The Express.
London, England, 1847-10-15 00:00:00

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law, MM. Maid" eat arm Ayres, will be MOO up oa the
tag tithe 4th November.

TO COILILSOPOMMINTI.
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&wane-Wee; b, Tyro Welasb be the ba, 4 Febllcatle.

•.• I•ottannatt
at the Ulta.

SION WAYS,. •T LONDO3.IIIIDOS.
T... D.,—lleasJAL 11 gals. —s : 17 S.
Twileilew—Mareia& aln. pat Nen:M. 111 ter. ma S.

LONDON, FRIDAY, OCT.
.15:

THERE is no more marked characteristic of our
time, than the want of confidence in public men—a
want of confidence not in their honesty, but their
wisdom. In former times it was the reverse : states-
men were looted upon as paragons of sagacity and
cunning, bat wanting in hi4h purpose and purity of
conduct. Their head was in general allowed to hold
its full portion of intelligence and brains, but the
heart was said to be hollow. The public of
the present day have a mach higher opinion
of a minister's honesty—a much smaller one of his
abilities. Nor is this without a show of reason.
Statesmen of old were infinitely more the masters of
public events, of which the most important were to be
found in a court chronicle or a military gazette.
The public was then in its minority, growing, learn-
ing, exercising, but submitting to be limited in its
wants, checked in its aspirations, taught how to con-
duct itself, and to give as little trouble as possible to

its guardians.
The public has since grown to maturity of wants
and wills—some may say to more than maturity.
The statesman class, which once acted pedagogues, now
act the part of servants, and are not always able to
comprehend, much lees provide for, the necessities and
exigencies of their wayward masters.
Of all the statesmen of the generation, Sir ROBERT
PEEL alone seems to have fully understood, and
adroitly suited himself to, this great change, which
he has lived and even governed long enough to see
commence, increase, and attain its full development.
Taking his stand, in the early part of his career, on the
principle of authority and the assumption of absolute
wisdom and indefeasible right on the part of the
governing and privileged classes, he has slowly, can-
' tioualy, and skilfully removed one foot from
this antiquated pedestal, and placed it on the
broad shoulders of public opinion. It has
been nice balancing, and he has more than once
fallen to the ground between. But he still
recovers this position, ready at any time to lean for
his whole support upon, not tradition, but opiaion.
This forms Sir RoaEar's strength. People do not
put faith in any ultra-honesty of his, or ultra.
wisdom. But his flexibility, and foresight, and
power of self-adaptation, hold the place of both these
virtues. He, like the age and its ideas, is in a
permanent state of transition. And his authority is
far greater than that of any other statesman, simply
because there is no one who may not hope in him.
If in antagonism to so many-faced a can-
didate for popularity and power, we find a
statesman or statesmen, who oppose dull con-
sistency to his brilliant versatility, who profess
all his respect for the privileged dames, bat fall
far short of his flattery and his promises to the
popular ones ; if their liberalism be chiefly a theory,
and his a practice ; if they seek strength rather in
borrowing his cast-off and penultimate opinions, than
in putting forth new, and advanced, and matured
ones of their own, which, should we say, made the
boldest grasp at power ?
The whigs have originated, in the reflective retire-
ment of opposition, almost all the great principles and
the great innovations of the time. To them may
be traced the great boons and lights of religions
equality, electoral emancipation, freedom of trade, the
exertion of the powers and resources of the state to
feed and discipline the poor, to tend and educate the
ignorant, to reclaim without torturing the criminal.
The reward for the discovery of these great
truths wilt ensure an honoured place in future
history. Posterity will be proud of, and grateful to,
such men ; but contemporaries know no gratitude.
How did the English dissenters revere in the last
elections the name of RUSSELL, or the Irish catholics
respect those of WISE and Sum ? The future, not
the past, gives in our day the claim to power. And'
how slight mast that claim be, which can only tell the
suffering to be patient, the obstinate that they are
wrong, the injured that they deserve to be so.
If such are the sentiments, such the views, with
which ministers prelude to the opening
.of the new
parliament, we fear that they are giving far toe
many advantages to their rivals, open and concealed.
There were excuses last year for a minister resting on
his oars ; there will, this year, be neither excuse nor
possibility. Great questions, great anxiety, agitate
the public mind: it will not do to shirk or pass them
over. Rain stalks through the storehouses and
very manufactories of wealth—ruin, for which, as there
appears there is no adequate cause, government is
ailed on for wisdom, temper, and generosity, to probe
and alleviate at least, if not cure. When merchants
and bankers, possessors of all their wonted wealth, are
forced to work each other's destruction, and when the
great City of London presents the appearance of the raft
of the Medusa, where strong men strangled each other
for a drop of water, it will not do to throw the blame
on absorption of capital, a cause in operation so
many years, and so constantly carried to excess before
railways were heard of, and that too in favour of
foreign schemes, not domestic labour. It will not do
in a CLIANCSLLOR Of the EXCHEQUER to shake his
fist at what he calls a monster, and then put his fiat
in his pocket, leaving the monster unscathed to bear
the odium of ministerial calumny. This is not the
way to deal with commercial interests : nor will suds
conduct ever pass for political wisdom.
At the present conjuncture a CHANCELLOR d As
EXCHEQUER, one at least to whom the First Lind d
the Treasury gives fall latitude and responsibility, is is
facto prime minister. England is looking to Sir CHAR
Woon, listening to Sir CHARLES Woon, in his
answers to addresses, his lucubration, in the jaea+
nab, which ono day breathe defiance, and the
next nonchalance, but which in neither vein meet the
question or satisfy the public. The finance policy
of the cabinet is at this moment everything. The
public are not to be diverted to Spain or Switzerland.
They care not for diplomatic notes, or even for educa-
tional minutes. The most wealthy are asking for bread,
or the staff of life, at least for that staff of
commercial life, credit Nine-tenths of the commer-
cial classes declare, that this is denied them by laws
founded on the mistaken theory of politicians. Such
a complaint, from each a mass of the best and most
intelligent and moat industrious men in the state,
cannot be set aside, or met by a play between
the words currency and credit. If a minister
cannot otherwise m,t such a complaint, he had
better summon parliament to do so. It would be a
cruel derision to call parliament together in January
to sit as an inquest over that mass of commercial
suicide now committing, and now suffered to take
place, whilst the optimist minister exclaims that "All
this rain is for the best."

