The Express.
London, England, 1847-08-23 00:00:00

THE EXPRESS, MONDAY EVENING, AUGUST 23, 1847.

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LONDON, MONDAY; A UG. 23.
THE proceeding' in the monster trial of the Polish
conspirators at Berlin have gained in interest slice
their commencement. Whatever the result be for the

parties immediately concerned, the publicity thus per-
mitted, for the first time in Prussia, to the discussion
of a political offence, has had the good effect of probing
to the quick the weakness of a state not based upon na-
tional affinities, material or intellectual, and of exposing
its weakness. The defence set up by the Poles is a
most ingenious one. They challenge the King's At-
torney-General to prove that any harm was intended to
his Majesty's person. Even against the kingdom of
Prussia the existence of any evil intention is denied.
Nor will they allow that the conspiracy was directed
against the King, as Grand Duke of Posen. The
conspiracy to seize arms is not denied, but these arms,
it is declared, were to have been used in a foreign
land. Russia was the immediate enemy against
whom all their efforts were directed, and the ulti-
mate object of their efforts was to effect the
emancipation of Russian Poland. They pretend not
to be answerable for any consequences that might
result from such a change to Prussian Poland, and
affect to treat the assumption that the revolt of Posen
from Prussia would be its necessary consequence, as a
reflection on the Prussian government which they did
not venture to make.

. _
Of course the validity of such a line of defence rests,
as far as it is good for anything, on the non-amalga-
mation of Posen with the rest of the kingdom of
Prussia—that is to say, upon the intentional cherishing
of a Polish element beside, and distinguished from
the Germanic elements of the rest of the kingdom.
This question is, however, ene of wider scope than the
quarrel between Poland and Prussia. The discussion ,
has excited intense interest, because it touches
upon the vital principle of modern Gerjosan politics,
and drags the machinations to light which have been
so inimical to the popular cause.
It is fresh in the memory of many that when the
allied armies, in 1813, commenced the rapid career of
victory which liberated the countries between Moscow
and Paris from the French yoke, the celebrated Prus-
sian minister, VON STEIN, organised a mixed military
and civil government in the districts which the
French evacuated, and which he threw into circles
without much regard to territorial boundaries, and
with more attention to the convenience of situation
and other administrative advantages. In the temper
of the German people at the moment, who, for the
first time, were solicited to defend their nationality
.on the promise that they should receive political
institutions of even a more liberal stamp than
the French had tolerated, the disregard of
petty court interests which this bold step of
VON STEIN'S betrayed was highly popular. The
people had been summoned to rise simultaneously,
without regard to geographical limits. They felt the
power which their agglomeration into large masses
lent them. Thousands dreamt already of a re-
organisation of Germany and Austria as two mighty,
independent, and, perhaps, confederated, states, of
which FRANCIS I. and FREDERICK WILLIAM might
be the constitutional chief'. At this moment, so critical
for the future, the demon of the antiquated mistrustful
policy instigated BERNSDORF and HARDENBERO to
counteract the efforts of VON STEIN. It was easy to
point out to the feeble-minded sovereign that
under popular institutions the minister became
more important than the monarch, and the popu-
larity of VON STEIN, who was idolised at the mo-
ment, was placed in invidious relief. Prince MET-
TERNICH never had any confidence in constitutional
forms of government, and readily seconded the
reaction which rapidly followed. The Emperor of
Russia, although professing liberalism, was in reality
terrified at the phantom of a Germanic empire
based on popular elements. He seconded the
claims of the minor sovereigns, whose tenures
had become forfeited by their adhesion to the
confederation of the Rhine. The Germans felt most
keenly the abandonment of the liberal cause by the
English representatives at Vienna, who, in the absence
and incompetency of France daring the congress,
most effectually served the French cause, and helped
to carve up the dreaded empire into 36 principalities.
This timid policy having been once victorious, the
dread of popular movement went so far as to make it
appear good policy to break up even such powers as
Prussia into small divisions. The courts felt that
they could only retain the unconstitutional power
which they then claimed, by preventing all union
between even the provinces of the same kingdom.
Prussia, like Austria, positively reftised to execute
the stipulation in the act of the congress, by which
both were bound to provide for national representa-
tion. Both powers chose to institute provincial
representations. And so effectually has this system of
separation worked, that on the recent attempt to cen-
tralise the provincial diet, the people of Posen were
no less averse to an amalgamation with the Germans'
than the Germans were distrustful of too close an
alliance with their Polish fellow-subjects.
Thus, at the time of the revolt, there existed no
people of Prussia, of whom the Poles of the grand
duchy of Posen could be considered part and parcel.
And yet the state accuser has ventured, in the ab-
sence of proof, to assert that the accused have been
guilty, to coin a new term, of " treason against the
country," notwithstanding the protest of the Poles,
which denies that they were ever amalgamated with
the Prussians. The novelty of the argument of
the accused, the adroitness of some of the young
advocates charged with the defence, and the eloquence
displayed by some of the accused, themselves, espe-
cially by Count MIEROSLAWSEI, have attracted the
attention of Europe to these pleadings. It will be a
fortunate result if they tend to convince the sove-
reigns of Germany that the popular element is only
dangerous when oppressively restrained, and that the
free expression of opinion is the only effectual guard
against conapirseies and secret tressons. The con-
clusion will then not lie far distant, that the tempo-
rary power of a minister is a pledge for the permanent
safety of the sovereign, who, by dividing his influence,
exempts himself from all responsibility, and, instead
of a rival, raises but a scapegoat beside him for poli-
tical crises.

