The Express.
London, England, 1849-02-03 00:00:00

THE EXPRESS. SATURDAY

.1 •

--midis sway =.114, the mesident down to the lowest
111Sneared painlessTr, was a de
him, to ellessilimat sad enallial of
Etil"
billialforassfieg .to afatioansy of
ansdkird miff amPlbeselh.
el the Allitem save an& lot ounfilmeshal Seennnoienisla°l:
ennssialag the peeing Isollwi is boyar slim Hat Ise did
met tro=ise is
Intorisr Whig in es speakng ; ha IS
was shot sea rather followed this oAed
tisra lin being wpm that subject. If the yen lea be
es a 10111111 srabri, he still hoped thd thsPet
sCinmili most se be peepmed by the govern
mosM lis
real and eflonvo, asi oat en Malsient pie, Peollisd
by seavinisaalitios and imam (Hear, Mar.) la a
Om had lam from the his. maim in Beitingbansbne
ear foreign relations he quits sonswered. En
ems, be weld say that *ems relations were mals-
ihstsep; Int amid not allow the blame of the an
ft la be east entirely upon the minister, ...list a
deal of ft lay at the door of yerilament itself,
those relations to be curled on with a degree sway
irresponsibility whisk that the doors of the P
against all inquiry. They knew as little of walf:iitg* elm.
reign Secretary was doing as they now knew what wield*
at our antipodes. If questions be put to him in thee Yew
oar Amiga relation, they were met by the
tre.arttag " the pablio interest required that the
should be kept ignorant on the subject." If adios loo-
ms@ wee randsred Impossible by ma an capalsiss se nok
platy imagabc:r
V ans in Spain Whin our minas ems Masa out
of and minatory document snot be laid
bents par meat, then they made the discovery that the
badmen of the Pon Am was carried on by two sets of
calsieb—eme !sthe minister abroad, the other for
Irun
the lIIIIMIIMMIS of were
ent at home. They
la het obliged to such explanation se the minister
to give shy—sometimes amounting to a few
, that woad be withheld had they not
already appeared la the public newspapers. The hon. mem-
ber for Pontefract alleged that tee English people t,ok no
interest in foreign alls. Tons were two fatlecies con-
nived in that allegation. When could there be found a set
of men who continued to take an interest in any subject on
which they were denied all kneel:age ? As well might he
expect a man to be content to spend his life looking through
an iron dor at a locked up treasure which he dare not
touch. But it was a mistake to may that the public were
indifferent to foreign affairs, fur Englishmen were proverbi-
ally indifferent to nothing that affected their pocket—(hear
and a laugh)—and they knew that taere was a great affinity
between fordo.. affairs and imposts at home. They had learned
rein experience, that the most terrible invasion was '
that of the tax gatherer. There was a more remarkable eerie-
don in her Majesty's Boesch of this than the last two or
three sessions. Formerly her Majesty received assurances
of amicable relations from foreign powers. Last year, when
there was discontent, her Majesty told us she was confident
of pew ;at the doss of the elusion " hope" was substituted
for ' confidence," and:at the commencement of this there
was neither hope nor confidence, bat a " desire" to znair.-
tain peace with other nations. Now, that was a
paragraph in her Majesty's speech which, unless
eecetally so worded, although one which ought to
have been prepared with care,wasedculated to produce great
uneasiness. Ile was lure he would not find a member of
that house to sty with confidence, that with any court in
Europe we were on terms of friendly Metiers. He thought
it would be found that if ;he terms of diplomatic civility were
not altogether broken up, these relations were main-
tained with difficulty. We had meddled everywhere;
and. taking the feelings of the population int 3 amount, we
were disliked everywhere,. and where we had meddled most,
we were most disliked. In other departments ot the govern-
ment that most necessary and wheleeome reform had been
latroduced—they bad been exposed to public view, and to
those restriction which the public and parliament were able
to place upon them ; but this reform had not been carried
into the foreign de/unspent. There was another department
in which this system operated to a greater extent
and far more injuriously—the Colouireoffice. (Hear, beer.)
Dlaladministration of our foreign affairs might annoy our
continental neighbours; but colonial misgovernment ha-
rassed our own countrymen. In one cake, it might risk our
foreign relations ; in the other, it hazarded the alleaiance,
while it sacrificed the interests, of our own fellow subjects.
(Hear, hear.) It was to him a matter of surprise—if he
could feel surprise at anything in the Speech—that it did
not contain the smelled allusion to our ciloniil align. It
might be supposed, from reading the 'Tisch, that we had no
colonial possessions at all, or that they were in such a state
of blessed prosperity, as not to require even a passing re•
mark. Me doubted if ever there was a time when
the colonial possessions of this country were in a
more unsatisfactory, and, in some res;.ects, in a more
perilous state, (hear, hear),—when there was more distress
in some, more discontent in others, and in others a recline
worse than discontent. (Hear, hear.) Knowing the vast
interests that were involved, the manner in which the subject
had been brought before parliament, the labour that had
been bestowed on it, and the discussions that had arisen—
with all these Lets before us, at the commencement of a
maim immediately succeeding on 3 in which colonial inter.
eels sad distresses had engrossed so much attention, the
whole subject was passed over without a single remark.
(Naar. beer.) And yet there was scarcely a paragraph in
the lipeseh by which the framers must not have been re-
minded seemantly of the condition of our colonies. Toot'
were told that everything in her Maiesty's dominions was in
a state of progressive improvement Did that apply to our
eolonial possessions ? (Hear, hear.) It wee stated that
commerce was reviving. Did that apply to our colonial
possessions ? That while there had been discontent else-
where we had tranquillity in our own dominion. Had
there been perfect tranqutility in our colonial pone:aloes ?
