The Express.
London, England, 1851-10-18 00:00:00

can with any sort of authority call upon the majority
to go further than modifying the law. It does not,
therefore, appeer at all improbable that some trans-
action Aril' be concluded between the President and
the Assembly, before the meeting of the latter, and
that the present ministers will withdraw their rosig-
, nations.
The Unirers has abandoned the President, appa-
rently in the dread that the change of policy at home
`may
lead to the withdrawal of the French troops
from tome, And in general turn to the disadvantage
of the Jesuits.
Yesterday the apartments of M. Langlois, the ex-
, director of the lottery, were searched by the police,
and the tickets found in his keeping were taken pos-
-1 session of, and sealed up. _

division of days between the commonalty and the
plutocracy. We have not heard any class complain
that another class was allowed unfair advantage.
A more difficult species of discernment and of pohae
remained, however, after the public was dismissed it
content—this was to dismiss with similar feelings of
satisfaction the exhibitoras who formed a little public
of themselves. Each living member of the long cata-
logue must have gave to considerable pains,
to large expenses and anxieties, not merely to
excel, but to keep their ground before domestic
I competitors, and not to be driven out of the field by
foreign rivals. Foreigners themselves were subjected
to similar necessities and burdens. And in the estima-
tion of all, the Grande E.rp.sition was far more in-
debted to them, than they to it.
Amidst such an hest, inspired by such sentiments,
the managers of the Exhibition undertook to distri-
bete prizes. Altogether this was the most mi-
-1 fortunate part of the scheme. Intended as an
I inducement to exhibitors to come forward,
sit is plain there was no need of such
a spur. Whilst to make anything like a generally
fair award or distribution of premiums, ought to have
I been seen from the first to be both invidious and im-
I possible. Having once got into the difficulty, indeed,
we admit that the Exhibition authorities made the
best and most decent efforts to get out of it. They
eliminated competition as the principle of award, and
adopted in its place the categories of CONSTANTINE
for offices of state, which were, we believe, the
illustrious, the respectable, and the honourable,—
the illustrious being the lowest in the scale. To
range such a multitude dually and fairly in these
categories was evidently impossible, except one pre-
siding judge or body could weigh all merits. But
no one man or body of men could do this. The judi-
ciary. power was broken into juries, and even in
the circumscribed sphere of each there were difficult
ties and obstructions in the way of fairness. So that
with every effort, the final distribution of prizes has
partaken very much of the character of a scramble,
in which the luckiest rather than the cleverest fellow
runs off with the coin.
The chief consolation is, that there was another
jury employed in the inspection of the different
articles, very different from the jury nominated by-
the commission. The jury we mean was that por-
tion of the public interested and skilled in the par-
ticular article or production, a jury that will soon
and surely give its award in orders and in con-
sumption,
which are the true prizes of industry,
utterly beyond the postar of any jury of ex-
perts to award. Were we not certain that the pub-
lic were fully able to correct whatever errors jurors
may have made, we should give a more attentive ear
and greater space to the protests and complaints from
exhibitors which pour in upon us.
(Inc thing is satisfactory, if not to individuals, at
least to those who look to general and national re-
sults, which is, that foreigners seem to have no
reason to complain. Much more accustomed than
Englishmen to have medals awarded and crosses
bestowed upon them, the greater part of exhibitors
from the other side of the Channel would depart in
discontent if they bad nothing to show fur tin ir
trouble and their efforts. Nor do we think English
producers need grumble at a little unfairness to
them, should this have been the case, the rivalry
in courtesy and good feeling being not the least
honourable, nor, in a national point of view, the
least profitable.
There are others, besides the exhibitors, whO have
some reason to complain that the Exhibition has not
answered all their expectations. We understand,
for example. that those who planned and erected, and
gave their time and anxiety to the erection of the
Crystal Palace, have found by no means ample or
fitting reniutierationi. We have heard, though we
can scarcely credit it, that Mr. PAxTON, for
example, whose fertile brain floated the Palace
into existence, and made the Exhibition of l
1831 what it would never have been without him—;
we understand that instead of having made his for-
tune,
he is literally out of pocket by the concern.
This is very imprudent on his part, and somewhat dis-
graceful on oar. If the speculation were a losing one,
or that it barely made both ends meet, there would
remain nothing to be said. Hut prosperous as it
boas been, with a half million surplus, which no one
knows how well to dispose of, a fair and moderate
portion ought to be bestowed upon those of the origi-
nators who are in want of it. This ought really at
once to be taken into consideration.
A similar generous spirit ought to regulate the
demands upon exhibitors for the fixtures and stands
which were put up for them. An exhibitor with a
bronze medal, and a long bill to par, is very like Sir
JosErit Paxrox out of pocket, sitting like another
MARIES on the ruins of the Crystal Palace. A
picture indeed of two such rueful figures, even
if they were but in the jocose pages of i'atich,
would remain as no honourable memorial of the
Great Exhibition. A mammoth speculation of its
kind ought not to die, without at least a few deco-
rous legacies to the servants who had presided over
its birth, and who, as we believe, in Sir J. Psxrox's
case, very sincerely laments their premature demise.

