The Express.
London, England, 1851-12-29 00:00:00

KOSSUTH IN NEW YORK.

benefit sy country's cases, I most se address is tbq
Gabbs of the while intenigentiese of **United et:
Yen en the Web,- enbintees power upon
which rest sty ormArfe beis;s--nitit=lit, Hombre,
WA* ',stiffing be me to see, not isolated men, but the
powerful complete of the great word " Peso," greatiog
ma this important mmaifeetstase of generous sentiments
sod sYsiPalby ; dal I abloom gee with bar, geotlentes,
beesses you are aware that than toy anima tare, I bad the
peat honour and valuable bough to see my whole time
agreeably occupied by the reception of the most noble
meamifestations at yobbo sympathy, m ads that it become
entirely impassible Ist me to be thee peugneed to address
yes, gentlemen, is • Lognego whisk I bat very imper-
fectly speak, es the great ispeetsnee of this occasion would
have required, and my bigh regards for yourselves had
painted oat as a duty to me. However, I hope you will
Mks this very circumstance for a motive of excuse. You
will generously consider that whenever and wherever I
publicly speak, it is always chiefly spoken to the press;
sad lowering your expectations to the humility of my
sod to the level of the principal difficulties
gazeseiluaden• you will feel inclined to some kind
ter me, were it only out of brotherly
siserosity fee Me of your professional colleagues, as I
be ea& Yes, gentlemen, it is a proud recollec-
Wes; to
lit. that I commenced my public career in the
Wel& gegatilW of • journalist. And in that respect I
stays peslogps, be somewhat entitled to your brotherly in-
d as yes, hs the happy condition which the institu-
tion el goer country insure to you, can have not even an
idea et the tortures of a journalist who has to write with
fettered hands, and who is more than fettered by an
Austrian arbitrary preventive censorship. You have no
idea what a torture it is to sit down to your writing desk,
the breast full of the necessity of the moment, the heart
full of righteous feelings, the mind full of convictions and
of principles—and all this warmed by the lively fire of a
paes heart—and to see before your eyes the scissors nf
the mama ready to fall upon your head, like the sword of
Ilaneelee, lopping your ideas, maiming your arguments,
mumliering your thoughts ; and his pencil before your eyes,
N to blot out, with a single draught, the work of your
labeerleas re and of your sleepless nights; and to know
that the will judge you, not by what you have felt,
written, but by what the censor wills; to know
LIPID ground upon which you stand is not a ground
known to you, because limited by rules, hut an unknown
slippery ground, the limits of which lie but within the arbi-
entry pleasure of your censor—doomed by profession to be
stupid, and a coward, and a tool ;—to know all this, sad
yet not to curse your destiny—not to deny that you mam
ill read and to write, but to goon, day by day, in the MP
taring work of Sysiphue. Oh! it is the greatest memilles
which an intelligent man can make to fatherland and Iwo
amity! And this is the present condition of the prom,
mot in Hungary only, but in all countries cursed by Aui-
trim rule. Our past revolution gave freedom to the press,
set only to my fatherland, but by indirect influent,
else to Vienna, Prague, Lemberg; in a word, to the whole
empire of Austria. This very circumstance must be suff-
tient to ensure your sympathy to my country's cause ; se
en the contrary, the very circumstance that the victory aE
the Hapeburgian dynasty, achieved by treason and Russian
arm., was a watchword to oppress the press in Hungary,
in Austria, in Italy, in Germany—nay, throughout the Euro.
peen continent. The contemplation that the freedom of
the press on the Eutopean continent is inconsistent with
the preponderance of Russia, and the very existence of
the Austrian dynasty, this sworn enemy of freedom
and of every liberal thought—your generous support will
sweep away those tyrants, and raise liberty where now foul
I oppression proudly rules. Gentlemen, a considerable time
ego there appeared in certain New York papers, s systema-
tic compound of the most foul calumnies, falsehoods, and
misrepresentations about the Hungarian cause, going so far
as, with unexampled effrontery, to state that we struggled
for oppression, while it was the cursed Austrian dynasty
which stood forth for liberty. Now, there is is degree of
effrontery, the temerity of which becomes astonishing, even
to me, who has seen the unexampled treachery of the Homes
of Haps'oirg,and became familiar with the old Homan maxim
rs,ladmirari," through my.tempest-tossed life. We may ,
be misrepresented, scorned, jeered, charged with faults ; our
martyrs, the blood of whom cries for revenge, may be
laughed at as fools ; and even heroes, commanding the vene-
ration of history, may be represented as Don Quixottes
tragi-comedy all this I could, if not bear, at hut con-
ceive. I have seen strange specimens of the aberrations of
the human mind ; but that, in the midst of the most won.
derful sufferings, not even the honour of an unfortunate
nation should be sacred to some men, who enjoy the benefit
of free institutions, and profess to be republicans—that
is too much. It is a sorrowful page in mankind'. history.
You cannot, of course, expect to see me, on this occasion,
entering into a special refutation of this astonishing com-
pound of calumnies. I will receive it for my lien, (.0 soon
as I can have a free day for it. It will be very easy work;
because all articifial compounds of misrepresentations must
fall into dust before the dispassionate, plain statement of
facts, the greater part of which, I thankfully have to se•
knowledge, are already not unknown to you. Permit me
to make some humble remark upon the question of " na-
tionalities," which plays such an important, and, I dare
my, such a mischievous part in the destinies of Europe. I
say mischievous, because no word was ever so much misre-
presented or mistaken as the word " nationality; " so that
it would be, indeed, a great benefit to humanity could I
