the Queen in her speech to her parliament, ere it sepa-
rated, declare that she is on the best terms of amity with
the French nation, but she rather goes out of her way to
add thatch, is also on the best footing of friendship with
the Emperor of France. (Loud cheers, and laughter.)
Now, I have thought, suppose ea intlie'dual had bees or-
dued, se many persons are, for the benefit of their health,
to leave oar shores last January, sad to take a voyage to
Australis, and that he was to return again without remain-
ing there, and should snake • circuit of the globe for the
benefit of his health. He left Ragland preparing her
militia, fortifying her coast, and general oaken writing to
me offering to lay • wager that the French IMO eaniag.
(Loud laughter, and prolonged cheep.) And be saw our
inspectors of cavalry and artillery moving about the
southern coast, and deputations from the railway companies
waiting upon the Admiralty and the °Masses to see how
soon the connaisarist sad adman supplies might be near
nutted from the town to Dover and Fortemsoutk. (Renewed
laughter and cheering.) He left Ragland is the midst of
all this preparatioa for • French lands& Wall, be makes
the circuit of the globe. He sees no newspaper, as be
could see none—for one of the motives for sending these
individuals on such a voyage is to keep them away from
politicians and the Post-offiee. He comes beck to Eng-
land in September ; and the first thing he reads when
be takes up a newspaper is, that the French and English
fleets axe lying side by side, broadside to each other, in
Lesika Bay. (Cheers and laughter.) He might say, when
In Mil all this, " There is going to be &greet battle Dow."
(Reamed cheers and laughter.) He tune to a leading
article of the very peps that Mid him, whin be left Eng-
laid, that the French Emperor was • brigand sad •
pirate, aid that the Frank people were maths to invade
as without notice sad without a declaration of war; and
the tint thing he sees is • stateliest that Ragland and
Frame an sew medially united—that their essabised fleets
are lying at Basins Bay, under the assassin& of Admiral
Dundee—end that we ue prepared, If sammery, to
.send
unsay ts be plead under the eammand of the Fronk '1
general ; sad that we are going into action, peobably
$0.1•0170W, with the Ruda& Seat. (Applause.) Well,
then, the first thing that individual would naturally ask
would be, " But eau you Mist thisindividual, of whom you
were eryiag when I left that he was a beiges/
and • pirate ? (Cheers.) Has anything happened
to prove that these peace people were right and that you
were wrong? (Renewed cheers.) What chugs hie takes
placel What has this man dame? What guarantee has
he given that, when you go into action with the Russian
fleet, he has not previously had an understanding with the
Emperor of Russia; and that, Jutted of joining you in
Bring his broadaides into the Russian fleet, and demolish lag
it,
,he will not join the Russian fleet in demolishing yours ;
and that—ualsee he has undergone a great change, which
you cannot explain—his fleet, after having joined the Ear
also in demolishing yours, may not come bask to your coast,
ravage your towns, barn down your houses, seise the Bank,
and carry off the Queen. (Loud cheers.) All these things
you said be would do." (Renewed cheers.) Now, I muse
confess—l my it with the greatest regret--that my experi-
ence of late don't maks me think more highly than I used
to do of the ability of the statesmanship of this country.
(Continued cheers.) Because if them men, having the
conduct of public affairs, were in earnest in whet they told
us six or nine months ago regarding this Ooverament
and this individual—if they were in earnest—if they
were ;not charlatans imposing apes us se to
what they said and did at that time—what is the
meaning of this kaleidosoope sort of exhibition? There
is nothing off the stage—then iq nothing but • panto-
mime that ever equalled it. (Load cheers) They have
given no reason for the change which has come over
them in this matter. The same men are now in office
who were in during the calling out of the militia and
the increase of our armaments ; at least, they advocated that
increase for the purpose of providing against the attack of
this individual ; and I say, if they were earnest in these
things, how can they justify themselves is trusting our
ships lying side by aids with the ships of such • man;
and if they were not in earnest what sort of men
have you got in office ? (Lead cheers.) I want to hoar
an explanation about this." (Renewed chem.) Well, we
need not say anything more about these people, because
they ere sufficiently humiliated. (Hear and cheers.)
If did not pity all those people who were so talking
sin coonths ago—if I had not the spirit of • friend of
peace, and wanted to forget and forgive—l could not
have a gloater triumph than to have brought down with
me the hopers and read extracts from them of what
they were crj'ing about as when we met at Manchester,
and then to have anticipated what they will be getting
ready for us in a few days. Don't you remember the cari-
cature in which your bumble servant was represented with