THE great success of the county courts, to which
we adverted the other day, suggests many points for
consideration in reference to local judicatures.
The writer in the Law lilagazine,to whose paper we
then referred, after criticising the measure in a somewhat
jealous tone, says, "we regard the entire measure as
a means of expeditious justace, very beneficial to eom-
merce, and not necessarily injurious to efficient judi-
cature." He objects, however, that the j edges do not en-
courage argument before them, in "cases even of doubt
and difficulty," and rather discountenance the employ-
ment of banisters as advocates in the county courts.
Now in the common run of cases in the county courts
the encouragement of argument, and of the ad-
mission of banisters as advocates, would nnquee-
tionably be an evil ; but there are cases of dif-
culty in which the employment of trained ad-
vocates would elucidate truth, assist the judge
in coming to a right conclusion, and advance
justice. It is quite right that the oasts of employing
counsel should only be allowed in cases of difficulty or
importance ; bat it would be well that the suitors ix
these courts should some times have the aid of
counsel. The business, too, will generally be better
conducted where barristers accustomed to the regular
course of the superior courts are in the habit of attend-
ing. An efficient bar goes far to keep the court right.
In order to secure an efficient bar there must be the
same advocates constantly attending each sitting of
court, and to that the great extent of the circuits
of the county courts' judges offers a considerable
impediment. Either the advocates must take the

