The Express.
London, England, 1847-02-06 00:00:00

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LONDON, SATURDAY, FEB. 6.

In the House of Lords, bust evening, Lord
BROUGHAM'S motion for a return of the names of all
persons holding shares in Irish railways on the Ist
inst., led to a discussion, in which the merits of Lord
GEORGE BENTINCK'S bill, introduced in the House of
Commons the preceding evening, were highly eulo-
gised by the Duke of Elmo°Nts and Lord STANLEY,
The Earl of FITZ WIL LIAM expressed his regret that a
bill with similar objects had not been originated by
the government, and expressed a hope that no im-
proper interference with the prerogative of
the crown would be resorted to, to stay the
progress of a measure which should have his
determined support. Lord Bitot:oH.o4 intimated
that his object in moving for the return was to put
Ireland on a level with this country, by enabling
gentlemen who held shares in Irish railways to
qualify themselves for voting in parliament by dis-
posing ofithem, or have their names promulgated in
the division list. The Marquis of LA NSDOW NE
intimated that the exercise of the prerogative
of the crown, aye or no, would depend upon
the merits of the measure, to which reference
had been made somewhat irregularly, and
without notice. The Earl of WINCHILBEA, in
reference to the existing state of distress in Ireland,
urged upon ministers the policy of affording greater
facilities to emigration. The Marquis of Lanowne,
in laying on the table of the house the minutes lately
adopted by the committee of the privy council on
education, announced the extension proposed by the
committee, and the views the government at present
entertain of the question, Lord Brougham, the Arch-
bishop of Canterbury, the Bishops of London and St.
Asap, and the Earl of Winchelsea, taking part in
the discussion.
In the House of Commons, on the bringing up
the report on the Destitute Persons (Ireland)
Advances Bill, the CHANCELLOR of the EXCHE-
QUER intimated that in the first instance he proposed
to take a vote for 300,0001., and that whatever other
sums might be required would be proposed to be
voted from time to time in committee of supply.
On the question of going into committee on the
Destitute Persona (Ireland) Bill, Mr. HUFF urged
the carrying out of a more extended principle of
emigration; after which Mr. STAFFORD O'BRIEN
brought forward his promised motion for estab-
lishing smaller territorial divisions in Ireland, for
the purpose of rating for the relief of the
poor.—Mr. LABOUCH ERE said he had con-
sidered the whole subject most maturely, and had
arrived at the determination that it would be impos-
sible for the government, consistently with its duty
to the people of Ireland at large, to adopt the propo-
sition submitted. The house having gone into com-
mittee, and some amendments having been proposed
and withdrawn, Mr. W. S. O'BRIEN moved as an
amendment on clause 3, that clergy of every denomi-
nation should be eligible to act as members of relief
committees, a proposition upon which the committee
divided, when there appeared a majority of 96 against
it. The committee then proceeded with the remain-
ing clauses, but the bill was not more than half gone
through at the adjournment of the committee, which
was followed by the rising of the house.

IN the existing state of public affairs it was not to
be expected that the ministers should present to
the country a great and comprehensive scheme of
national education. Ireland occupies the public
attention, and more than absorbs all that can easily
be spared from the public finances. The utmost that
the ardent friends of the cause could reasonably
expect was a proof that the subject had not been
altogether forgotten, and that whilst the extension
they desire must be unavoidably postponed, there
should be attention paid to those administrative
details which will turn the present available
resources to the best advantage. Nearly twenty
years have elapsed since Mr. Wyse, speaking on this
subject, said, " The minister waits for the country,
and the country waits for the minister, but Time
waits for neither." Time, however, has not passed
unheeded by both ; more than one minister has
learned that the evoking of pride, passion, and pre-
judice to pervert a discussion involving the futurity
of the country, is an experiment too unsafe to be
repeated may
bete country has learned that squabbling
about whay the best possible in theory, has no
other result than the continuance of the worst possible
In practise.
At the present moment, the friends of na-
banal education, those who have supported the
question through good report, and unfortunately,
through a long continuance of evil report ; have the
satisfaction to know that the minister and the country
are equally alive to the vast importanoe of the sub-
I'd- On the subject of education, as on the condi-
tion of Ireland, there is a general and indeed almost
a universal feeling, that it act a fit ground for the