•pan Turkey ; and there has been sent abroad the most

aa to the condition of

the Turkish population in Turkey. I must con-
ks. I never was more astonished in my life than on
hearing a nobleman who has been for ten or twelve
years Foreign Minister in this country, and who, if any
man in England ought to know the condition of Turkey
in Europe, ought to know some thing about it, say in his
plate in parliament, '' I assert, without fear of contradic-
tion, that Turkey, so far from having gone bank within the
last thirty years, has mode gre►ter progress and improve-
ment, in every possible way, than perhaps was ever made
by any other country during the same period. Compare
the condition of Turkey now with what it was in the reign
of the Sultan Mahmoud, either with regard to the system
of government u bearing upon the interests of the inhabi-
tants, the state of the army and navy, the administration
of justice, the condition of agriculture, manufactures, and
commerce, or religious toleration. I venture to say that in
all these respects Turkey. has made immense progress dur-
ing the period I have mentioned." (Hear, hear.) Now, I
say, where are the proofs of that? (Loud cheers.) Con-
sult any writer who has visited Turkey. Consult Lord
Stratford de Redclifft, who, when be left the embassy on
leave of absence 18 months ago, was entertained by the
British population at Constantinople to a banquet, and
who there referred to " the corruption which eats into
the very foundations of society, sod a combination of
force, fraud, and intrigue, which obstruct the march of pro-
gress, and poison the very atmosphere in which they pre
veil." And again, he alludes, with the profoundest grief,
to the signs of weakness and error which surround him—to
the financial embarrassments of the government—and the

great charter issued by the present Sultan being di'credited
by the non-eseention of its promises. This is the opinion

of a great and experienced diplomatist on the subject; and
if be could say as much, and if every recent writer on the
subject, up to the latest, gives the same opinion, what must
the prevent condition of Turkey in Europe be? I must
mien that I never was more astonished in my life than oa
hearing that statement of the noble lord. It appears to me
that we are running, from some cause or other, precisely the
same course as Ia the French invasion panic. Fur a moment
of temporary triumph, for • mere momentary cheer, we have
statesmen making statements of this description—and I re-
cord here my deliberate and solemn conviction that
what I have read here of the speech of Lord
Palmerston was the very thing in his speech
which, of all others, he would be mat reluctant to
see reproduced on this or any other occasion. But I
say, what can be the motive of misleading the people of
the country on this or any other subject ? (Hear, hear.)
Are weso be expected to go blindly into a war to accom-
plish an impossibility ? (Cheers.) Does any body that
knows Turkey believe that a war with Russia would ever
leave the Tusks remaining as a people in Europe, with I
three times the number of Christians around them, and
these possessing all the wealth and all the enterprise of the
country, though totally disarmed ? I say, why are we pro-
posing to rush blindly into this war ? (Cheers.) There
may be one interpretation of it. It is possible that our go-
vernment has told Turkey, that if Turkey will resist these
attempts of Russia, we shall support her ; and I have no
hesitation in saying that, if our government has said this.
they are bound to support Turkey. If I were not standing
here, I would say that if you take a feeble man and tell him
that, instead of yielding to the strong man that is coming
against him, you will join him in fighting him—whether it
is the case of a nation or an individual—l say that he is a
skulking scoundrel that runs away after giving that ad-
vice. (Hear, hear.) But we are not going to have war
now. (Cheers.) Wars do not happen on the Danube in
November or October. We have got till April at leaet,:and
in the meantime, all this matter will be so changed in posi-
tion, it not totally reversed, that we can take a new choice
of attitude upon the eastern question. The sooner the
people of England understand the position of Turkey the
better. It is not a question of Russian invasion on us. It
is an invasion, no doubt, on an unoffending power. Russia
has no quarrel with the Turkish government; but is it on
that ground that we are called upon to exercise vengeance
upon Russia—because Russia encroaches on Mabommedan
power in Europe ? Why, we have ourselves got the Great
Mogul, a Mahommedan sovereign, who rules over three

