The Express.
London, England, 1848-04-11 00:00:00

THE EXPRESS, TUESDAY EVENING, APRIL 11, 1848,

said " You ought to go down in • body to the Houle of
Commons with your petition," he did not think a jury
would convict; but if he said "You will never obtain
redress unless you organise • force and • con-
spirsey," and if he repeated such advice after due
warn(ng, then in his (the Solicitor-General's) opinion,
that would be open and advised speaking, and would insure
a conviction from a jury. He maintained that the words
objected to would never insure a conviction except in cases
where the offence was so manifest as to leave no possible
doubt oar the mind as to its character. He could not but
think that great edvantage would result from changing such
offences from treason into felony. There was a romance and
a fancied dignity about treason which did not attach to
felony. To wtek distinction wa weakness of human nature,
and with every respect for the sincerity of the hon. member
for Limerick, he did believe that personal notoriety was one
of his principal motives or the course he was at present
pursuing. (Loud cheers! No more striking proof of this
could be found than in the fact that when he and his asso-
ciates were held to hail in a sum of 2001. to answer a charge
of sedition, they were quite offended, and exclaimed " We
meant it to be treason." (A laugh.) It would not be a
es serious effence as sedition, it would merely be one of a
more vulgar description. (Hear.) One word with respect
to the 13th Charles 11. The hon. member for Montrose had
asked whither the prohibiting the presentation of a petition
signed by 20 persons would be continued ; but he might as
well ask whether the amount of prerogative then enjoyed
Iby the sovereign was to be preserved ? He had only to re-
peat that the hill had only Reference to " open and advised
speaking," with a tendency to induce persons to levy war,
to compel the sovereign or the legiefature to change or
aunden measures which they might think conducive to the
welfare and happiness of the country.
wan
Mr. HUME asked whether "open and advised speaking"
felony under the present law
The SOLICITOR-GENERAL—It is treason.
Mr. HOME—Under what set?
The SOLICITOR GENERAL—Open and advised speak-
ing, accompanied by overt acts, is treason under the present
law.
Sir R. INGLIS supported the bill. He thought it was
high time that the treasonable praceedings which lad been
going on for some time should be put a stop M. (Hear,
hear.) They would net have been so long permitted in any
other country, or under the mist republican government in
the world. (Hear, hear.) His hon. friend the member fir
Montrose had said that he would allow a man to say what he
I liked provided he kept his hands oft He asked his hon.
friend would he remain quiet while two men consulted how
he might easiest lie knocked down ? His hon. friend had
also said that this bill would change the character of political
uritation that speeches would he made in holes and corners
with only' the government spies for audiences. Be it so :
then they would not do SO much mischief as when uttered in
public to myriads of misguided persons. He held in his hand
a omober of arch speeches which loudly called for legislative
interleaence; and here, although nit accustomed to allude to
the publk: press., he must express his thanks to the conduc-
tors of the herald, 'I imes, end Standard, and, indeed, all the
journals which he was in the habit of seeing, for their exer-f.
tions in promoting the cause of peace and order. Many o
those speeches were attrihuted to the hon. member for
Limerick, who, in his (Sir R. Inglis's) view, defied public
opinion in this country and in the noun. (Hear.) When that
hon. member had risen, he (Sir It. Inglis) was prepared, for
one, to ask whether the house would not require from the hon.
meinher some explanation of his recent conduct in a neigh-
bouring country before he was permitted to address it. It
was true that the hon. member had towards the close of his
speech oflered some sort of vindication. Such as it was it
had been listened to by the house wi'h a feeling which the
hon. member would be able to appreciate. (Hear.) The
Iron member had sail " I went to France to mingra.ulate
the people on having regenerated the spirit of independence,
which I trust will react on my own country." Noss, these
words hail a meaning or they had nut. If they had a mean-
ing, was it not that recent events in France might lead to
the establishment of republican institutions in Ireland?
(Hear.)
Mr. S. O'BRIEN had only to repeat that at present he
only sought for Ireland a government by the Queen, Lords,
and Commons of Inland, but, whatever his own feelings
might be, he believed that if that were refused a republic
would be the result.
Sir It. INGLIS believed that he had not misinterpreted
the hon. member's expressions. He had only to say in con-
clusion that lie gave his hearty support to the hill as it stood,
and lie trusted that, fortherathe of catching a few stray votes,
the government would not consent to neutralise any of its
provisions. They had been taunted for weeks with giving
encouragement to malcontents in both divisions of the empire,
and their defence had been, that in the existing state of the
law they had no power of suppression. He trusted, then,
that latrine the hill no nearly within their grasp they would I
not part with it, hut would administer it with a reverend
record fir proper and remind ounetitutional liberty.