battles of faction, but a matter of immense concern-
ment to the peace and prosperity of the empire.
We believe that there never was a period,
in history, when men of all parties were more'
sincerely anxious to settle their rights and
their duties in relation to this great question—
never a time when classes and denominations were
ready to insist on no more than their rights, and
to discharge all their duties. Under theme circum-
stances we are not disposed to grieve very much for
the delay, which the position of public affairs has
rendered unavoidable. After a protracted tempest of
factious passions, some interval must be allowed for
the due action of reason in the calm that has fol-
lowed. We may be assured that the strength which
sound opinion gains in such an interval, will render
hopeless the efforts of insidious charlatans and of 11
the multitudinous trailers on prejudice and deception '
in any future struggle.
The measures propounded by Lord Lecsnowne
are not to be measured by our hopes,—scarcely even
by our expectations—they must be viewed in their
relation to the existing condition of public affairs, nd
particularly with reference to the causes which
impede the ripening of growing opinion. We
are confident that the process of growing and of
ripening proceeds much faster than is generally sup-
posed, and that the day of reaping the harvest is not
far distant.
Lord LANSDOWNE fairly stated that the govern-
ment is not prepared to meet the two powerful bodies
which object on the one hand to schools, in which a
mixture of creeds is permitted, and on the other to
any interference with what they are pleased to call
the voluntary principle. Firmly persuaded that a
very brief experience will show both classes of
objections to be untenable, and as firmly persuaded
that this discovery cannot escape the honest advocates
of both, we find some consolation for the delay, in
the confident hope that what is now doubted to be
expedient, will at no distant date be found to be
unavoidable.

One ground for such a hope was stated by the
noble Marquis. When first the system of inspection was
propounded, it was met by a fanatical clamour,
which " frighted the isle from its propriety.' It was
denounced as anti-church, un-English and irreligious,
and the ministers of the day were compelled
so far to yield to the clamour, as to adopt a system
less perfect than they had originally planned, and to
give the appointments to the patronage of irrespon-
sible dignitaries. Yet under all these disadvar.tages,
the system—maimed and imperfect as its adversaries
forced it to be made—has worked so well, that in
addition to the schools receiving parliamentary
grants, and therefore obliged to submit to inspection,
other schools, quite independent, containing no less
than 130,000 scholars, had actually requested that in-
spection should be extended to them as a desirable
boon.

This gratifying fact sufficiently justified the pro-
posal for increasing the number of inspectors, and we
trust that this increase will be accompanied by a
rigid scrutiny of the qualifications of those to be ap-
pointed. The reports of the gentlemen who now bold
the office, printed in the minutes of the Council of
Education, are highly creditable to their zeal, inte-
grity, and intelligence, we can only wish that their
new colleagues may not be inferior in the same quali-
fications.

The necessity of substituting a subordination of as-
sistant, and sub-assistant masters for the monitorial
system has long been obvious to all who have attended
to the practical working of Lancastrian schools. In
correcting the flagrant evils of the monitorial system,
Lord ListshomNE has introduced two great principles
which we believe will be found of the greatest value,
not merely in education, but in the general admini-
stration of the country.
The first is the system of scholastic apprenticeship.
Instead of monitors who had no prospect of ultimate
reward for the discharge of their duties, we are to have
apprentices with the prospect before them of comfort-
able subsistence if they show zeal, aptitude and intelli-
gence. Here is at last a confession of the simple truth
that " the art of teaching is an art which requires to
be taught "—end not merely a confession, but a recog-
nition of the neglected fact as a principle of action. And
still more valuable is the promise, that offices in the
revenue shall be mule the reward of educational merit
in the national schools. It is not enough that the
state should encourage education ; practical proofs are
wanting to show that the state deems educational
merit valuable, and the proof most intelligible to the
masses will be, the recognition of good conduct at
school as a qualification for office ;—for petty office it
is true, but " little things are great to little men."
The proposition for raising the salaries of teachers,
and securing to this most valuable and neglected class
of the community some provision against the contin-
gencies of accident, disease, and old age, met, as
it ought, general approbation from the assem-
bled peers. It would be a waste of words to dwell
on its propriety and its justice ; but there are obvious
dangers of abuse in carrying it out, and we reserve
our observations on the subject until the details are
before us.

