The Express.
London, England, 1851-07-17 00:00:00

FRANCE.

PARIS, WEDNESDAY EVENING.
The .Ifoniteur has confirmed the report, mentioned
in my letter of yesterday, of the appointment of
General Magnan to the command of the army of Paris
in the place of Baraguay d'Hilliers The political
importance of this post will not fail to suggest nu-
merous commentaries on the subject. In the mean-
while the military merits of General Magnan are
admitted by all parties. His conduct at Lyons in
1849 furnished a striking proof of his energy; and
the command which he exercised in the service of
Belgium earned him the reputation of a skilful
officer. The following decree, appointing him, is
signed by the President of the Republic, and counter-
signed by the Minister of War:

General Magnan, commander of the 4th military din--
vision (Strasburg), is appointed commander-in•chief of the
army of Paris, in place of General Baraguay
whose resignation is accepted. The attributions of the
command of the territorial diyi%ion remain entire in the
hands of General Carrelet, who commands at the same time
the first disision of the army of Paris.

The honours of the sitting of yesterday were de-
creed to M. Michel de Bourges, who displayed, by
the consent of all impartial hearers, oratorical powers
of the first order. The qualities of such a speech as
was delivered by the Jupiter Tonans of the Moun-
tain are not such as can be re-produced on paper,
even in the original language, much less in a transla-
tion. The full sonorous voice, the suitable emphatic
gesture, the generous fire, which communicates itself
even to political adversaries, all combined to win for
M. Michel one of the most remarkable oratorical suc-
cesses which has been ever known in the Assembly.
He attacked the legitimists with great vigour, and,
after a slashing review of the policy of the restora-
tion, be showed how the acceptance of the principles
of the revolution of 'B9 led necessarily to the repub-
lic, as the only form of government under which the
I equality of all citizens before the law, and
the destruction of privilege could be carried
out. In passing to the monarchy. of July, he paid a
tribute to the memory of Louis Philippe, which
tended to show that the monarchy of July, backward
as it was, was still vastly more suited to the spirit of
the times than the system which it replaced. He
quoted the passage in the late King's will recom-
mending to the Count of Paris to be a man of his
time and a servant of France. He then took occa-
sion to apply the lash to M. de Fallouz's un-French
recommendation to conciliate Russia; and, when the
legitimist es-minister reminded him that Napoleon
had cast his eyes towards Russia, he appealed to the
flames of Moscow as a test of the Emperor's disposi-
tion towards the Muscovites, and quoted happily
the prophecy of St. Helena that in halt a
century Europe would be republican or Cossack.
The sudden suspension of M. Grevy's effort
seems to have been caused by an attack of ill-
ness. M. Coquerel is generally charged with being
a Bonapartist in disguise; for, while he protested his
opposition to the re-election of Louis Napoleon, he
assigned the best reasons in the world for arriving
at that conclusion. His speech sparkled with witty
turns of expression ; but was completely eclipsed by
the brilliant oratory of M. Michel de Bourges.
In the sitting of the Assembly to-day M. Pepin
Lehalleur took his seat for Seine-et-Mame.
M. Michel ((de Bourges), concluding his speech of
yesterday, said :

He had undertaken to reconcile parties with the republic.
He had shown that no restoration could satisfy the political
necessities of the time. He would not judge the restora-
tion by the excesses of 1815, and let hiss not be taunted
with the convention and the reign of tenor. He confined
himself to pointing the course which monarchy had pur-
sued, and which it necessarily must again pursue, and he
maintained that monarchy was incompatible with that
equality which was born of the revolution of 1799. The na-
' hind tendency of mankind was towards equality,
although it might be unattainable. The struggle
of the day was between capital and labour, Ca-
pital was the child of labour, but if left to itacli it would
devour its parent. He, himself, had risen from labour, and
had acquired capital, and therefor* it MY that he offered

himself as an arbitrator between the two. M. Michel de
Bemires, continuing, said that royalty had always taken the
side of wealth. And en this account it had expired on the
day it was said " The king reigns, hut governs n 0.." Ile
knew there was some indelible logicians (here the orator
cast his eyes on M. Leo de Laborde, on the peak of the ex-
treme right) who did not admit that royalty could preserve
its responsibility iu abdicating its intelligence. The mo-
narchy of the elder branch imposed on legislators a qualifi-
cation of I,ooofr. taxes; the same principle had been main-
tained by the younger branch, although the amount had
been reduced by halt. Was capital or work represented by
such a system ? The people complained, but were not listened
to. Three ministers of the younger branch were among his
hearers; the shades of opinion which had divided them
were imperceptible. It was not they who hail quitted power,
but power which had quitted them, because it belonged to
the majority. M. Mole hail carried no amnesty. M.
Thies had not succeeded in thrusting the nation into war.
(Here M. Mole declared that from the moment he had pro-
posed an amnesty, he had never encountered anyiohjection.)
The monarchies had succumbed from their principles, not
from their men. Why had the state Rot executed the rail-
ways? Because the majorities had wanted to grant a branch
to each locality. Power could not do all the good it wanted ;
and had done much harm that it did not want. This was
the necessary consequence of the partiality of the monarchy,
which always patronised a party. Universal suffrage alone
could conciliate all interests, and that was why he was for
the republic. He did not want an ancient republics, which
was organised brigandage, and the struggle for ill-got
wealth among robbers. The ancient republic, which were
vaunted in the schools, did not acknowledge the
claims of labour, the origin lof capital. :and ex-
torted it by slavery. The republic desired by him and
his friends was that of the United States, the unity minus
the slavery. There capital and labour gave one another
the hand, and all were called directly or indirectly to make
the law. Capitalists would lose perhaps by the republic, but
revolutions would no longer be possible. Lyons had been
fifteen months under state of siege. He liked the soldier,
but he liked him better out of the country. (Laughter.)
He would not have him employed to set up a dictator. He
had been reminded that be bad not spoken of the abolition
of the punishment of death. He would only say that mo-
narchies kill because they are in a false position, but repub-
lics can pardon because they are the truth itself. (Loud
cheers on the Left.)