The civilised world rings with the woes of Ireland.
We hear day after day, hour after hour, ad nauseam,
the detail of her wrongs and her sufferings, and
the remedies proposed by the various doctors who are
each ready with a cure. We seldom, however, hear of
the wrongs of Scotland, or of the injustice and misery
inflicted upon the Celtic population of her northern
and western shores—wrongs quite as acute as any of
those which have afflicted Ireland. When the potato
fails, the begging box is sent round, and then we
hear of the highlands; but at all other times, if we
ever think of those remote regions at all, we think of
them as the abode of a hardy race, living upon much
oatmeal and much fish—a race from which the
vigour of our colonies is recruited, and from which
we may draw an inexhaustible supply of good
soldiers, if we should unhappily be in want of any.

The Wt, in het, bids fair to be extirpated altogether
hens the land of his nativity. The few Celts that
remain are a potato-esting, idle, dispirited, and de-
emigrated race. They will not work if they can Nub-
ile en charity. Oatmeal, upon which they once fed,
h bang rapidly displaced by the more easily-raised
”etto; and when the latter fails, they are in the same
deplorable condition as their brother Celts over St.
George's Channel, with this exception, that they bear
their evil fate with far more equanimity—clamour for
no repeal—accuse no Sassenach—ehoot no landlord—
nor perform any of the interesting antics so common
among, their mercurial relatives of the green isle.
Last year, while the charity of England flowed
in such copious streams for the relief of the
suffering Irish, the suffering Higlanders of Scotland
were not forgotten. Subscriptions were commenced
in various quarters of the world; and the East and
West Indies, Canada, the United States, the Cape at
Good Hope—even Constantinople, all contributed
their quota, as well as England, for the alleviation
of a misery which was represented as so
urgent. Altogether, the sum of 119,0001. was
collected, exclusive of Indian corn and other provisions
generously sent from America to the value of 11,0001.
The whole of the provisions were distributed under
the direction of an Edinburgh and a Glasgow com-
mittee ; and 44,0001. of the money was, by the same
agency, expended for the relief of the most necessitous
of the people. Whilst in Ireland many thousands
must have died of starvation (we say nothing of the
reverend Sam of a certain Romanist prelate, that two
millions perished), not one person in Scotland, thanks
to the judicious care of the Scottish Central Board for
the relief of the destitution, met this awful fate. The
heard, however, was obliged to hold a tight hand
over its money, as is evident from the feet that it has
yet upwards of 7.1,0001. in the bank, or within 13,0001.
of double the amount already expended by its order.
The members of the board had their wits about them.
They were surrounded by people who had a keen scent
for the eleenioeynary, a high relish for money un-
earned, a sore distaste for labour, and a violent yearn-
ing for the charitable contributions of the humane.
Many landlords, and all the people, shared in this
weakness. Like their compeers us Ireland, some pro-
prietors were anxious that the money should be ex-
pended in drafting the Highlanders to Canada or to
New Zealand—" everywhere, anywhere," out of their
estates ; others were desirous that roads should be
constructed, and that piers should be built for the tem-
porary advantage of the people employed, and for the
I permanent advantage of the owner of the soil; others
fancied draining and reproductive " works as the
sole things needful, for which they exhibited a mar-
vellous love ; as soon as they became imbued with the
consoling belief that they, could be undertaken at the
expense—but not to the advantage—of the public.
The Edinburgh and Glasgow committees were,
however, too knowing. There were old stagers
among them, who were not to be " done ;" and they
buttoned up their pockets and turned a deaf ear to
all the solicitations of such questionable Mende of the
poor people. They were equally hard-hearted against
the soft persuasion of the suffering Celts themselves.
They would not pay a man to cultivate his own
patch of ground. They would not give relief ex-
cept to the aged and impotent, unless they got the
value of it in labour ; and they instituted a rigid
scrutiny into the three or four months previous occu-
pation of all the applicants for relief. This scrutiny
was absolutely necessary, for it appeared that at the
first rumour that there was money to be given away in
the Highlands, many a Donald who had work in the
Lowlands, hurried home to his native district to turn
the famine to account, and live for a season without
labour. A whole company of them, employed by a
well-known Glasgow firm, struck work, demanding
wages that they knew could not be given to them,
and marched to the famine with a piper at their head.
Railways in construction suffered for want of hands,
and iron and coal masters were pat to temporary in-
convenience by the voluntary self-immolation of the
northern and western aborigines. The board knew
their business too well to encourage the Celts in the
comfortable delusion, that they were to be fed without
labour ; and most of them, discovering their mistake
lia time, managed to get back again to comfort-
able quarters in the Lowlands, to live like English-
men, upon the fair day's wages that were procurable
for a fair day's work. As the summer advanced, and
the demands upon the funds grew less urgent, it
became a question amongst those who were interested
either in this money or in the welfare of the High-
lands, what was to be done with the large balance on
hand. Some patriotic citizen or citizens of Edinburgh
started the bright idea that as the suffering Irish and
Highlanders had brought fever into the modern
Athens, the money might be expended in the erection
of fever hospitals, and handsome ones too, in that
handsome city. Glasgow, in the person of some
of its worthies, would doubtless, had the thing
been listened to, have preferred its own claim
to a share of the booty ; but, fortunately for
the credit of Scotland, the board very peremptorily
decided that no such idea could be entertained, and
that they had no power to alienate a farthing of the
money from the purposes for which it was originally
intended. The board, however, decided at the same
time that they would not return the money. They
maintained that the urgency of the case was not yet
satisfied; that the failure of the potato crop of 1846
would injuriously affect the Highlands in 1848 and
many succeeding years, as well as in 1847 ; and that,
therefore, they would fail in their duty to the sub-
scribers if they did not retain the money, and make
the best use of it they could, whenever the calamities
which they believed to be inevitable should again
spread over these unhappy regions, where the
grease, in a landlord's estimation, is the most
profitable biped that can exist upon his acres.
We wish we could believe that the board
indulged in too gloomy a view of the case: but
we cannot. Let it be borne in mind that large
sheep farms, affording but small opportunities for the
employment of labour—and which sheep farms yield
heavy additional rentals as grouse shootings—cover
the western and northern Highlands, and that the
people, thinly. scattered over the moors, or crowded
together in miserable villages or clachans, cultivate a
wretched patch of potato ground which is their whole
subsistence, and we shall have an idea of the deplo-
rable state of semi-destitution which is the habitual