Retrenchment and economy were promised ; but was not
that limited specially to our home expenditure ? From the
first paragraph of the Speech to the lest there was not one
iota on the condition of our colonial poseessioes ' • and he
maid any amount for the Speech being so worded on the
=lleof the colonies not being considered part of her
ssisatinions. And at what time, and under what
circumstances did this omission take place 2 Not only while
such distress and ruin prevailed, but while the correspond-
ence between the colonial government at home
and the colonial governors abroad exhibited a mass
of confusion, strife, and blunders, almost without
example. (Hen, hear.) They had Governor Grey
in Jamaica, scolded by Lord Grey in Downing.
street ; while Lord Grey in Downing street was coa-
-1 ',feted of ignorance and temerity by another Governor
Grey in New Zealand. (Hear, hear.) They bade threatened
stoppage of the supplies In one colony, martial law and mill.
tary execution to an appalline extent in another, and a wide-
spread ruin and distress in all. (Hear, hear.) Yet, amidst
these appalling circumstances, the whole subject war paned
over. Prosperity without f :caption was everywhere de-
imibed ; or if indeed the Monies were an exception, it was
so trifling and insignificant an exception, that it might be
wifely left to the wisdom, the attention, and the justice of the
colonial-offices, m being the department with whiek we had
nothing to do. The hon. member for the West
Riding was charged with undervaluing our solo.
nisi pesseedeas, and it was said he would not bs
say se see this disisther lost to this country. But, in the
Fast dreassleasse it the colonies, no enemy to the Brink
commies led &own inch blindntss or such contempt for them
as the mishair who, at this moment, in the Queen's Speech, ,
not only mmapted them from the royal sympath, but abso-
lutely, by implication, excepted them as portions of the
royal dominion. (dear, hear.) Other pimps of the
Speech might tempt remark, but on those two questions of
foreign and colonial administration he wished to guard him-
eel; and to record his prated against that system of secrecy
as ingsmonbility which was fatal in both to a right admi-
nistration of affairs. He hoped that parliament would feel
sailed ea to exarreise a more constitutional vigilance regard-
them. in a constitutional government publicity was the
ea/y guarantee for good government ; and unless parlia-
ment enforced that publicity, it neglected its duty. (Hear,
Ms.)
Mr. F. SCOTT was astonished, after the able arguments of
the bon. member who had last spoken, that he was about to
give his vote in a way opposite to what every one mast have 1
r. Foreiand colonial policy were the two main
is on which were about to vote ; yet the hon. moto-
, after giving the house the benefit of his speech, bad
emied them that of his vote. (Hear.) It was to be re-
gretted that no member of the government connected
with the Colonial-office was prevent, to state how
matters were conducted there, sad why all reference to the
colonies was omitted from the royal speech. He trusted this
would he explained to the house, the country, and the ca-
nes. It had been mid that the Colonies cost OM mantry be-
tweentimes and four millions arias, an expenditure which was
mainly incurred by giving up their management to a sort of
" Star Chamber " council in Downing-street, over which man-
agement the Monies or parliament had as little control as if
no parliament existed. Some colonies had their leg'slative
assemblies; but these bodies were so crippled in their
functions, eo restricted in the management of their
own affairs, that they had only the right to complain,
without the right of reddening complaints. Moreover, it
wield seem that the title to a representative system was a
selesllioa on their part and an outlay of two millions on ours.
(meer, hear.) A rebellion, or something nearly approaching
fs. fa Canada, and the expenditure of two minium by Great
Niche* gave to Canada her repremetative assembly. There
Whim a rebellion at the Cape, and an outbreak in Guiana; 1
la the former, the Boers had sought to cape from our rule,•
we had already paid a bill of upwards of one million, and '
ware likely to pay nearly another; therefore they were en-
titled to a representative assembly. (Hear, hem.) And, if
lie was not greatly mistaken, the fern in Downingstreet,
me having a constitution cut and dry, had sent out the
Oasolion constitution, thinking that what was adapted to
Mas hinds of Goons was equally suited to that of Cape
Sans. (Hear, hear.) How it had been received he was not
ales* awes; but he knew that that part relating to the
winvists had not met with all the favour that was
imposts& In New South Wales, they had already received
Moir representative government, but coup'ed with an
' asesent of 1,0001. a rear, entirely taken from the control
of the colonists. If this was the way in which the attach-
ment of our colonise was to be promoted, we might well ex-
pest an expenditure of three or four millions a year. The
Mbithel ought to be governed rather by bonds of affection
than by links of servitude. (Hoer bear,) Let them
sot be allowed to suppose that they were disregarded,
by being left unnoticed in the speech from the throne—that
May were treated as British subjects not worthy the &nen-
-1 thin osia=stent, and loft solely to the management of the
(Hear, hear.) On these grounds he should
the amendment.
. Oglislig%MittEP said he amid not content himself with
• Meng nes in hies of the amendment of his hon.
a.,
M washer fox begidashamakire. He had carefully
the Sepal speeskand he desired to speak of it
wake due mime seem much of the sovereign; bat, in
hat, ft was not Ile Rena of the sovereign ; it was a mere
malleemp, an eashas pie of her Majesty's minis-
Vtighter any minister who dared to plan such
a in the wads of his sovereign ought is be impeached.
U sifted the good from the bat, he ventured to soy that

NING, FEBRUARY 3, 1849.

asedwe•447lll.l3Ligttartittieytithvg6".4llll9=l-
- aeonnnt. .) t was a speeds toll of
Imm4l sad Wray. .
istrisisteo him to auks use
efolowoglanineijo. (boos lot ke wed& met
has the esposellek of . Ho hol lmos
Ilmd fee mew poen, nothing weld induce Its
VINO ampolormr,os ressissee like those contained to
1•11=1Ilse ealbiestse two to be " framed with a meet
I.lllllaline to a wise oeseemy." Nothing could be
•Worniesetee Ore I voinelies either in the army or in the
may. Doane lint time bo • rellmation of the overgrown sa-
beim of tiro tee tat„ tee highly paid, and too key
alekters. Eakessehment bad been long premised by
the whlgs ,• but, sifts:mitt they
_same into office on the
pdaeiple of retrenchment, they had never carried that pia-
into prude*.
