The Express.
London, England, 1849-03-06 00:00:00

OUR REPRESENTATIVE SYSTEM

THIRSIE.
Some 20 miles north-east of York, picturesquely
placed beneath the Hambleton hills, is the little
market town of Think. It is a clean, quiet, unpre-
tending place, entirely dependent on the business of
its market, which is regular, without being semin-
ally extensive. The people there are well to do. They
are of that sect who have gone on accumulating
little and little for saccessive generations,
sticking to the place where they were born,
and going on in it contentedly. They care
for very little out of Think, because, in truth,
their knowledge and their aspirations scarcely
go beyond its boundaries. True they have lately got
a railway connecting them with Leeds; bet it wu
not made for Think, nor Think for it. Heaven help
the poor shareholders if it had been ! The line joins
the Great North of England two miles-from Think,
and It was made to bring Newcastle and all the north
into direct communication with Leeds and Manchester.
The station at Think is for the convenience of the
engines; as for the passengers who go from it, they
are-Jew and far between.
Why such a town as Think should send a repre-
sentative to parliament is, indeed, a mystery. There
is nothing there to repreeent. The people have no
wants or wishes in which parliament can have con-
cern. The addition of a " stop" to their church organ
would be to them of far superior importance to any
foreign treaty that Lord Palmerston could frame.
The " representational Think" is quite a farce ; and
what claim the people have to legislate for others
nobody alive can tell.
There is a pretty little stream that runs through
Think that years ago had great importance in con-
nexion with the right to vote. It divided Think into
two parts—Old Think and New Think. New Think
is the town we have described : Old Think is a col-
lection of miserable hodais, not a hundred altogether,
which form a wretched suburb. This dilapidated
place it was that returned two members before
the Reform Bill passed into a law. The right
of voting was in Burgage holders, all dependents
; of Sir Robert Frankland, a Yorkshire gentleman who
I lives hard by. Sir Robert used to 'it himself for

Thillk, together with some relative. It was p close
a family borough ea you could wish to see, sod it is
little better wow.

The popjaiiiin of the town of Tbir.lc in 1831
was far below 4,000, but by adding five outly-
ing townships the whigs managed to make'np the
number which would sacs one member For the
borough. This was a lop to Sir Robert Frankland,
long a whig, though then a waverer. Sir Robert
did not like to lose his borough property, and re-
mained away from the division on the second tending
of the Reform Bill in 1831. The "conciliatory whip"
tried to win him back by saving him one seat.
Whether they have won him back or not we shall see
hereafter.

In 1832 the new ten pound constituency of Think
were invested with a right to choose one member. A
Mr. Gibson came and canvassed them on independent
principles. Re was a government contractor for
regimental saddlery, somewhere in the neigh-
bourhood of Leicester-square' but he had little in
common with the town of Think or the town of

-
Think with him. Another candidate succeeded him
in Mr. Stansfield, who now sit. for Huddersfield.
He is of Yorkshire family and Yorkshire influence,
and was acceptable for many reasons to the town.
Bat whilst he was negotiating, an underhand influence
was hard at work. "Why should we throw out Sir
Robert ?" " Who saved a member for the town ?"

" Our much respected old representative." " Doesn't
he spend his money in the place ?"—and so forth.
Mr. Stanfield, who saw how things were going, was
obliged to leave the field, and " out of mere respect,'
" our excellent and worthy member, Sir Robert
Frankland' (who had stayed away on the Reform
Bill) was returned without apparent opposition.
There live, however, in the town of Think e
family named Bell. Half the property of Think
belongs to them. They are not an old family, like
the Fnnklands, who date from the Conquest or before
it, but they have lived and had their being in Think
as long as man can recollect, and have acquired by do-
much land aboutthetown,and many houses in it.
The Bells saw no good reason why Sir Robert Frank.
land should have Think so completely. to himself.
They had been known to express this opinion quietly,
and s,me, who felt as they did, set up the Bells es
leaders. Another party was thus formed. There was
in it no strong public feeling ; it was rather personal
regard and family respect. " Bell is such a right
gccd fellow." "The Bells are our oldest friends."
" Bell's mother was third cousin once removed
of my wife's uncle's second lady." Such were the
sentiments pervading the " free and independent
constituency of the borough of Think " about
the year 1835. It was a momentous. period. All
Eogland was agitated to the core. Reform
principles had received a blow, and toryism wakagsin
in the ascendancy. Desperate party conflicts were going
on among other constituencies. London was warmly
contested. South Laninabirebad declared for Pee