succeed to contribute something to the rectification of this
idea, the misrepresentation of which became the most mis-
chievous instrument in the hands of absolutism against
the spirit of liberty. Let me ask you, gentlemen, are you,
the people of the United States, • nation or not ? Have you
a national government or not ? Have you ? You answer
yes ; and yet you, the people of the United States, are not
of one blood, and speak not one language. Millions of you
speak English, others French, others German, others Ita-
lian, oilers Sionish, others Danish, and even several Indian
dialects—and yet you are a nation. And your govern.
ment, even the government of your single states, nay, the
municipal governments of your different cities, are not
legialatino, and gov.mning, and ac:ministering in all and
every language spoken in your Union, in the respective
states, and in the respective cities themselves—and yet you
have a national government. Now suppose that one part
of the people of the Unia.d States, struck by a cunt like
that with which the builders of Babel were once struck,
should at once rise and say—" The Union in which we live
is :an oppression to us. Our laws, our instituti,,ns, our
stars and city governments, our vc-y freedom is an oppres-
sion te us. What is union to us ? what righ.s ? what laws ?
what freedom ? what history what geography? what
community of interests ? They are all nothing. Language
—that is all. Let us divide the Union ; divide the states;
divide the very cities. Let us divide the whole territory,
by and seeorthog to languages, and then let the people of
every language Lee distinct, and form each a separate state.
Became every nation has a right to a national life, and to
us tbe language is the nation—nothing elm; and your
Vales, your nghts, your laws and your freedom itself,
though common to us, is an oppression to us, because lan.
is the only basis upon which states must be founded.
.Everything else is tyranny. What would you say of such
reuestiog ? What would 'become of your great Union ?
What of your constitution—this glorious legacy of your
greatest man—those immortal stars on mankind's moral
canopy? What would become of your country itself, whence
the spirit of freedom spreads its rising wane, and rising
hope clears up the future of humanity? What would
become of this grand, mighty complex of your republic,
should it ever be attacked in its consistency by the furious
hands of the fanaticism of language? Where now she
wanders and walks among the rising temples of human hap-
piness, she soon would tread upon the ruins of liberty,
mourning over the fragility of human hopes. Happy art
thou, free nation of America, that thou hast founded thy
house upon the only solid basis of a nation's liberty. Liberty!
A principle steady like the world, eternal like the truth, and
uniform] for every climate, for every time, like Pint.
dente. Thou hast no tyrants among thee to throw the
apple of Eros in thy Union. Thou hast no tyrants assay
thee to raise the fury of hatred in thy national family...
botrat of salaams, that eerie of humanity, that femme'
imilenmentoftilepelbes. : coun
stberious eight b to see
lbe grimed ef so ilemea
Mom, Tiabits, wandering toes, b?es=
members of thy great nation,
tille of common liberty. Would I weld do
lbo ems bee iimet, because I love my native land,
oaggoeffl r. beamlbes, fervently. I love it more them
life, arm 7r Ireek••• ; I love it more in its gloomy
soffiviar am I mould in its proudest, happiest days.
Whet mhos a man ? Is it the language only ? Then
b as peat, no powerful nation on earth, because
there b r elederately large country in the world, whose
papabilles le ousted by millions, where you would not find
severalbmpopes spoken. No; it is not language only which
maim * amlbs. Community of interests, communili
bkiray. emesebies of rights and duties, but c I
osommilsolt lestitutions of a population,
. which, t
imehip anogin in tongue, and belonging to different
mesh it be together by its daily intercourse in their
=76,11 rogues of their homely commerce and homely
the very mountain ranges, and system of rivers
lad streams, the soil, the dust of which is mingled with
the oar of those ancestors who bled on the same field,
for the ern interest—the common inheritance of glory
and of Imo, the community of laws, tie of institutions,
" tie of efinemon freedom or common oppression—el this
enters bee the definition of a nation. That this
trenwasst this is instinctively felt by the commas
seam of the people, nowhere is more ap
shows them at this very moment in my oat=
Inorginy wee declared by Francis Joseph of
MD 1111111 is exist as a nation, no more as a stalta,,l"k
wee end is pot endow martial law ' • strangers rule, is
• foreign whew amefbtksrs lived and our bralhem
bled. To be a bt,em• almost a crime in ear
own maw , to justify before the world Ur
extistmlß Illt=ote partition of its territory, and
again le of the dissected limbs late
the tomms body et servitude, the
as WWI treacherous=
wt, to show that the Hungarians are in •
la their ere motive lead. They hoped that intimidation
sod bessehm wail Weft even the very Hungesh
lideffige. as we ire le ear own language termed—to ober
elle— Ode browse end birth. They ordered a inns of
1111111111•11111■11111le mile. They performed it with dm iron
ris of mold law; they employed terrorism in Me Menet
epee. immesh that thousands of women and men who
tube Mayan preferred not to know, nay, not to
board any other language than the Magyar,
all their protestations, were pat down to
be Illoome, Germans, or Wallachiaas, because their
' NEM bed eel quits a Hungarian sound. And aid what
wee `bur of this malignant plot? But of the twelve
Milne of biehitants of Hungary proper, the Magyars
tilendonlllllllllllll than eight millions, some two million
men than w bare the ease really is. Ttte people instinct-
ively felt that the Vent had the design to destroy with
the pretext of !weep the very existence of the nation
formed by the compeund of all those ingredients which
I have mentioned above, and with that common good sense