After the speech of M. Michel de Bourges the
sitting was suspended. M. Bcrrycr then ascended
the tribune. He made an ample and eloquent de-
fence of the monarchy against the attacks of M.
Michel de Bourges; and showed how, through
a long series of ages, the monarchy had
admirably fulfilled its task, and how it
had proved the source of all valuable liberties. But
the great feature of M. Berryer's speech was to prove
that the destinies of the country ought not to be con-
tided to a man, but to a principle. He had always
seen this truth clearly since the fall of the empire
Hence he should look upon the re-election of Louis
Napoleon by five millions of votes as the greatest
misfortune which could befall France, next to the
triumph of socialism. For then the destinies of the
country would be confided to a man, who was
placed above the constitution, and not to a
principle. He concluded by an impressive adjura-
tion to all the parties of order, that in case the
revision were not voted by the constitutional ma-
jority, they should combine firmly to make the
constitution and the law rigorously respected by all.
The )loniteur publishes a return of the receipts
from the taxes for the first six months of 1851, as
compared with the corresponding period of 1819 and
1850. The produce of the indirect taxes amounts to
363,660,000 fr., having been for the first half-year of
1850 350,467,000 fr., and of 1819 334,436,000 fr. The
augmentation in favour of 1851 over 1850 is conse-
quently nearly 13 millions, and over 1849 upwards of
29 milions. The items showing most increase are
the registration dues and the stamps duties, in conse-
quence of changes effected by the bill passed on May
18, 1850. The duty on home-made sugar has given
4.23:1,000fr. and on foreign sugar 482,000 fr. more
in 1831 than in 1830; whilst the duty on colonial su-
gar has fallen off 4,112,000 fr. The duty on potable
liquors shows an increase of 1,874,000 fr., that on salt,
935,000 fr. ; the post-office department, 1,298,000 fr. ;
tobacco sales, 2,846,000 fr.; import duties (other
than corn and sugar), 72:1,000fr., and the export
duties 491,000 fr. The produce of the sale of gun-
powder shows a diminution of 436,000 fr., owing to
the difficulties thrown in the way of the sale by the
administration, in consequence of political consider-
ations. The collection of the direct taxes has been
unusually favourable, the sum received up to the
30th June having been 175,925AX/fr., which gives
43 per cent. of the whole sum to be received for the
year, and is nearly 5 millions more than was due up
to that period.
The committee of the budget, after consulting the
Minister of Finance, has decided on the creation of
rentes to the amount of 50 millions, to cover the sum
charged on the budget for extraordinary public
works.

The committee on the Municipal Bill has rejected
the proposition of some of its members, to charge the
expenses of prisons and courts of justice to the state,
and has assigned them to the department.
The Conseil d'Etat, continuing their deliberations
upon the true construction of the constitution, have
expressed a decided opinion that Ledru-Rollin, being
under a judicial condemnation, would be ineligible
for the presidency, but that the Prince Joinville, al-
though comprised in the decree of banishmentagainst
his family, might legally be elected.
The mayor of Lorient has paid a visit to Paris, and
invited the President to visit that port on the occa-
sion of the opening of the Nantes Railway, in order
to be present at the launch of the three-decker
Donauwhth.

Symptoms of agitation have long been prevalent
among the Nemenchas, one of the most populous
tribes of the province of Constantine. News is now
received that the Caliph Assenoum, having entered
the Nemencha country at the head of 2,000 horse,
has been completely routed. Musts ha-Ben-Ismael,
an officer of Spahis, was killed. The Nemenchas,
therefore, are in open rebellion, and the French
troops after operating for three months in the north
of Constantine, must move upon the south to restore
the authority of the government. This seems the
consequence of placing the Nemenchas under the
orders of a greedy and incapable chief, and of send
ing an injudicious expedition against them. The
ifoniteur A #;rien is silent on this subject.
The upward movement of the Bourse was well
sustained to-day. The Five per Cents. rose 35c.,
closing at 95.05, and the Three per Cents also rose
35c. and closed at 57.