life of the once hardy, proud, and independent Celt.
The board in their report touch but gently upon
these points. They say that " the land yields the
tenantry food irum.fficient for their proper support ; "
that the " labouring class greatly exceeds the de-
mand for labour;" that the "dependence on land
and labour is so intermingled, that the tenant scarcely
knows whether he is a labourer or the labourer a
tenant;" and that the people:" depend upon a scanty
potato crop WHICH THEY DRAW BY SUFFERANCE from
the ground." A deputation from the Free Church,
present at the meeting on the 4th inst., when this re-
port was read, stated "that if proper measures of re-
lief were not continued, the rising generation would
be stunted in its growth ;" and that "the children in
many parishes could not attend school at any dis-
tance, because they were habitually so ill fed that
they could not walk." Many other statements of a
similar character were made, corroborating the fact
well known to every person who has visited the
Highlands and used his eyes, that the people,
either by their own fault or by that of the
proprietors of the soil, are not what they
once were, but a listless and deteriorated race, living
in continual fear of famine, and using no exertion
toremedy the evils of their condition—having no sti-
mulus to industry—becoming gradually fewer and
fewer—and being displaced at every convenient op-
portunity, for sheep, grouse, or red-deer. The board
for the relief of the destitution offer some few sug-
gestions as remedies for these evils—or at all events
suggest a means of improving, to some extent, the
condition of the people. We do not think the board
show true wisdom in their suggestions, or that they
have sufficient courage to grapple with the land-
lordism, which has reduced a fine country and
a noble people to so melancholy a state.
In Scotland, as in Ireland, the laws relating to the
occupation and ownership of the soil are the sole
causes of all the mischiefs that have arisen, and
which are augmented every succeeding year. We
shall take an early opportunity of returning to the
subject, and treating of the remedies suggested by
the board, and of those larger and more searching re-
medies which would very speedily be applied to the
case, if English and not Scottish landlords were the
persons to be dealt with.