The Royal Mail steam-ship America arrived at
Liverpool this morning, with four days' later intelli-1
genre from North America. She mauled from New
York the 17th inst., four days after the Humboldt,
and brings over 1,121,579 dollars in specie, and 33
passengers.
Tlr., steam-ship Niagara had arrived at Halifax,
on her way to Boston.
The welcome to Kossuth had passed the House of
Representatives by a large majority.
The New York Evening Erprew lays

The President will send the resoliation.of Congress to
Kossuth, accompanied by a letter written in the spirit of
the resolution itself. The Guest will be permitted to ad-
dress Congress, if he desires to do so, and it is intended to
appoint a committee of each House to receive and introduce
Kossuth, on his visiting the capitol. It is also contemplated
to give him a dinner—the expense to be defrayed out of the
tickets. In the Bcstate, on the IGth, a committee of three
was ordered to wait on Kossuth, on his arrival in Washing-
ton, and invite him to the chamber of that august body.
The New York Herald of the lith says:
' We are informed that a special messenger was despatched
from Washington, last night, by the President, to invite
Kossuth to the national capital under the joint resolution
of welcome passed by the two houses.
The failure of tho house of Hill, Maclean, and Co.
(cotton trade), New Orleans, is announced.
The parliamentary elections in Canadawere favour-
able to the government.
Business in New York and other cities was mode-
rately good. The supply of government stocks and
securities was small, and prices for money in fair
supply.
The movements of Kossuth occupied the whole of
public attention, and to report all, or nearly all, the
proceedings and the speeches elicited thereby would
occupy the whole of our columns. We give the most
important and lengthy which had been deliver ell
since the departure of the last mail.
On Monday, Dec. 1.5, M. Kossuth thus replied to
the toast of his health at a dinner given him by the
per:

flx:evLEXEN,—Rising respectfully to return my most
warm thanks for the honour of the toast, and the high
benefit of the sympathy manifested by this solemn demon-
atration, it is with mingled feelings of joy and fear that I
address you, gentlemen. I address you with joy, because,
conscious of the immensity of the power which you wield,
it is natural to feel same awe in addressing those in whose
hands the success or the failure of our hopes is placed.
Still, I equally know that in your hands, gentlemen, the
independent republican press is a weapon, but a weapon to
defend truth and justice, and not to offend. It is no screen
to bide, no snuffer{ to extinguish the light, but a torch lit
at thef tire of immortality, a spark of which is glistening
in every man's soul, to prove its divine origin ; a torch
which you wield loftily and high, to spread light with it to
the moat lonely regions of humanity. And, as the cause of
my country is the cause of justice rod truth—as it has in no
respect to fear light, but rather wants nothing but light to see
secured to it the support and protection of every friend of
freedom, of every noble-minded man, these are the reasons
why I address you with joy, gentlemen. The more with joy,
because, though it is sorrowful to see that ill-willed misrepre-
sentations or; secret Austrian intrigues, distorting plain,
open history to a tissue of falsehoods and lies, know how
to tind their way even to a small, insignificant part of
the American press, still I sin proud and happy to see
that the immense majority of the American preen net only
proved inaccessible to these venemous intrigues, but, con-
scious of the noble vocation of an independent press, and
yielding to the generous inclination of freemen, of protect-
ing truth and justice against the dark plots of tyranny, has,
without any iutcrference from my part, come forth to pro-
tect the sacred cruet of Hungary. The independent press
of this great republic has in this very'sase also proved to the
world that even against the mischeyous power of calumnies
the most efficient protection is the freedom of the press,
sod not preventive measures, condemning human intellect
to eternal minority. I address you, gentlemen, the more
with joy, because through you I have the invaluable benefit
to address the whole university of the great, glorious, and
free people of the United States. That is a great word, gen-
tlemen, arid yet is literally true. While 80 years ago un-
m9rtal Franklin's own press was almost the only one ia the
colonies, now there are over 3,000 newspapers in the UMW
States, having a circulation of five millions of copies. mal
amounting in their yearly circulation to the prodigfiene
Reuther of nearly four-and-a-half hundred millions; every
grown man in the Union reads on the average two era
papers a-week, and 'one hundred and live slogan ee
year ; nearly eighteen copies fall in the proportion to the
population, to every human being in the Union, may
woman, and child. I am told that the journals of New
York state alone exceed in number those of all the red
of the world beyond your great Union, and the circt
lotion of the newspapers of this city alone nearly exceeds
those of the whole empire of Great Britain. But there
is yet one particularly remarkable fact which I cannot for-
bear to mention, gentlemen. I boldly declare that beyond
the United Sates there exists scarcely a practical freedom
of the press—at least in Europe, not except, perhaps, Nor-
way, of whore condition in that respect I am out quite
aware. You know, gentlemen, how the press is fettered
throughout the European continent, even, for the present.
fa France itself, whose great nation, by a strange fats,
sees, under a nominally republican, but centralised govern-
ment, all the glorious fruits of their great and victorious
revelations wasting between the blasting fingers of cen-
tralised administrative and legislative omnipotence. You
know how the independent press of France is
murdered by imprisonment of their editors, and by
fees; you know how the present government of France
feels unable to bear the force of public opinion—so much
that in the French republic the very legitimate shout of
" Vise la Republique" has almost become a crime. This
very circumstance is sufficient to prove that in that glori-
ous land where the warm and noble heart of the French
nation throbs with self-confidence and noble pride, a new