'Mr. ANSTEY would support the bill for the reasons so
able muted by hi. hoe. and learned friend the Solicitor-Ge-
neral. In answer to the hon. member for Montrose, he
isegeol to state, that under the existing law punishment
it Oa be found for the offences named in the hill.
The measure of the government was intended to mitigate
the severities of the existing law—there was nothing in it
that contradicted any principle of our constitution. It was
an improvement not only on the law as eetablisOed by ancient
decisions, but it was an improvement on the statute of
Edward 11., and brought us back nearer to those days when
treason itself was not a capital offence, by creating an inter.
mediate offence between sedition and high treason. He
looked on the bill as an offering to the tolerant spirit of the
age, and as an inducement to the people to support the go-
vernment in their present wise and moderate course for the
suppression of crime, and he should therefore support it.
Mr. AGLION BY considered that ministers had consulted
the welfare of the public in introducing this hill. (Hear.)
The objection to the third clause which referred to words
written and published or spoken openly end ad-
visedly, appeared to lie made under an entire mis-
apprehension of the effect of that clause. The of-
fence was made penal only when the object was,
by levying war, to make an attempt against the lile or liberty
of the sovereign, or to overawe the parliament, .ar to incite
foreigners to invade this country. With regard to written
words, there was sufficient protection to the accused, for
unless they were published as well as written, no offence was
committed; and if publication took place, the parties ought
to be punished. Then as to spoken words. It was not in-
tended by the clause, nor would it have the effect of pre-
venting the free expression of opinion, unless such expreesion
was calculated to incite to the levying of war for the purposes
stated, and was made publicly. It would not punish a man
(as had been contend, cl) for %peaking his sentiments at his
own dianer-table, however extreme those sentiments
might be, unless he addressed himself to multitudes,
and endeavoured to incite them to levy war against
the government, in which case he ought to be punish-
ed. (Hear, bear.) A jury would always distinguish between
the open and tearless expression of opinion and words in-
tended as an incitement to levy war. First, there was a safe-
guard in the word " advised, ' which would prevent inten-
tions h.ing attributed which might never have existed; and
then there was the effectual safeguard of a British jury,
who would always distinguish between expeasions used in
the heat of argument, and expressions used " advisedly," and
with intent. tie was, however, of opinion that the punish-
ment of transportation for lie was too severe for the offence;
and he proposed to move au amendment in committee to as-
similate the bill, in respect to punishment, more to the 5 &6
Vic., which hid been panned ter putting an end to hose mad
attempts which had previously prevailed of shooting at the
sovereign. (Hear, hear.) To the principle of the measure,
he. however, gave a hearty support.
Lord NUGENT, though coueurring in the measure gene-
rally,thought the third clause did not provide sufficient secu-
rity against the errors of the reporter or the malice of the in-
former—and he proposed to move a proviso, which should
render it nee scary before nay prosecution could take place
in rk spect to treasonable or salkious words spoken, that the
report of the short-hand writer or other person who took
down the words, should be submitted to the speaker, either
immediately, or within a week after they were were spoken,
such admission, denial,

them. (Cries of " OIL oh.") He did not require the
government to give a specific answer to the present demands
of the people, but what he wished to point to was the ques-
tion—What must be the state of the public mind which ren
dered such preparations necessary ? (Oh, oh.) How was
that feeling engendered on the part of the mums, If not by
the utter and contemptuous neglect by the noble lord of their
tut and equitable demands ? Such preparations against the
public were never considered necessary even in France, save
during the ministry of a Polignac or a Ginza. Afar,
hear.) Nor had they been deemed necessary in London
until the noble lord (J. Russell) became minister. (Hear,
and oh.) The hon. member for Nottingham could not have
roused the millions if he had not had political justice to his
cause. He never could have persuaded the people that
they were wronged if real and substantial wrong did
not exist. And se long u those wrongs continued
so long that hon. member would occupy his strong position
Not only would he be hacked by 100,000 but 500,000, and
even twice that number would some day come forwara and be
ready to back him personally in demonstrations, until they
got their political rights. He firmly believed that the govern
ment war wrong In its apprehension of the intended procession.
Had it been permitted to take place he believed they would
have been there quite as peaceably stated as they now were.