The last and not the least important improvement
promised us,lis an union of industrial with scholastic edu-
cation. Lord LANSDOWNE quoted the beneficial re-
sults of the efforts made by the Rev. Mr. DAWES, in
Hampshire, to establish a system of industrial train-
ing, and we know that similar results, in kind, if not
in degree, have been produced in a school established
by Lord LtssfiownE on his own estate.
The value of *Austria' training is at once percep-
tible to parents and to children. It makes the former
anxious to send their offspring to school,—it renders
the school a place desirable to the latter. So far are
industrial pursuits from interferin6 with the acquisition
of the ordinary course of learning, that in the few
schools where industrial occupation is provided for the
pupils, the average of scholastic attainments is
higher than in the schools where these attainments
receive exclusive attention. The reason is obvious ;
the children see that there is a perceptible connexion
between present life in school and future life in the
active world; the labour of the boy is stimulated by
the hope of the man : he knows what it is for which
he works. Under the old system he was liable to be-
lieving that he worked only to gratify the caprice of
certain unreasonable tormentors. _

The projected improvements announced by Lord
LANSDOWNE, though not equal to our desires, are
fully as great as we believe could be attempted wish
safety under existing circumstances. They are all ex-
cellent iu themselves, and each contains the germ of
future growth and development. But in education,
as in almost every other great question of human
improvement, the adage " not to advance is to recede"
must ever be present to its advocates. There still
remain obstacles to be removed, objections to be over-
come, and cavils to be silenced. The government
cannot act efficiently unless it is preceded by pioneers
to clear away the old and tangled jungles which im-
pede its path. Something has been done, but more,
infinitely more, remains to do. The great charac-
teristic of our age is the increasing sensitiveness of
public men to public opinion. This extends the re-
sponsibility of the statesman to every person who
has a share in forming, or takes a part in expressing,
public opinion. Lord LANspowNE clearly intimates,
that more is ready, when the nation is prepared for
its reception. We believe that the preparatory pro-
cess goes on more rapidly than is generally suspected ;
and we have no doubt that its progress will be greatly
accelerated by the proved advantages
s and experienced
benefits, which will be found speedily to follow from
the measures proposed last night.

THERE is nothing to complain of in Sir GEORGE
GREY'S refusal last night to discus the subject of emi-
gration, introduced by Mr. Hurr. As he hinted,
it is of too much importance to be taken up inciden-
tally. Bat it is to be hoped that either government
may without loss of time state their intention with
regard to emigration, or that Mr. Hurr, or some other
private member, who has devoted attention to that
subject, will bring it before parliament in the form of
a substantive motion. There is a strong and
widely-diffused feeling in favour of emigration
out of doors; and the approbation with which
Mr. Hurr's remarks were caught up and
attended to, shows that the members of the
House of Commons have been turning their attention
in the same direction. An incidental allusion to
colonisation by Earl Fin/mush( was favour-
, ably received in the House of Lords nearly at the
same time that Mr. Hurr was speaking. It is also
worthy of aotice that the remarks both of the hon.
member for Gateshead and the noble earl were not
mere vague generalities which might indicate no-
thing beyond a misty conception that more room
may be found at home after getting rid of some sur-
plus population: Earl FITZWILLIAM distinctly re-
essmmended a "system of emigration"—a "gradual

system going on throughout the whole surface of the
land ;" and Mr. Hu rr's epee& was abrief but intelligent
exposition of the advantages of systematic colonials-
non. Information, that has reached us from various
quarters, leaves us little room to doubt that at this
moment an unwonted degree of activity is manifesting
itself in the department of the Colonial Land and
Emigration Commissioners. When we recollect that
South Australia, notwithstanding its youthful mis-
adventures, is already a self-supporting colony, and
that the less heard-of Port Phillip settlement has been
mach from the beginning, we would fain hope that
something may come of this note of preparation.
"In South Australia," Mr. Hurr observed, " there
is a demand for at least 5,000 heads of families ;
the islands of New 'Zealand and the eastern coast of
the Cape of Good Hope, afford similar openings ; and
without saying what amount of emigration can be
borne by Canada, he was convinced that there existed
ample means for providing for the increasing popu-
lation of ages yet to come." The matter does not
admit of procrastination. The proper season for

