The Express.
London, England, 1849-01-16 00:00:00

THE EXPRESS, TUESDAY EVENING, JANUARY 1p 1849

GERMANY.

The Berlin papers of the 11th do not con*ain any
news of interest either Prussian or Austrian. Tne
journals of the 12th are still due. No further intelli-
gence from Vienna or Hungary.
FRANKFORT.—Our dates from this free city are
to Jan. 12, on which day the National Assembly re-
sumed its sitting in Panes Church. All the ministers
were present, and the public tribunes were filled to
overflowing. The order of the day was the disco-s.on
of the report of the committee on the Austrian ques-
tion and the programme of the ministry. Besides
the motions of the majority and minority of that com-
mittee (which have already appeared' in the Ex.
press), there were five amendments laid on the table,
and not less than 94 members demanded permission to
address the house :

Herr VINEDET (the reporter of the committee on the
Austrian questien) was the first speaker. The first words
tut he would utter wire " God for Fatherland, and a united
Germany above all." Nine months ago he had imagined
that the time was come for the establishing of a p.twerful
Germany, now the question was whe.her that nation should
be divided or not. To drive Austia away now in order t
unite it at • future time more firmly to Germany was a
mistaken notion. Tr-st rejection of Austria would lead to a
Prussian empire ; and such a step would rend( r Austria hos-
tile to Prussia and Germany. Tne illy on which such • re-
solution should be arrived at would for ever alienate the
beast of every Autrian. Bwitzsrland, Alsace, and Belgium
formerly belonged to Germany ; now they have no dew- to
be G •rman The ermm ttee trusted that the question would
not be made a csbinet one, so that the misfortune and ruin
ol the country might not depend upon a majority of some
30 or 40.

Baron VON GAOEHN, President of the Ministry, next rose.
He had not brouznt forward his programme without much
consideration, and without being convinced of its necessity.
He thought th t it was important for the assembly to come
to a decision respecting it before the foundation of the cyn•
stitution was laid. He had to announce that the central
ministry would not accept the proposition of the majority of
the committee, but that of the minority. Austria was a country
which entertained iu the least degree the popular ionscious
new of being German. (Interruption) The chief object
which the best friends of Fatherland had in view was to
change the confederation of states into a confederate state.
The first difficulty lay in the s^lf-conseiousoess of the various
TalC.o; they desired a national confederation, but could not
mike up their minds as to the amount of secrifice required.
That saenfice would seem the heaviest to those races
who were [proud of their separate hi.tory. This was
particularly the case with Austria. In 1815 it was dee'rons
of developing its political existence independently of Ger-
many. He was coefi lent that, on the other haiid, the ma-
jority of the Prussians entertained the opinion that Prussia
nould only exist in intimate connexion with Germany.
(Cheers) He must deny, however, that in his pr.'gramine
he had in view the meeting of tee views of Prussia. Tne
quo stion respecting the chief bend of Germany belonged, not
its the central ministry, but solely to the National Assembly.
He was aware that a portion of the German Austrians de-
sired a dote union with Germany, but he must look upon the
programme of the Austrian ministry at Eremeii r as the ex•
pression of the opinion of the majority of Austrians. He
would willingly abandon the opinion he had formed, it it
could be shown that it is posaihle for Austria to enter into the
German confederate sate. He could not help thinking,
however, that Austria neither would nor could submit to a
German united government, which should not be itself. It
was for Austria tosay whether it *on Id Joao. Germany might
remain with Austria in the same relation as in and atrer
181.5. lie considered Austria as still standing in that rele-
ii•n to Germany. But it was incumbent on the ministry to
develop considerably that old union, ai d therefore he re-
quested permission to come to an understanding on the sub-
jeet with Austria. He was aware that upon goo-1 grounds
Austria was prevented from complying with the decisions
of the central power. He riterri d to the question of the
contingent of men and money. More difficult, however,
aas the representing of the central power in foreign politic.
The entire policy of Europe is too closely bound up with
Austria. The central power could not obey the wishes of the
National Assembly, when reqaested by the latter to look
well to the west and the east, fix the former was not in-
formed of 'hat which was going on in V,enna. lie trusteed
that the National Assembly would not withh, 11 from minis-
vt.* the :authorisation to treat with Austria and that it
would hold in view only that which was practical. (Cheers.)
After two or three other members had made some ob-
servations,

HERE VON SCHMERLINO (the Austrian plenipotentiary)
observed that he was proud of being a Au -triers. lie bed
lately experienced a very cordial reception at Vienna. on ac-
count of his conduct whilst ac log in the ministry at Frank-
fort. Let Germany be made a great nation, and then it
would postreu a history ; up to the present time it possessed
none. (Uproar.) In Prussia people talked about Old
Fred (roes alien Fritz) and Manihiki "Forwards." Th,
is still greater talk about heroes in Austria, and therefore
he was proud of being an Austrian. (Question) Austri
alone was not to blame for a win-German dynastic line of
policy ; other German powers pur-ued such a line. lie
would acknowledge that the man who since 1815 directsil
the affairs of Austria, was guilty of working against the
unity and freedom of Germany. He (the speaker)
blushed for that period of his country's history.
livery change in tne constitution of the Align).
German rrovinces would greatly affect that of
the non-German portions ist the Austrian empire. On that
account Austria was justified in demanding to he heard
respecting the future constitution for Germany. The Aus-
trian ministry might well infer, from some of the debates in
that house, that Germany was not desirous of rem ining
united with Austria. He had done his best in Vienna t s re.
move all hostile feelings towards Germany. A full settle-
ment of all the great questions in dispute woe Indeed difficult,
tarticularly as the re-organisation of itself was not
completed. He had informed ministers in Vienna that tee
would resign his post if they placed any obstacles in the way
of Germany completing the work of its constitution. (Cheers )
On the other hand, he would cheerfully assist—and be
trusted that in so acting he was prom dirg in the spirit of
the Austrian line of polies—in establishing the relations of
Germs, y and Austria upon a basis which would be advan-
tageous fur both. (Partial cheers.)
The house then adjourned till the next day (the 13 h),
when the debate was to be resumed.

The five amene.ments are as follows:—let. That
the central ministry enter into negotiations with
the Austrian government respecting the union of
Germany with the nos-German provinces of Austria.
2nd. That the National Assembly reject the claim
of the Austrian government to treat with the central
one respecting the constitution, but that it empower
the central ministry to negotiate with Austria re-
specting the relations of its non-German provinces to
Germany. 3rd. That the central ministry be called
upon to employ all worthy means in its power to
come to an understanding with the Austrian govern-
ment without which the solution of the great ques-
tion is not possible. 4th. That the central power
enter into negotiations u quickly as possible with
the Austrian government respecting certain neces-
levy modifications of the constitution, and make a
commute& ion on th. subject before the second reading.
And 5.1. That the Assembly pass to the order of the
day on the Baron Von Gagern's motion.