The people of England had only one constitutional male of
appealing against political grievances—that, namely, of as-
sembling together and petitioning the Ileac The present
crisis was brought on, not by the importunity of the people,
but by the dishonesty of the noble lord and his colleague*,
and it was a gross injustice to say, when the populace assem-
bled in numbers to enter their protest agate et the wrongs
they endured, that they were actuated by a disloyal feeling
°wards the Queen. He did net distrust the Crown. The
people did not distrust the Crown. Bet both himself and
the people distrusted the government. The noble lord had '
accused, by his bill, the whole nation of criminal designs. be-
cause of the speeches of a few excited persons. Could any
one wonder at the excitement of the people out of doors,
or not wonder at the conduct of the government?
Had not the government sympathised with the proceedings
of foreign nations? And yet wher. the people of Englund canoe
forward and asked, not for revolution, hut for justice, the I
reply of the noble lord wee the gagging bill under considera-
tion. As far as he understood it the bill proposed t> trans-
port a man for expressing an abstract opinion upon govern-
ments. The noble lord might deny such to be his intention,
but the effect of the bill would be as he sail. He would not
trespass further on the time of the house, but would con-
clude by seconding the amendment.
Sir B. HALL said that after he had listened to the discur-
sive speech of the hon. member he was surprised to find he
was not going to vote for the second reading. The hon.
member had only objected to a few words in the bill which
might be discussed in the committee ; for his own part lie
should have deemed the government to have neglected its
duty had not ministers come down and put a stop to sedition
end treason by proposing some such measure. The speeches
of the hon. member for Nottingham in that house were loyal
and not subversive of the inAitutious of the country. But
ho regretted to say that his writings were not of thetcharacter.
In the Northern Star of some days ago he found a letter
sigeed by the hon. member, two columns and a half long,
and containing an expression which he should be glad to tear
the hon. member explain. The hon. member, talk.ng of the
crown, said. " There is behind the throne a power greater
than the crown, and let them put the pope, the devil, or the ,
pretender on the throne, be cared not." The hon. member
cried " hear." It he (Sir B. Hall) had taken an erroneous
view of his words, he should he glad to be corrected. But
the only construction he could tut upon them was, that the
hon. member was quite indifferent who was on the throne,
inasmuch as he said it was alike to him whether the monarch
was the pope or the devil. 1" Ilear" and Laughter.) Repre-
senting as he did 350,000 of the inhabitants of the metropee
!is, it had been his lot to witneu the conduct of all classes
during the late crisis, and he must bear a willing testimony
to the loyalty and desire to promote order, of all, from the
peer down to the poorest labourer.
Mr. F. O'CONNOR said that he was not only ready to
avow having written the passage, which the hon. member
had quoted, but also to say that he did not consider them
to be other than in perfect consonance with the expressions
used by him in that house.
Me. HUME—Would not occupy the house with di-putes
as to the speeches or writings of individu ds. They had
had quite enough of such discussions. There were parts of
the bill that he cordially approval of. All he wished to
ask was whether the noble lord would abate five words a it
which he of to ? He looked upon the change of the
punishment of death, proposed by the bat in cases of
felony by high treason, to be an improv.,ment. But the five
words which he objected to would, if retained, be likely to
subject brave and honest men to the punishment of felony.
Those words were, "by open and advised speaking." If
the noble lord would agree to withdraw those words, there
could be no objection to the bill. If otherwise, he should
oppose it. Whilst they were improving legislation, by the
diminution of the number of punishable political crimes, the
measure before the house went directly to increase them. If
he, sitting at his table, were advisedly to utter opinions at
variance with the law he would be liable to transp >nation,
under the present bid. He recollected that Mr. Muir had
been transported, in 1796, on a similar charge which, by the
Scotch law of sedition, was proved upon him by his servant-
woman. The practice of that day and the law under which
the convictions of Muir and the other Scotch reformers
were procured were denounced by Lord Holland as infa-
mous, and in fact that particular offence styl, d leasing
making was subsrquently abolished and erased from the
statute-book. But the present bill would revive that offence
unless the words he had pointed out were omitted. It was
always unwise to pass a severe law on an emergency. If
the noble lord had received secret information on which he
could rely that danger was to be apprehended, let him ask
for a bill for a few months, but he would venture to say
that the crown and property would be more secure under
the present law than under any that the noble lord could
devise. Secret societies would be the result of the proposed
bill, and so would espionage, as had formerly been
the ease, whereby the annals of the kingdom were
stained. If the bill passed as it at pr, emit stood,
the country would be subject to the same perils that had me-
naced foreign countries, end from the same causes. In
France it was the suppression of truth and of public opinion
that had sprung the mine which blew the government there
to atoms. Let the ministers beware ! The present bill was
a step in the same direction that was followed by the French
government. But at the same time he must say that he in-
stituted no comparison between the middle classes of Eng-
land and el France, and he regretted to see bill introduced
by which a doubt was thrown over the honesty and loyalty
of the middle classes. The government and jthe aristocracy
would be lost if the middle classes did nut stand by them,
and he hoped to see the latter insist upon bringing forward
measures to smi liorate the condition of the lower orders.
