The Express.
London, England, 1847-07-12 00:00:00

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LONDO.V, MONDAY, JULY 12.
AT the morning sitting of the House of Commons
on Saturday, on the bringing up of the report on the
Navigation Laws (No. 2) Bill, Lord J. MANNERS
moved an additional clause, for the purpose of sus-
pending the stamp duties on policies of insurance
effected on grain-laden British ships till the let of
March, 1848.—The CHANCELLOR of the ExcßBQuEn
approved of the clause, which was adopted accord-
ingly, and the report of the bill received. The
Recovery of Public Monies (Ireland) Bill was com-
mitted, Lord CLEMENTS protesting that it was unfair
and unjust to call for the repayment of loans from a
country which was in a state of bankruptcy. After
a discussion in which several hon. members took part,
condemnatory of the noble lord's principle of repudia-
tion, the bill went through committee. The remain-
ing business was merely of a formal clutracter.

A VERY great and very ridiculous effort is making
by, certain lieutenants and certain wits of the PEEL
following, to prove that they are the only lineal de- ,
scendants of the great tory party, that they alone ,
possess its shibboleth, that true tories were all along
the truest reformers, that PITT, the father of toryism,
was the COBDEN of his day, and that Sir ROBERT ,
PEEL was true to PITT and to toryism, when he went
over to the opinion of COBDEN. 1
Such is the aim of the author of the able pamphlet,
" The Commercial Policy of PITT and PEEL." And 1,1
we must say, that the effort to disprove this thesis ,
made by the Quarterig Review, and others, is just as
ridiculous as the maintenance of the said thesis.
Who, in the resent state of the world, cares for the 3
name which bir ROBERT PEEL and his party may ,
wear ? The true worth and virtue of that party is its
namelessness—its total disjunction from the past, and
freedom for the More, its " being op to any, and ;
ready for everything;" its being a talented band of
condottieri officers, ready to lead the popular army in ,
any useful campaign.
The derivation of PEEL'S abandonment of the sliding
scale to his respect for,or to his descendence from, PITT
is certainly the most farcical bit of historical criti-
cism ever invented. Why, Perr in his younger days
was precisely what Young England was a few years ,
back, a candidate for political eminence in any path ,
or position that was not whig. Young Peer
cared little on which side of CHARLES JAMES
Fox he struck forth, pros ided be rivalled ,
him. He began with parliamentary reform,
rushed into free trade, and brought forward
a Poor-law, which was not only to give out-door
relief to every pauper, but was kindly to supply
every peasant father of a family, that wanted it, with
a cow and wherewithal to feed it. Fortunately for the
country, BENTHAM laughed PITT into common sense.
Never was there a wilder hunter after popular clap-
, traps in his younger days than PITT, and to call him
a tory or a chief of toryism then, were about as just as
to say that Sir FRANCIS BURDETT was a radical in
his last year,.
One of Mr. PITT'S early ideas was to join the mer-
cantile classes in a crusade against the landed interest,
of which the grandees were whig. But the French
revolution and the hold of power soon twisted PITT
round in the direction that necessity indicated, just as
other causes twisted Sir ROBERT PEF:L round in a
contrary direction. Both PITT and PEEL were in-
' struments that felt and followed the direction and the
exigencies of the times. To burden either of them
with more than the necessary light weight of consis-
tency, which all gentlemen must carry, is absurd. We
may call both of them tories, if we will ; but any other
name will be just as true. Nor is this a reproach:
on the contrary, it constitutes their worth.
There cannot be a better sample of a young scion
of the PEEL party than Mr. SMYTHE—a rare
sample of recklessness, eloquence, and inconsistency.
Tory in Mr. SMYTHE'S vocabulary means democrat.
The war against the French revolution was undertaken
in the name of the democracy. The corn-law which fol-
lowed it, was a development of the free-trade principles
of Lord LIVERPOOL, whilst the foreign policy of Lord
CASTLEREAGH was what Mr. Sac YTHE would call demo-
cratic. Mr. HUSETSSON'S commercial reforms were of
course supported by the whole weight of the tory
party, and crashed by the opposition of the whigs.
Such is the unblushing way in which Mr. SMYTHE
interts history.
The re
electors of Canterbury and of England care
more, we opine, for the future than the past. And
Mr. SMYTHE, on behalf of Sir ROBERT, is sufficiently
explicit. He would not pay the Roman Catholic
clergy of Ireland, because this would diminish their
influence over the people. Thus, the only reason
which most statesmen have for paying sectarian
clergy, is Mr. SMYTHE'S reason for not doing so. The
church of England he would not pay, or favour either,
because such boons diminish its power and popularity.
Count MONTALEMBERT and his party in Prance de-
mand that the clergy shall receive no salaries, because
he hopes upon voluntaryism to build up the popular
supremacy of the catholic priesthood. We believe
that what Mr. SMYTHE proposes would be neither
more nor lees than the abolition of the church of
England.
11/12. SMYTHE blames the late scheme of education,
as conferring obloquy on the church, and giving the
dissenter, just cause of agitation. Yet Mr. SMYTHE
voted for it, deeming some education better than
none at all. His reasons for voting were thus the
reason of all the world for supporting. But the rea-
sons were wrong, argues Mr. SMYTHE, for the non-
conformist opposition was right. This ingenious con-
fusion of right and wrong, of the sacredness of prin-
ciple and the expediency of slighting it, is certainly
a specimen of PEEL
On the great question of free trade, Mr. SMYTHE
is, with equal ingenuity, inconsistent. Free trade is,
it seems, good for en old state, bad for a young one.
It is like flannel, useful for the valetudinarian, but
feverish for youth. The Americans, Germans, French,
and Spaniards are right in spurning free trade; the
English alone right in espousing it. Here is a
chapter of Sir ROBERT PEEL'S political economy,
divulged by one of his disciples, which we re-
commend to Mr. COBDEN'S attention, who has
been studying the excellent effect of prohibition
upon infant countries. And we much fear that even Mr.
COBDEN, could he admit the truth of Mr. SMYTHE'S
dogma respecting infant states, would also be forced
to admit, as a consequence, that the old country could
not afford to persevere in a system which all other
and younger countries spurned.
Mr. SMYTHE, however, fully redeemed these un-
beralities, when he twitted Lord JOHN Ressem.
with his high birth, when he declared that
' 10!. was an absurd and arbitrary limit for
the franchise; and when he accused the whigs of doing
everything for the people, but nothing by them. The
distribution of a few under-secretaryship. to men of
the people does not satisfy Mr. SHirrue. And we
applaud his dissatisfaction. But we must say, that
the so-to-be-desired eminence of popular men in the
• cabinet, and their political influence, are not things to be
wrought or conferred by the prime minister of the
day. That eminence must be achieved and wrought
' by the men themselves, and by the electors them-
, selves. Lord Joln Reseal. is not the man to resist
claims thus put forward.