The Express.
London, England, 1848-01-27 00:00:00

he erproils.

MAILS
The =Ms for Wigs, Oporto, Whoa, Wedeln, Cadiz, end OlbesZinc
Eli ha reeds op as the stersang of the 27th January.
The malls fee British North Amends, Bermes* sad the Celled
natal., will be made up ea the evening of the With January.
The mails for New Smith Wales, Van Diesien's Land, and Mew
Zealand will he mode up os the eveithig of the 3144 January.
The mails for the West Coast of Africa sod Madeira will be made
ap on the evening of the Slat inst.
The West India Malls, including Bermuda. N...., HavannL
Rondonia New Orlesna, Vera Crux, Tampico, end Porto Rao, end
excluding [hoes for Merlons, Jecenel, Carthagena, Santa Martha,
Murree, Panama,West Coast of South America, and St. Joaxaciee
Nicaragua, will be made up on the morning of the tad February.
The overland mails for Gibraltar, Malta, Greece, the loman named.
VAden, Ceylon, India, Ilong.Kong, and China, eis ilouthamptes.
ille made up on the morning of the 3rd February.
The mails for the Brasile, the River Plate, Monte Video, Fenian.
bum Benin Wedeln., and Brame Ayres, will be made up *a the
evening of ths 4th February.
The overland closed made, tie Marseilles, to the Mediterranean
Egypt, Aden, Ceylon, India, lien( Kong, he., will be made up or the
swaths of the 7th February.

TO CORIZSPONDINTS.
MowtiornOwto I @OWN for "it So prow" Load. nook*, ....,
bo at Ow olio.. le. lioavorieogroo. lo Two dew k .. the Oa; of p

1110 H WATTS AT LONDON ■DiJOR.
T.. DA ,-- 0.1.124, II Atla WM . gamma. 81 Ws. past
To-m —11•••12,111 W. post t 11111111.1.1 7.

LONDON, THURSDAY, JAN. 27. ;
So various and great has been the extent of Italian
misrule, that no sooner are troublous symptoms re-
moved in one corner of that laud than they instantly
reappear in another. The desire of all rational men I
is, that the changes and reforms so imperatively de-
manded may be effected by the joint efforts and
mutual forbearance of the people and of their rulers. I
In the north of the peninsula such aim seems hope- •
ful, simply because there the population has been
more in contact with the advanced ideas of central
Europe, because there the clergy has ceased in a great
measure to make use of ignorance as a sceptre, and
because wealth has overflowed from the towns
upon the fields, which denotes an advanced state of
civilisation, the more barbarous and retrograde state
being that in which the surplus produce of the
country, garnered in towns, constitutes their sole
wealth, resources, and ideas.
The utmost natural fertility cannot save a country
from being thus backward, if it possess not a class
other than the agricultural. We have a proof near
to us in Ireland, and Sicily is the Ireland of Italy ;
fertile, populous, poverty-stricken, separated by the
sea from the seat of government, and hating the people
from amidst whom that government comes. The
Sicilian is as jealous of the Neapolitan as if he were a
Celt, and his lazzarone ruler a Saxon. He has the
same complaints to make of Neapolitan rule, Neapo-
litan officials, troops and taxation. To mend the
matter, England took possession of this precious
country some half century back, and gave it a consti-
tution, a thing the Sicilians could make no more use
of than the Irish could of their national parliament.
Of no profit when extant, its extinction is still a
grievance.
Absenteeism is another complaint of the Sicilians.
It is Sicily, not Naples, which abounds in commodi-
ties for export. The sulphur, the wine, oil, fruits,
and corn of that fruitful island would suffice to en-
sure valuable returns not only in all the commodities
which the southerns want and the north produces,
but in colonial luxuries and in money. But Naples
receives and consumes the luxuries, and the returns
go thither, instead of remaining is Sicily to pay for
them. The custom-house is of course a stepmother
to the Sicilians, prohibiting and castigating trade to
the best of its ability, and pleading the virtues of
protection where there is nothing to protect. Some
Inevitable modifications have been made in the tariff
of 1846; but it still remains so high, as to prompt
its evasion in every way, by which, as in Spain,
both the state looses its revenue, and the consumer