Mahommedan population of Turkey in Europe. (Applause.)
There are the seeds of deny sad dissolution, founded in
the very nature of things, which you cannot combat
against by fleets and armies. It may be said, why are
you so presumptuous as to know that? I can only say
that I hays been there to judge for myself. I have born
for twenty years or more engaged, more or less, in pay-
ing attention to the subject. I do not profess to know
more on this subject than other people might know, if
they would inquire. It is now very nearly twenty years
when there was the same outcry against Russia in con-
nexion with the Eastern question. I studied this ques
tion then, as Mr. Tait the publisher can state. It does not
follow that, because I then began to write about the
Turkish question, I know more about it than other people.
But, from that time till this, I have not only paid a visit to
Turkey, but I have endeavoured to Enke myself acquainted
with all that has been written en the subject. I confess I
see with utter amazement the prevalent Ignorance that
exists in this country, as to what they an going to fight
about. (Hear, hear.) They are going to fight for the
maintenance of Mahommeslansm in Europe. (" Hear,
hear," and applause.) I say that the [laws of the Koran
an in opposition to the laws of nature, which are the laws
of God, and that the Mahommedan people being subject to
that Koran, natant be perpetuated in Europe alongside
of • Christian population. (Cheese.) Mind, Ido not
say that I want • religious war. I want them to be left
alone; and if you leave them alone you will see
the operation of that law. You have got in Turkey in
Eaton three or four millions of Turks, and you have get
ten or twelve millions of Christians. I state only what le
generally admitted, because no census Lever taken in
that country to enable you to speak with any accuracy.
Well, the Turks have been for 400 years the dominant
race. They have had all the power in that country—they
have administered the laws—they have been the sole
part of the population who are armed ; and the Christians
are treated like dogs, and they are called dogs. They
have no equal status whatever. The Roma acknowledges
no relationship between the Malumundans sad the Chris-
tians but that of muter and slave; and It enjoin than
either to kill the Christian, or to make him pay tribute.
There is no relationship between the Christian subject
and the Mahommedan ?other than that which I have de-
scribed. But, in spite of all this, what is the result at
this moment? Why, the Turks are a constantly de-
caying people. If there was any man disposed to be
friendly to the Turks, that man was Lamartine ; and yet
what does he my ? He says, Turkey is perishing for
want of Turks. (" Hear, beer," and applause.) Not-
withstanding all their advantages, the Turks are
declining and diminishing in numbers, whilst the
Christians are constantly increasing by their dd.. Bat not
merely that. All the wealth, all the accumulation of wealth,
all the enterprise, all the Intelligence, all the progress, in
fast, whether moral or material, belong to the Christian
population of European Turkey. Now, you may hear of
a warier ram governing an inferior race, as in the case of
our Indian empire ; but that is when all the power of
wealth all the Latelligence, and an the resources of power
an on the lido of the dosalasat race—(hear, hear)—bat
you never yet saw, sad never will see, • race perpetuating
its rule over another where these conditions are all ra-
vened, se in this ease they an. (Cheers.) This being the
condition of things, the Emperor of Russia steps in, and
be says, "I intend to harm to these Christiaas in Europe
—I intend to insure to the Christine' under the authority
of the Pasta-the same treatment which those Christians
having the preteens:la of the French government have in
Turkey." This is what he asks. Now, England and
France step in to resist this, and they advise the
Sultan to oppose it, bemuse they my that Russia medi-
tates MEM slash and aggreadve design. That is yes,
tree; but let me tell you that the people of this world
—that is, the unprivileged manes' of all countries—who
ever gained their privileges and franchises, were lifted
up by soma nobles or mime tyrannical kings, who bad
a sinister object is view in enlisting their sympathies.
(Hear.) They wanted to gain something out of them ; and
it was by catering for the sympathies of the millions by
nobles and kings in this country, that the mass of the pee_
pie were lifted from their serfdom into citisenship—(ap.
plaims)—and no doubt the Emperor of Russia had the
same sinister object in view. He wishes to establish an
imperium in impssio in Turkey, and I have not the least
doubt that be will succeed. I speak with great diffidence,
because I do not think that anybody not there on the spot,
and having the best opportunities of knowing what is thy
condition of things there, is capable of speaking with
authority ; but from all I can learn, there Christians are
glad to get Leman and improved toleration end security
against lissoulman wrong and violence, be it by the in-
tervention of Raisin or of any ethos power. Tau one
fact which has transpired since this hubbub began. It
bag acme out that, until ItuaU made this interference
the Christian population of Turkey in Europe could nod
give evidence in a court of law against Mussulman murder
or theft, or any one who committed any act of violence,
either in the family, or on the persons or property, or any
of them. That is • state of society worse than even negro
slavery in Arcerka. But we an told that sine the inter-
ventka by Russia, an edict has emitted from the Sultan,
giving to the Christians the right to give evidence against
• Maasuhnan in • court of law. Does anybody doubt that
the Christians will attribute this great boon they have re-
ceived—a boon which for the first time for four centuries
gives them the rights of citizenship—to the intervention of
the Emperor of Russia? (Hear, hear.) My opinion is that
from the first there has been • great mistake in this mat-
ter. If we intended to interfere in the matter, we
should have done what I believe we will come
to do yet. We should have joined Russia in insist-
ing on the fullest religious liberty and perfect social
equality for the great majority of the Christians in
Turkey in Europe; this is, if we interfere at all—for
my opinions are too well known to render it possible for
me to disguise them. What I would say is, leave them to
theimelves ; but if you interfere in any way at all, the
en lypresticable way in which you could hope to accomplish
any good is, to join with Russia, as you have joined with
him whom you were not one whit more sincere, in obtain-
ing those rights and franchises which the Christian people
of Turkey demand. But there seems to me to bo a lean;ng EVENING MEETING.
towards the Turks in this matter which would have age
The Conference resumed at seven o'clock, when the hall
peered to me as very extraordinary unless I had been ac-
customed to see those paging fallacies and hallucinations was quits crowded. Mr. Cowan, M.P. for Edinburgh, pre-
that come over the English people from time to time. The sided. Alter some remarks from the chairman,
leaning in this country seems to be on the side of Turkey The Rev. Joan Ennui' (London) moved—" That the
simply because Russia is coming with some sinister design standing armaments, with which the governments of

