The Express.
London, England, 1848-03-18 00:00:00

THE MINT.

Having introduced this subject in several leaders,
we shall continue its elucidation in a series of papers,
such as the following :
Our chief object in takinie up the question of Mint reform
is eventually to make that institution worthy of the age in
which we live, and to efface the stigma attached to It, just',
or unjustly, on the grounds of incompetency, carelessness,
and irregularity. This can only be effected by minuto and
patient inquiry, and by the introduction of a new system of
administratioa; for, according to the existing plan of inter-
, nal government, laid down we believe by tho late Lord
Maryborough, it is not in the nature of things it should
work well for the public good. We do not believe there is
another example of this kind of government in the whole
world, in which each office has independent power and
salon, and yet is supposed at the same time to be under the
rale of a head. Such a plan may look very pretty on paper,
as the infantile theory of some sanguine legislator,
awe sanguine than wise ; but viewed practically. and
as men are constituted, it is abortive and absurd.
And so, experimentally, it has proved. It allows every
man in a measure to do just as he likes; to attend or not at-
tend just as he pleases ; it gives occasion for abuses and iff•-
gularities of all kind', because there is no adequate power to
check or abolish them ; and, above all, by extravagant
Impetus, it gives encouragement to negligence, absence, and
all the evils arising from them. Now, we presume the ori-
ginal intention was, that each officer rcceising the public
pay should personally attend to his duties, as is ordinarily
the case in most places; and that if he were found to neglect
those duties, and systematically absent himself, there should
be a power lodged somewhere to reprimand him. But we
ask, la this now the rule of the establishment ? It may be
said that, so far as the want of control is concerned, it is
more the fault of the system than any indisposition on the
part of individuals, which may be correct ; but such an ad-
mission necessitates a remedy, and it is clear the Mint antho.
ritiea have not been the first to suggest it.
To an energetic mind there is a certain degree of pleasure
attached to the exercise of power, but to an indolent and
easy mind the contrary is the case ; and hence the sacrifice
of authority will be found equivalent to the indolence or in-
difference of the officer, and the irregularities, spin, in
exact proportion to his neglect of the power of his office.
Moreover, if custom or habitude has left no more than the
mere form or shadow of authority annexed to any particu-
lar office of check or control, it may be supposed the board
by which the Mist is ostensibly ruled would interfere and
correct any abuse ; but such, we have reason to believe, is
not the case. The esprit de corps is too strong, we presume,
to allow the board or individuals to interfere with others of
the same rank, and with, perhaps, larger incomes—their
jurisdiction extending, if at all, only to minor offenders.
It may naturally enough be asked by our readers, what,
then, can be the use of a Master of the Mint, if he neither
controls the expenses nor exercises jurisdiction over his sub-
ordinates ? In reply, we may say the office has almost fallen
into abeyance, and it might be abolished without any detri-
ment whatever to the public service: The independent
power it once had has gone from it, and what share of power
it now Icete2, ...seises emanates origiorlly from the Tree-
miry, or Chancellor of the hxchequer. As a minister the
Mager of the Mint is generally engrossed with other impor-
tant matters; said as a member of the Mouse of Commons he
has no leisure to attend to the practical business of the Mint,
his chief duties now being to protect the crown from loss by
secusities, and give the sanction of his name to I
public document.. As a mieister he vacates his
office on the change of the administration, which we
all 'ince, has beea fr..queatly the case during the last
twenty years. Now we can conceive nothing so im-
politic and unwise as these constant aluicings and changes in
an office, which is supposed to be practically concerned in the
coinage of the co,--Lry, the designation being " Master and
Worker " of her Majesty's Mint; the consequence of which
is, that no sooner does one master become acquainted with
the outline of his duties, andobtain a general notion of the
various operations of the establishment, than he is moved
from the scene, and another is appointed in his place, to
undergo the same superficial and coemeet .ry te;tion. And
from this caese it is that disputes and; points of difficulty,
wb'eh naturely happen everywhere, are never decided or
settled, because there appears to be no power in .ke Mint to
do f:a, while the master for the One being ;. too little
acquainted with the merits of the case to undertake the
rzvou_.
In lieu of this ministerial office, we should offer to the at-
tention of the " commission" the propriety of creating a pee-
-1 maJ,ent effim under the same titl —so alteration which would
'confer a great benefit on the country, if not on the govern-
went. The office being now altogether meter the Treasury,
so would it remeiu under a permanent officer, and the same
security might be enforced as at present, to protect the
crown from loss of any kind, connected with the cottage of
he couLtry.
A situation of this kind, held by an officer selected for
energy and ability, would prove of essential service. By
r messing practical knowledge of the various processes of the
Mint, he could suggest and encourage improvements of all
k' ids, and adapt that institution to the wants of the axe, by
hi:aging to bear whatever science and ingenuity may offer ,
by a knowledge of the currency and the wants of the people,
sad all those laws by which money and murency are