same circuits, or there will only be the occasional
retainer of a barrister upon some special case,
and the business of the county courts is not
math as to induce barristers to incur the colt of time
and money which a regular attendance on the circuit
implies.
It is objected that even with regard to the
judges themselves the circuits are toe large, and
that business is often hurried over in a manner unfa-
vourable to the interests etjustioe. Indeed the ques-
tion has been raised, and is now awaiting the decision
of the Court of Queen's Bench, whether, according to
the terms of the County Courts Act, there ought not
to be a judge for every district created under the
act, and whether the appointment of some sixty
judges to 430 districts is not a contravention of the
law. In what way this question may be decided
by the court is not, perhaps, of much practical
importance ; inasmuch, as a short declaratory
act of parliament would enable the author
of the County Courts Act to carry out his
plan in the way be found most convenient.
The obvious reason for comprising so wide a
surface within the jurisdiction of a single judge is,
that the small debt business of a narrow district would
not afford the means of paying the salary of a com-
petent judge. It is quite clear that the smaller the
district over which each judge presides the more
completely will justice be localised, and the more
readily will suitors find that professional aid they may
require. But it is no less certain that the present
jurisdiction of the county courts will not justify the
assignment of limits much less than the present
circuits to one judge. How then is the principle of
the measure to be carried out ? How are we to obtain
effective lawyers as judges, and confine them to
manageable limits? The same arrangement that
effected this end would go far to facilitate the intro-
duction of an efficient bar into the county court.
In the first place all the local bankruptcy and in-
solvency business should be transferred to the judges
of the County Courts. But the princiml means of ob-
taining a judicature completely local and effective
would be to assign to it all the authority now intrusted
to justices of the peace. There is no evil in England
more cryingthan our unpaid magistracy. The system
is at once oppressive and ineffective. As criminal
judges they are without public confidence, which
they have never deserved to obtain, either from their
knowledge or judicial impartiality. Indeed, in ndmi
nisteririg the game laws they are more than suspected
of deeming accusation and proof of guilt the
same thing. Then, apart from all other rea-
sons, the unpaid magistrates are singularly
incapable, and quite unfitted to discharge
properly any
id
judicial functions.
in the country, and
may But it may
be
may be resorted to at any time, which would not be
the case with a judge, who must, of course hold his
court periodically. There is more of apparent than
real utility in this, for all summonses, &c., now
granted by a single justice might be as well granted
by the clerk of the county court or other subordinate
officer of the judge. That two or more justices should
meet together in their private dwelling-houses, and
there sit in judgment, ia a proposition so monstrous,
that the withdrawal of that power will scarcely be
urged as an objection to the substitution of a respon-
sible and legally educated judge for an unpaid
magistracy.
But, in truth, the country justices often perform
capriciously or unwillingly their most ordinary
duties. We recollect one justice in a western county,
who would never attend to magisterial business after
nine o'clock in the morning, and it frequently hap-
pened that farmers and others, who had eight or ten
miles to ride to reach his worship's house, found
themselves ten minutes behind the prescribed hour,
and were obliged to go again the next day. We have
moreover heard of numberless instances in which jus-
tices, disliking to be troubled at home, when they
have seen persons coming apparently on justice bum-
nees, have walked out of the back-door, and were " not
at home." Indeed, so strong is public opinion
upon this subject, that we believe it would be difficult
to meet with half a dozen persons, not being them-
selves squires and justices of the peace, who do not
desire to see the duties, nominally or imperfectly
executed by justices of the peace, transferred to some
competent tribunal. The following passage from
Mr. PIIILLIMOREN "Letter to the Lord Chancellor
on the Reform of the Law," a vigorous pamphlet, by
an able barrister, expresses very clearly the general
feeling on this subject

Tho next point is the constitution of the court of quarter
sessions. There has been much ieclamation among persons
never likely to have their honour or happiness affected
by its jurisdiction, se to the advantage of fixing
the attention of country gentlemen on the adminis-
tration of justice—the malignant purposes of those
who wish the system altered—the horrors of the French
revolution—the wisdom of the Norman legislators ; in
short, upon every conceivable topic except the real questions,
which are these: Is it important that a judge in this country,
on matters involving the dearest rights of his fellow-citizens,
should have a legal education ? May not questions quite so
difficult ►rise at quarter sessions as in the crown court at the
assizes before a judge on circuit ? Or, to bring the matter to
a still shorter issue, let any of the advocates of the present
mat anomalous system answer this question: Would you,
knowing yourself to be innocent, choose to be tried by a
chairman of quarter sessions or by a judge?
The last question is an argumentum ad honsinem
which is decisive. Who, indeed, if accused, would
willingly be tried by the petty or quarter sessions?
We doubt whether a squire would particularly like
the tribunal in his own case, where it may happen to
run counter to the class prejudices of the judges.