Beckett, and Baines, and Wien Brougham were
fiercely fighting Leeds. York itself was the scene of a
sharp contest. But-all this was nothing to the town
of Think. The question there was uto " Bell" or
" Frankland." " The Franklands have been in so long."
" Sir Robert is so kind." " Well, but Bell's a right
good fellow, and lives and cats and bunts the hounds."
The Franklande and the Bells had never been on
other than good terms, and this discussion of their re-
lative merits was far from pleasing to the sitting
member. He felt that it was for his interest
to temporize. He professed no wish to, sit
again himself. As for John Bell, honest 'fellow,
he presumed that he was far too modest and
unassuming a man to think of being "sent up
as a member r (John Bell blushed and bowed at this
and really left it to be thought quite true.) Well,
then, who would they have ? Why, some one mid, it
must be a liberal. " Oh, of course," rejoined the
Franklanditss, " a moderate liberal." There was Mr.
Samuel Crompton, of Wood-end, hard by,—would he
do? —Mr. Samuel Crompton w-s acknowledged most
Z3esble, and it was decided that he would do.
eteaMr. Samuel Crompton had a predilection for
the halm, and a strong desire for preferment, he too
glaprotra accepted the invitation, aid by this tacit com •
came into a snug seat.
Mr. Samuel Crompton is a wbig—a pure,
genuine, unadulterated whig of the good old
school—nothing more and nothing less, as
he would say himself. He is one of the
Derby Crompton', and his father was mayor of that
town inl7B2,just before Mr. Samuel Crampton!' birth.
Mr. Crompton sat for Retford from 1818 to 1826, and
for Derby on the corporation interest from 1826 to
1830, when Mr. Edward Strutt succeeded him.
His family had at one period been offered a
title, and it was said to be Mr. Crompton's aim to
revive their claim to each distinction. This was to
be done in 1836 and 7, by supporting government
durough thick and thin. This the hon. member did,
sad in 1838 he got a baronetcy.
Sir Samuel Crompton would probably have sat
for Think, had be so minded, for a longer pe-
riod than he did, but for a quarrel which
occurred about a railroad. He had some property
upon the York and Berwick line, for which he
asked a sum the promoters thought enormous. They
felt, however, that almost all he asked the M.P. must
receive. Rut they were very sore. A number of the
shares were held in Think, and many of his old sup-
vowed the baronet should never sit again.
giTtrought down Mr. Harland, who had a seat far
Durham up to 1841. He was a very moderate liberal,
and it was thought would not be objected to by Sir
Robert Frankland. But thisinterestnow began to show
the cloven foot. There appeared in the town the late
Mr. Charles Stuart Wortley, brother of Lord Wham-
cliffe. He commenced a canvass= the Frankland in-
terest, as a consistent tory. This was the only occa-
sion within memory when any prospect of a contest
has been known in Think. For some time the town
was hotly pressed by both aides, and there would
have been a bud push for victory had a poll ensued.
Bat in the midst of the excitement into which the
little place was thrown, the whig party quarrelled
with their man upbn a public topic. They gave him
, his cove, and Mr. Harland left the town.
I The position of Think was now just this—that a
member of one of the most unpopular families in
Yorkshire was likely to be elected, unopposed, upon
as interest certainly not popular in Thirsk. It was
resolved, if possible, to defeat this plan. The Harland
rwent to Mr. Bell and told him he must stand.
Bell demurred. They pressed—and they pre-
vailed. Sir Robert Frankland came in whilst the
negotiation was proceeding. He foresaw the
consequences if John Bell did stand. His in-
terest once defeated an a poll, the town
was lost to him for ever ; and against John Bell, a
resident, ne Stuart-Wortley in the kingdom stood the
slightest chance. With an infinite amount of tact
Sir Robert made a merit of necessity. " I would be
the last person to oppose John Bell. My dear Mr.
Bell, if you will sit I will withdraw my man." Such
was the tenor of his firm assurance. Mr. Bell gave
"my, after refusing as often as a bishop; Mr. Wortley
loft the town, and John Bell, F&q., of Think-house,
bums. the Dieing member.
• man lees fitted for the House of Commons could
net well be found ; but the Think people did I
not think of that—perhaps, indeed, they did not know
it. Mr. Bell was re-elected in 1847, but since that
time he has been visited by a sad affliction which will
probably preclude his ever resuming his place.
In anticipation of a vacancy, Mr. Ralph Neville, who
sat for Windsor up to 1847, bas been hard at work.
IHe is a connexion of Sir Robert Frankland-Rosseffs
(the hon. baronet is now known by the double sue-
name), and of moderate tory views. Whether Mr.
Neville will succeed or not depends on those who act
for Mr. Bell. Sir R. Frankland-Russell's friends aver
that the Bell connexion will be with them, but this is
a matter in some doubt, and all dependent upon cir-
cumstances.
Here, then, is another precious specimen of " our
representative system!" A town of 5,000 popula-
tion sending up a member without a show of reason.
That member chosen, not by the electors, but by
two large proprietors, whose united influence can
bear down all opponents. Those two proprietors
turning the electors over from conservative to liberal
—from Sir Robert Frankland to Mr. Bell—and then
from liberal to conservative—from Mr. Bell to Mr.
Neville—just according to their will and pleasure !
Wherein is Think less of a nomination borough now
than it was before the " great Reform Bill"?
Alone to this extent—that two men nominate instead
of ens. There is, however, a simple remedy. The
borough should be thrown into a district with North-
allerton (of which we shall give particulars another
day), the district to return one member. By this
means the nomination influence of both these towns
would be neutralised entirely, and the independence
of the voters would be safe.