revolution is au unavoidable necessity. It is' a muurniul
view which the greet French nation now presents, but it is
also an efficient warning against the propensities of centra-
lisation inconsistent with freedom, because inconsistent
with seltgovernoseut, and it is also a source of hope for
the European continent. because we know that things
in France cannot endure thus as they are; we
know that to become a true republic is a neces-
sity for Fraser, and this we know also that whoever
be the man, who in the approaching crisis will be honored
by the confidence of the French nation, be will, he must
be faithful to that grand principle of fraternity towards the
other nations, which being announced by the French
constitution to the world, raised such encouraging, but
bit.crly disappointed expectations through Europe's op-
presed continent. But it is chiefly, almost only, Great
Britain in Europe which boasts to have a free press; and
to be sure during my brief stay in England I joyfully
saw that really there is a freedom to print—almost an un-
limited one, so far that I saw printed advertisements
spread at every corner, mil signed by the publishers,
stating that Queen Viets;ria is so lawful queen—that she
sight to be seat to the Toss and all those who rule
0111111 t to be We* Met imbed, and nobody cared
sheet the Mil estratessey. And yet I dare
wig, end I Irk_ the generous people of Great Britain
mei set Ad Woad at ray stating the fact, that
Owe is Me yeestisel freedom of the press. The
*miss if the gees to be • practical one, must
he a sessess bowl* to all—eles it is no freedom,
km • privilege. It is wasting two ingredients—free-
des if status and (remiss of reading. Now, there is
fiewilen of them, leseseee there is no emibility
Ass Ihe yogi, et te de Se. Deisese the m-
ods*l lg. itiglirregOr fde indlegmeahle meal food
et bees 11118111111. is, by a heavy amities &asked.
'lie }sus Vsense of public revenue, amt, by the M-
K tamp and paper duties, made almost how
swab le tie puss. BUM it is that the mimeses is
the Umbel SSW we only sae-teeth, sod la sore are
▪ Onsellelh et the price of EadW or Fresh germ, end
hems, ends is the 'MOMS, sla their ebealm
des Is Me II Stabs several oaf
the idtplodignes
=no.seeeming reselling Das thirty to hay
elms the Lends lines la esneideeed te im •
smensestaT;isabere it hes • dessistisa of des Misty-
• te theremil espis Mulish I was deriteg
wry sty is that lie geed, gemstone mere tha
people has abated SOW sin thenenmi espies is sesespemee
of its foul hostility to the jot end sewed smear Rwegerry.
dusk beaag the sedities se yetis piss geadases it mat
if ow= Is• high eases of "seal seedbeds tome to
have the beast M .d um yen, gendseass ; basso I.
addreming yea I
only
adds. the whole goggle of the
United litatee—not only a slide people, het a while Wei-
dist lapis, gindentes The Is the highest psis shish
Mb
• people be isselered, and yet it is no peeler
is the sinserbdgesst M • real ibet. The very imseimity
et
the elessisliss if year Pees* grave it to be se—
became tli isseenee etreskeiss b met only due te
that esellitslimmel right of yews to speak and plot
freely year eplaisse—it is not only due es the
prim whisk mays: press a senses heselit to
all, mad met • te the rieb—lst It is
due le the i... 1 et puha, lestruction, rit=
sake every aides se end. It ie • glorious adz:
know that la this deentelig pang MS dollar
Wens of 'Anal bedding' weft Sand, whew a frow
sere ego tie the weal is mess sr the plough tilled,
needy se imbed idensed Adam reeds gain sta-
nds. estaslly. De yea knew, gestasen, where I consi-
der the most &lAMBS mosomeate of year country ? If it he
so as I have red it ears—it h that fag, that when in the
step of your wandering erresteers, your anglaise' go ea to
draw gmemstriall lira, even to terries*, *bum das ammil
of a ImmisaaarEar is sorer yet has eased with the measure
by which eaten adatiai die Lord; In every
Owe to become a on every mu-
' teenth square. lo'a Sam sodesisurill4, with the glo-
rious mark, " Popular Education Pluck." This is your
proudest moonasent. However, be this really the ems or
not, in every SW, in my opinion, it is not your geogra-
phical sitsatios, not enur material power, not the bold,
enterprisMg spirit of your people, which I consider to
be the chief guarantee of your country's future, but the
univenality of education ; becalm an intelligent people
' never can cesseut not to be free. You will be al.
ways willing to be free, and you are great and powerful
~ugh to be so good al your will. My humble prayers to

THE EXPRF" MOND4 ricEIIING, DECEMBER -29 k 451.