A REFORMED rake is said to make the beet hus-
band. An awakened soaker is generally the moat
effective BOANEROES of the tee-total meeting. And in
the days of JONATHAN WILD it WWI an axiom at Bew-
street that an old thief made the most keen-scented
and incorruptible of " runners."
On a similar principle the late castle-ridden con-
stituency of West Gloucester having ousted the Frrz-
HARDINGE nominee, straightway come out as the most
peer-defying and liberty-loving of independent voters.
In like manner Mr. GRANTLEY BERKELEY, after
wearing his chains for years as comfortably, to all
appearance, as an old hulksman carries his bracelets
at Woolwich, suddenly a pears as the unsubduable
AJAX of West Glou , defying the thunder of
the castle. One may concede much to the delirium
of a newly-acquired freedom. There is something
which irresistibly appeals to our sympathies in the
fling-down of the head and fling-up of the heels with
which a hard-worked old hack escapes from the
halter into the deep clover of the pasture field.
Every one is quite prepared to excuse the negroes for
getting somewhat excited on the Ist of August, or
the Americans on the 4th of June.
. _ _

In the same spirit of indulgent tolerance we look
on the ebullition of the triumphal entry into Cole-
ford with its accompaniments of arches, bouquets,
ladies' smiles, bands, banners, and groups of children
with green boughs. The West Gloucester constituency
seem to revel in their new freedom, as one of Womn-
w ELL'S alligators might be expected to do if suddenly
restored to the Nile of his forefathers. They have
never known what it was to be free before, but like
ducklings take to the waters of political independence
with sa instinctive relish, the moment they chip the
shell in which they have hitherto submitted to be sat
upon by the Earl Finn/ammo& And u the
constituency so is the representative. The health
of " our now unfettered member " is proposed
at the Feathers, cheered by the diners within,
caught up by the mob without, and carried through
the town on the wings of popular enthusiasm. Mr.
BRANTLEY BERKELEY'S speech is redolent of a
new power. He crows, and spreads his wings like a
game-cock suddenly let out of a basket. He stretches
his phrases as a man stretches his arms after wear-
ing handcuffs. He brags of the independence of the
electors, as though it were something of old and
household veneration, and not a "spick and span"
new independence, mounted like a mail-guard's May
they coat, with the gloss still on it. He brandishes
quite familiarly the most republican phrases : " Lordly
dictator," and "haughty despot," "the chains of the
peer " and " the intimidation of the castle," ring from
his lips as roundly as if he had never been the humble
creature of the dictator, worn the chains with patient
acquiescence, or been very happy to profit by the in-
timidations.
While we rejoice that West Gloucestershire is re-
suscitated, we most beg of " the resuscitated " not to
make quite so much noise about the matter. Let
them remember that they owe their " resuscitation"
to a discreditable quarrel, discreditably pushed on
both sides. We should have quite as much confidence
in the independence of the West Gloucester electors
if, instead of feasting Mr. BRANTLEY BERKELEY, and
toasting their own " resuscitation," they were quietly
thinking ever the past, and preparing for the future.
We have already remarked on the tenure by which
great proprietors hold the influence which they are

so apt to abuse in county elections. It i/ perhaps as I
idle to expect that they will refrain from pushing
that influence beyond its limits in the counties, as it
is to anticipate that agents or committees will give
up the practice of opening public-houses in the
boroughs.
The remedy, in both cases, must come from the electors
themselves. We regret that we cannot see in the recent
elections any indications of the speedy application of
such remedies in one case or the ether. We cannot
look on the West Gloucester contest as a legitimate
triumph of independent voters over a dictatorial land-
owner. Their resistance has been prompted by a
series of peculiar circumstances, and tired rather
by sympathy with a hardly-used brother than by a
sense of degradation or a determination to get rid of
an intolerable despotism.
In the West Riding, again, the battle of influence
and opinion, though it loomed in the horizon, was never
actually fought. Mr. DENISON was cut off by a
coup de main ; and it is well for Lord FirzwlLLlAsi
that his letter reached the hustings after the with-
drawal of the protectionist candidate. In the boroughs
the elections have been, if anything, signalised by more
than usual excesses. Especially in the small country
towns, such as Wallingford, Great Marlow, Chepstow,
and Westbury, which usurp so undue a share of the
representation, scenes have been exhibited which are
disgraceful to the constituents as well as the candi-
dates. Mobs of bludgeon-men, open public-houses,
brutal violences, streets running with blood, oaths,
broken heads, and even deaths in more than one
instance, to say nothing of the more clandestine in-
famy of bribery and corruption in all its forms, go a
long way to prove that though the franchise is
limited in England, it is exercised by many who
are utterly incapable of comprehending the obligation
it involves. Here, as at every peccant point of the
body politic, the one great remedy suggests itaelf—
education. Only by the elevation of intelligence and
by awakening the moral sense among men in whom
it now lies dormant, can we approach either inde-
pendence or purity of election. All penal laws must
fail of accomplishing the suppression of the practices
we complain of. This education that we desiderata is
not, however, that of the lowest, but of the upper and
middle class. The public eye is kept fixed pruacipaty
on the deficient instruction of the poor, but, in reality,
the want of genuine education is quite as apparent
amongst those of easy means and nominal cultivation,
and nowhere more than among the class to which the,
electors of small towns usually belong.

