The Express.
London, England, 1853-04-07 00:00:00

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LONDON, THURSDAY, APRIL 7.

WE must again express the disappointment that
is felt by large numbers of people at the absence
from the Ministerial Educational Scheme of the pro-
visions that are the most wanted, and that pi obably
might have been most easily carried. Grievously
insufficient as our means of education are for all the

lower classes of our people, the most deplorable want
is of all hope and help for the very large classes of
vagrant and neglected children, who have nobody to
send them to school, and save them from crime and

ruin : and these are piceisely the classes of which no
notice is taken in the proposed measure. The
children of paupers, receiving out-door relief, are
entitled to their twopence per week from the rate;
but the young vagrants and thieves have nothing to
do with the workhouse, and are not in a state of desti-
tution. Some of them in large towns obtain [tad spend
considerable incomes. If we had a real national
education—if we had anything of a system, however
I purely local in its administration—these unfortunate
beings would be comprehended within it, retrieved or
saved from their deadly peril ;—aud society would be
spared much of the perplexity attending the trans-
portation question, and much of the misery of first
suffering under—and then punishing—crime. The
Ragged Schools, intended for these children, soon lose
hold of them, and are filled from a somewhat higher
class. When this was discovered, and the hope that
had established them baffled, the next hope was
from the Government —that in the first measure that
it should put forth provision would be made first for
the multitude that was in the most starving condi-
tion. It would be thought rather strange if, in
establishing a Poor Law, provision should be
made for adding to the income of the poorer part of
the labouring classes, actually in the receipt of wages,
while no notice was taken of the destitute; and in

such s ease nobody would wonder much at any
plague of sturdy beggars and street pilferers that
might arise. But this is what we have always done
in the matter of popular education, and are now
going to do again. All existing schooling originates,
of course, with some power that can originate it: and
all Government aid has gone to confirm and extend
the existing power ; and an excellent work this is,
and worthy of all recognition as fur as it goes, and
especially for the improvement wrought in the
quality of education. But still this is helping those
who can, more or less, help themselves ; and it is
only a portion of the duty of the State that is thus
fulfilled. If it be done ever so well—ever so wisely
and kindly—it leaves undone what is more urgent,
and certainly not more difficult.
Not more difficult, we repeat. Everybody knows
what the great difficulty has been, is, and will be for
some time to come, in the way of general education :
difficulty from sectarian zeal and exclusiveness. In
no case is this difficulty likely at present to be so
small as in that of the reclamation of juvenile vaga-
bonds. The urgency of their case is so extreme, that
it is not conceivable that orthodoxy, and heterodoxy,
and secularism should stand higgling and disputing
over the slough where the poor victims are slaking
before their eyes. Any one of the disputants would
thank any other who would catch by the hair the
sufferer next him, and haul him out, without stopping
to talk. We must believe that in this case theological
strife would be suspended; which is more than we
could say for any other. For our own part, rigidly
and strenuously as we ever have contended, and ever
will contend, for liberty of conscience on behalf of
=and children in all these school creations, we
that we would thankfully deposit any young
good of our acquaintance in any school that
seed catch his fancy, Mahometan or Latter Day
Saint, Romanist or Secular, Traetarian or Anything-
Odin. The need is first to humanise him ; and af-
tiltwards we may see about sectarising him. In no
direction, we are persuaded, could Government
loot so freely, and be so widely supported es
fo educational measures for this class. And
this freedom would arise mainly from schools
for this class being industrial. The more
books come into question, the greater is the theolo-
gical difficulty. 'lhe more industrial training comes
into question the fainter grow "strifes of words,"
and the more do the broad, sound, genial truths of
humanity, and personal and social morality, come into
view and into use. A wide measure of industrial
schooling, formatory and reformatory, would have
done more to obtain the great ends of national edu-
cation—more to strengthen both Church and State—
than all that has vet been done, since before 1846 to
this day. Yet this is exactly what the present mea-
sure leaves unattempted, and even unnoticed.
The resource is to cousider the present measure no
scheme, properly so called, but to persist in asking
for a true scheme or system, while accepting the
desultory reforms and partial extensions of the pre-
sent measure. The rural part of it is the feeblest,
while it is in the rural districts that added strength
is most required. The Dissenters are not there—or
not in vigour—to stimulate the zeal of the Church;
while the nodding ivy on the old church tower
seems to send everybody to sleep ; and nothing is
wide awake except the jealousy of the squire, who
holds the long purse. The school is a national
school if &Dissenter wishes to have its doors thrown
open to all children within reach: and, if any ono
desires its improvement, and hints about Government
inspection, it instantly becomes the squire's own
school, in which he does not choose to have any im-
provement. We shat: see whether the proposed
stimulus to local effort in the rural districts does
stimulate in rural districts os in towns. If it does,
the awakened zeal will be taken as an evidence
that the country population would have borne a
rate.
The grand opening proposition—the reclamation
of our public charity funds—ia a real and important
reform—supposing it to be well worked. It is
grand recovery of neglected means. But it is not an
end. It is an auxiliary method of high value. More
important in principle is the proposal of a borough
rate. This is the fine feature of the measure—thu
opening of the blond ,venue to the system I\ hich is
yet to be future. It is n cry than auxiliary. It a
firm long stride towards the great aim of a National
Education ; and certainly, in principle, the .f
:treat est
ever yet proposed by a Government. It was a