He did emphatically say that the present was not the time
to bring forward such a bill. The manifestation of that day
ought to prove sufficient to induce the rive:want to with-
draw the bill. At the'samo time, he did not think there
ought to be a national convention sitting. He was anxious
to give the labouring classes a right to vote, and at the same
time to raise the standard of their intellectual attainments.
He had often said that he would allow a man to say what
he liked, provided he kept his hands off. (Laughter.) He
did not think that government would gain in public opinion
by this attempt to strengthen the law. They should trust
the people of England, and they would be loyal; hut, restrain
their expression of opinion, gag them, and he must confess
that he for one dreaded the consequences that might ensue.
The main ofts.nee created by this bill was the attempt to
overawe parliament. Why, how had the Reform Bill been
obtained? Was it not by overawing parliament? (Hear,
hear.) Without continually overawing, plaguing, and teas-
ing parliament, nothing was ever obtained for the people
If the noble l'rd end the government were afraid of the con-
vention, why not use the law as it stood? By the 30th
Oeo. 111., it might be put down at once, and •by not use
that law ; (II ar, hear). The saute law existed in England,
Sualsial, and Irelau.l. Ile thaught that government had
been badly advised, and that the pollee commissioners had
acted mat improperly in appealing to an act so obsolete and
-s. 11. If that act was to be revived,

had been introduc.ed, • ... as important
ever brought before parliament, Ile approved a the ton- i tyrannical as the 13 Chas. 11. Itches ea. . . _
„ __ _
solidation and modification of the law which the tile people of England should knew what they hail to expect. for him to admit, deny, or explain, .._ admieston, oe_ ,
measure went to effect, but he could never give In Blackstone, vol. I.
page 142 the act was described as and explanation ;signed' by him, to be used as evidence on the ment wag getting worse, or .- people o
his W=ent to the provision which went to gag free pew/klieg " That no petttion to the King, or either house of trial, arid in the event of the party charged refusing to ad- worse. After carrying sat the government so long without
&nue/lion. and even made thought a felony. As soon parliament, for ally alteration in church or mete, shall be meal,
deny, or explain, the report to be taken no correct.. this law, after all our boasted =prove:mutts, were we now
its the bia was passed the noble lord might go to teethed by above twenty persona, unless the matter thereof Mr. B. OSBORNE Led voted for the introduction of the to introduce a new per
of legislaion, when even Lord
Grenville, in 1795 or 96. had been obliged to withdraw from
Mount Ye mon, and inscribe on the tomb of Washington, be approved by three ymtices of tithe pct
or the bill, but when the measure was put into his hands that
Here lies • felon -,- and the like inscription might be pieced major part of the grand jury in the country ; and morning, and he saw the words "or by open or advised the bill of that day ? That clause was then most strongly
of the government, the then Duke of Bedford ; and it was
opeo the weaves of Hampden and Sydney. lie had never in Lousier' hy the lord mayor, aldermen, and speaking," he was FO struck with the gravity and weight objected to by • relative of the noble lord now at the tread
anticipated the pessibility of such a measure as the
tamales common cooncil ; nor shall any oetitien he presented °I the novel principles which they proposed to introduce
being prig
by those who now occupied the tamales by more than ten persons at a time." Was it possible that into our spoon of government that he determined in defence of that bill and that clause that a bishop had
where the noble "intend his colleagues sat. It war another government ceula mean to revive such a law as that ? on voting with what he feared would he the mi. made hie celebrated declaration, '• that the people of this
invegon re( all those rights which they hail always p (Hem, hear.) They might contend it was law, but he eon. nority on the present occasion. (Ilear, hear.) When country bad nothing to do with the lowa but obey them."