lay role the social machine by external force, to
moss the task of regulating, in an empirical way
the natural interchange of supply and demand, the
volaittsey employment of money by those who have
sher
it to epod—a proposal like this, we say (the
method of getting out of a difficult posi-
Vis might be safely left to itself, were it merely the
ideeme of some inconsiderate men, who are not re-
erosible to the public for the consequences of their
consols. But if these paper kites were sent up, as
some conjecture they may be, to prepare an ex-
plosion from higher regions—if the inflated
paragraphs are but petty pilot balloons preceding the
rise of some vast ministerial wind-bag, there may be
reason for examining their substance and contents
with more attention than they might otherwise de-
serve. We trust that the rumour of a great empirical
measure being in contemplation may tura out to be
erroneous. There ie, however, sufficient reason in the
mere existence of such report; for keeping the subject
in mind, in order that if anything of the kind be
really thought of, its character and bearing may not
take us by surprise.
The idea of any want of a forcible check to the
outlay on railways, it is evident, can only exist on the
presumption that the money is ready to be thus ex- '
pended, and that the parties liable to calls will eamily
them, unless they are prevented by a superior power.
The companies are partnerships invested with full
ability to conduct their own affairs, and to regulate the
ism of their own funds; if they (meaning of course
the majority of the partners in each case) find the ex-
pense inconvenient to themselves at present, and wish
to be relieved from it, there is no new reason what-
i ever for them to have recourse to parliament for the
,1 relief. They will use their ordinary powers ; meet
Ito decide upon whatever may be necessary in their
present circumstances, and instruct their directors ac-
cordingly. In this way, as well as by lees formal,
but quite effectual, means of making known their
wants and wishes, they can exert sufficient control
over all that concerns themselves in this matter; and
can thoroughly adjust their expenses to their means
within doors. We believe this process to be going on
in many
.quarters; we have already expressed a de-
cided opinion as to its expediency ; and are persuaded
1 that in this manner all that can be safely and wisely
done in the way of restriction, the exercise, namely, of
a severely prudential and considerate management,
by these partnerships, of their own affairs, tke adjust-
ment of their present expenditure to their present
means, may be and ought to be accomplished. Such
being their powers in respect of their interests, no
extreme interference of government can be wanted to
prutect these. The plea for its agency, in the way it is
now advised to take, must therefore be this other—
that railway proprietors, namely, are able and willing
to lay out, in making the toads which parliament has
declared they shall make, a heavier sum of money
than it is expedient for the country at large—in other
words, more than it suite the convenience of other
1 interests in the country—that they should be suffered
1 to spend on those works at present.
Now it will be proper to understand clearly what
an interference of this kind means : on what principles
alone it can be justified : to what point any consistent
1 pursuit of these principles must carry us. It is to
declare, in defiance of all the maxims of political wis-
dom, that the way in which capital shall be employed,
the extent to which it shall be used in certain ways,
can no longer be safely left to the parties directly
concerned; that the CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER
is from henceforth to be the judge, from time to time,
of how much of their own money men may be safely
allowed to lay out in this kind of work, how much in
that other kind; that in a time of distress it is
his province to issue sumptuary laws for the
regulation of commercial expenditure -- to declare
extravagant any venture in a certain direction ,
beyond a given sum that he may deem suf- 1
ficient—to forbid the parties concerned in such
ventures to exceed this sum, not because they cannot
afford it, but because their use of too much money in
that way may. pinch their neighbours. This, in
plain language, is what the Examiner and the Times
We now calling on the CHANCELLOR OF THE Ex-
CHEQUER to undertake. This naked form of the
proposal, of course, is covered up by flourishes and
phrases that may conceal its true nature,Nbut, stripped
of these, such it is; and to this, if the plan is worth
anything, if it be a proper remedy in the present
crisis, it must inevitably lead us. There is not, it
will be seen, in the manner in which'• government is
urged to fall headlong on railway finance, and on
some estimate of its own to seal and unseal at
pleasure the issue of the companies funds,
a single condition of necessity or reason, which would
not equally authorise, nay require, it to enter at other
times into the forcible command of any other class
of business suspected or accused of over-trading. If
the principle is worth anything, if, indeed, it is not a
dangerous and perverted offspring of the fright and
perplexity of a moment, it must be available on other
occasions. If it be proper this year to say that no
more than so much shall be spent en railways, it may
be equally so next year, or whenever a new pause
may arise, to fix a maximum beyond which no more
cotton shall be brought, no more houses built on see-
culatioskthroughout the kingdom, no more money in-
vested in draining estates or in building breweries.
If the tide can be stayed by Goody Partington's mop
this winter, we have every right to put Gaffer Jones's
bucket into requisition if another gale brings a flood
next year.

