The Express.
London, England, 1848-04-28 00:00:00

the elpreso.

MAILS.
The mails for British North dowries, and the Untied 114sgss,
will be made up on the evening of the 28th AprlL
The mad. foe New Mouth
to
Van Diem'. Land, sad New
Zealand will be made up on the evening of the let Y iy.
The made for the Wmit Coast of Africa sad Madeira will be made
up on the evening of the let May.
The West India including Bermode, Nassau, Havanna.
Iloriduras, New Orleans, Vera Crux, Tampico, and Porto Biro, and
excluding those for Madeira, darinel, earthmen., Santa Martha,
Chaired Panama, West Coast of South America, and St. Jima-de-
Nicaragua, will be made up on Weaselling Grebe 2ad May.
The overland mails for Gibraltar, Malta, Greece, the lonian Islands,
Pend, Aden, Ceylon, lndu, Ileng.Kong, and China, sin Southamp-
ton, will be made up on the morning of the 3rd May.
The mails fur the Bride,the River Plats, Monts Video, Pernathe
m-
buco. Bahia. Yodels, and Buenos Are., will be made up on
evening of the 4th May.
The overland eloved condo, ria Marmilles, to the Mediterranean
the
,
Egypt, Aden, Ceylon, 11°14-Kong, will be made up on
evening of the Nth May.
The mails for poo, Lisbon, Madeira, Writ, sad Gibraltar
will be made up on the morning of We Bth May.

NOTICE TO ADV'ERTISERS.
The number of STAMPS issued by the authorities of the
Stamp-office, during 1847, to the
DAILY NEWS was 3,447,009
This, we believe, is within eight per.eenf of the number
{sued to the Morning Herald, Morning Chronicle, and
Xurning Post, ALL etr TOOETHIR.
In addition to the above, issued to the DAILY NEWS,
Morning Paper, there were imued for the? vening Edition,
THE EXPRESS 78,714
Which was more, we believe, than were issued either to
the or SNind;rd, Evening Papers.

num WATER AT LORDOII BRIDGE.
Tate DAT —Morale', PI 3119. putt 8; A.09/enew. 37 whs. put 9.
To•rossuw-70ornin9. io ma. 9•93 W.; Altesaaoe. s l MU. • PAW 10.