times the dominion of the Sultan, divested of his autho-
rity, and shut up as a puppet in Delhi. We have tram-
pled down as large an empire in Burmah, and with as
little ceremony as a ruffian would go into the market-
place and kick down an apple-stall. (Laughter and
Alien.) Are we who do these things in the face of the
world to exercise God's vengeance on any other country
for doing the same things ? (Loud cheering.) No! That
is not a ground that we can take up. There is not hypo-
crisy enough extant to say that we are bound to go to war
to prevent injustice to the Mahonamedans in Europe,

when we have done far worse to Mahommedans when
they are nearer home—l mean in Asia. (Cheers.) But
they say it is because we have treaties with the Turks
that we are going to fight their battles. lam just throw-
ing those things before you ; you will have plenty of time
to consider them, as we ars not going to have a fight on the
Danube in the month of November. The opposing armies
there will have to fight, not with one another but with pes-
tilence and swamp, and cold, and starvation, and fever—
they will be too much occupied with these grim enemies to
contead against each other. You are not going to fight for
treatise; you have no treaties to fight about. Look into
say of these newspapers that are raising the war cry, and
telling for the fulfilment of our treaties with Turkey.
They do not know but what we have a treaty which binds
us to fight for the maintenance of Turkey—that is, to keep
the lines on the map the same as they now are, though I
hardly know anybody who knows what the bounds of Tar-
key are. The thing is an absurdity. We have no treaty
with Turkey. There have been settlements from time to
time, as that in which Turkey milled en Erases and England
to reuse her from the Puha of Egypt. There was a treaty
defining certain conditions on which the Puha of Egypt
should have Egypt hereditary la his family ; and there are
ether treaties of a similar kind to which we were parties.
Bet we are not bound by any treaty to defend the Integrity
of the Turkish empire. If America were to take Turkey
to-morrow—if she were to take pommies of Asia Minor,
sad keep it for her debt, we are not hosed to go to war
with America. And so in regard to other arguments we
have heard. We are not bound in say way to be parties to
myth*/ that may happen is Turkey. We are not bound
to interfere either externally or internally. We are bound
not to violate the treaties we have made, by upsetting the
settlement which we have been parties to; but we are not
bound to fight to preserve those territorial arrangements,
if other people choose to interfere with them. It has been
settled with regard to the greatest territorial treaty that
ever was mitered into—the treaty of Vienna, by which the
whole boundaries of Europe were defined—it has been settled
by the Earl of Aberdeen and the Duke of Wellington, by the
Whig party, and all who were partite to it, that while we
are bound not to violate that treaty, we are not bound
to go to war to maintain the integrity of the eountries
whose boundaries were find by that treaty. Therefore,
if you hair anybody filling up a phrase about a treaty
uk him to tell you where that treaty is, the date of it, and
where to find it. (Hear, hear.) And so it is in regard to
the word ally." We are bound to go to war to defend
our ancient ally. (Laughter.) We have had more treaties
with Russia then with Turkey, and we are not bound by
any treaties whatever to maintain Turkey, any more than
to maintain Tuscany, or Holland, or any other power.
(Hear, hear.) Divest the question of these points that
touch the honour of the nation, and then you bring it to
what it really is—to a question of salf-interest. lam not
going to enter into that subject—l am sorry I have tree-
passed so long upon your time—(cheers)—bet I am going
to enter into that subject to-morrow at the public meeting.
Let us have as large a public meeting as we an have, and
Let us have the matter talked over here, and throw down
the truth before the public ; and I have no doubt that they
will be more disposed to take the truth from you than they
will be to take error from those who proved themselves so
unworthy to be their guides seam six or eight swaths ago.
(Loud and prolonged cheering.)