ON the 12th instant we published a letter, with the
signature " Adria," calling in qnestion the correct-
ness of some statements we had made a few days
before, respecting the comparative merits of the over-
land routes by the Adriatic and the Gulf of Genoa.
The writer of that letter discussed the merits both of
the land and sea portions of either route from Alex-
andria.
Before proceeding to notice what he says of
the land journey, he most allow us to complete our
own story by adverting to the sea voyage—a subject
upon which we have not yet touched.
Our correspondent has evinced rather more zeal
than discretion when he urges as an objection to the
Genoa route the dangers of the passage " through
the Scylla and Charybdis of the ancients;" and as a
recommendation of the Trieste route, that "the
Adriatic sea is calmer than any other part of the
Mediterranean." Whatever Scylla and Charybdis
may have been in days of old, tney have become ex-
ceedingly tame monsters in ours. Twelve times every
month do steam-packets, utterly regardless of them,
make the voyage from Naples to Malta, through the
Straits of Messina. And if the Adriatic be as calm
as its namesake would have us believe, it has been
sadly belied from the time of HORACE downwards.
Leaving out of view these pnerilities, let us exa-
mine the routes by sea from Alexandria to Trieste,
and from Alexandria to Genoa, as they actually are,
and in conjunction with the land routes to England,
with which they are respectively combined.
By measurements, which we have obtained from
official sources, the distances of the two voyages are
u follow :

Prom Alaandria to Trieste, by Corfu .. 1.220 gm.
to Genoa, by lideesilla 1,313 „
„ ~by Malta
. . - .
•

Assuming the average velocity of the steamers em-
ployed to be ten miles an hoar, the voyage to Trieste
would be performed in 122 hours; that to Genoa, by
Mesaina, in 131, or by Malta in 140 hours. Assuming
for the present that the estimates of the time required
for the land journey on either route which we gave
in our former article were correct, there are seventeen
hours in favour of the land route from GenoatoLondoa
over that from Trieste to London. If, therefore, Malta
is left unvisited, there remains a difference of seven
hours in favour of the route by Genoa, even in the
actual circumstances of the roads between London