LONDON, FRIDAY, APRIL 28.
The Vines asked the other day, What is an aris-
tocracy? As if, for the life of it, it could not discover
any ouch thing in England. There was a time it
needed no spectacles for such a discovery. See how
fully and how nicely society is graduated, says the
Times ; the younger brothers of the nobility begin to
earn and mingle with the commonalty, the richer
members of the commonalty mingle with the nobility.
There is no precise line drawn, consequently no
marked or offensive aristocracy. The Times might as
well say, that no height was a height, because it was
arrived at by steps, or that no fortress was formidable
or strong because it had outworks and green mounds
to screen its ditch and ramparts, purposely masking
its strength, and apparently confounding it with the
champaign country- round.
If the Tieies seeks to know what an aristocracy
means in England, let it open the Red Book, read the
list of the cabinet, the names of people iu high places,
and the Times is quite genealogist enough to trace
the whole place and power-holding world to
about a dczen families. There are landed
aristocracies, social aristocracies, official aristocracies
—what would the Times say to an aristocracy that
was all three? Now, there may be no remedy for •
monopoly of land, as certainly there is no antidote. at
least in legislation, for social pride; but an official
ruistocracy, or a monopoly of place by a very few
families connected in blood, is an injustice which
merely requires bold exposure to put an end
to. A country which is able, willing, and
used to pay for services rendered it, so amply
as England does, might to command the best
talent, and the best supply of talent for its ser-
vice. And surely it is not to be expected that all the
talent of the country is concentrated in a few noble
houses, yet, to consult the Red Book we should say
decidedly that it was.
Now, we do not think that this exclusiveness, one
of the great causes of the unpopularity of the Whigs,
is owing to nepotism and narrow aelflshneass, or to a
desire to monopolise emolument. But political,
and especially official, power is, in this country,
so much a kind of freemasonry, with so
much artifice about it; the real and internal ma-
chinery of administering and ruling is so very differ-
ent from the appearance put upon it, and the external
surface exposed to public scrutiny, that not only mys-
tery is required, but that mutual confidence and hold-
ing together between ministers and ministerial people,
which ensures all that no one will unmask the cheat
and betray it. Our well-born politicians do not shrink
from associating to them the rising talent, or the man
of the people, because they loathe vulgarity. Thelma-
sitiveness springs from no such pride. But their fear is
that the simply honest and candid individual would
at once object, be disgusted, protest or betray. Hence
the long initiation required for office, the care and
scrutiny to observe if the politician be Bien pensant,
if his mind can undergo and bear patiently the liga-
tures of red tape. lf it should seem not,—if he
chew signs of restlessness or independence—oh then,
no matter what his power of intellect or information
—be he a Cobden or a D'lsraeli, Whig and tory will
alike eschew him. And he is driven from trust
or from office with a Procul este prerini.
There was certainly a wish felt, and an effort made
an the part of the present ministry, when they came
into office, to wipe away the accusation of exclusive- I
ness, and of their ruling by a " family compact."
Could they have found even an ultra-liberal person of
notability, of whom they could be sure, they would
no doubt have admitted hint to the cabinet, even
though, like the dead body at the Egyptian feast, be
should warn them by his aspect, that elevated from the
dust of the people, to that same popular dust they
must return. But no new man could be found who
would not have spoiled the harmony of the new cabi-
net. Place, however, was offered to Mr. WARD, Mr.
H.twes, and Mr. MILNER GIBSON, which they very
foolishly accepted. No man in their position should
accept place, without having a person, on whose
sentiments and firmness they intimately rely, in the
cabinet. What a scene was it, for example, for the Vice
President of the Board of Trade to go to Manchester
and make a speech against military expenditure at a
time when ministers were meditating a serious in-
crease of the estimates, the Vice-President declaring
at the same time that he knew nothing of-ministerial
intentions, and that although in office, he was quite
in the dark as to such important points of policy!
We trust that no one in Mr. MILNER Gissos's posi-
tion, and with his claims to confidence, will ever make
such an avowal again.
The resignation of that gentleman cannot but com-
pel ministers to show in what direction they are
really moving. Are they for concession, and for
seeking to anticipate that great move forward, of
which there are stirrings and symptoms in overt'
town of any weight throughout the country ? Or
are LILL.) bb.t 1. etas of passive resist-'
ance, and, despairing of offering by themselves
sufficiently bold and firm front to the popular move-
ment, are they about to seek comfort and support by
a more intimate and avowed union with the Peg
party ? It is melancholy to see the old traditional libe-
ral party, forced, at the vacancy of every petty office, to
see how they can make the filling of it an accession to
their strength. As if all was weakness in and with the
government, and all was force without. Such a place
that filled by Mr. MILNER GIBSON is one that
lit to be given to the most capable and most
by. Of all offices, the Board of Trade ought to
.ie least steeped in party, the least influenced in
measures and appointments by the leanings or
exigencies of party. And we will do the President of
Board the justice to say, that he amply meets and
file these great requisites. But ministers as they stand
mot afford to part even with minor places for the
we accession of capacity. Mr. JAMES WILSON, for ex-
iple, however well stored with statistics and other
misites, is unclassed as a politician. And no great
iy or constituency would entertain the least increase
confidence in a ministry because of its enlisting
Ar. Witsoe's services. Ministers, therefore, cannot
afford to avail themselves of them. And we put
credit in the rumour of that gentleman's appoint-

ment.
It is an important characteristic of the time, that
rliament and the country are not of one and the
se spirit—of oar ed the same fling. This mere
alone demonstratnes the greaten ecessity for an
ttension of the franchise and a larger constituency.
Ministers are perplexed between the two courses of
opinion, and the 'elements of power. To fling
themselves on the people would alienate
and disgust the aristocratic partie, who,
thanks to corrupt electors, predominate ill
parliament. Whilst to mancenvre so as to rally more
votes of the parliamentary majority, will infallibly de-
popularise and discredit the whip with the country.
The moment is critical. It is for Lord J. RUSSELL to
choose. And we awn, that the resignation of Mr.
MI Nos Giusti:4 makes us doubt the wisdom of the
final choice.

from associatin
of the people, I
siticeness sprin
that the simpl]
at once object,
the long Mini
scrutiny to of
if his mind ea
tures of red •
ahew signs of
no matter who
—be he a Col
alike eschew
or from office
There was i
on the part of
into office, to
I 1
ncss, and o'
Could they h,
notability, of
no doubt hi
1 I though, like
should warn
dust of the
must return.
would not h
I net. Place,
BAWes, ani
foolishly aco
accept plat
sentiments
cabinet. WI
President o
and makes
time when
crease of t
at the semi
intentions,
in the darl
We trust t
tion, and i
such an at
The resi
ill pel minis
l really Inc
seeking t
which th
i
. town of g
ale cut.) 1
ante, ar
I I
sufficient]
ment, aro
I •
a more
party ? 1
ral party
see how
their stro
governu
as that
ought t
worthy.
he the 1.1
its mea
exigene
i
1 the Boa
fulfilsth
cannot 1
mere ac
ample,
I requisil
body 01
of con
Mr. W
afford
little c
ment.
It is
partial
same o
fact al
etteno
Minis
opinic
theme
and
thank
pulls
votes
P °Pul
, fhe 1
/ chooo
Mu!
final
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