Sir DI LACY EVANS raid that last session he tolled
the attention of the ight hon. geatleman, the Chancellor
of the Exchequer, to the strong feeling which existed in the
cosatry on the subject of a repartition of taxation, and more
especially as regarded the legacy duty. He did not complain
of the omission of any allusion to this subject in the speech
from the throne, because it was impossible that the Queen's
could n into every topic which interested the pub-
Iriperm
but he thought it due to his constituents to remind the
right hoe. gentleman of the subject, and to express a hope
that he would be able to give some satisfaction to the country
upon it. He would not say that injustice was done, bat
there was very strong appearance of it. There was a very
strong feeling In the country generally is favour of
a reduction of taxation, and he was glad that the noble lord at
the head of the government felt himself enabled to make very
large reductions. The hon. member for Cockermouth ex-
pressed an opinion that the foreign affairs of the country
ought to be transacted in a more public manner than they
were. And the hom gentleman opposite followed up that
observation by making an application of it to the colonial
office also. Ile was sure there were persons who thought
that the foreign &Fairs ought to be transacted in Manchester,
that, in fact, Downing-street ought to be transferred to
Manchester. That was a theoretical question on which he
woul.l give no maiden now, because It was not the subject
before the holies. The hon. and gallant member who spoke
last charged her Majesty's government with growing fat and
bulky in their situations. Now, if there was one charge
more than another on which they were unim-
peachable he should have thought it was that of which
his hon. and gallant friend accused them. He would cot
be acting in accordance with the principles which guided
his public life, if he did not declare that he thought the
policy of the noble lord at the head of foreign affairs was
moat suoreasful in obtatnink these great and important re-
sults—the maintenance of the peace of Europe, and the sup-
port of the liberal principle in every country in Europe
where he could support ft.
Cape. HARRIS said that he regretted he could not vote
for the address, as every paragraph seemed to him to have
toe founiation in fact. When he boiled that speech read, he
was astonished at the effrontery—he could use no milder
term—of those who composed it. He could not understand
the absence of all Chalon to the state of the West Indiesand
to the agricultural interest at home, although the mioisters
could not but have heard the cry of despair from the West
India colonies, while he was aware that means had been
taken to make them acquainted with the distress in the
southern and western, end many of the midlan 1 coun-
ties of England, arising from the unprecedented deluge
of last year, which had continued for six months. The
corn laws were gone, and, as he firmly believed, for
ever; there was no chance, as it seemed to him, of resusci-
tating them in opposition to public opinion. (He. r, hear.)
He would therefore advise hie friends around him not t
waste their energies in any futile endeavours in this direc-
tion, but rather to apply themselves to the obtaining front
government relief from those burdens which, more especially
now that protection was taken frnn them, the agriculturists
had peculiarly to complain of. He must confess that he did
not perceive in the tables of revenue before the house any
indications of that general improvement in our financial
affairs which the government tole credit for, and acted
upon. Cotton was the only article of our manufactures
in which any improvement was perceptible. In all the
other branches of our manufacturing industry there was a
falling off rather than an increase. Free trade, as advocated
by hon. gentlemen opposite, he considered wholly incompa-
tible with the present condition of England. Unless duties
were raised for revenue purposes, tee inevitable result
wooed be national bankruptcy. The reduction of the army
and navy appeared to him a preposterous ides, to be enunci-
ated in the came speech which shadowed out (linger abroad
and doeiectly proclaimed rebellion still rife In Ireland. The
disbanding of French troops which was pointed to us ea an
example and security, was in point of fact no ex-
amp`e at all ; for whereas the French soldiers who
were allowed to return home would be drilled
from time to time, and so maintained in effective discipline,
ready to be called together at the shortest notice, our
own troops once dismis,ed, there would be the utmost diffi-
culty in getting ready another army fit for service. With
regard to thernavigstion laws, he trusted that the gevent-
ment would 'be very careful to avoid any such sweeping
measure as that of last year. He should wrongly tesist any
endeavour to tamper with those laws which bad created the
supremacy of our commercial marine.
Mr. B COCHRANE could net agree chit the hon mem-
ber for Pontefract was a fit judge as to the importance of the
influences that might bas seamed upon the destinies of tbie
country by certain socieies, cr clubs, ss the hon. member
for Buckinghamshire designated them, Peeing that the
hon. member for Pontefract gravely applied the term " con-
stitutionil struggles" to the miserable events that had for
the last year been disturbing the continent. The fact
was, teat the hon. member had clearly sat himself down on
the steps of the Mountain. (War, hear, and laughter.) To
proceed to the speech before them : in that speech he saw
distinct indications of a submission on the part of the govern-
ment to be influenced by a pressure from without, to be in-
fluenced by the menaces and intimidation of a club. (Hear,
hear.) Why did he thus refer to the association of which
the hon. member for the West Riding of Yorkshire, whom
he was glad now te see in his place, was the prime mover ?
Because having traced the hon. member through all his
speeches he had become thoroughly convinced that
there was :something contemplated by the honourable
member far beyond mere retrenchment (Hear, hear.)