And from whom, one may be tempted to ask, is
this strange way of dealing apprehended ?—from
men who have taken their stand on the furthest
ground of prohibitions and restraints, who have
pledged themselves to show that the several interests
of trade, andof the nation in which tradeexists,cannot
be safely left to find their own level, but must each
be dammed up between legislative banks, and led
into artificial channels by the daily care of the
state? Even from the boldest advocates of this
theory, a measure of this extent and precipita-
tion would appear startling, whether we regard
the extreme lengths to which it must at once carry
the principle of treating commercial society as non
rompos, or the immediate consequences which may be
expected from suddenly breaking up a main instru-
ment of national industry. But from the present
administration, such a plan, justifiable only on
grounds which its members have been combating
throughout their public lives—a reading backward of
all the lemons of statesmanship and economy their
party have claimed the merit of teaching and carry-
mg into practice—a questionable step, nay an im-
mense stride down a road which for years they
have been telling England to avoid, nay calling
on England to praise them for having rendered
impassable, such a measure from a govern-
ment such as we now have would indeed be
an unaccountable exhibition. A more unpromising
feat of statesmanship and a stranger recantation of
political faith could hardly be united in a single mea-
sure. We trust that neither the cries of the Tines
nor the counsels of the Examiner are really meant to
prepare us for a spectacle the least edifying that could
well be conceived :—To announce a proceeding more
like the convulsive action of weakness surprised by
dangers which it can neither master nor even com-
prehend, than the considerate "energy of a power
equal to the emergency, directed by a judg-
ment able to see through it. That the present
state of affairs is grievous and gloomy, we all
know. Hitherto, to applications for aid from govern-
ment towards a relief from these straits, the CHAN-
ceLtoit of the EXCHEQUER is understood to have
tarried a deaf ear; for the reason, we may e,
that he either could see no case for the interrnlowenor
the state, or could discover no way in which it could
effectually interpose. It would be strange indeed, if,
unable or unwilling to attempt anything, by legiti-
mate ways of administration, the minister should
attempt to burst upon the stage like a deus cx
machinel, and try to effect his purpose by a sudden
move of the " extraordinary" kind we have been de-
scribing. What the real effects of such a process would
be have been only partially stated on the present
occasion. Its.pperation in other ways may also be of
serious immediate consequence ; and ender present
circumstances it will be proper to bring some prac-
tical views of another side of the question as plainly
as we can before the public mind, in order that,
should ministers really intend to interfere, in a man-
ner beyond all precedent and at variance with all
principle, it may at least be known beforehand to
what consequences such an operation may lead us.

Under the date of the kingdom of the Two Skilies,
25th ult., the Augsburg Gazette says that a reward of
• thousand ducats had been offered by the govern-
ment at Messina to those who should deliver up alive,
and half that sum for the head of, each of the Cala-
brian insurgents who have landed in Sicily. There
are a number of persons among the insurgent leaders
who assume the name of Romeo. The head of one
of these was exposed upon a pike in the public square
of Reggio. At Pakrtho measures of the greatest
severity were adopted, and the city was continually
patrolled by gendarmes.
The same journal says that the minister San Angelo
had proposed to the King of Naples to make such en-
lightened reforms as are required by the spirit of the
times, citing the examples of Tuscany, Piedmont,
Lucca, and Rome, as the only way. of tranquillising
the kingdom. On the aK
resigned. K. posing this, the mi-
nister The insurgents had sent
grto the Sicilians • pro e, the object of which
was to produce concert between their operations.
The former were led by two English officers and a
Prussian, and had artillery stationed in the forests.
A letter from Leghorn of the 6th says that the two
new ministers of Tuscany, Marquis Ridolfi and Count
Serristori, have accepted the portfolios of the interior
and of foreign affairs, on the condition that, in the
event of an Austrian intervention, the Grand Duke,
with all the government, shall withdraw to the island
of Elba, in order to be able to resist it.
Letters front Ferrara of the 4th state that the Aus-
trians still occupied the poets of the city. The commu-
nal council of I, errara had voted 6,000 Roman crowns
(rather more than 30,000 f) for the purchase of mus-
kets for the civic guard.
The Nourelliste of Marseilles gives the following
from Naples, dated the sth inst. :
I told you in my last letter that M. Pietracatella, the pre-
sident of the council, not wishing any longer to accept his
part in the responsibility attendant on the direction of the
government, had sent in his resignation to the king. The
fact is exact, but the King refused to accept the resignation.
The minister, not being able to overcome the will of the king,
has protested against such conduct, and dictated that he
should (or the future remain totally a stranger to the busi-
ness of the cabinet. In consequence, he refused to attend
the council of state. The next day all the ministers pro-
ceeded to his house to hold a council, but M. Pietracatella
kept his room, declaring that he was ill, and allowed his col-
leagues to deliberate as they pleased in his drawin-.room.
The arrest and death of some of the Romeos are related so
contradictorily that I cannot affirm anything certain to you
about them. I can inform you that the bands commanded
by Longobucco aid Baron Piotino have reached the wood of
Site, whence they often make a sortie to attack the royal
troops. General Statella has fixed his head-quarters at
Monteleone, in order to watch the limits of Calabria Ultra,
' and intercept all communications with the other parts. Bon-
, figlio. the leader of a numerous band of brigands, offered
Longohucco and Baron Piotino the aid of his men, but the
offer was refused, in order not to disgrace the cause of the
, insurgents. Ilonfiglio then commenced acting on his own
account, and disquieted the government so much, that Gen.
Statella has promised 2,000 ducats for him, alive or dead. In
' his last reports, General Statella mentions the general dia-
' content, and the sympathy which the insurgents meet with
amongst the population ; he does not dissemble that some con-
cessions, made at the proper moment, would be more favour-
able to the royal cause than the violence and severity dis-
played against the insurgent districts.
I We find nothing either in our private letters or
. the journals to countenance the announcement of the
reduction of the insurrection, and the god-like
clemency of King Ferdinand, so pompously given by
the Journal des Debuts, an Tuesday, on authority
"entitled to the highest confidence."
' The Corriere Lirornese published the following
letter in a supplement on the 6th, dated Naples, the
, lst inst.: _ .