and Trieste on the one hand and Genoa on the other.
There is further to be taken into consideration that
one great objection always urged to the substitution
of the Trieste for the present overland route has been
the necessity it involved of diminishing the impor-
tance of Malta as the centre of British power in the
Mediterranean. From the measurements now quoted,
it appears that the route by Genoa would admit of
Malta remaining the great centre of British communi-
cations, and add only one hour to the time required
for accampliahing the journey by Trieste—an addition
quite unappreciable in so long a journey.
" Adria" observes sarcastically, " We must confess
that an English steam-boat company would have no
competition in Genoa, as there is not one steamer be-
longing to that port; but the Austrian Lloyd's com-
pany in Trieste, with their steamers (which they are
about to increase to the number of thirty) are not to
be blamed for offering to the English nation those
services which the Netherlands and other continental
states have already accepted." But "Adrift's" sneer rests
upon a mistaken assumption. Of twenty-three steam-
boats which touch regularly at Genoa,exclusive of those
belonging to the Peninsular and Oriental company,
five belong to the Sardinian government, and six to
a Genoa company. In point of steam-boat accom-
modation, Trieste and Genoa are on a par ; with this
difference, that the steam navigation of Trieste is •
hothouse plant—all the boats belonging to one com-
pany supported by foreign capital and bolstered
up by exclusive privileges conferred by government ;
while the steam-boat navigation of Genoa is the
healthy and vigorous nursling of free-trade, which
developed itself in a great measure in despite of the
counteraction of former Sardinian governments.
So much for this part of the subject, into the details
of which we have not previously entered. We will
take an early opportunity of adverting to " Adria's"
criticism of our remarks on the land portion of the
journey. We wish, however, our readers and our
correspondent to bear in mind that in these
inquiries our object is to arrive at the truth.
For themselves Genoa and Thesas are alike in
our eyes ; we only wish to ascertain which offers
the speedier and safer passage for postal communi-
cation between British India and the metropolitan
country. Au reste, there is ample room for the deve-
lopment of steamboat and railway travelling and
carriage on both routes, and England has an
interest in the prosperity of both. The improve-
meat of the Trieste route will facilitate oar
intercourse with Corfu, and extend our commercial
relations with the highly capable regions subject to
the Austrian sceptre. The improvement of the Genoa
route will facilitate an intercourse with Malta, and
(we believe) with British India, and enable England
by legitimate means to become the rock upon which
the liberties of Switzerland and Italy will stand
secure in defiance of the storms that may assail them
from Austria, or the insidious undermining processes
which threaten them from France.

Our Paris despatches of Saturday state that the
catastrophe at the Hotel Sebsatiani has so exclusively
engrossed the public attention in Paris during the
close of the week, that nothing else is spoken, written,
or thought of. We give the details of that painful
affair elsewhere, so far as they havered. The
Court of Peers "were convoked on Saturday, and the
usual forms observed. A committee was appointed to
inquire and report whether sufficient ground existed
for bringing the accused to trial. On receiving the
report of the committee the trial will commence.
The Duke do Praslin was committed to the prison
of the Luxembourg on Saturday morning, prepara-
tory to his trial.

Advioes from Berne had been received to the 17th
inst. A ♦ery animated discussion took place in the
diet on the 16th inst., on the subject of the revision
of the pact of 1815. The result was that a resolution
was passed by a majority of thirteen states to appoint
a committee of fourteen to report on the subject, and
to present to the diet the project of such a revision
and amendment of the federal pact as might seem ex-
pedient. The committee has been accordingly named,

and includes one member from each canton which is
flivourable to the amendment, two members being
' allowed for Bale. In the coarse of the discussion, the
late speech of M. Guizot in the Chamber was the sub-
ject of comment with all the speakers, who, not even
excepting those of the Sendorbund, repudiated the
imputations thrown upon the Swiss
_people by the
French Minister of Foreign Affairs. The representa-
tives of the liberal cantons declared that the language
of M. Guizot was an insult equally to the Swiss con-
federacy and to the cantons individually. M. Och.
senbein, the president of the diet, affirmed that the
statements of M. Guizot were falsehoods and calm.
nits.

The note of Lord Palmerston, recently presented to
M. Ochsenbein by Mr. Peel, is a subject of conten-
tion among the political partisans. The liberal party
insist that it is a virtual protest against foreign Inter-
vention in the internal concerns of the Swiss con-
federacy, and an explicit recognition of the right of
the diet to revise the pact, and to enforce its decisions
against any cantonal opposition. On the other hand,
the partisans of the cabinet of the Tuileries deny that
it has any such intent or purpose. They say that
it is eomplimentary to M. Ochsenbein, but that it
expresses no opinion respecting the revision of the
pact. On the contrary, they contend that Lord
Palmerston has always advocated the independent
sovereignty of the cantons, and that on former owe,
sions he protested against any modification of the
pact which should not be in conformity with the fun.
damental Helvetic constitution as settled by treaties.
As soon as the decision of the diet, forbidding the
military preparations in the cantons of the league
became known, these preparations were urged with
increased activity, and arc, in fact, nearly or alto.
gether completed. Meanwhile, letters from Herne
of the 17th say that the executive council of Berne
have ordered the immediate enrolment of additional
troops, and exhibit all the indications of an intentioe
to enforce, by armed power, the resolutions of the
diet.