The hon. member meant to organise a power in the country
which should over-ride the government, and which should
also dictate to the House of Commons. He had farmed
these opinions of the hon. number's intentions from his speeches
on several previous cc:miaow. He would refer the house more
particularly to one of these speeches, wherein the hon. mem-
ber had warned the landlords of this country to beware—
that there was a blacker spot in their hip:ory than even the
corn laws, and that they must take care lest, when the corn-
laws had been swept away, there should be another league
oreanaei against them, which would have the effect of com-
pelling them to contribute more equally to the general tax-
ation of the empire than they now did." There wu another
speech made by the hon. member, on a memorable occasion
at a meeting held at Manchester in January, 1848. The
hon. member, referring to the Duke of Weilmgton, then
said " His Grace has passed the greatest probable duration
of human existence, and we may say, almost without figure
of speech, that he is tottering on the verge of the grave. Is
it not a lamentable—a most lamentable spectacle, that that
hand which is no longer capable of wielding a sword
should devote its still remaining feeble strength to the
penning of a letter—and that letter may passably be the
last public letter which he may address to his fellow-
countrymen—which is more calculated than anything else
in the present day to create evil passions and animosities
in the breasts of two great and neighbourly nations f"
And that was the excuse given by the hon. member to the
people of Manchester for the opinions he had expressed con-
cerning the maintenance of a military force. He (Mr.
B. Cochrane) therefore argued that the house had a right,
when they saw a new league springing up in England, to
examine and inquire who were the men that organised it,
what were their opinions, and what their ultimate objects.
And these considerations had impelled him to refer in par-
ticular to the boa. member for the West Riding. What, also,
did the hon. member for Manchester say on one of those
occasions when he addressed his constituents ? The words
uttered by Mr. Bright were to the effect that "he wished to
see the people so represented in parliament as to be able to
control the House of Lords. What they bad already done
had rendered nothing unattainable for the future, if the
same means were only adopted ; and the people of Englaad
had now found that fact out." Leaking at these declara-
tions made by the leaders of the present movement it had
become his Ana conviction that the government, in giving
way to their views and in coming down to the house with
the expressions contained in the Speech from the throne
respecting economy and retrenchment, had acted with great
imprudence, and had given encouragement to the organisa-
tion which they menaced. The outcry for disarming
and retrenching the defences of the country was very
ill-timed. It reminded him of what occurred in 1792, when
Mr. Pitt came down to the house and proposed a similar
reduction of the forces and retrenchments of the same eke-
racer as those now called for. But in the following year,
1793,ahat war was declared which lasted for so many years—
such were the deceptive appearances by which Mr. Pitt had
been guided. The motto which hid been adopted by the
Ctto whom he referred was " pesos and retrenchment"
ietto he wouldsubetitute wee peace and armament."
Eh object in rising was to express the deep regret which he
ihle, that under the circumstances In which Europe was at
regent pistol, the government should have been led into
such a measure as that announced in the paragraph of the
alai Speech referring to retrenchment and economy,
and if he stood alone in the house he would msintaia the
opinions he had expressed that the league now organised
would lead to as much misery, if it effected its objects, as
followed upon the unfortunate events of the year 1792.
(Divide, divide.)
After a speech front Mr. Byt=es,
Mr. URQUHART spoke amidst loud cries of "divide,
divide," saying that he wild not give a silent vote in
rapport of the amendment of his hon. Siena.
Lad PALMERSTON—She—I have three objeetirms
state to the amendment which we are now ' the
first is, that it protegees to give an opinion on ea
which no opinion has been asked. &gamily, it less she x
opinion on two other matters on which
eldest with the fast. Thirdly, it eadeammie, by a aids
wind to extract from the home an opinion ea matters of
great importance, in which the opinion d the majority of
the how is adverse to those who framed the address. In
the address, as some time happens in letters where the
pith is la the postscript, the important part of
the matter is contained in the last paragraph.
The laid paragraph in the amendment which makes an
seention of our ookelas is dexterously avoided, but I think
we have an admission made elsewhere, or if we had not, the
amendment itself is sufficiently indicative of the real abject
of its mover and sarporten. The real meaning of the para-
graph to which I have alluded, and of those who moved the
amendment, is to record their opinions against the doctrines
of free trade. (Cheers and counter cheers.) Against the
repeal of the corn-laws. (Continued cheering.) Axs.inst the
removal of disaimisating duties. (Hear, hear, and cheers

from both sides of the home.) Sir, that intention hu been
amply acknowledged is mother place, but I say it would be
more fitting for these who entertain this opinion—
it would be more respeodul to the house, and
fairer to the publie—that these opinions, it such
be entertained should be brought fairly and distinctly before
the house by a substantive motion instead of endeavouring
to trick the home out of in opinion under the mere pretence
of an amendment to an address. (Hear, hear.) In the
next place the amendment state', it proposes to the house to
State that they can find no subject for congratulation in the
imprevetnent which has commenced in the revenue or in the
=big revival of trade. But I can easily understand that
who lament and did strenuously oppose thou im-
provements which of late pars were introduced into our
commercial system—l can easily understand their regret
at the non-fulfilment of the predictions in which
they indulged on every movement in the direction of
free trade. I can easily understand that these who
entertained sash opinions can find no subject
of congratulation in an improving revenue and a reviving
soramerce. became an improving revenue and a reviving
commerce negative all the predictions they had made of the
emesequencee of an enlightened legislation. (Cheers.)
Then, we come to the first paragraph in the amendment in'
which it is props d to the house to state that it cannot con-
gratulate her Majesty on the state of our foreign relations,
Why, sir, my answer to that is, who asked mu to magneto
late her Majesty ? (Loud cheers and laughter.) When you
say you cannot congratulate her Majesty on the subject, I
say, welt until you are asked. (Cheers.) It would have
been highly improper fer government, or those who
moved and seconded this address, to propose to (the
house to express an opinion on tho foreign Mad°
of the country. (Ironical cheers from the members of
the opposition.) An address is always studiously framed in
such a manner as not to commit anybody—(aughter)—as
not to commit any one in the house on the subject of our
foreign relations, and it would be highly improper to coda-
veer to commit the house on subjects which may form
matte, for grave and prolonged discussion in the course of
the session. Why, it would be a departure from invariable
usage, and a gross breach of propriety, to ask the house to
congratulate her Majesty on such matters when containtel in
the speech from the throne. But I would say, when hon.