Almost everybody is in the dark here ; as the secrecy
maintained by government is miraculous. The persona who
write from Sicily and Calabria carefully avoid writing one
word which might create uneasiness, because govern-
ment makes no distinction of letters : they open them
all, and woe to the person bold enough to speak of
anything displeasing to the Kiug! Discordant reports
are circulated concerning the affairs of Sicily and Calabria,
some pretendiug that Sicily is at the present restored to per-
fect calm, and the two Calabrias freed from the briganti ;
others (and they seem to be better informed, by the minute
particulars they report) declare that Sicily is in a high state
of agitation, and sometimes, if not at present, in open revolt.
They also affirm the two Calabrias to be in the same state as
they were two months since, and that the troops of the King
are often worsted. It is certain that government is in dread,
and in great dread of something, even at Naples, since
gear d'armes on foot and on horseback pate the city every
night. The Neapolitans say they intend making a prontai-
clam/ciao. I will, however, tell you two things which
concern the King himself, which you may rely on.
Some days ago the Count Ferretti, who came from Rome,
had a conference with King Ferdinand relative to the
concerns of the railway from Capus to the Doman confints,
in which the Count Ferretti is greatly interested : they hap-
pened to speak of Cardinal Ferretti, and the King, who de-
clared himself to be a great admirer of the cardinal, inquired
of his heather how he got on in his charge. The latter re-
plied in the following terms " Very well ; but lie encoun-
ters great difficulty in fulfilling his own duties in a proper
manner, and in systematising the necessary reforms."
" That," replied the King, " is the common lot of us who
are in power, for whenever we endeavour to do good we
always find ourselves impeded by obstacles, or meet with
persons who know how to extract evil from the good itself."
About two or three days back, the King, in a council
of ministers and private counsellors, went so far as to
inquire with the greatest simplicity what it was possible to
do to satisfy his subjects, and what they thought necessary
to tranquillise and make them happy. Not one of this mass
of courtiers encouraged in the King these sentiments, but all
joined in representing in such sombre colours the peril to
which a King expose" himself in making innovations and in
satisfying the foolish caprices of his people, that the King, a
kind soul at botom, was frightened and spoke of it no more.
It is said the King is himself kind and rational, sad would,
perhaps, do much for the welfare of his people, because he is
ambitious of being beloved ; but, surrounded as he is, be not
only can never do good, but will do harm, and much harm.
You well know what happened to Signor Benucci, twenty
days since. Government caused it to be reported that he
was dead. Signor Benucci is now alive, and is in the Castle
of St. Elmo, at Naples.

The party devoted to the support of the federal
government in Switzerland, on the question of the
Sonderbund, have effected the seizure of four waggons
of arms and ammunition, which were on their way
from the French arsenals to the separatist canton of
Fribourg.
The Vorort at Berne had been informed of the
arrival at the Verrieree of part [of a stock of arms
sent from France, and it communicated the fact to
the government of Neufchatel. This government did
nothing to comply with the decree of the 31st July,
and accordingly allowed four waggons filled with
twenty-four large boxes, fourteen of which contained
muskets, nine shot, and one harness, to leave the
Verrieres. But after passing Saint Sulpiee, and
entering in the Val do Travers, the waggons were
stopped by a crowd of young men of Fleurier and
the neighbouring villages, who had spread themselves
over the road, and kept watch day and night to pre-
vent the passage. After ascertaining the contents
and destination of the boxes, the latter being the
Friburg bank of the lake, the young men begged the
waggoners to change their direction. This they
dared not refuse, so that the waggons pro-
ceeded to Sainte Croix, a village of Vaud,
at two and a half leagues from Fleurier ;
and the local authorities immediately confis-
cated the boxes. A despatch was then sent to the
Vorort to inform it of the important capture. As it
was known that a second convoy was to pas. by
another road, and as it was especially important to
prevent the passage over the lake of Neufchatel,
another measure, not less important, was taken.
The prefect of Yverdun, a town of Vaud, at the
western extremity of the lake of Neufchatel,
caused cannon, artillerymen, and carabineers, to
embark on board the steamer the Industriel,
and sent it to cruise on the Friburg bank from
Portalbea to Estavayer, with orders to visit
all vessels, and to stop those which might
contain arms or ammunition. The boldness of
this measure has astonished the people, and espe-
cially the government of Neufchatel. As there
was reason to fear that the Neufchatel patriots,
who accomplished a federal duty, might be ex-
posed to annoyance on the part of their govern-
ment, the vorort has sent M. Stockmar, Councillor of
State, to Neufchatel, as federal commissioner, with,
it is ;aid, authority to threaten the canton with mili-
tary occupation if it persecutes the citizens. He
reached Neufchatel on the oth, and had an interview
with the President of the Council of State. A letter
from Chaux de Fonds states that information had
been received that another convoy was to proceed by
Morteati, and that the people hoped to seize it, in
which case they would send it into the canton of
Berne. They kept a watch on the frontier, and had
done so for eight days. The event of Val de Travers
had caused an immense sensation, and thrown the
authorities into a state of great alarm.
The Swiss Federal Directory gave a grand dinner
at Berne on the 6th, to Mr. Peel, the British charge
d'affaires, at which all the authorities were present.