cheapness.
AU these evils, serious in Naples, are of course
aggravated in Sicily. The government may mulct
and castigate the Neapolitans as its children or its
slaves ; but the Sicilians it regards as a disaffected
and mutinous race. And at the first symptoms of
frowardness, trusty regiments and parks of artillery,
commanded by a police chief, not by a general, are
sent to sweep the streets with grape and then deci-
mate the population by courts martial.
The present insurrection is chiefly attributed to the
brutality of one of these chiefs, and the resistance
offered to him by a young lawyer, who was crown
prosecutor, but who refused to act in conformity with
the views and suggestions of the military tyrant.
The profession of the law is, we need not
say, throughout Italy, the very hot-bed of libe-
ralism, and that a king's advocate-general durst
resist the policy of a tyrannical governor is a proof,
that liberalism has made converts even amongst
officials.
The King seems somewhat inclined to be liberal
in Naples; but in the midst of his liberalism the news
from Sicily frightens him, and straight the ruthless'
police-minister, dismissed a few days before as a con-
cession to the Neapolitans, is recalled as a necessity
for the Sicilians. Much of our ministerial ultra-
toryism, such as it existed a quarter of a century
back, sprang from the habits and ideas acquired by
young' officials in Ireland. The same may be said of
the statesmen of Naples— they unlearn the liberalism
that might spring up for home government, and are
overcome by the rancour necessary for Sicilian

The King, however, may overcome the frowardnees
of the Sicilians, because it is the frowardness of town
populations, the peasant not stirring in the quarrel.
This, indeed, has hitherto been the cause of the
armies of Austria or of the native kingdoms, always
overcoming bodies of insurgents. It proves the weak-
ness of the Romagneee as well as of the Sicilians. So
that insurrections, when they go so far as to provoke
a powerful military intervention, do far more bArm
than good, discrediting the character of the liberal
party for courage as well as prudence, and shedding
ridicule as well as opprobrium upon a noble cause.
It may here be said, that the town population of
Paris triumphed over a body of the finest troops,
commanded by one of the beet of the generals. But
it was merely the Swiss and the guards who remained
staunch in the days of July. The regiments of the
line employed in the streets, soon showed their sym-
pathy with the people, and played at least a neutral,
not a host:le part. But for this, the upshot
of the July revolution might have been different
But there unfortunately exists, between Neapolitan
and Sicilian, thatinter-provincial jealousy which will
probably enable the King to eend against the latter a
large body of troops not likely to swerve from their
allegiance. Were there union amongst the Sicilians, or
any plan of concerted resistance, they might, indeed,
be found most difficult to conquer. But it is to be
feared that a successful effort on the part of Sicily
to throw off the Neapolitan yoke would hare the
effect, nut of furthering, but of throwing a great ob-
stacle in the way of Italian liberty.

Two days have passed since we noticed the case of
the " Queen r. the Archbishop of Canterbury ;" and
still the argument proceeds with unabated vigour.
The leader of the counsel who support the rule has
by his ab•ence curtailed the discussion by at least
three hours; but nevertheltss the contending parties
have argued, and the judges have listened for
twenty-fbur hours, and when the court rose at
dusk yesterday evening Mr. BADDELEY was lett
speaking. It is fair to say that the bar, and that
portion of the public which could enter into the
mi rite of the question, have listened too. There has
seldom been au argument at Westminster which has
been illustrated by greater ingenuity and more multi-
farious learning. The lucid arrangement and com-
pleteness of the ATTORNEY•GENERAL'S speech have
not exhausted the interest of the audience. The civi-
lians and common lawyers on either aide have con-
tributed fresh materials for a decision, and the anti-
quarian researches of some of the counsel have been
relieved and enforced by the able reasoning of their
colleagues on the construction of statute law, and the
rules which determine the issuing of the writ of 1
niewlentue.
The court has thus far only decided one point,
which arose in the discussion. It may be remem-
bered that Dr. LUSHINGTON rested his rejection ot '
the application by the opposers for a hearing in a'
great measure on the Church Discipline Act of 3
Sr 4 Vict. We ventured to suggest that the learned
assessor had misconstrued the prohibitive clause on
which he relied, and that the proceeding attempted
to be instituted on the part of the opposers was in no
sense a criminal proceeding within the meaning of
the act. The ATTOENEY-GENERAL touched lightly
on the topic, with a knowledge no doubtthat it would
not bear examining ; and yesterday, when Mr.
STaPHBI4II was about to argue on the construction of