gentlemen opposite state that they are unable to congratu-
late her Majesty on the state of our foreign relations, in
answer to a royal speech which announces that papers will
be laid before the house explaining is what conduits those
foreign relations really are, that the house would be stulti-
fying itself, if we were to say that we were unable to
press an opinion, or rather to congratulate her Majesty on
matters upon which, until we receive the information pro-
mise], we must be comparatively deficient in the means of
forming en opinion (Hear, hear.) But I would go further
because I would venture to say, that even on the information
which is common to those who attend in the slightest
degree to what is passing in the world, we might
boldly maintain an opinion in opposition to hen-
gentlemen opposite, and fairly congratulate her Mejeoy
on the state of our foreign relations. (Cheers.) What is
the great cbject which the people of this country have at
heart? What is the great object which next to the main-
ter inns of the interests of the country—the tint and pra-
m cunt object in every British heart—what after thou is
considered most important ? Is it not the maintenance of
p. ? (Rear, hear.) First peace between this country
and the rest of the world, and next, if passible, the
117'011110M of war between other nations. (Loud
*ten.) Have those objects been accomplished? They
hare been accomplished, and I say that in that fact, if we
are to express an opinion, there is matter of congratulation for
this house. (Hear, hear.) I my that there is matter for
c metratulation, in so far as that this state of things may be
aeceibed to the government of this country. For I have
it from the mouths of our accusers that it is in consequence
of the caution which government has exercised that we are
able at this moment to say that we are at peace with all the
world, and that those hostilities which have from time to
time broken out in other parts of Europe are at last suspen-
de I bf armistice and arc in a fair train of final adjustment.
(Rear, hear) Sir, we have not exactly heard the true
testing' and opinions of thole who have been our
smarm on the present occasion ; but occasionally they
peep out as they did this evening in the speech of
the hon. member for Donetahire. There, the true cause of
annoyance nerd out ; and it is, that we are rot at this mo-
ment at war with somebody or another. (Cheers.) One
grave offence which we have committed has been that we
have continued on amicable terms, and maintained a good
and retending with the republican government of France.
(Hoar, hear.) There are those, no doubt, who think that
the government of a republic is not sufficiently geed com-
pany for the government of a monarchy. Our lest of-
fence was our recognising the government of General
Cavaignac. We have been accused of sending an ambans.
dor pest ha to to Paris. Why, we hold that the relations of
a country are relations between nation and nation, but that
the government is the organ of the nation. It is only
throueh such an organ that nation can communicate with
nation; sod what business have we to inquire us to the
organ which any foreign nation may chews, to employ ?
(Rear, hear.) What business is it of ours to inquire
whether the French nation chooses to have a monarch,
or an emperor, a president or a consul? (Cheers
and counter cheers.) Our object and duty is to
cement the closest ties of friendship with our nearest
neighbour, one of the greatest powers in Europe, that
neighbour of whom it has been justly sail that in war
it is our most dangerous enemy, but in peace may
he our most Ireful feiend. (Hear, hear.) There is nothing,
I am convinced, in the real interests of either England or
France that can stand in the way of the most cordial
friendship between those two nations. There may be pre-
judices, there may be passions but reason and mho reflec-
tion most teach the rulers, anti I believe are beginning to
teach the nations themselves, that there is nothing in the
real interests of the two countries that need ungraciously
clash, and that it is for the good of both to cultivate the
most friendly relations. (Hear, hoar.) I feel it due
to those public men who have been at the head
of the government of France since February lest
to say that their conduct towards this country has been
marked by the most perfect good faith, by the greatest frank.
nets, and the most friendly dispositions, and that they hare
evinced not only the most anxious desire to be on friendly
terms with Englend, but have also expressed invariably and
sincerely to us that pacific disposition with regard to the
rent of Europe, which, regarding as we do the great im-
portance of maintaining peace, must be the foundation of a
good understanding between England and France. (Hear,
bear.) We did not withdraw our ambassador from France
when the revolution first took place. We could not
give him the usual technical credentials interchanged be-
tween govemmeats permanently established, because
the first government was, as its name indicated,
only provisional, but the moment a government of per-
manent character was established, those credentials were
exchanged, and relations proceeded in the ordinary and
regular manner. (Rear, hear.) Has that contributed to
maintain the peace of inrope ? I say it bas. The French
government was sincerely anxious to pursue a pacific policy
towards all the other countries of Europe, but if England
had rejected the friendly overtures of France, if we had
scowled on the republic, if we had given countenance to
other' to do so who had a dislike to the peculiar form of
government which the French hail adopted, and by that
means supported an influence hostile to the government of
France, I will not undertake to say that the government of
Francewould have been able to carry out its honest and sinners
intentions to maintain the peace of Europe during the last
year of events of infinite and paramount importance. So
much fur our relations with France, and I humbly venters
to think that there may be on that subject reasons shown why
this country may congratulate itself, although hon. members
opposite may not choose to congratulate the crown. Then
as to mediations, our mock mediations as they have been
termrd. Why anybody who has heard what occurred here
and elsewhere during the last forty eight hours, would have
imagined that never before the last year had such
a thin as mediation been thought of; they would
have Imagined that it was a newly invented opera-'
tion destined for some mischievous mystical purpose,
and for which the government deserved impeachment. But
I must plead guilty to this charge before the present year. It
was my lot tote engaged in mediations many years sego, and
frequently with considerable success. (Hear, hear.) The
government of which I had the honour to be a member was
able by mediation to prevent a rupture then imminent
between France and the United States, and also
to make peace between France and the republic
of Mexico. Other smaller and less important mediations I
do not mention, but those two were at least events on which
considerable consequences might have turned. Further, in
these sweeping censures on mediation, my pre lamer, Lord
Aberdeen, must come in for his share of the blame of hon.
gentlemen opposite, because he undertook to mediate, in
conjuction with Russia between Turkey and Persia, and
in another case between Denmark and Sardinia.