igarian
Purpose

MADRID, OCT. 8.
In the Gazette of to-day are published decrees re-
peeing the late decrees of Salamanca, which ordered the tale
of municipal estates and charities. The monetary decree
promulgated on the 31st of May by the same minister has
also been suppressed.
Gloyena has been re-appointed to the offices which ha held
before becoming minister, of Magistrate of the Supreme Tri-
banal, and vice-president of the committee of codes.
Few more details have transpired with respect to the sud-
den ministerial change. It is said, that in consequence of
some expressions which fell from the Queen on the evening of
the lit, from which General Serrano was leR to gather that his
visits to the palace were by no means so indispensable to the
1 royal pease of mind as he might suppose, the irritated " in-
fluence " took his departure mere abruptly than usual. The
next morning his inseparable companion, Roe de Olano,
paying his usual visit to the Cuesta de San Domingo, found
his patron making arrangements to leave Madrid and retire
to his native town of Jaen. When he heard the mum,
he laughed at the idea of treating such matters seriously.
" Que nthirios son Was!" " What childishness! reine.ber
your position and all that depends upon it." It was co very
difficult matter, it may be supposed, to dissuade the favourite
from his projected journey ; but it appeared to Selsorara an
opportune moment for cementing an alliance with Namur.
Accordingly he set out immediately in quest of the Duke of
Valencia, and brought him to General Serranu's house.
Hamm was ready to promise anything. He was full of
protestations; from that moment Serrano should be his
brother; his safety, his life were dearer to him than his
own; he would support him through thick and thin with
all his might. The compact was scaled. Meanwhile Ser-
rano made his peace at the palace, into which the Duke of
Valencia was introduced the next night. The security of
ministers was singularly &Vinton' or suspicions. Buschenthal
was told on Saturday night that the ministry was in dan-
ger, and charged to put Salamanca upon his guard. Both
Buscheathal and Salamanca went into the country. The
next night, when Salamanca returned, he was met in the
lobby of the opera by de la Vega (who, by the way, had
been removed from the post of private secretary to the
Queen, on account of his friendship for Salamanca). Don Jai,
answered! with an incredulous " Pshaw!" to his friend's de-
nunciation of the intrigues on foot. De la Vega intreated
him to go to the Queen's hot and make a last effort to save
himself. But " Quota Deus vult perdcre prius dementat,"—
Salamanca would believe nothing, would do nothing. He
learned his fate at the council the same night, where he ex-
hibited the same torpor.
The political causes which have led to the triumph of
Narviiez may be traced briefly thus. Ever since Serrano
has found himself exalted to the isolated eminence which he
occupies, aware of the perils that lie in wait for him, be has
sought to strengthen himself against the evil day of reverses
by some powerful alliance. To pas. over the coquetting that
went forward during the Pacheco ministry with the chiefs
of the progresistas, and the impracticability of which the
favourite accused these to his private friends, the programme
of the Salanaanca-Goyena ministry, and the decree Tutoring
Espartero to hie honours may be considered as a manifesta-
tion of a desire on the part of Serrano to procure the
alliance of Espartero. Bat it seems that the steps
taken by the latter, particularly his not very prudently
worded letter to the Queen, which was considered as pitched
in rather too patronising a key, were looked upon as in-
auspicious. But what more than all tended to put the
services of Espartero out of the question was the conduct of
his secretary, Ounce who, when he came, neither called
upon Serrano, nor expressed any wish to do so to any of the
general's friends. Meantime harrier was at hand, insinu-
ating offers of service and devotion continually through Hos
de Olano and others. One of the reasons (among others
which perhaps remain hid from the light) why the 3rd of
October was chosen fur the coup d'etat was, no doubt, the
precipitate decree-legislation of Salamanca and Escosura
being then in full swing, and giving a colour for taking the
reins out of the hands of these Phaetons.

The appointment of the Condesa di Montijo as Camarara
Mayor hi, attracted much notice. This ulace has been
vacant since the dismissal of the Margie:eade Santa Cruz.
The condesa is, of course, a great friend of Narvaez. She is
a dashing fashionable woman, a great giver of soires, and
the leader of Madrilenian ton. As she is a grandmother, of
course she is no longer nello prima gi,,ventii ; for the rest,
she possesses the remains of considerable beauty, and is a

consummate itirrioutinte.
The Espaynol observes that the Coudesa de Monello is ad-
Tamed to this confidential post to countermine the influence
of the accomplished Marquess de Villa-Garcia; but this is a
refinement of penetration, for the latter lady has long ceased
to pwtsess any court influence, and seldom area the Queen.
The Heraldo asserts that General Concha is not to be dis-
placed.
The Conde de Alcay (Roncali) bas been appointed Captain.
General of Madrid. He is called the hero of the bofeton
(buffet), having, when Captain-General of Grenada, cutfad
the son of one of the first noblemen in the place fur not
taking off his hat to him as he passed.
The Conde de Vist►-Hermosa is appointed Political Chief
of Madrid.