the statute Lard DiNNAN intimated that the court was ,
satisfied that there wee no weight in the objec ion. It
maye perhaps farther be collected that the court is ions. ,
that the opposers, or some of them, as incumbents
in the diocese of the bishop elect, have a sufficient
locus 'Sandi to entitle them to a remedy by oneedennee
if they can make their application good on flit
merits. Mr. HILL in contending against this pod.
lion, rather unfortunately asked, whether it could be
pretended that, if the case were that of a mayor
instead of a Bishop of Hereford, an inhabitant el '
the city could apply for a mandamus to compel the t
performance of some ceremony connected w ith his .‘
election ? The court suggested that the very cashed
occurred. A quo warranto being moved for again*
a Mayor of Hereford, it was objected to the relators
that he was not a burgess ; but it was held that as
a mere inhabitant he had sufficient interest in the
appointment of the chief magistrate, to whose jitri►
diction he would be subject, to entitle him to be heard
by the court.
The main points retrain to be determined; the
respective powers of the Crown and of the Arch.
bishop before the Reformation, the effect of the
statute of HENRY VIII., and the power of the court
to haute a mandamus to the Archbishop and his offi-
cials. On the last question it was urged by ilia
ATTORNEY-GENERAL, that the proper remedy, in
case of an error committed by an ecclesiastical tribu-
nal, would be by appeal to the Privy Courreil ; and
that it is a well-known rule, that the Queen's Bench
will not interfere by mandamus, when a sufficient
remedy already exists. To this Dr. Ateamea replies
that the opposers being refused a hearing before the
VICAR-GENERAL, were not parties to any CUM in
that court, and that consequently they had no op.
portunity of appealing to a superior tribunal. If they
had been admitted to a hearing, and their idle.
gations had been afterwards rejected, they might
it is said, have had recourse to the Privy Council.
Having been refused a hearing, they state that they
have no redress except by the authority of the
Queen's Bench. It is rather difficult to discover how
far the tribunal of the VICAR-GENERAL is an ecclesias-
tical court at all. Dr. HAYFORD showed, from
OUOUTON, that the Centenaries or Vicarial Gen&
rails had a jurisdiction in matters Lot contentious--
such, it is added, as the confirmation of bishops ; sad
the advocate naturally inferred that a coutentioe,
such as an inquiry into the doctrine of a bishop elect,
could not take place before a functionary who had
not contentious jurisdiction. Dr. Appeals, on the
other side, being anxious to show that the VICAR-
GENERAL and his assessors had judicial rather than
ministerial functions, illustrated hie position by the
assertion that the officials eat as a court by pre-
scription, and that they had no commission
from the bishop. The court appeared to be
in some degree impressed with the statement,
until the ArtuaNET-Glandst produced the original
wchment commiiaion, by which Dr. BURNABY, Dr.
LusnieGrox, and others, are charged, under the
name of tordnimioners, to confirm the hi-hop elect
It is true that a commission may be, and often is, the
foundation of a judicial power; bat we have not yet
seen any answer to a remark which we made before
the present discussion commenced, that the commis-
sion might have been directed to others instead of to
the VICAR-GENERAL; and that, therefore, the pecu-
liar rights and functions of that official cannot form
any essential part of his qualifications for confirming
the election. If the officials formed a ministerial
body, the mandamus may be refused on the
ground that they have fulfilled their ministry—
if they constituted a judicial tribunal, the question is
whether, by refusing a hearing to the opposers, they
gave a judgment within their competence, or merely
declined to receive a matter which they were or were
not bound to entertain. If the act wus judicial, the
Queen's Bench will not interfere with it, right or
wrong ; if it was preliminary to judgment, they will