The D46ats contains the following further details
of the affair of Sancerre, under date of the 13th:

The inhabitants of Sancerre had a fresh alarm yesterday.
Further arrests having been ordered by the authorities, the
tocsin was suddenly sounded to rouse several communes to
insurrection. Such of the peaceable inhabitants as would
not march (and the number, thank Heaven, was very great)
were compelled by threats of death to follow the members
of the secret societies marching to the open attack of estab-
lished order, and loudly proclaiming their projects of social
subversion. Gen. d'Alphonse took energetic arrangements
to put an end to this new insurrection. The band, which had
re-assembled beyond Sancergues, were attacked with the
greatest vigour by a detachment of artillery and several bri-
gades of gendarmery, who lied been assembled to assist in the
repression. One gunner was slightly wounded and one of the
insurgents was killed. The unfortunate men who had been
compelled to follow the insurgents, and the dupes to whom
the attempts of the previous day had promised an easy vic-
tory, regained their communes. The agitators took refuge
in the woods, where they were closely pursued. All the
prisoners who were taken were found to have poignant*
and medals, as a distinguishing mark of their being mem-
bers of secret societies. The plan of the insurgents was no
longer to march on Sancerre. The experience of the pre-
vious day taught them what kind of reception they would
meet with un that point. They, therefore, to march
on Nerondes. 137 gaining possession of the railway,
the insurrection could, they thought, be extended
more boldly in the Nievre ; and, by the help of such devas-
tations as were familiar to them, since 1848, they hoped to
stop the progress of the troops, which the Government had
directed on the Cher and the Niilvre. The unexpected
arrival of a battalion of infantry at Nevers produced in
that town and in the neighbourhood, the most salutary
impression.
- - - - - -• •

The Constitution/act also furnishes further de-
tails :

Emissaries were sent into all the communes to stimu-
late the zeal of those who hung hack, and compel others by
force to join the movement. When the doors were nut
opened to them at their first signal, they were broken open
in spite of the cries of the women and children ; the pea-
sants were compelled to arm themselves and follow the
rioters. By these acts of violence and threats of death
against those who continued obstinate, the band was at
length raised to about 300, the majority of them
having muskets. This body concentrated itself at
' Beffes when a deliberation was held as to the line of march
they should take. Opinions were divided ; some proposed
to march on Sancerre, and others on La Charite. Certain
of the hand proposed to attack the chateau of M. Cervois, •
rich proprietor in the neighbourhood, hut, as it was sug-
gested by others that the house contained a number of ser-
vants, and that the master, being a man of great resolution
and energy, a den.' rate re+ istance might be expected, the idea
was abandoned. They then decided to proceed to the house of
M. Bonnet, the mayor of Bala, and force him to join the move.
meat. The mayor was absent, and his wife was compelled
to give up all the arms which were in the house. While
this was going on M. Bonnet returned. Ile was immedi-
ately surrounded by the band, and called on to join them.
Ile refused. Ile was then assailed with insults and threats;
and laid hold of by the collar and dragged about in the
mast violent manner. Those outrages did not however
intimidate him. Ile bared his breast, and said, " You
may kill me, but I will never gu with you." Several
guns were immediately levelled at him, but one of the
ringleaders turned them aside, and the crowd feel-
ing that they could not overcome the resolution of M.
Bonnet, marched off towards Privy. They hail not,
however, proceeded far before they changed their'
minds, from being informed that Pr4cy was well defended,
and marched towards Sancerre. On arriving at Argen-
'line a feeling of hesitation began to pervade the ranks of
the rioters. Those who had been comp ulled, their
will, to join the band, showed an evident disinclination to
come in contact with the armed force, and it wan only by
renewed threats that they were kept together. Partial de-
sertions, however, took place, whenever an opportunity oc-
curred, and the ranks by degrees began to thin, and
towards the evening a general dispersion took place on
learning that a body of troops were advancing towards
them.