a e., dto revere allli maiutain. What was the object of the tendea it was riot, being repealed with other arbitrary laws they were voting for the better security of the crown, (Hear.) lie did not object to the Mot put of this bill -bet
hal ? What wan its justi rat ? They would, no doubt, by the Bill of Bights. That Was the opinion of Mr, Donning they should not forget the security of the people. (Hear.) he thought the house was in mistake as to what would be is
tactical operation. It came before the home as a mitig .-
te eemindea of what had taken place in Ireland. It was not as oppmeal to Lord Mansfield. The act furtrovided that Pass such an act as this, and they could not ensure that p
his intentim to vindicate that night the speeches uttered by any itaringement of its provisions was there visited be a security of the people, which, to e ndanger, would be to Lion of penalty; but t penalty, for the most part, could
eertalu indivieloals—those who were shortly to be put on penalty of lea mid three months' imprisonment fur each strike a blow at the safety Cl the crown and the govern. net be carried into that;e and theugh he denied not the
their trial for holiest so spoken. But WY it fair, let him offence. Why, he lied himself recently presented a petition. ment. (Hear.) There was another reason why they propriety of substituting for capital puniehment one of a
ask, to extend the proposed measure to the 27,000,000 inlia- signed by 4do penults, and had, of course, broueht himself should pause before they affirmed this hill. Government minor character, he believed its practical effect weuld be to
bitents of Great Britain, and to the colonies—for all British within. the aperatien of the aCt. He trustee that govei amen( was too •apt to take aderintage in their legislation of the ex- punish many men by transportotion who could now only be
tried for sedition, and ',mashed for a miselemeeuour.
subjects weuld I.e subjected to the crime of felony created would net talent on perpctu ling so aboird ane deseotie a eitement ocaasioned by passing events. Lew, passed under
ura a.t. the new law I.—was it, he repeated, Mk to gag
.Whole piene et legislation. the influence of excitement were usually paes.ei in haste, I (Hear, hear.) It he timer:awed the clause right (mid its
notians far the indiscretion of a few ? There were cready TIITNL said that his hon. friend 1 and were seldom good laws. As was proposed to he done ambiguity WES Filth he eoubted if any one did), it meant
11 inventions, devices, or meemions, or any of them," should be
stringentlawsagainet sedition, and every aid and help should the membere for Montrose mu,; have misunderstood thethis case, they were hurried through with less considers. that any one who exercised such "compassing, imaginatious,
be given to make those lawe effective, and if it were nectnerary teatime of the bill. lie was sorry that there should be on the lion than was usually given to a common turnpike trust
unishment awarded to that offence. lie had yet
to consolidate and to enforce them. But when it war part of his hon. friend, and the hon. member for the Tower act. The noble lord (J. Russell) seemed to have forgotten liable to be charged with felony, and to receive the
was a crime for any one, in or out of the he use, Calmly and
eatempted to extend the sweep of those laws, and to being Hamlets, any departure from the general feeling of the what Mr. Burke had mid, as to open and advised P
within their operation acts which were now recognised 'as home, which was to secure the safety of the country without speaking. Mr. Burke said, " that open and ad- to learn that it was wrong for any member of that house to
constitutional, then he trusted the house would interfere and say injury to the coustitution. The hon. member for the voted speaking was the safety-ealve of the constitution, sPeak in favour of a different form of government • or that it
sty to the niiniateri " Thus far bleat thou go and uo farther." Tower Hamlets couaplained that ten new felonies would be by means of which the but air was let off." conk however,
It had ever hee n the practice of governments, when they had created by the bill, mid his bon. friend the member for he (Mr. B. Osborne) waeted • reason for voting against the deliberately to argue the question whether a total change
by their melpractices driven the people to despair, an Ito a Moatreee deprecated it as an invasion of th.• right of peti. measure, it was furnished by the speech ot the Solicitor- in the form of government might be advantageous. (Oh,
li
manifestation of their &teethe to come forward and work tion. But the bill did not interfere with the legitimate right General, which was a mere piece of special pleading as to oh• /
law, and introducing a new princiPle, to punish an offence
He advocated no such change • but in making anew
upon the fears of the alas
classes by conjuring up of petition or of discussion, nor would it touch the case of
weeds.eaning which a jury would probably attach to the
scenes of eiclenee, and wider the impressions created by those pawns who might is alolaelliS of eloquence he induced to e Anothet lawyer, the hon. and learned member for I which was most difficult of proof, the house ought to be el.