- - -
The LORD PROVOST then pat the resolution to the
meeting positively and negatively, when it MA unani-
mously adopted.
-- - • - -•

. .
°Roma HADMILD, Esq., M.P. for Sheffield, then
moved the second resolution, which wu as follows : "That
as an appeal to the sword can settle no question on any
principle of equity and right, it is the duty of governments
to enter into treaties on behalf of the nations they respec-
tively represent, binding the parties, instead of assuming
an attitude of armed and mutual menace, to refer to the
decision of competent and impartial arbitrators such differ-
ences arising between than, as cannot be otherwise amica-
bly adjusted, and to abide by ssah decision."

The Res. Dr. Joszna Biows (Dalkeith) seconded the
resolution, which was also adopted.

. -
The Conference adjourned at • quarter to four o'clock
till the evening.

THE EXPRESS, FRIDAY EVENING, OCTOBER 14, 1853.

Europe menace each other, amid professions of mutual
friendship and confidence, and which have greatly increased
even during a time of peace, being a prolific source of social
immorality, financial embarrassment, and national suffer-
ing, while they mite constant disquietude and irritittion
among the nations, and jeopardise the continuance of peace,
this 4:out:fence would urge upon the governments the ne-
cessity of entering, by mutual consent, upon a aimultaneoua
reduction of their armaments."