A payment is announced for the active and passive classes.
Nervaez is full of liberal professions. He says he wishes
to keep fair terms with the progresistas, if they will only
let him. No mass can be fairer spoken. We shall see soon
how far his deeds correspond. He says he will be immirtial in
the distribution of office. I hear that the progresista Prim has
been appointed Captain. General of Puerto Rico. It is also
reported that Espartero is to be ambassador at London ;
and mentioned as probable that Miretlores will have the
embassy at Paris. the Atarquifi of Villafrvoca (alias Duke
of Medina-CO), Montemolin's great friend, is here. He
arrived the day before yesterday. Itianzares is also
whispered not to be 100 miles off.

LEGHORN, Ocr. 4.
You have of course seen accounts in the newspapers
of our Tuscan revolution, for though no blood has been shed
the present movement cannot be called by any other name.
The changes which have taken place within the last few
months have been very great. There has been a law pub-
lished on the press, permitting newspapers to treat of the sets
of government. There is a censorship, merely, however, to
prevent the publishing of, anything that may be against reli.
pion or morality, or against the, character of the prince sr
individual; in fact, perfect freedom without license.
The odious system of police has been abolished and
will be remodelled. No one can now be punished
for political or other crimes without a regular trial
in open court. A commission has been appointed fur
the revision of the civil and criminal code, and
the punishment of death has been abolished. Another com-
mission has been named to examine into and report on the
present state of the municipalities, with a view to a liberal
change. A council of state has been appointed, the mem-
bers of which are not paid. To this council all important
state matters are to be referred, and their opinion in writing
to be given to the ministers. A national guard has been
es'ablished, comprising all Tuscans from 18 to 80 ; and,
lastly, a change of ministry has taken place. Two
old fellows have been replaced by the Marchese Ridolfi
and Count Serristori, both men of ability and of the -
liberal party. All this has been accomplished since the
beginning of May, and you will allow no time hat been lost.
Through the imbecility and weakness of the late ministers
the people have been completely masters for some months.
Yet not a single outrage has been committed, which is the
more extraordinary as we have had monster meetings in all
quarters. All this movement we owe to that great man
Pius IX. ; for no political orators could have moved the
masses as they have done had not the Pope by his proceed-
ings at Rome spoken also to the religious reelines of the
lower classes. Formerly liberalism was held in abhorrence
by the religious now freedom and religion go hand-
in-hand. Many who had no religion about them
are now, or pretend to be, staunch supporters of the
church. The movement in Tuscany has been a meg-
nificent one, and all that is nmesary are men of ability,
good sense, end standing in society, to lead it ; but I much
fear these are wanting ; at least in Leghorn we are sadly de-
ficient in this point. Still I trust the good sense and good
feeling of the masses will point out the necessity of obedience
to a government which at present enjoys all their confidence.
The feeling of nationality is now very strong. None wish to
dethrone the present rulers, but by a confederation of the
various princes make Italy a country to be respected by
foreign powers. As yet, Rome, Tuscany, and Lucca stand
alone. Naples, I fear, is a long way off from the right road,
and Piedmont, strong in a well disciplined army, shows no
signs of making concessions, whilst nothing an be expected
Irons the Austrian government in the north of Italy. Still
a beginning Ins been made, and time will do the rest ; for I
hope the good cause will at last prevail.
I have given you a pretty long political stave, for which,
perhaps, you will not thank me. But it is the all-absorbing
subject with us, and you must, therefore, excuse me. The
caisson of Lord Minto km given great satisfaction to all here,
and forms a great contrast to the conduct of the French
government, whose organ, the Journal des Dibals, is exe-
crated throughout Italy.

soldlerl, IT we 13/10111LL umlisykon,
i
The picture s a pretty one; but pity 'tie, 'tie not cor- Our Paris despatches of Wednesday contain nothing d'affaires, at which all the authorities were present;
rect. The highlands of Scotland may be the Arcadia Ws have already expressed the hope that the of general interest.
of grouse shooters, deer stalkers, and trout fishers manifestos in the Times and Examiner, on the stop- AUSTRIA.—VIENNA, OCT. 7.—The Hungarian
Dfiet is conyoket!
the
the 17th
ofof November for the. purpose
of dukes with long rent-rolls, who love the wilder- page of railway calls, may not be found to coincide The Madrid mails of the Bth have arrived, but con-
00f
tv:caeffesdiningof
thheekeilweAoitealptaline aod thew disculmon
new because it affords them sport ; but they are any- with any foregone conclusion, in their sense, in tain little news. The letter of our correspondent will
thing but an Arcadia for the aboriginal inhabitants. official quarters. The proposals to lock the wheels o. be found in another colamo. minion is puma. h Emperor ill open the