_ .
emigration to Canada is almost upon us, and is of no
long duration. The best time to embark emigrants
for the colonies of the southern hemisphere, comes
only a few months later.

We beg to call attention to the remarkable speech
of M. Tillers, made in the sitting of Thursday, and
of which we give a rather full report. M. Guizot
was to have answered on Friday. We shall defer
our remarks till the minister's speech is before us.
The repose in which the Chamber of Deputies
seemed disposed to leave the Minister of Foreign Af-
fairs on Tuesday was rudely and most unexpectedly
broken the following day. M. Guizot, by a ma-
nceuvre showing some adroitness, gave the chamber
to understand that the interests of the country, the
maintenance of tranquillity, and the hopes of a re-
establishment of a good understanding with England,
depended on the chamber following the example set
by the British parliament, and maintaining a silence
on the question of them arriages.
The opposition, thus appealed to on the grounds of
its patriotism, gave its adhesion to the minister, and
the result was an almost unanimous vote in favour of
the paragraph of the address on the marriages. The
dexterity of M. Guizot was, however, defeated the
next day by the maladroit zeal of his organs of the
press, which, instead of accepting the silence of the
opposition on the terms on which the minister him-
self solicited and obtained it, cried aloud that the
opposition said nothing, because they had nothing to
say. This, ofoourse, called up the two leaders, M. Tillers
and Barrot, on Wednesday:the former setting on its right
footing the abstinence of the opposition the pre-
ceding day, required from M. Guizot an explicit
declaration that a debate on the Spanish marriage
question would, in the existing relations between
France and England, be detrimental to the interests
of the country. This declaration M. Guizot refused
to make, whereupon M. Thiers delivered the speech
above alluded to. M. Barrot spoke at length
Wednesday.

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The Spanish Mail, with the journals of Madrid of
the 29th ult., arrived in Parts late on Thursday
afternoon.

The ministry was definitively constituted on the
evening of the 28th, as follows :—President of the
Council and Minister of Foreign Affairs, Duc de
Sotomayor; Grace and Justice, M. Bravo Murillo ;
Interior, M. Sejas Lozano; Public Instruction, M.
Roca de Togores ; Finances, M. Santillan ; War, M.
Livia; Marine, M. Baldasano.

CHAMBER OP DEPUTIES.
PRIPODENCII OP X. PACZIT.