which every nation_peresses. met the tyranale
as if it answered We Inuit le be a nation, and if the
tyrant takes language only fier the mark of our nationality,
then we are all Miamians." And mark well, gentlemen,
this happened not under my goveenership, bet even whim
the rile of Austrian martial law. The cabinet of Tierra
beams rubes; it thought of s stew mesas, het peeked
MI Id= that a new emir wield glre the while
twelve as Magyars, and thus no sew newt we.
Zhzle tree is my asseetien that it is not langengedene
mass a matins, on ammtien which, of comoo.ffift
asf geseli=s proves is Use world. Beg ea As
there enleppeygrew up a erlbdsilsh
Meri the idea eta nation tie idea of Issaesee, saljabbed political pretensions to it. There see seem w ad-
vocate the theory that existing countries must Nose, sad
RM terrAceies of the world be anew divided by loa-
=ned nations segregated by tongues. Yon ere mean
is idea, if it were not impracticable, would be bat
a curse to humanity —a deathblow to civilisation and
progress, and throw mankind back by centuries—it were
an eternal source of strife to war, because there is a he 4,
almost religions tie, by which man's heart to his hem la
bound, and no man ever would consent to attendee his
native land only because his neighbours speak nears
langege than he himself; and, by this reason, claims fee
kin diet sacred spot where the ashes of his his fathers
de—mbere his own cradle stood—where he dreamed the
happy
dreams of youth, and where nature itself bears a
of his manhood's laborious toil. The idea were
worse than the old migration of nations was—despot-
int only would rise out of the strife. Mankind's fana-
tiekm is really very curious. Nobody of the advocates
if this mischievous theory is willing to yield to it for
himself—but othen he desires to yield to it. Every
henchman become furious when his Alsace is claimed
le Germany by the right of language—or the borders of
his Pyrenees to Spain—but there are some amongst the
very men who feel revolted at this idea, who claim for
Germany that it should yield up large territory because
one part of the inhabitants speak a different tongue, and
would claim from Hungary to divide its territory, which
God himself has limited by its range of mountains and the
system of streams, as also by all the links of a community
of more than a :thousand years, to cut off Transylvania,
mid to give it up to the neighbouring Wallachia, to cot
out, like Shyloek, one pound of our very breast—the Banat
—and the rich country between the Danube and Theiss—
to augment by it Turkish Serbia, and s4forth. It is the
new ambition of conquest, but an easy congest, not by arms
bat by language. So much I know, at least, that thisabeard
idea cannot, and will not, be advocated by any man here in
the United States, which did not open its hospitable shores
to humanity, and greet the flocking millions of emigrants
with the right of a citizen, in order that the union may be
cut to pieces, and even your single states divided into new
framed, i neependent countries by and according to languages.
And do you know, gentlemen, whence this absurd theory
sprung up on the European continent? It was the idea of
Panslavisznes—that is the idea that the mighty stock of Scla-
vonic races is called to rule the world, as once the Roman did.
It west Russian plot—it was the infernal idea to make out of
national feelings a tool to Russian preponderance over the
world. Perhaps you are not aware of the historical origin
of this plot. It was after the third division of Poland, this
most immoral act of tyranny, that the chance of fate
brought the l'rince Caartorisky to the court of Catharine of
Russia. lie subsequently became minister of Alexander,
the Czar. It was in this quality that, with the noble aim to
benefit his down-trodden fatherland, he claimed from the
young Czar the restoration of Poland, suggesting for equi-
valent the idea of Russian preponderance over all notions of
the old Sclavonic race. I believe his intention was sincere.
I believe he thought not to misconaidcr those natural
borders, which, besides the affinity of language, God him-
self between the nations has drawn. But he forgot that
the spirits which he raises, he will not be able to master
more, and that uncalled fanaticism with sundry fantastical
shapes force into his frame, by which the frame
itself must burst in pieces soon. He forgot that
Russian preponderance cannot be propitious to liberty;
he forgot that it can even not be favourable to the devc-
lopmeot of the &lave nationality, b. cause Sclavonic
nations would by this idea be degraded into individuals
of Russianism—all absorbed by Russia, that is absorbed by
despotism. Russia got hold of the sensible idea very readily.
May be that young Alexander had in the first moment
noble inclinations; he was young, and the warm heart of
youth is susceptible to noble sentiments. It is not common
in history to ate such Francis Josephs, of Austria—so young
and yet such a Nero as he is. But few years of power were
sufficient to extinguish every spark of noble sentiment, if
there was one in Alexander's young heart. I; pon the throne of
the Romancer's is the man soon absorbed by the autocrat.
The air of the traditional policies of St. Petersburgh is not
that air where the plant of regeneration can grow, and the
sensible idea become soon a weapon of honour, oppression,
and Russian preponderance. Russia availed herself of the
idea of Paielavism to break Turkey down, and to make an
absolute satellite out of Austria. Turkey withstands yet,
but Austria has fallen in the snare. Russia sent out
its agents, its money, its venomous secret diplomacy
through the world; it spoke to the Selave nations of the
' hatred against foreign dominion of independence of
religiou connected with nationality under its own supre-
macy ; but chiefly it spoke to them of Panslavion under
the protectorate of the Czar. The millions of its own large
empire also, all oppressed—all in servitude—all a tool to
his own ambition. He flattered them with the idea to
become the rulers of the world, in order that they might
not think of liberty. He knew that man's breast cannot
harbour two passions at once. Ile have them ambition, and
excluded the spirit of liberty. This ambition got hold of
all the &lave nations through Europe. So became Pans-
lavistu the source of a movement, not of nationality, but of
the dominion of languages. That word "language" re-
placed every other sentiment, and so it became the curse to
the developement of liberty. Only one part of the Sclavonic
races saw the matter clear, and withstood the cur-
rent of this infernal Russian plot. They were the
Polish democrats—the only ones who understood that
to fight for liberty is to fight for nationality. Therefore
they fought in our ranks, and were willing to flock in
thousands of thousands to aid us in our struggle; but I
could not arm them, so I could not accept them. We
' ourselves, we had a hundredfold more hands ready to fight
than arms—and nobody was in the world to help us with
arms. There is the same origin and real nature of the
question of mathematics in Europe. Now, let me see what
was the condition of Hungary under these circumstances.
WO years ago, when the first King of Hungary, St. Ste-
phen, becoming Christian himself, converted the Hungarian
Ration to Christianity, ft was the Roman Catholic clergy of
Germany whom he invited to assist him in his pious work.
They did; but it was natural that the pious assietance hap-
eke be accompanied by some worldly designs.
ganger}
ngary to
offered a wide field to the ambition of foreigners.
And they persuaded the king to adopt a curious principle,
which he laid down in his political testament. That is,
that it is not good, when the people of a country is but of
one extraction, and speaks one tongue. There was yet
adopted another rule ,• that is, to advise the language of tl.e
church—Latin—for the diplomatic language of the ,govern-
meet, legislature law, and all public proceedings. So it be-
came, of course, that the real manners of the country that
spoke Leto. The Hungarian, scarcely yet believing
Christian, spoke not the Latin, of course. This is the ori-
gin of that fatality that democracy did not develope for
centuries in Hungary. The public proceedings having been
carrel en in Latin, the laws given in Latin, the people
were excluded from the public life. Public in-
' striation being carried on in Latin, the great mass
of the people, being agriculturers, did not partake in it;
and the few who out of the ranks of the people, partook
in it, became, by the very instruction, severed and
alienated from the people's interests. This dead Latin lan-
guage, introduced ,into the public life of a living nation,
was the most mischievous barrier against liberty. the first
blow to it was stricken by the revolution. The protestant
church, introducing the national language into the Divine
services, become a medium in the develop anent of the
spirit of liberty. So wen our ancient struggles for
religious liberty always connected with the maintenance of
political rights. But still, Latin public life went on so
far as to 1780. At that time, Joseph of Hapsburg, aim
tag at centralisation, replaced the Latin by the German
tongue. This raised the national spirit of Hungary ; and
our forefathers, seeing that the dead Latin language ex-
eluded the people from the public concerns, cannot be pro
pitious to liberty, and anxious to oppose the design of
the Viennese cabinet of Germanising Hungary, and so
melting it into the commits abeolusism of the Austrian
dynasty—l say, anxious to oppose this design by a cheerful
pablio life of the people itself, begun in the year 1790,
passed laws in the direction that, by and by, step by
step, the Latin language should be replaced in the public
proceedings of the legislature, and of the govern-
ment, by a living language, familiar to the people itself.
And Hungary being Hungary, what was more ne-
tted than that, being in the necessity to choose one lan.
swage, they choose the Hungarian language in and for
Heigary, the more because that was the language
spoken in Hungary, not only by a comparative majority
of the people, but almost by an absolute majority ;
that is, thou who spoke Hungarian, were not only
more than those who spoke whatever one of the other lan-
guages, but, if not more, at least equal to all those who
spoke several other languages together. Be so kind
to mark well, gentlemen, no other language was op-
pressed—the Hungarian language was upon nobody en-
forted—wherever another language was in use, even in
public life; for instance, of whatever church, whatever
popular school, whatever community, it was not replaced
by the Hungarian lei= It was only the dead
Latin, which by-and-bye e eliminated from the diplo-
mates public life, and replaced by the living Hunga-
rian in Hungary. In Hangary, gentlemen, be pleased to
mark it, never was this measure extended into the muni-
cipal public life of Croatia and Sclavonia, which, though
belnot
tonnng
Hungary,far ebiguhttabdisundtadt ynaeantionto,
with distinct
set:U.76re_
sepal public life. They themselves, Croatians and Sche
ventage, repeatedly urged it in the common parliament
to afford them opportunity to learn the Hungarian lan-
guage, that having the right they might also enjoy the
benefit of being employed to common governmental offices
of Hungary. This opportunity was afforded to them,
but nobody was forted to make use of it if he desired
not to do so; but with their own municipal and public
life, as also with the domestic social religious life, of
whatever other people in Hungary itself, the Hungarian
Innguage did never interfere, but replaced only the
Latin language, which no people spoke, which to no
living people belonged, and which. therefore, was con-
trary to liberty, because it excluded the people from any
share in the public life. Willing to give freedom to the
Pelee, we eliminated that Latin tongue, which was an
obstaele to its future. We did what every other nation
Is the world did, clearing by it the way to the people's
samason universal liberty. Your country is a happy one
Mu In that respect; being a young nation, you slid not
dad in your way the Latin tongue when you established