only interfere with it it' it was wrong ; and the quer
thin whether it was right or wrong leads us to the
general inquiry whether the Archbishop has any right
or duty to examine or try the bishop elect certified to
him by the chapter.
The endless extracts from divines and canonista
which have been cited in the argument are to us
far from satisfactory. It is impossible for any
but a profound ecclesiastical jurist and anti-
quarian to know either the authority due to each
writer, or the possible quotations which might have
been brought to a contrary effect The general im-
pression produced by the whole is, that in the middle
&gee, the popes took when they had the power, and
kings and archbishops kept when they could. In
more modern times, the principal authorities are
divines who wrote by their own interpretation of the
law rather than by. judicial precedent, and who
naturally had a leaning to the claims of the church.
As the present difficulty never has arisen since the
Reformation, except in the case of MONTAGUE, lay-
men and lawyers had no motive to trouble themselves
with the inquiry, and by a natural consequence the
counsel in the present case have been obliged to re-
sort to books which have a mere historical and
literary interest rather than legal authority.
Mr. BADDELLY, who enters with a zest beyond that
of his colleagues or adversaries into the out ot the
way learning of church and canon law, brought for-
ward a long series of authorities, beginning with St.
PAUL'S epistle to Trrus (quoted in the original
Greek), and coming down to Cardinal Fteuer, the
confessor and prime minister of Louts XV. By the
decisions of the councils of Nice, of Carthage, of
Arles, and of Lyons—by the records of Ely monks
and Worcester bishops—by histories and text-books,
he showed that the metropolitan had always claimed
and often exerted a power of interference with the
confirmation of his suffragans. Relying on the imam-
poration to a certain extent of the older canons with
the statute law by 19 HENRY VIII., he contended
that the metropolitan must still possess the power,
as it had never bee ti formally abolished. He also,
with some of his colleagues, endeavoured to show that
the preeniunire clause in the act of 23 Henry
was applicable merely to those who sought bulls from
Rome, if it was not entirely repealed by the true con-
struction of 1 Eliz., c. 1, s. 32. We might be more
disposed to attach weight to the argument for the
ancient claims of the Archbishop, if they were not
virtually supplanted by the act of 25 Henry VllL
The King is by that act authorised to pass over the
archbishop altogether, and direct his, mandate either
to another archbishop and two bishops, or to any four
bishops within hie dominions. In the present case,
the usual course has been pursued, by applying to the
Archbishop of the province ; but it seems that he can
claim no power beyond that which the royal commis-
sion might have conferred on any other prelate.
We do not wish to &IPr further into the argu-
ment at present ; our only object has been to assist our
readers in understanding the long discussions which
have occupied the Court of Queeu's Bench during the
present week. It may be worth wh le reminding
them of the singular circumstance, that the advocates
of ecclesiastical jurisdiction appear in the name
of the Queen, while the meet-tors of the abso-
lute power of the crown defend it on behalf
of the Archbishop. In truth, the collision between
church and state has not yet arrived. The
Archbishop has not refused obedience to the royal
mandate—on the contrary, it is his implicit obedience
to it which has subjected him to the present motion.
We may probably take another opportunity of ex-
plaining where the real pinch of the question be-
tween church and state will occur, if ever. In the
meantime, it is not inconvenient that their respective
claims should be tried in a case where the authori-
ties of both state and church are acting in harmony,
and where the ATTORNEY-GENERAL announcis that
he appears with the full sanction of the Archbish p.