wire to seek to extend such a law to England, because at this
apprehensiens to induce the leghlature to assent to new ins use words which their sober reason would regret. The 1 Youghal (Mr. Anstey), had told them that the only alters- tremely clear as to the effect of this law. He thought it un-
-Imoment there was danger in Ireland. He would ask the
fricgemente on the liberty of the people. What had the bill, with the exception ot four words, was identical with 1 tion the hill would eflect in the present law was to mitigate
ministers done for the millions who hail heaped their oeti-, the 57th George 111. The fisst part was not touched. The its geverity—inamh as open and avowed speaking was
time on the flior of the house ? When the noble
ors additional clause wm, " Who shall intend to levy war now treason. Butt he bon. and learned member forgot
(J. Russell) was asked if he would repeal the ratepaying against her Majesty for the purpose of compelling her, by to add such open and avowed speaking must he followed by
I Attorney-General whether it was not possible to issue a spe-
cie' commission for the trial of the parties charged
these parties were under this charge, they were at liberty to
go to France, or make other aeditiout speeches, before
clauses of the Reform Bill he answered " No." When he force, to change her measures or councils, or for the purpose an evert act of treason to complete the otience. (Hew, with sedition in Ireland. The complaint was, that whilst
war ax
whether he would COIESSSE CO abolish chelach mem, of nelitare force or constraint on, Or intimidating, or over- hear.) England, however, did not Gee her liberties to
their trial came on; but if they were tried and convicted
he said " N-..- When he was urged to revise the sysMm of awing, Lee government:' The mode by which such inter- lawyers, and if the house depended on them now they
taxation he eta
mid " No." To all and every demand put tion was to be expressed, was, "By writing, or open and ad- would impair the securities of the people. not better the
forward by the people the reply
G. T noble lord was stall vised tptaaaing." Therefore, uo sPeaking would come within security ot the crown. They hid heard much of the respect under a special commission, they could be immediately sub-
., No." And even when he (Mr. G. Thompson) reeked the the meaning of the act, unless it should, in the opinion of•
• due to the crown, and he hoped he was not deficient et eel to three years' imprisonment, and thus prevented
would be a much better course than to extend a new law Ann
other night rue an inquiry into one of the most disgraceful iury, be uttered for the Tempests of levyiag war, or of corn- in that feeling. So long as the crown maintained horn spreading their seditious or treasonable opiniom. This
a new principle to the United Kingdom because Ireland wall
transsctions ever cflected, the repiy.to his demand was the yelling that house, by force, to take memures which it would its duty to the people he would support it, and
in difficulties. The government was pursuing a course um
everta-ting " No" which ministry °nosed to all not otherwise adopt. (Hear, hear.) It was to be observed uphold the present order of thirgs ; but when the
favourable to itself and to the liberty of the people; and
efforts t gettiree jell tie. The finality which the that, under the pre
that law, such offence would be trmson, crown forget ita duty to the country, his obligations and
though that house might not choose to deliberate long on the
noble 1 oal bad once eieclaied to be his piaci& but he admitteel that the offence was rattier difficult of respect ceased. A near relative of the prime minister, the
measure, the time might come when they might regret that
in respect to reform appeared to have Teel adopted b, him prom. The difficulty of obtaining an accurate report of present Duke of Bedford, had, in 1818, when Marquis of
en they had not examined it with more attention.
as a general rule ay house to all queetions of Public Polite. words spoken would operate in Jae present bill, hut that, Tavistock, laid it down, that " true loyalty consisted in pre.
(Hear, hear) And what hat been the result of the noble he comeived, would be a seechs of protection to the serving, not in.restricting, the li .erties of the people."
lord's; systein r Even now, at a moment when tbe people percents aceuva. ( Oh, oh.) Besides, the offence must that sentiment he fully concurred, and he hoped the house Mr. J. O'CONNELL said he objected to the whole of the
doubtless owing to their
assembled by thousands on Kennington-cemmon, to- Peti- be Proved to the tatisfactim of a common jury, and he did would not be induced, under the circumstances oho
he bill. He rejoiced to find that English members etre at last
tion the house, what Was the re, ly made to them 111 010 not thick that such • jury weuld be getsect, unless country, to restrict those liberties by legidation in a spirit rallying against coercive measures,
confinea to hellos], they Would vote it With the greatest
noble lar.as ministry i No Christi-on wan could read with- the reef were of a moot satisfactory character. He telmitted adverse to the institutions of the country. (Hear.) He own country being touched by this bill. lie did not thank
were rather mem expressious. could not permit the speech of the right hen. isart. afir G. i them much, for must est them had said that if the bill was
out the deepest camera the description given by the news- I that " open tied aavieed"
papers of the prepeatioas made by the government to Meat (Hear, hem.) If a man, addreifing a pualic meeting, Grey), to pass without sume observation. It mightdo well, fa 1