this republic; so you did not want a law to eliminate it
from your public life. You hate a living diplomatic IL*
which is spoken in your Congress, in your slate left
tures, and by which your government rules.
language is not the native language of your whole pee-
pie—scarcely of Met of a majority; and yet no man is
the Union takes it for an oppression that legislature and
government is sot earned on in every possible lan4uage
that is spoken in the United States, and yet are found
in your common law, inherited from England, some Latin
expressions, the affidavit', Ate.; and having found it in law
you felt the necessity to stimulate it by law, as you really
did. And one thing I have to mention yet. This re-
placing of the Latin language by the Iluagarian was not
a work of our revolution, it was done before, step by step,
by-sod-bye from 1791. Whin we carried, in 1818, our de-
mocratic reforms, and gay, political, social, civil, and full
religious freedom to the whole people, without distinction
of religion or toogae, considering that unhappy excitement
of the question of languages prevailing through Europe fa
consequence of the Russian plot, which I developed, we
extended our cares to the equal protection of every tand nationality, affording to all equal right to all aid =l ifi
the pubic funds,for the moral, religious, and scientifie elevir
lopsinent in churches and in schools. Nay, our revolution
extended this regard even to the political devclopement of
every tongue, sanctioning the free use of every
tongue, in the municipalities and communal corpora-
tions, as well as in the administration of justice itself.