REPEAL OF THE MALT TAX.
MEETING AT DONCASTER.
A public meeting of farmers attending Doncaster
market was held in that town on Saturday last, fur the pur-
po e of sonsiderinir the necessity of petitioning parliament
for the repeal of the malt tax. The meeting was well at-
tended by tenant farmer, and also by many inhabitants of
the town, who appeared to take an interest in the proceed-
ings, although no part was allotted to them. The their we,
Mien by THOMAS Di Taos, Esq., of Braithwell Moor-house,
an influential agriculturist, whom name had appeared at the
head of the requwition calling the meeting.
The CHAIRMAN observed that if there was anything
that would make men speak out it was the cause for which
they were now assembled. The malt tax was which pressed
heavily upon all cleat es of the community, but especially on the
farmers and wcrking men. And at the corn laws were now
repealed, it was only right that the farmers Mould have the
malt tax repealed al-o, :n order that they might be placed on
an 'equal feoting with the foreign farmers. He advised
them to adept the advice given by Mr. Denison, to read and
judge for themselves ; and if to, he was sure they would
come to the conclusion that the malt tax ought to be re-
pealed.
After some remarks from Mr. THOMPSON, of Braith-
well, who moved the first resolution,
Mr. DALE, of Balby, recommended the farmers to buy
the Liverpool Association tracts. He had been in favour of
the repeal of the corn laws. and he was equally sr for the re-
peal of the ma't tax, as an act of justice.
Mr. rthe and Mr. T. Duerwtne, moved and seconded the
next resolution, and were fellawid by Mr. Smola and Mr.
WArTL
Mr. NEWHAM, of Edliogton, an extensive farmer, next
addressed the meeting, and dercribed the treatment of the
landlords as calculated to cllmitrage the tenant farmer.,
who must take things as they found them, and in future do
the best they could for themselves. The way in which they
were treated was like setting a man to ma a race with
a foreigner, and tying his legs up. It was too much to bear
that a poor labouring man, who assisted in the production of
the article, could not have a pint of beer without paying at
the rate of 75 per cent. duty. The malt tax drove poor men
to the alehouse, where they were supplied with • bad
awed which itsed them to quarrel and fght and to stab
each other, and thus, by iuereased presecptions at the
assists, to inerrant the county rates. Bat the mah to was
win is some off, and probsbly more Urea along with it. It
would only be a beginning. Besides other advantages, it
was probable that it the malt tax were repealed malt would
be used for fattening tattle. But of this little could at pre-
sent be said, because the farmers had not had a chance of
snaking experiments.
Mr. MARSHALL, of Millwood, Lincolnshire, also ad
dressed the meeting. The resolutions were all passed with-
out • dissentient voice; and it was agreed that a petition
should be got up for presentation, praying the legislature for
a total and immediate repeal of the obnoxious tax.