I say nothing of that mediation which has been
so often alluded to, and which is still going on, respecting
the affairs of the River Plate. (Laughter.) Of that we
have both bad our share ; and I trust that there will be a
paragraph inserted in the amendment, dividing the blame
fairly between my predecessor and myself. But—mock
mediation ! One would suppose that It was a sort of poli•
tioal drama, got up for amusement and leading to no result.
One would suppose that we had imposed these mock
mediations—for that is the sort of impression that is at-
tempted to be created—(hear, hear)—that we go about
Europe, God knows how—(laughter)—with some mystical
power that cannot be explained—(renewed laughter) —my-
" Now, we will mediate you and you, whether you will
or not ; we do net mean it to come to any result; there is
mediation, and that is enough for our purpose? (Hear,
hear.) Now, take the mediation between Danmark and
Germany ! Was that a voluntary mediation of ours? Per
from it. It was a mediation which the government of this
country was asked to undertake; and although that
mediation has not yet come to a final close,
it has had the advantage of putting an end to hostilities—
' (hear, hear)—it has had the advantage of establishing peace
—(hear, hoar)—it has had the effect of putting an end to
that interruption of commerce which at one time produced
the most @emus embarramments—(hear, hear)—and I trust
ft has bold the foundation of a satisfactory and honourable
adjustment of differences. (Loud applause.) Well, bat the
born. member for Buckinghamshire said last night, " You
ought to have left that alone. You began that mediation
when Denmark bad much to gain, and, if you let it alone,
you would have got all she claimed." Why, that is true. We
ought. (Hear.) But what is that in other words except that
you have dine wrong ? For what is the me fling of
that ? Why, the meaning is this—thtt here was Germany
CM 000 side, remain wild after a particular doctrine—that
here was Denmark on the ether side, strong in her opinion
as to her tights; that here was Denmark, supported by
Russia and by France—that ;ere was Germany, supported
by other powers ; that war was going on—that Denmark
was wor,ted in theileld—that she was to weld to Russia
and France, and that the armies of Russia and France on the
one side, and that the troops of Germany on the other, were
to meet on the plains of Schluerig-Holstein. Why, what is

----.

that but a general European war (Hear, hon.) Abi
are blasted be preventing it. (Applause.) That tesii;
article of our impesehment—theit by accepting the medlimht
between Denmark and Germany we prevented the Ral.
stainers of Bekbeserig frost involving the Holsteinan of Ow
limey ea the one hand and the inhabitants of Demo}
the other inhostilities. I feel no alarm as to that. (Appla,Z)
Then comes the mediation between Austria and I:mew;
Now what was the history of that ? Wet
in May tke Austrian government sent over here gill*:
statist, who before was elsetrgé d'affaires to this
asking the good of and mediation of England betel:
Austria and her divided suhleete. That diplomatist geo,
posed certain terms. I will not go into details, for the ram
to be laid on the table will show the particulan, bat he m.
posed that we should mediate on certain conditions. -We
said, "We will mediate with the greatest pleasure—it will
afford us the meet lively satisfaction to be of use to Awe&
between when power and that of Bushel(' there has exteki
such a long and friendly alliar.ce, but to propose that wieet
we have reason to know will not be accepted by th
other Tarty will he a waste of time ; that would piece us ht
strange position ; hat, if you will add so-andon to your pro,
wo think that will be accepted, and that we will me,.
coed in establishing pesos." What was the an,wer of the
Austrian diplomatist ? He said : "I am not authorised by
my instructions to accede to 3 our proposal ; I have no ache.
city one way or the other ; I do not feel mystlfjustilled is
rejecting it; I will go with it to the Austrian government
and ask their opinion." Well, sir, I believe the nevoid
which the Austrian minister made was efiereards neee.
upon made directly to the Lombard government; that
it was not accepted ; and that the measure • fell
at the time to the ground. (Hear, hear.) Well, vie, liter
down, things took a different turn in Italy. The Austrian
army strain appearen hostile. Application wan then made
to the government of France for neststance, and the govern-
m.
nt of France stated to us, in pursuance el those nlateons
of confidence and good faith which existed between as, se u
yea can join us in offering mediation betwcta the put*
and in an endeavour to settle by a nigotiation terms of pass
between them, wit you do it ? If you refuse us, we shall be
unable to p military interference is their affahs." We
are blamed for that. (Hear, and cheers.) And that is tie
real fault. It is because we prevented that war in Italy,
which would have led Infallibly to a penersi Europe.
war—it is by joining France in her siucere ar.d racifiecerene
of frienely mediation which prevented a general RIAN
peen war—(loud cries of hear, bear)—that is cries
the second ; and upon that I do claim your arquieal.
(" Hear, hear," and great applause.) For it is said we elm
imposing terms en Austral". Totally untrue. (e. Heir,
bear," ar.d renewed applause.) We did not presume to h►
pose terms on Auntie. We stated the reasons, which eis
thick part'cular reasons, of arrangement cenducive to
her well-understood interests, end such as would
conduce to her pacific domination. It is for bar
to say whether she will accept those tenia. I
hope and trust she may. If she tin net, she is as free le
refuse them as we cocci Itr ourselves free to offer tliem,
(Hear, hear.) Then comes, sir, our mediation between
Naples and Sicily. That mediation, in the first plus,
was asked, not once, or twice, but repeatedly &dug,
by the person whom theebon. member i.e Buckingeamihne
called—and, following his example, I may call—Bing eg
Naples. (A laugh.) _

Mr. DISRAELI—It was you called him Wig of Naples
in theme.' Speech. (Loud laughter.)