The promulgation of the laws in every tongue—the
right to petition and to claim justice in whatever tongue
the duty of the government to answer accordingly
all this was granted, and thus far more done in that respect,
also, than whatever other nation ever accorded to the claims
of tongues; by far more than the United States ever did,
though there is no country in the world where so many dif-
ferent languages are spoken as here. It is, therefore, the
most calumnious misrepresentation to say that the Hunga-
rians struggled for the dominion of their own race. No;
we struggled fir civil, political, social, and religious free-
dom, common to all, against Austrian despotism. We
struggled for the great principle of self-government,
against centralisation; and because centralisation. abso-
_

lutism—yes, centralisation is absolutism ;r it Isiucon-
sistent with constitutional rights. Austria has given the
very proof of it. The house of Austria had never the
slightest intention to grant constitutional life to the na-
tions of Europe. I will prove it on another occasion.
It hates constitutions as hell bates the salvation of human
souls. But the friends of the Hapsburgs say it has granted
a constitution—ia March, 1819. Well, where is that con-
stitution now ? It was not only never executed, but it was
three months ago formally withdrawn. Even the word
ministry is blotted out from the dictionary of the Austrian
government. Swarxenburgh is auin House, Court, and
State Chancellor, as Metternich Nees ; only Metternich
ruled, not with the iron rule of martial law over the whole
empire of Austria. Swarzenburgh does. Metternich en-
croached upon the constitutional rights of Hungary, 'lran-
asCifanhieaa
tfitreoaroti
and tdhe Seyloahvhogniaisie
roS,ltczacinilu rip
Joseph,
melted all nations together iu a common bondage, where
the promised equality of nationalities is carried out most
literally, to be sure, because they are all equally op-
prefaed, and are all equally ruled, by absoltist Frio-
cinles, in the German language. And why was that
illusory constitution withdrawn ? Because it was a lie from
, the beginning; because it was an impossibility. And why
so ? Because it was founded upon the principle of centrali-
sation, and centralised thirteen different nations, which
now groan under Austrian rale ; and yet, t. have a consti-
tutional life, is more than an impossibility. It is an ab-
suidity—it is an oppression, augmented by deceit. I can-
not exhaust this vast topic in one speech, so Igo to the end. I
only state;elearly my own and my nation's ruling princi-
ple, even in rfspect to the claims of the nationalities of lan-
guages; and that it is—we shall have republican institutions,
Wooded on universal suffrage, and so the majority of the so-
vereign people shall rule in every respec in vihage, in the
city, an thecountry, in the congress, and govenirnen—in all
and everything. What to the public concerns of the village,
of the city, of the country, of tho Congress belongs—self-
government everywhere—the people sovereign every where
and universal Maine and the rule of the majority every-
where. This is our principle, for which we live and are
ready to die. That is the cause fur which I humbly re-
quest the protecting aid of the people of the United States,
and chiefly your aid and protection, gentleman—you, the
mighty engineers of the public opinion of your glorious
land ! Let me entreat you, gentlemen, to accord this
protection to the cause of my down-trodden land ; it
is the curse of oppressed humanity on the European
continent. I know how Italy stands, and I dare confi-
dently declare there is no hope for Italy but in that great
republican party, at the head of which Martini stands.
It has nothing te do with commnnistical scheme; or the
French doctrines of socialism. But it wills Italy inde-
penden, free, and republican. Gentlemen, tke gene-
rous sympathy of the public opinion of the United
States—God be blessed for it!—is strongly roused to the
wrongs and ;aufferings of Hungary. My humble task in
that respect is done. Now I look for your generous aid to
keep that generous sympathy alive, that it may not subside
like the passing emotion of the h, art. I look for your ge-
nerous aid to urge the formation of societies, to collect
funds, and to create a loan. I look for your generous aid
to urge the public opinion of the sovereign people
of the United States, to pronounce in favour of the
humble propositions which I had the honour to exprc as at.
the corporation banquet of the city of New York, until the
resolutions of the people succeed to impress the favourable
impression to the people of the United States. In that
respect I beg leave one single remark to make. In speak-
ing ef the principle of nen-admission of any interkrenec
in any countty's domestic concerns, I took the liberty
to express my humble wish to see Great Britain invited
within this protective policy. The reason is because I take
toe present French gove.ument the one of the oppressors—
it has interfered and continues to interfere in Rome. But