The session commenced at half-past one. The order of
the day was the continuation of the debate on the project of
address to the king. The debate commenced on the second
paragraph, which had been postponed. " The relations of
your Majesty with all the foreign powers, give you the firm
confidence that the peace of the world is ensure Ve
rejoice with you at this."
M. Tutees, after a few preliminary remarks, said, I rack.
first refer to the Spanish marriages, and to the affair of Cra-
cow, and in reference to the former, shall ear less of the
alliance of the Queen Isabella with Don Francisco, than of
the marriage of the Infanta Luise with the Duke de Mont-
pensier, which, I think, was • premature act. As I was one
of the authors of the treaty of the quadruple alliance, I have
some right to apt ak concerning it. 1 his to caty had two objects
—the first was to prevent the counter revolution in Spain ; the
second was to establish a concord with England on a question
very difficult and likely to give rise to differences between the
two countries. The first result has been obtained ; Spain
has been need from a revolution : the second result has not
been obtained, but the two countries have made in Spain a
war of influence: while France his patronised the modera-
dos, England has encouraged the progressistas. This is an
unfortunate policy ; for in having recourse to such measures
we axe likely to protect none save the intriguers of both parties.
These two influences have come into collision on the occa-
sion of the Queen's marriage. France has declared, in
principle, that she desires a prince of the horse of Bourbon ;
I might have stated that for sixty 'Tars this principle
has been maintained as absolute ; but how can it be so now
when a party of the house is committed to the principle of
the counter revolution? You have well defeated the house
of Coburg. We should have been to blame if we had allowed
it to triumph. Fraiame denred a prince of the house of Bourbon.
But what did Spain desire ? Spain as represented by the Queen
Christina ? She was not &mumble to her nephews, and
to avoid them, she first thought of the Duke de Montpenrier.
Every one must approve of her motive. But when it is
proved to her, by both French and European considerations,
that the marriage of the Duke de Montpensier with Queen
Isabella was impossible, Queen Christina turned her atten-
tion on • prince of the house of Coburg. On this choice the
Queen was determined, and it was not until she learned that
such a union with the hour of Coburg would throw you
into a consternation (to use the phrase of the English
ambassador, Lord Cowley), that she abandoned the project.
In order to obtain a prince of the House of Coburg, it would
have been necessary to gain the consent, not only of that
house, but also of England. Now what has taken place?
The House of Coburg, which has made its fortune by mar-
riages, might have seen in en alliance with Queen Isabella
the climax of its successes ; but not daring to disoblige either
of the two countries, it avoided the honour by mules its
consent depend upon the consent of England. England, no
doubt, wished for a Prince of Coburg, but considering the
objections made to such a match, she sought for the Queen
of Spain another union, and ultimately suggested Don Henry,
the chief of the Progremistas in Spain. Such, then, was the
state of affairs. France desired a Bourbon Queen Christina
a Coburg, and England (renouncing the latter on account of
France) named Don Henry. It has been said that an agree-
ment had taken place at Eu, and that France had there and
then renounced the hand of Isabella fer a prince of the
house of Orleans, on condition that the marriage of the In-
fanta to the Due de Moutpensier should take place when
the queen had issue. The French cabinet added, that it
would not approve the marriage of the Queen of Spain with
a Coburg; and that the English cabinet having presented
that candidate, and broken a former engagement, it (the
French cabinet) wandered itself free from its engagement
I have read all the documents on the subject, and have come
to the conclusion that the Whigs were more disposed than
the Tories to favour the Prince of Saxe Coburg. The Minister
for Foreign Affairs has said in this place that the Tories had
informed the French cabinet that a negotiation had been
commenced by their successors in favour of the Prince of
Coburg, and that the Tories themselves had not opposed such
ea eventuality. You all leave seen the despatch of Lord
Aberdeen to the Duke of Sotomayor ; that envoy had put
dr question thus If we leave aside the house of Bourbon
(Mat is, take the Priam of Coburg), what would England
ay ? Lord Aberdeen answered, that England would agree
le any choice the queen would make, except a prince of
dr royal family of France. The Tory cabinet thus
showed itself favourable to the German prince. It was then
that the Whigs came into power ; full of the reminiscences
of 1840, knowing that then they had followed a weave
policy, and hurt their own interests ; this disposition was •
happy one for us, and one we should have taken advant
In
ageof. Lord Patent:Teton sent a despatch to Mr. Bulwer,
which he said, " We need neither favour nor exclude say
candidate. These candidates are three: the Prince of Saxe
Coburg, Don Francis d'Alene, and Prism Don Henry."
There was seen in this despatch an intention to favour the
candidature of the Prince of Coburg ; but a correspondence
immediately took place between the two cabinets, sad
Lord Palmerston declared that England had no candidate,
and favoured none. He, however, added, that it would re
with greater pleasure Don Henry as a candidate. On this
declaration, the French cabinet proposed to that of England
to unite with it in support of Don Henry. Consequently,
en August 22, Lord Palmerston wrote to Mr. Thalwer, that
England would join with France in recommending Dam
Henry. This despatch was communicated, on Aug. 28 by
Lord Normanby to M. Guinn, who answered: " I
to your common mode of action ; but I cannot 'Low Don
Henry to be presented alone, and I propose to join with him
Don Francis." It was known at Madrid that the house of