The metallic reserve of the Bank of France has de-
clined both in l'aris and in the branch banks, of a
million in the former, and 5! millions in the latter.
The discount accommodation has fallen off mil-
lions in Paris, and increased about 2 millions in
the departments, the amount of the former being
32,827,021 francs, and of the latter 9'0,605,331 francs.
On the side of the liabilities, the notes in cir-
culation have increased 11 millions in Paris,
and delined of a million in the provinces. The
account current of the treasury has declined 91 mil-
lions, the present amount being 73,778,846 fr. Private
accounts current have increased.' of a million in
Paris, and !, a million in the departments, the
amount of the former being 119,962,290 fr., and of the
latter, 30,149,353rr. The whole amount of the me-
tallic reserve is at present 6191 millions, to ..5141.
millions of notes in circulation.
At the Bourse, hardly any change. took place to-
day. The Fives closed at 90tr. 45c., with a fall of dc.
The Threes fell 5c., and closed at 35fr. tiOc.

FRANCE.

rAms,FILIDAT EVENING,

You will observe in many of the accounts given of
the sitting of the Committee of Permanence, that M.
(le Nlortemart, a legitimist, hitherto friendly to the
Elysee, pressed the Minister of the Interior to state
if he thought it possible for him and his colleagues to
return to office. Upon this M. Leon Faucher replied I
that, up to the moment when the President proposed
the abrogation of the law of May, the cabinet had not
ceased to be on the best terms of understanding with
Louis Napoleon. The same minister is repre-
sented as still expressing in his private conversa-
tions a very sanguine hope that the President,
to use M. Faucher's own phrase, " relkehint et
frrhira." Much as this may be doubted after the
official language of the Constilutionnel yesterday, it
seems pretty certain that the new programme to bo
proclaimed in the message will encounter such obsta-
cles in the parliament as must be instantly fatal to
any ministry framed and influenced by constitutional
principles. There is not the smallest chance of the
parliamentary majority voting the abrogation pure
and simple of the law of May. Any cabinet
framed with the intention of proposing such a
bill would hardly be allowed to sit on the
benches of the ministers. For if they belonged to
the conservative party they would find no support is
the Left against the storm of opposition with which
they would be assailed; and if they belonged to the
minority it would be an open contradiction of the
fundamental principle of constitutional government.
Such a position seems difficult in the extreme
to realise when we consider the prudent
temper of Louis Napoleon, and the nature of
the times, which hardly admit the daring of
a Cromwell in dealing with parliaments. We
may therefore justly question the verisimilitude
of Grimier de Cassagnac's surmise that a hundred
cabinets might be got to propose such a programme.
In fact it begins to be extremely doubtful whether
any men less rashly devoted to the Bonapartist cause
than those who landed with Louis Napoleon at Bon-
' logne, would venture to undertake office pledged to
such a task. Already the -lasembVe points to the
6sth article of the constitution, as affording a legal
margin quite broad enough for impeaching
the President himself, not to talk of the mi-
nister, is such a case. That article says that
Every measure, by which the President
dissolves the Assembly, prorogues it, or sets an ob-
' stack to the exercise of its mandate, is a crime of
high treason. By the act alone the President is
stripped of his functions—the citizens are obliged to
refuse him obedience; the executive power passes of
full right. to the Assembly." Such an article seems
to impose upon the President still more than upon a
constitutional sovereign the necessity of proceeding
hand in hand with his parliament. For the rest, it
will be remembered that there is now a law

forging inlieTnithy of the Conseil d'Etat for the
more exact definition of the responsibility of the Pre-
sident and his ministers and public functionaries
in generaL 'fhe Assembly will probably proceed, on
its re-opening, to bring this bill on the order of the
day. In the meantime, if the firmness with which
the majority would resist the total abrogation of the
law of May admits of little doubt, it is no less certain
that it would consent to extensive modifications.

These achieved, the cOnservatives might con-
scientiously- defy the threats of socialist insurgents,
and leave public opinion to deal with the minority
that refuse revision. It is difficult to see how Louis
Napoleon, who even now repudiates and is
repudiated by the parties of the So& and National

THE EXPRESS, SATURDAY EVENING, OCTOBER 18, 1851

GERMANY.