the French nation I take for one of the oppressed. The
French nation will do the same as Hungary, holy, and
Gcrinany. The alliance of the French nation if insured by
its necessary principles if the republic becomes a reality.
The decisive question is what the neutral powers will do—
and these nee Great Britain and the United States.
Conspicuous among the other receptions reported
is one made at Castle Garden, on the 16th, by the
first division of the New York State Militia, under
General Sandford.

COMMERCIAL.

The market for WetdStulF;;;brisk, and prices
had advanced slightly, in consequence of the closing
of the ricer and canol navigation. Western Canal
flour, 4 dols. 371 c. to 4 dols. 50c., very firm. Gen-
nesee prime, wheat, 1 dol. Bc. to 1 dol. 10c. per
&Abs. Indian corn, round yellow, 64c. to 66c. per
bushel. Indian meal, 3 dols. 25c. to 3 dole. 371 per
barrel.

In cotton there had been a fair amount of business
doing at New York, and former quotations were
steadily maintained. Sales at New York for the
week, 42,000 bales. Prices firm, but unchanged.
Freights continue unchanged.
Provisions are inactive. Pork, mess, 15 to 151;
prime, 141.
Exchange on London, no; to noi; Paris, 5.13;
hamburg, 361 to 361 ; Bremen, 781 to 781.

SUDDEN DEATH OF A BARRISTER.—An in-
quest was held on Saturday by Mr. Higgs, at the Essex
Head, Essex-street, Strand, as to the death of Joseph
Douglas, Esq., a barrister, residing at 4, Garden-court,
Temple. There had been a great difficulty in this case to
know which coroner was to hold the inquest. Mr. Payne
had been applied to and also Mr. Bedford, but they refused
to interfere, as they considered the Temple was out of their
jurisdiction, and Mr. Wakley was referred to as it might
be in the county of Middlesex. At last Mr. Baker, the
beadle, applied to Mr. Higgs, as it was considered the part
was in the duchy, and he accordingly appointed the in-
quest. The deceased was a member of the western circuit,
and had for many years been the revising barrister at Dor-
set. On Wednesday evening he was seen to enter hie
chambers, and the next morning he was found by his clerk
lying on the floor in a pool of blood. He was then warm,
and Mr. Hutchinson, of 86, Chancery-lane, was sent for,
who found a lung incised wound in the left temple, four
inches long, and denuding the skull to the bone. There
bad been great hceinorrhage, and he was quite dead. It
seemed by other testimony that he had been pulling off his
boot*, when he upset the table, and he was thrown against
a key in his bookcase, which had caused the injury. He
had been heard tumbling about all night. for the purpose,
no doubt, of finding the deer and getting assistance. The
jury returned the following special verdict :—" That the
deceased, Joseph Douglas, died from loss of blood from a
wound on the upper part of the left temporal artery, pro-
duced by having accidentally fallen against a key then in
the lower part of a bookcase."
InhCOVERY OF A BODY IN VICTORIA-STREET.—On
Saturday morning, as Policeman Hurlatone was on duty in
Victoria-street, Clerkenwell, he was informed that there
was a man in one of the vaults for the new house* intended
to be erected there. He went to the spot, and discovered
a person who was respectably dressed on the ground, and
who, on being moved, showed no signs of life. On mak-
ing an examination, a silver hunting watch, with chain at-
tached, was in his pocket. There were also a few shillings.
He had on a black frock coat, a blue waistcoat with yel-
low flowers, black trousers and the usual underdress.
In his shirt front was a brooch the shape of an arrow.
The body was taken to the Holborn Union Workhouse,
Gray's inn-lane.
New STEAM NAVIGATION Acr.—On Wednesday
next the New Steam Navigation Act, passed in August
last, will come into fcree, when the other acts on the same
subject (9 & 10 Vict., cap. 101, and 11 & 12 Vict., grip. 81),
will be repealed. The laws relating to steam navigation
are now consolidated so that they are to be found—which
is an advantage—in one statute. The act, alter stating
that the naval department of the Board of Trade is to mist
• in its execution, trees of the sutvey of steam-vessels and
the number of passengers they are allowed to carry ' • of the
build of iron steamers, of safety valves, of boats, &e., in
seagoing vessels, of lights and provisions against accident
Irons collision, of the inspection of steam-vessels, and of
, legal proceedings, with some miecellineous matters. On
all these subjects there are various provision' to render steam
I navigation safe. The Board at 1 rade is to fix the number
I of passengers in all steamers, and after the 31st of March
steam-vessels are required to carry safety valves out of the
control of the engineer, which valves are to be deemed a
necessary part of the machinery, upon which the surveyor-
general
of is
the to
passenger.report.T
hisregulation is for the additional
safety