The direct intervention of Austria, in favour of the
Sonderbund is no longer doubtful.' The Fedrral
Gazette, of Zurich, of the 18th, publishes the prover
rerbel of the stoppage of the convoy of munitions in
Tessin°, by which it appears that it had come from
the citadel of Milan, was escorted by a detachment of
Austrian caval7, commanded by an officer of Aus-
trian artillery in passing through Lombardy, that on
the barrels of powder was the symbol of the Austrian
eagle, but that cthcr marks had been effaced.

The journals from various parts of Italy, as well u
private letters, continue to bung reports of the general
excitement of the people, and the demonstration of
intended intervention on the part of the Austrian
military authorities. The Patria (a journal published
in Florence) of the 13th, says, four small fortresses
on the banks of the Po, in the duchy of Modena, are
strongly garrisoned by the Austrians. Ten or twelve
battalions were quartered near Brescelio, and were
constructing a bridge of boats, to enable them with
the more facility to cross the Po. A great number of
arrests had been made at Reggio and Modena. The
arrest of Minardi, the spy, was confirmed. lie was
taken at Florence on the Bth, and was committed to
the fort of St. John the Baptist. It appears, according
to other letters, that the object of the conspiracy at Rome
was to seize the person of Pius IX., and transport him
to ,übiaco, on the Neapolitan frentier, where he was to
be kept as an hostage by the cardinals. Five hun-
dred carbiniers and Borghigiani were to spread terror
through Rome, and to scatter combustibles in all
directions on the night of the 17th July, and parti-
cularly to set fire to the hay-yards of Ciceroacchio.
The Neapolitan and Austrian troops were then to
come to the aid of the new government, which it was
expected would be established as the consequence of
these disturbances.

The Augsburg Gazette quotes a letter from Turin
of the 9th instant, which says that the Duke of Lucca
had withdrawn to Muss, and had appealed for aid to
Modena, but that the court of Florence, in right of
its eventual title to the duchy of Lucca, declared that
it would not suffer any intervention by Modena. It
was also stated that Count Fiquelmont, Minister of
State of Austria, had gone to the north of Italy.

Letters from Rome say, that on the departure of
Count Ferretti (brother of the cardinal) on his mis-
sion to Naples, an immense concourse of people, led
by Ciceroacchio, were assembled at the gates to
salute him. Nothing can exceed the popular enthu-
siasm at Rome. The government, say these letters,
is in search of a place sufficiently spacious within
the city wherein to conduct, in the face of the public,
the trial of the persona charged with being impli-
cated in the late conspiracy. " All will be conducted
under the eyes of the people, in their presence, and
with the aid of 1,400 citizens under arms."

The Corriere Livornese says, on the authority of a
letter from Naples, that M. Grasselini and the no-
torious Nardom had with difficulty saved themselves
by concealment from the fury of the populace.
Grasselini received a letter from Palermo, in which
he was advised against attempting to return there
(his native place), or to any other part of Sicily, for
that he would have little chance of leaving it alive.
The Albo, a Florence journal, in answer to the
question, " Has Austria the will or power to inter-
vene in Italy ?" says :
. _ . _ .