A rEriTioN has been published from the Singapore
Chamber of Commerce to the House of Commons
relative to certain alleged encroachments of the
Dutch authorities in the Eastern Archipelago OD
English commerce. A number of documents corrobora-
tive of the allegations in that petition have been
transmitted to us, of which it is enough fur the pre-
sent to say that they amply bear them out.
It is of bad omen for the complainants that thq
are obliged to rest their claims for redress on the ill-
starred treaty of 1824. The retrocession of Java to
Holland was made by the British vuei.rnment in
1814 under the influence of Lord CAs
intoxication front the smiles and flatteries
of the allied monarchs, when that gateman
bartered the rights of independent nations for a ropl
compliment, and waived the most important claims
of his own country as a piece of amiable politeness.
The treaty of 182 t was concerted with a view to pat
an end to the interminable disputes ariaidg out of the
convention of 1814 ; but so skilfully (we use a civil
word) did the veteran FAGEL play with the English
diplomatists', opposed to_him, that in a few years the

Governor-General of Netherlands-India violated the
spirit of its most important article, which was, how-
ever, found to be so vaguely framed that all applica-
tions for redress on the part of the English govera-
ment were easily evaded. Lord PALMERSTON has good
reason to know this ; for his inability to serve the
British merchants connected with Singapore, or
trading with Java, bad, at one time, very nearly
driven a hood of long-headed Scotchmen into an
alliance with Mr. URQUHART.
It is not therefore without a certain degree of secret
misgiving that we hear this treaty appealed to by
cur countrymen. Yet if there be meaning in words,
and faith in statesmen, its terms ought to bear them
out on the present occasion.
The petitioners complain that several British sub-
jectm have been prevented by the Dutch authorities at
MMacassar from trading to ports in Celebes, which
either are or were lately held by independent rajahs.
They invoke against this encroachment the third
article of the treaty of 1824. That article is as
follows
The high contracting parties engage that no treaty here-
after made by either with any native power in the Eastern
seas shall contain any article tending either expressly or by
the impositi,m of unequal duties to exclude the trade of the
ether party from the ports aimed native power, and that if
in any treaty now existing on either part any article to that
effect has been admitted, such article shall be abrogati d upon
the conclusion of the present treaty.
This is explicit enough ; but let us turn to the
seventh article :
The Mal icca islands, and especially Amboyna, Banda,
omati, find their immediate dependencies, are excepted
front the operation of 1., 11., II 1., IV. articles, until the
Netherlands government shall think lit to abandon the
monopoly of spices; but if the said government shall at any
time previous to such abandonment of the monopoly, allow
the subjects .f any power, other than a native Asiatic power,
to carry on any commercial intercourse with the said islands,
the subjects of his Britannic Majesty shall be admitted to
such intercourse upon a footing precisely similar.
The Spice Islands and " their immediate dependen-
cies" are expressly excepted from the operation of the
third article. It was an idea curious enough, to except
Dutch settlements and dependencies from the opera-
tion of an article which relates exclusively to
independent native states. The unnecessary
naming of that article was suspicious, and
ought to have been prevented by the Bri-
tish plenipotentiaries. But let ne see whether
by any straining the ports of Celebes can be repre-
sented as amon;_r the " immediate dependencies"
spoken of. Luckily, we have it under the bands of
Messrs. FAGEL and FALCK, the Dutch ministers, who
concluded the treaty, that they are not. On March
17, 1824—the day on which the treaty was signed at
London—explanatory and supplementary notes were
exchanged between the plenipotentiaries of the two
nations. That of the Dutch ministers describeethe Spice
Islands and their dependencies as " Tout cet Archi-
pel, qui a ete fort justement decrit oornme com-
pris entre Celebes, Timor, et la Nouvelle Guirik.'
Celebes therefore does not belong to the spice archi-
pelago : its native ports fall under the provisions of
the third article of the treaty of 1824 ; and the',
Dutch authorities, in attempting to centralise the
trade to Celebes in Macassar, are playing a double
game. They are making the opening of that one
port, which the, had-a right to keep shut if they
pleased, a pretext for shutting up all the other ports
in the island which they have no right to close.
They are attempting to narrow the range of our
commerce under the pretext of extending it.
Lord Palmerston has now an opportunity of prov-
ing to the malcontents who were so irritated by his
seeming apathy in the Java controversies, that he
only did nothing because he could do nothing. The
words though not the spirit of the article in the
treaty of 1824, which was then under discussion, tied
his hands. In the present case the treaty is distinctly
and unequivocally in his favour, and he ought to
make the most or it. _ .

So much for the main topic of the Singapore
petition. Other points,„are pressed in it. The petitioners
pray for less circuitous channels of communication
with the home government; for the investing the
governor of the Straits settlement with authority to
exercise such general superintendence over British
trade in the Eastern Archipelago, as the governor of
Hong-Kong exercises over British trade in the China
seas ; and for the placing of a British man-of-war at hie
disposal. The first of these three wishes is extremely
natural. To each of the parties who have com-
plained of the Dutch encroachments in Celebes the
governor of the Straits settlements has replied
succession, that he must consult the British
Indian government. The British-Indian govern-
ment must in turn consult the authorities in
Leadeuhall-street; and they again must consult the
Board of Control. It would not be easy to calculate
the time within which the answer of the Board of
Control will find its way back through the great
house in Leadenhall-street, the government offices at
Calcutta, and the bureau of the governor of the Straits
settlements to the complainants. As the Singapore
Chamber of Commerce merely eschews the Colonial-
office, and only begs to be transferred from the care
of the Indian government to that of the Foreign-office,
its pm) er is not unreasonable. With regard to
a superintendent of trade at Singapore, on
the model of the one at Hong-Kong, the plan of com-
bining the office of head of the Chinese and Manilla
consuls with that of colonial governor has scarcely
been such as to lead us to desire an extension of the
experiment. As to a cruiser being placed permanently
on the Singapore station, provided due care is taken
to prevent the officer iu command from taking diplo-
matic functions upon him, it might be of use.
But, waiving for the present these subsidiary ques-
tions, not a moment ought to.be lost in vindicating for
British merchants all the trading immunities to
which the treaty relative to the Indian Archipelago
concluded with the Netherlands government in 1824
entitles them.

r twenty-one businesses to dispose of in different parts
of London and the suburbs and in the provinces.
For various reasons—the tax among others—he
wishes to try his chance of procuring private appli-
cations for some of them, before advertising them in
detail. He, therefore, sends to the Daily News a
brief advertisement that he has businesses to dispose
of. It runs thus:

TO I,DiF.NDRAPERS, W— r—, Ac-
countant, has received instructions to DISPOSE of BUBINEBBEB at
the following places ;
Aidgate. Pideld-street. Caradendown.
Notting-hill. Weaterham. Penwaville.
Walworth.road. Hampstead. Windsor.
Plymouth. Blacktriarwroad. Uppiogham.
Old Meat-raid. Piccadilly. Plymouth.
Crantoome.treet. Hartley-row. Al Lle-enet- rod.
Bermondcry. Kingwtreet, Holborn. Kensingtoo.
For particulars apply toMr. W— E—, accountant, 3, 0--- B—,
late 35, C—.
A duty is charged for each place mentioned in this
advertisement. Our office charge for insertion is
6s. 6d., while the aggregate duties amount to no less
than 11. lie. 6d. The advertisement costs the adver-
tiser 11. 18s., of which sum we receive Os. 6d., and
11. lls. 6d. goes to the Stamp-office.
We could enumerate hundreds of surcharges, similar
in kind, though few so enormous in amount as this
last. For example, an ill-advised auctioneer adver-
tised a few days ago in another journal that on such
a day he would sell a bay carriage horse, also a
brown cob, also, &c., to the number of five animals.
Had he simply enumerated them only one duty
would have been charged, but each also was construed
as introducing a new advertisement, and he had live
duties to pay, 7s. 6d., instead of Is. 6d. of tax, in ad-
dition to the business price of his advertisement.
We are not complaining of the Stamp-office. The
officials there do their duty courteously and fairly. It
is of the law that we complain—of the law which
imposes a tax necessarily so capricious in its opera-
tion, so extortionate, and so obstructive to the natural
couree of business operations. Our complaint, we
admit, is in part, but in part only, an affair of the
shop. This duty, as wayward in its visitations as
any mischievous hobgoblin, imposes a check on ad-
vertising, and curtails our business. But the annoy-
ance and loss it entails on the community at large are
still greater than what we suffer.

DEATH OF THE KING OF DENMARK.
Christian the Vlllth, King of Denmark, and Duke
of Schleswig, Holstein, and Lauenbarg, died on the
19th instant, at Copenhagen. King Christian VIII.
was born on the 18th Sept., 1786, and succeeded to
the throne on Dec. 3,18.19. He was first married, in
1806, to the Princess Charlotte Frederika of Mecklen-
burg-Schwerin, from whom he was divorced in 1812;
and afterwards to the Princess Caroline of Schleswig-
Holstein-Sonderburg-Augustenburg. The Crown
Prince, Fred. Chas. Christian, was born on the 6th of
Oct., 1808. Hie first wife was the Princess Wilhel-
mina Mary of Denmark, from whom he was divorced
in 1837, and his second the Princess Caroline of
Mecklenburg,-Strelitz, from whom he was also di-
vorced in 1846. The Crown Prince had no issue by
either wife.