VIENNA, ocr. 12.
The mystery which enveloped the ministerial
crisis of the past week is gradually disappearing, dis-
closing at the same time the nature of the differences
between the ministry and the Reichsrath. The ex-
istence of both has become a certainty. It is true
that Dr. Bach, the Minister of the Interior, placed
his resignation in the hands of the Emperor; it is
true that the portfolio of finance, held by Baron
Krauss, was very near being transferred to Baron
Bruck, the late minister of trade, its present holder
vanishing into private life; it is true that Counts
Hartig and Montecucoli were applied to by the Em-
peror to assume office ; it is true that they declined,
and finally, it is true that Schwarzenberg and Dr.
Bach disapprove of the results of the labours of Baron
Kiibeck and the lteichsrath (the drawing up of a
constitution), and that their dissatisfaction was
1 openly and irrcconcileably manifested at the late con-
ferenCe between the cabinet and the Reichsrath.
I stated in a previous letter, that Baron Ktibeek, a
follower of Metternich, was known to be favourable
to the gradual re-introduction of the salient points
of the federative policy of his former chief.
Ills labours, on the political organisation which
is to be given to the empire, accordingly
took that direction, though I ant not able to state
exactly the details of the alterations which he pro-
posed. A reference to the articles of the Lloyd dur-
ing the past week will suffice to show, that the
editor of that journal, evidently inspired by the
advocates of federalisation, assumed that to be fact
which was only proposal, viz., the abandonment of
the centralisation policy in reference to Hungary,
and the return to that of federalisation. The old
conservative party were too sanguine. The ministry
scouted the plans, and have succeeded in persuading
the Emperor to adhere to the present organisation.
To obtain this success, however, Prince Sehwarzen-
berg, who foresaw that if Kiibeek's plans were
adopted his resignation and retirement must follow,
threw himself into the arms of Dr. Bach, his factotum
in internal matters, and demanded his advice. Bach,
equally unwilling to quit office, advised steadfast
opposition to Kitbeck, and continued adherence to
the standard of centralisation. In the course of their
conferences. Bach struck very heavy blows at the
Minister of Finance and his recent policy, demand-
ing from Schwarzenberg that Krauss should be
dismissed, and a new Minister of Finance ap-
pointed. The premier hesitated not a moment,
but instantly telegraphed to Baron Bruck, then
en rook for 'Trieste, an invitation to assume once
more an official responsibility. Bruck replied, by the 1
same medium, that lie could not do so, without
being previously made acquainted with the nature of
the new political organisation preparing for the
empire. This was a demand which Schwurzenberg
weld not grant, seeing that, even at the time when
ministers were responsible agents, the inferior among
them were kept in ignorance of the plans of the
court. The negotiations with Bruck failed, and as'
it resulted front a second conference with Kiibeek,
that he and his colleagues were not opposed, but, on
the contrary, favourable to the financial policy of
Krause, Schwarzenberg agreed with Bach, that the
latter should resign his portfolio, a step which they
rightly considered would prove successful. Dr. B
had an audience with the emperor, in which lie en-
larged upon the impossibility of his remaining in
office, with a policy the exact contrary of that which
he had introduced, and requested permission to place
his portfolio at the imperial feet, taking advantage
of the opportunity at the same time to give his
colleague in the finances a hearty kick. Prince
Schwarzenberg seems subsequently to have played a
"waiting" game, biding his time to see the result.
The emperor hereupon wrote both to Count Ilartigand
Count Montecueoli, begging them to assist him in
the government. Butte these noblemen, rigid con-
servatives, replied to the imperial missive, deploring
their inability under the present circumstances to
take upon themselves any governmental functions
whatever. I'rince Schwarzenberg had rightly cal-
culated the chances. The emperor next turns to his
premier, and between them it is agreed that Dr.,
Bach shall remain in office, and that Baron Kilbeek's '
plans shall be dropped. Dr. Bach is informed of
the emperor's wishes, and behold the public ars
already informed of the appointment of a new coin-
nussion to deliberate on the future political organisa-
tion of the empire. Its members are Dr. Bach,
Baron Krause, Chevalier Baumgartner (Minister of
Trade), and of Barons Krieg, Salvotti,and Purkhardt
(members of the Reichsrath). The president of the
Heichsrath, Baron Kiibeek, is not on the commission.
The new organisations, which were expected to have
been published before the emperor'a departure for
Galicia, are thus again indefinitely postponed.