Lord PALMERSTOOL—Now, that negotiation was re
pests dly asked ; and, when that mediation was repeatedly
asked by the Neapolitan government. Lord Nieto was sent
expressly from Rome to Naples. When Led Mine) west
to Italy, he had no instruct ons to go on to Naples. Thst
formed no fart of his instructions; but the Neat:oaten
minister came to me by order of hie government, me
asked whether Lord Minto was to go en to Naples, and to
express a promise that if he went, he would he meet me&
ally received. My regly was, " it is no part el his iceme.
tans to go to Naples, but, in canto quenee of what you say,
he will have credeutille for the Neapolitan government, sad
the moment he receives an intimation that his roes:oast
Naples is wished for, he will go to Naples." (Bear.)
went there. At Naples he was to coustant commentates
with the Neapolitan government. At thee express daze
and request, he was urged by them to go over to Sidlora
oommun'eate with the prone onal government of Body,
with a view to an arrangement. That arrimgeteent nue
tunetely did not succeed. In the meantime, we a:Maid:l
news of the revolution at :Paris, which altered the
state of feeling in Sicily, and Lord Minto mantel
to Rome. And mentioning Rome, I must aduc
to what fell foam an hon. member oppo,ite, who,
in the course of this debate, was pleased to advert to
dinner alleged t have been given by Lord Miuto to L
Strabina at the time of the lamentable events there. I us
insure you that it does so happen that Lord Olii to did ex
receive M. Strabina at Rome—that so far as Colt imafiuty
dinner is concerned -(a laugh)—the eveots oceureu4 st
Rome pre vented it from taking place, and that Lord Hate
is whet blameless. (Applause.) Well, sir, FO matten
maned. We withdrew from mediation,retainiug at the
mine time a great ',interest in the al!sairs of Sidly,
because those who know the danger and the
way in which the British government was can
nected with the establishment of the cote titution at lE2
—those who know the tort of encouragement ttneliottralmou
once which the ministers of that day gave to the &diem
that at least the good offices of England ;could be offend
them to maintain the constitution then given, must see that
any government of England could not avoid melee a lively
interest in the affairs of that country. (Hear end applause)
But then, air, comes the question, whether the expedition
which the King of Naples was about to send into Sicily was,
or was not, to bo stopped. That questica was asked a
this house of my noble friend and myself. We
stated that itwu not the practice, and that it would be very
inconvenient, as a precedent, to state what instructions am
asked, or what instructions were given to any efficen,unl
or military, on such a service. (Hear, hear.) But, is paint
of fact, n-a instructions were given—no instructions to rent
or offer say interference or obstructions were given by et
admirals when that expedition sailed. It reached
Messina. It commenced operations. I have bear
it said somewhere that the Neapolitan troops gel
hold of the stronghold of Messina. God bless mywal
—(laughter)—the town of Messina a stronghold! My,
the stronghold of Messina was in the hands of the Nespe
Mans. They had been driven out of Palermo, but they bel
not been driven from the stronghold of !destine; bat fees
that stronghold of Messina, after the flags bad been head
down, and every symbol of a cessation of hostilities had ben
given, they continued for eight hours a savage bombardi
meet, destroyino houses, palaces, churches, publee beadier,
in short, anything that could offer. Tracy did after tut
land a body of troops, which were to complete the dater
doe on what the bombs, and shells, and cannorebills took
not an effect. They laid waste three miles of suburb, plunder-
ine, murdering as they went. Well, the admirals, learnfee
this, and seeing what passed, and accustomed only to a wet
carried on according to the practice of civilised nations, get
disgusted with it. (Hear, hear.) But they felt mots.
They knew that the town of Palermo was doomed to the
same as was inflicted on Messina, and when they saw hue
deeds of thousands of those wretched prole flying kr
safety to the ship, and across the fields t e get out al the
way of their pursuing marauders, why, they said, " We me
not permit the scene to be repeated in Palermo, and, al.
though we have no instructions on :he subject, yet upon oar
own responsibility we will stop this atrocious proceedmg—fl
lent until we see the decision of our respective getters-
aunts on the subject." They did so They a*
blished an armistice. A line of demarcation we
traced out. The Neapolitans were to have the cast
ern part of the land. But what were the guest
meats of England and France to do in a cue of dist
sort? Was it fair that civilians sitting here in this rain,
and men who never saw a shot fired or a drop of blood shed
—was it fitting that they should be sterner than thole
admirals who were used to all the herrees of war?
(Hear, hear.) Was it fitting that wo should say—" Let
Palermo share the fate of Messina—l. t the Neapolites
troops go on and destroy the first city, as they have
destroyed the second city of that land." Why, I am we
that even the gentlemen who support the amendment,
that even they wouldnot be guilty of such conduct. (Chum)
I am sure that no British statesman would, under the cio
cumstances, have taken any other decision. (Hear.) Thus
it was our duty to follow it up by negotiation, one that sego
tiatien is now going on. I tract—though it is a hezardose
thing to speak of matters of the kind, and of men animated
by hostile feelings ; still, I am not without hopes that tbie '
negotiation may be satisfactorily concluded, and Cutting
interposition of the admirals mac lead to an honourable
ud
satisfactory aejustmant of the differences here: en the KA
of Naples and the poopie of Sicily; and if that negotistim
be accomplished, I shall feel no regret that the eidmirak took ,
he part they did on the occasion. (Laud applaur)
Time WA of great value in this as well a other reseed,.
If that arrangement had been proposed at the moment who
the smoking ashes of Messina were before the eyes of td
Sicilians they might have refused the terms which now the/
would accept without difficulty. On the other hind, de
Ring of Narles might now consent to an airangemett
which, in the moment of victory he might possibly hsto
been induced to refuse. At all events, we hays the Fades-
; tion of thinking that the mediation ot England and Frame
; upon thet occasion has prevented great calamities in Sicily;
end I trust that while on the one hand that meiliat one
secure the happiness and constitutional freedom of the Sidi
Bans, it will also lead to the permanent settlement of tb
crown of Sicily and Naples upon the head of the same and
narch. These are the crimes for which this house is eilledups
to take the unusual step of pronouncing the c.edemeat'oe ,
the government upon the first night of thqo ersion—ol.. „rP
flouncing their condemnation, too, without the papers tam
are announced to be given. That is a poident step, oa
doubt, on the part of those who can anticii ate full vrellthet
when those papers come their censure will net be revived,
and who think it good policy to obtain a vote before the
grounds of that vote can be laid before the how°.