ROME, Ise. 12. ;
The cigar revolution at Milan has created the
deepest sensation here. At the various guardhouses
it was resolved at once to exercise the "right to I
petition parliament," and accordingly to-day that I
deliberative assembly has been bombarded with con- I
stitutional addresses demanding a further supply of , ,
arms, stores of ammunition, and " that officers of old ,
standing from the service of Piedmont should be i
forthwith invited down here to urge forward the drill I
and manrouvre." Also, that an additional park of ;
artillery should be ordered from the foundry of Turin. ;
They have all sworn that the Austrians shall not ,
reach Naples by this route, whether government allow
them or otherwise. Accounts from Florence repre-
sent the excits meat there as quite equal to our own. ;
It was an ill-advised step for the expelled Swiss ,
Jesuits to have fled straight to Vienna and placed ,
themselves under the mantle of old Metternich.
Nothing will ever get it out of the head of the Ho- I
mans and Italians generally that they are become the
mere tools of that soul-and-body-rotting despot- ;
ism. They have got themselves too deeply entangled ,
with the exploded system of misrule to hope for ex-
trication, and the Tablet correspondent (Lord Clifford) I
is only wasting paper here by seeking to disparage
the onward movement of this peninsula and of Rome.
His letter published on New Year's Day, in which he
stands up for the " Obscurantist party," was read
here with sad merriment; an old wig c, n never plug
up the arches of Ponte Melte, or stay the down-rush-
ing Tiber.
Two monks of the Irish La Trappe (C. Waterford)
have been here for some days on a mission of mystery.
It has oozed oat that they are come to effect the depo- 4
sition of their mitred abbot, Father Ryan, whom they I
elected to role over them last year by a vast majority ,
of the cloistered eremites. It seems that a French-
man, abbot of La Grande Trappe, has lately popped
into the establishment to operate a " visitation," and
that the foreign gentleman found the Irish abbot far
too " liberal" in his administration. It has never
been difficult to get in Ireland one set of natives to
roast their brethren, and since the days of Dermot
M•Marro the discontented aborigines willingly
adopt alien assistance. Backed by the Gallo-
can invader, these two Sonderbandists have '
come to Propaganda, the grand Dionysian auricle
of all Irish squabbles, and have distilled into the ear
of that tribunal, matters which are no novelties
there, as the staple occupation of the board has been,
in my twenty-five years experience of its business, to
hear one Irishman malign another. With your
recent exhibitions at " Conciliation" Hall, between
Grattan and Reynolds, " Dunn" and Dillon Brown,
this will not be news for you. Bat really, gentle-
men, you might confine the fun (if such it be) to
your own green isle, and not hawk your inextin-
guishable fire (arraewew rep) of dissension in the
capital of Christendom so offensively.
The beauty of the thing is, that the Irish imagine
Propaganda and the Pope to be identical, which is
about as true as if the acts of the Somerset House
poor-law commissioners were counted those of Queen
Victoria.
Dyce Sombre bad an audience with his Holiness.
The monarch is perfectly aware that the gentleman
stands in the eye of English law a lunatic [nolionus
lepes Anglia nautare] ; he was therefore particularly
kind towards his visitor, and brought him to the
apartment in the Quirinal, where the Begnm's picture
is hung up, with a drawing of the Roman catholic
cathedral founded by her [she built a mosque the same
year to make sure of her chance]. He also con-
fronted Dyce with his own portrait, executed twenty
years ago, and found some falling off, naturally. Last
week, Sombre left his card (in envelope) at the Doris
palace; and when the prince called on him in return,
he learnt to hie astonishment that it was meant
as a hostile m ssage, inasmuch as when, in
London several years ago, Dyce was airing in
Hyde Park, flanked by two keepers, Doria bad
stared at him, and shook his whip at the carriage !
Doria sent Abbate Ilamilton, a young Scotchman, of
gentle address, to urge that at the time he was not in
England at all. "He is liar as well as coward," was
the reply ; and the abbate went forthwith to the Se-
cretin), of State, who warned the eccentric stranger
against any further indulgence in Rome of such
Oriental hallucinations.
A rival of I)yee has come out in northern Italy, in
the person of a noble lord, bearing a name of some
celebrity in the politics, of last century, as well as
among noble and illustrious authors;" not that his
doings are of the exact sort which distinguish our
Sombre friend, but there are points of similarity.
Like him, ho was honoured by an alliance with the
fair off-shoot of a British naval hero. Bat all Italy
has been witness to the neglect and unmerited es-
trangement which ensued. For some years the
matter has been subject of painful comment in
Naples, Rome, and Florence; but now a crisis has
come. The drama of a Milan " baga de secretly" is
about to be enacted. There have been overt acts in
which the British character is seriously compromised.
Servants have been inveigled into the pothouses of
Genoa, gold profu.ely offered, and wise, to elicit or
concoct disclosures. These menials have shamed the
tempter, and their formal depositions are in the hands
of the authorities there. An attempt has just
made in Rome to bribe the coachman of list season.
The indignant Roman, tnougn poor, scorner!, to be
made the tool of falsehood. He has gone before a
notary public, and his declaration, registered in the
Roman law courts, and attested by the seal of the
British consul, has bees sent this week to the perse-
tinted lady. The sympathy of every right-minded man
is with her, not only for her mental and personal ac-
complishments and unaffected goodness, but from lib-
, borrow° of foul play.