Mr. Joni! Baiour, M.P., seconded the resolution.
While they asserted that the probability of war was annually
becoming lase, the expenditure has increased to an incredible
amount. It is stated on good autbori'y that the nations
of Europe are spending more than one hundred millions
per annum—l suppose that it is probably a great deal
nearer one hundred and fifty millions per annum—in
maintaining armaments which they all along tell us
they don't intend to use. If military expenditure in-
creases, as a matter of course taxes must increase also ;
for all this military expenditure must come out of la-
bour, and the sweat of men who toil from sunrise to
sunset, an fto whom all their labour gives but a very
moderate share often of the necessaries, and always of
the luxuries of life. (Applause.) And taxes and ex-
penditure are generally followed by something ap-
proaching bankruptcy. Legal are constantly being re-
quired. It is not long since Russia required a loan;
and it is a hundred chances to one but Russia
must come for another loan in a vary short time.
The 'expenditure she is undergoing now, although
she is not actually engaged in war—an expenditure
which is wholly unnecessary—which tomes merely from an
ungovernable ambition—that expenditure will force Russia
to come for another loan. The loans of Austria are just as
many and as often as Austria can find dupes to lend her
anything. France is partly in the same circumstances,—
not so inexplicably involved, because, whatever opinion be
entertained of the absolutist government of France, there is
in that country n vast production, • fine soil, a fine climate,
and a people actively engaged in producing articles of great
value ; but still it is rumoured that France finds herself
so involved that a new loan must soon be naked for. Then
we come to this country—we are not asking for loans yet ;
but if we allow Turkish semi-hirbarism, and men of infirm
understandings and of robust consciences to drive this
country to war, you will see the government coming for a
loan ; and then you may bid adieu I. further years of re-
duction of taxes, and Mr. Gladstone's next visit to Scotland
and to Manchester will not be at all one of
that cheerful character, which it has so lately
been, Ind such as, I believe, he is now enjoying.
(Applause.) England is less military than the other
nations of Europe. Her constitution has made that
necessary and inevitable. Her position, also, is different
We can have no kind of need for a great standing army
in this country, unleu our government be at war with our
people, and I am happy to believe that, from year to year,
there is • greater feeling of accord springing up and
strengthening between the government and the people in
every portion of the United Kingdom. (Applause.) Yet
this country is suffering more, I believe, to be added to its
military expenditure every year than any other country
on the face of the earth. (Hear, hear.) I suspect that we
have borne the burden of that debt so long, that we begin
to fancy it is not really so heavy as it is—like a man who
has a portion of his income set aside to pay off some of his
old incumbrances, and is of that happy disposition that he
forgets it, and pleases himself with the notion that the rest
of his income is all that he ever possessed. But we do pay
28 millions for the unfortunate policy of our forefathers.
and there may come a day when that burden will just
make all the difference between us and the great rival
nation on the other side of the Atlantic. (Hear, hear.)
We have no necessity for a force to keep down the people,
and to enforce obedience to the law; and yet our govern-
mint, by a succession of tricks, by juggling the people, by
the people permitting themselves to be frightened now by
one story then by another, have persuaded the people to
permit them to raise our military expenditure from eleven
to seventeen millions a year, from 1836 to 1863. Now
suppose we again brought down our military expenditure
to eleven millions, what a great deal might be done with
the six millions in the way of draining our towns, or erect-
ing our public buildings. All this, and a hundred other
things might be undertaken, the very least of which was
infinitely better in my view than all the greatest glory that ,
we could possibly have from the most glorious war. (Cheers.)
Why cannot we be at any rate as rational as the United
States ? They have got a population of from 24 to 26 mil
lions, and I have ao doubt that by the next census their
population will be equal to that of the United Kingdom.
And it is a fact, taking into consideration the expenditure
of the federal and the general government of the American
Union, the expense of the 32 or 33 states of the union—taking
into account all that they spend for the payment of duties,
the support of education, and the cost of the army and navy
—the whole annual expenditure of that country is not more
than fourteen millions sterling. We spent upon the army
and navy alone, after 38 years of peace and seeing that we
are told that every year of pesos makes war less probable—
we are spending upon this item alone, apart from India,
three millions sterling more than the American Union spent
for ell their civil and military, general state, and educa-
tional purposes, with a nearly equal population; and
with a far greater extent of territory, and a
trade nearly approaching to ours.. (Hear, hear.)
Lord Aberdeen is for peace. (Cheers.) I believe him.
Lord Palmerston is for peso*. I don't believe he wishes to
go to war. (Laughter.) Them men don't want war at this
moment. I believe honestly that the government is endea-
vouring to avert the horrors of war. But although they
don't want war, they allow themselves to be the promo-
ters of a Nee opinion, and the servants of that great and
powerful interest which we have allowed to grow up in
this country. (Cheers.) And whilst they tell us in parlia-
meat =dont of it that peace is their Orient, and that al-
most at all hazard they will preserve pease, they still in-
sist upon it that sixteen or seventeen millions sterling a
year is the very lowest upon which they can maintain a
peace eetablishrosat. (Cheers.) Mr. Bright concluded

by asking whither they would submit to thecontinuanoe of
such • sorts of things ; and whether, with all the elements
they now had fde ascertaining the truth and spread-
ing information, it was sot possible for them to create
a counter opinion in this errantry, sad to my to the go-
vernment, govern wisely, govern well ? They required ao
military throe to keep the pesos of England. Treat
all foreign matrons courteously, justly, sad honourably, and
adhere to tho groat principle of non-intervention. (Cheers.)
He also urged the government to make some definite,
tangible proposition to the Preach government, by which
the rival navies of the two nations might be diminished
in amount, and therefore in coat, sad dated that every
each diminution would tend to preserve ram between the
two countries; and that • similar diminution of the army
would tend to induce in the Wads of their people a love of
pesos. (Applause.)
Bailie Fru supported the motion; which was unani-
mously agreed to.
Mr. 13•111:111. BOWBT, Gloucester, proposed the fourth
mediation, which was to the effect-0. That the Con-
ference, believing that the intervention by threatened or
actual violence, of one country in the internal polities of
another, is • frequent cause of bitter and desolating
wan, maintains that the right of every State to regulate
its own affairs should be held absolute and inviolable,
and that this country ought to abstain from 'atonal! into
any treatise or alliances binding the government to inter-
fere by form of arms in the domestic concerns of any other
r. W. Btrioe, M.P. for Newport, seconded the resolu-
tion, which was unanimously agreed to.
The Conference adjmarned shortly after tan o'clock.