I should have thought that the a ninon of the
mover of the amendment showed it'elf en tax spud
of the hon. member for Dorsetshire. That ht.
member said that the Spanish government had eon
last year an affront to the government of England, and f
took more credit then I am disposed to allow him in
ing that it was in consequence of something ho had said teas
the government had prevailed on Isturita to return to Sit
owing to the dismissal of Sir H. Bawer. I can assure
that lean entire error, and that he had no shore wheteler
that dal. (Loud laughter.) Thegentler's!
said Hone are so many months mused since an Insult was
offered to this country, and you have obtained no redresse:
where can be the dignihy of a govornment
placed ?" The hon. gentleman, in fact, means that we °of!
to have gone to war with Spain. We took the sterdirri
were appropriate to the necessity of the aloe
We%ice
the minister of Spein to go back to Madrid, in annieV
of the minister of England being sent from Mobil Allood
I feel that some reparation is due to this country on seeuennt
of that step, and believe that the Spanish govt. rn-neat, orb.
they come calmly to reflect upon it—(a laugh) —will ate t 1,1!
lnsudl.iency of the grounds on which they acted, and may "°

bagel is maks that reputation ; yet, I 'moat go the
wok elite Imo. gastlessan he min that es sued to
have declared war with Spain. (Bear, User.) lam seensel
ogees, what may lent to war. Bat the wog party now eft
eggente. (Laughter.) Hail all the ppm sf dot tome
aide before the house lost per, and what deo hen. mow
bat wants now rendre for him to ouplain. The boa
member tor Coekeroieuth etomplains that the lteaeadla~ of
tha Foreign,eace remain in such mystery end runty so to
maceity his curiosity. (Laughter.) I eertaisly bid meolft
or the inquisitive disappointment of my bee bind, sod
ma man him that when I was out of oaks ft would haw
ises neatly gratify log to ma to have bad do run of the
....papers, not of al/ hut the pick of the intending do.
(Wielder.) I can isms Ida it woad be mots&
1.11:lots sting and amusing for the members of this hood
&glow, with the vuesseack day a lido( the dapatehea nobble
sod received by us, but I very mad dotal if it weal oen.
dune to the giantesses.) of pesos fir do mid Ise
tenets of the country. Ia tho diet pitdts it
'spree nut to he part of the eonstinatlen idieli
mom in the crown, and not in the House ol Comolliek the
under of foreign negonations. las mum him, that '
toe method more than another would embroil the ennatry
is &Mimeos, and IN hire them incurable, and lead to
!optima e unavoidable, it is that popular assemblies should
take romession of diplomatic transactions. Stich peblieity
would be tstal to an accommodation in ninety-nine out of
a hundred instances. How exposed, for instance, wool.' •
gsvernment be who had made a proposal if it afterwards
desired to rr2aet it, and render negotiation impossible.
By publicity in seek a ewe you nail this to
that prerasl. Ia a questien hetween France and the
United Steve the chambers and the congress bume
pledged to &Bement opinisns, sad the two muntrias wow to
that state tkut without intervention they could net hossoss•
ably come to an understanding. We inttribeed, dud paw
was powered ; bat nothing tenni have been uses fatal to the
interests of peace in that ease than publicity Webs
which were otherwise brought to s hapey ternain=latt
stand here charged with the grave offence of halms keel •
good uade.ntending with the republic of Fiesnee, and
thereby contributed to the maiettnance of the peace of
Europe. Wo en charged al o with having put an
end to hostilities in Denmark and Schleswig which
might have led to a toropeen war—of having in-
duced Attends and Sardieia to lay down their arms whoa
their differences mightalso have involved all the great
powers in war; of having prevented great calamities in
Sicily, mi of Maurine now to restore amity between the
Xing of Disples and bin &alien subject,. We stand hors ea
the ministers of pace—es a party who have laboured
gosidsouely, and latour cell, to prevent sur if we
sac, to r arrow its range, to put an end to it
se soon es possible. We are charged by the advocat-e
of war with these offsnees. I leave it to the house
to timid between us, and I cote dently look to the verdict
which the house will pronounce. (Loud chin rt.)
o'oo Marquis et UItANBY moved the adjournment 01 the
debate.
Lord J. RUSSELL would divide upon that question.
(11u ar, he or.) Ho really must put it to the house whether. if
they adjourned the debate another night, it would not bs
setting is bid example to the country. He submitted that it
would Du better to d cid, the question now, in order to begin
next week with the practical tiseustion of the questions in-
layed in her Maps' ye speech. (Cheers.)
Mr. BERRIES defended the course of the noble
lord, and advocated the adjournment oh the debate.
At least. if the debate were now terminated thus leper.
featly, tho noble lord who had last spoken must sot be
surprised if some of the ststemenui he had now male were
afterwards brought under the eossideration of the house.
(Laughter, sod cries of Divide.")
Lord J. RUSSELL said he shauld certainly INSMIT tots-
Ada if the t epics comprised in the address were hereafter
brought, es they must be, under diseutaion. Ile thought
the noble lord tpitoeite mu.; see thst the general wish was
that the debate should now terminate. (Cheers, and
counter cheers.)
The :eft:ryes of GRANBY slid he should press his motion
for ad:oerneneet.
Thi maroon the gdley wee cleared for a &violin on the
question of aell.urornent. The numbers was
For the wljouraineat so
Araks: it
Mr. DISRAELI rated that, , after this division, leo would
net press his amendment to a viders. It was assomidogly
withdrawn, and the adder* woe elm ad to.