(From the Daily Newt.)
A FRIEND of ours received, about a week ago, a
simple enough commission from a country cousin—to
get him a daily morning paper forwarded to his ad-
dress on the evening of publication, at a reduced price.
Our friend inquired in various quarters after a second-
hand copy, but not meeting with one immediately,
he grew rather tired of his commission. We advised
him to advertise, and atter some demur on the score
of expense, he followed our counsel. Before one
o'clock of the day on which he advertised, he had an
offer, and before dinner-time he had half a dozen
• The offers came from widely distant parts of
London—from the Strand, Huston, Kensington, and
so forth. Now here were six people anxious to
strike with somebody or other such a bargain as he
wished to enter into, yet but for the columns of the
Daily Ness, it is highly improbable that ho would
ever have heard of auy of them, or they of him. The
affair was a trifling one; we question whether a per-
son less lazy or more careful of his money than our
friend would have gone to the expense of an adver-
tisement about it. But had the advertisement cost
only our office charges—had its price not been swelled
by the advertisement duty, he or any one would have
had recourse to it at the flr-t. This trifling
incident shows how much the convenience of
newspaix r advertisements so dwellers in our
wide and crowded metropolis is circumscribed
by the increased expense of advertising occasioned by
the duty. A hundred little arrangements greatly
conducive to individual comfort might be made by
advertisement but for the duty. That tax robe the
newspaper of half its domestic utility.
The enormous and unequal pre-sure of this adver-
tisement duty can only be conceived by those who
are subjected to it. A case of some years standing
recurs to our memory. Our crack auctioneers of
books, pictures, articles of rertii, &c., generally
make arrangements during the dead season for the
Winter campaign. When a sale is to come off they
advertise it ; but it is also of advantage to their clients
on the one hand, and to amateurs, literary men, and
so forth, for them to have an intimation about the
beginning of the season of the more important collec-
tions to be disposed of in the course of it. A short
advertisement, announcing that Messrs. So and So
will, during the ensuing season, dispose of the library
of this brhliomaniac, the pictures of that connoisseur,
and the a ines of t'uther brm-r.`'•nnt, is charged a duty
for every intended sale mentioned. Not only is the
advertisement of each sale taxed separately when it
comes to be advertised separately, but every oneof them
mentioned in the preliminary notice must pay its
separate tax. We have known a journal lose a very
good advertising connexion through this reduplica-
tion of duty.
The admirers of sumptuary laws may think this
sloperfcmation of duty in the ca-c of such commodi-
ties as we have adverted to, right and proper. Per-
kilo, however, the following case may speak more to
their sympathies. A respectable accountant, in a
good line of business, has M one and the same time

THE EXPRESS, THURSDAY EYENING, JANUARY 27, 1848.

It is my duty to add, for the information of her
Majesty's government, that the " honourable and
gallant" relative of the noble lord who came here
ostensibly in the character of a Queen's messenger,
with despatches to Lord Minto, on the sth of Dee..
travelled in reality on a less creditable mission, and
warn accompanied by an attorney. John Bull pays
for all!
ROME, JAN. 14.—Concerning Cardinal Massimo,
who was found dead in his carnage on returning from
the Quirinal Palace, all sorts of reports are afloat,
such u that he went to the Pope to ask leave for the
Austrians to make a thorenghfue through hie domi-
nions, and that the pontiff gave him such a vigorous
rebuke that he sank under the reproaches of his sore-
reign. Another story is, that his accounts, as fund
of the " road and street department," were in such
disorder as to have attracted the monarch's animad-
version. But the facts of the case are simply an fol-
low :—He had received no unkind words from Pius
whatever; he attended the cabinet council at the palace
on the evening in question, and handed in two reports
concerning his department.. The subject of railroads
was on the card for discussion, and Massimo took a
warm part in the question, standing out for the old
government, and its method of managing his depart-
ment, defending the abuses of all sorts. It was urged
in reply that he had no right to interfere at all, as
railroad matters had been referred to a special and
separate commission, of which two members were
then seated at the council board, Amici, Minister of
the Home Department, and Itusconi, Minister of
War. He then called for an ice, and soon after for
coffee, or as the PolGule of this morning says, confor-
tarsi con una bibita Arabica, then rose from his seat
and walked down to his carriage and never spoke
afterwards.

A distinguished layman, Vincenzo Colonna, suc-
ceeds to-day to his poet, and will have much to re-
form in its various ramifications. 1 have repeatedly

dwelt on the inefficiency of the deceased, aid truit
I shall have a more pleasing task under the new
regime. Massimo was only 42 years of age, and was
active enough in every business but his own. He
was a constant manager at the board of Propaganda
with Lambruschini, Bernetti, Castracanc, Barberini,
and others of the old way of thinking, who formed a
mekwity there. Owing to his death we shall soon
have the city lit with gas, to which in a variety of
ways he raised obstacles.