To the forty or fifty thousand men of Austria Pius IX.
can oppose upwards of 400,000 men animated wit: that
spirit of liberty which gives birth to prodigies and heroes.
A single cannon-shot in Italy would set Europe on fire. A
single cannon fired in Italy would accelerate the events
which Austria should be prudent enough to posts
with the greatest care. In one word, Austria would not
have to struggle against a few insurgents, so in 1831, but
against the national guard and disciplined troops, supplied
with cannon, arms, provisions, entrenchments—in a word,
against troops possessing all the means, both meraland ato-
nal, which a well constituted government can supply. And
if the fate of arms, as it is probable, should declare in favour
of right, what would be the future of Austria in Italy?
—and if the events of the Roman States should produce a
counter-stroke in the other provinces of Italy, what would be
the consequence ? In one word, the Italians are ready to re-
mire the Austrian' and Metternich and his Hungarians in-
timidate no one in Italy.

CONSTANTINOPLE, AUG. 7.
The French steamer which arrived here on the
4th inst., brought despatches from M. Protish, the Austrian
minister at Athens, to Count Sturmer. These deli:medics
contained the details of an interview which had taken plea
between M. Protish and M. Coletti on the subject of the dif-
ferenoe existing between Turkey and Greece. You will re•
member that on the receipt of Coletti's last letter, the an-
, nisters of the Porte thought fit to modify their demand for
satisfaction. The Turkish government seemed to consider
the attempt hopeless of forcing Coletti to comply with the
terms of their ultimatum; their despatch, therefore, wee
simply a request that the Greek cabinet would authorise Alt
Effendi to express to M. Museums in the name of M. Coletti,
regret for what had taken place at the king's ball. M. Prong'
in his despatch, which arrived here on the 4th inst., says that be
is authorised by M. Coletti to stats that he cannot consent to
Ali Effendi making any apology to M. Museums ; that he
had placed the question in dispute in the hands of M. de
Metternich, and had promised to abide by his decision ; and
that such being his determination, he could not accede to
any modification which was not sanctioned by the head of
the Austrian cabinet M. Protish concludes by saying that
he had already sent a duplicate of this document to Priam
Metternich. Yesterday, the 6th instant, a courier arrived
from Vienna with despatches from M. de Metternich, ad-
dressed to Count Sturmer, in which he says that he had re-
ceived a oopy of Ali Effendi's communication to Coletti, and
that the request it contained—that Coletti should authorise
the Turkish Minister of Foreign Affairs to apologise in ha
name to M. Mussurtu—evened to him to be exceedsngle
)tut and proper, and that he would write to Athens to make
known his sentiments on this subject to the chief of the
Greek cabinet.
Such is the state of humiliation to which the Turkish
government have fallen. It is now eight monde
since, with the consent of the representatives of the
five great powers; they recalled their representative
from Athens, because their first demand for satisfaction yea
refused. Since then the Porte has had to submit to one hog
swim of insults and indignities, to which it is prevented issi
replying by the same
foreign representatives who bei •
first authorised a rupture of illations with Grego. ur 11_7
tocols and treaties are to protect Gems from invasion,
ought also to prevent the disorders widish
such a catastrophe. In the whole hfrites7Vidt=
there is no example of such a government sa dm wog sae
in Greece being supported and eneotmsed he browlientif
and bullying another power, of iinntonsmilay
importance, and to whom all chance of retdisess
M. Mumma is insulted by King °the,. sailislien Mb.
mended by the Porte, and peremptorily refenni by ,
Greek cabinet; and the Turkish savoy, With the asionsio
of the representatives of the An great powers, Is severed.
The month's delay accorded In the ultimatum aping,
and the Greek chargé d'affaires quits Conarantinefik,
and the Greek consulate is closed. Here all fir"
measures on the part of the Porte cease. The representa-
tive of the great powers, whilst they admit the right of
the Turkish government to demand satisfaction, prevent
it from employing the only means by which it can be
obtained. That it should be the policy of certain powers to
crush and humble Turkey is natural enough, but that all.
England herself included, should concur in such mon-
meats, seems too preposterous to be credited. Yet such
is the fact. The Turkish government feel this. Coletti r-
Jodi their ultimatum, and to this they submit. Their
manner becomes deprecating and conciliatory whilst Coign