The Express.
London, England, 1851-01-18 00:00:00

TO CORRESPONDENTS.

thertisesents Intended far "The Eipresa,. London Enening potter,
taunt be at theptlice, 10, Bouverieonreet, by Two o'ctua on the

HIGH WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE.
Thu Dor—Morninn, 2b. I. Afternoon, 2h. 3Gm.
Toasosimow—Moming. 311.

LONDON, SATURDAY, JANUARY 18.

Ir we could read cotemporaneous history without
any knowledge of geography, singular ideas would
be formed of the magnitude and importance of cer-
tain states. Were a person who had never cast his
eye over a map to have read the voluminous discus-
sions upon Holstein, the congresses and protocols to
which it has given birth, and, finally, were he to
learn that all the great powers of Europe—Prussia,
Austria, France, England, nay, Russia itself—bad
leagued to put down the pretensions of Holstein, what
a grand idea must he form of its extent and power
Yet there are few countries in Europe more limited
in space or in real importance.
What is most remarkable about Schleswig Holstein
is the perverse and blundering manner in which the
old feudal law of Europe has interlaced and confounded
its rights, its allegiance, and its nationality, that, in
truth, so far is it from being a crime in a native of
that country to be a rebel, it would require a person
well skilled in political algebra to mark out clearly
the mode by which a Holsteiner could avoid finding
himself at one time or other in that position.
Precedent and antiquity have much weight with
people in these matters. Now, Schleswig has been
connected with Holstein, and to a certain degree in-
dependent of Denmark, 400 to 600 years. A
Holateiner, however, is now denounced as a traitor
and a revolutionist for holding such an opinion. The
erniquest of the French certain)_y overthrew the laws
and rights of ages, and placed Holstein at the mercy
of Denmark, on the condition that Denmark itself
should be at the mercy of France. In this wee
decreed and accomplished by NAPOLEON, what
oar deeton now so aralosely recommend, viz,

the NMI separation of Holstein and Schleswi I from
OSMISII interests and Gersten connexion. What aas
the resalt then ? That in 1814 Holstein sided with
Denmark and France *paint G:rmany. Hereat the
Holy Alliance were so wroth that they took Hol-
stein, and stuck it into the German Confederation,
commanded it to have sympathies in common with
Germany, and to obey the King of DENMARK only so
far as he would consent to be a German prince. The
Holsteiners for the last four years have been doing
nothing else than observing this rule, which the Cot.-
grew of Vienna laid down for them—and lo ! they
are denounced as traitors fur this. They were Danes
from 1809 to 1814, they were then told to be Ger-
man, and now they are to be Danes again.
The fact, however, is, the Holsteiners can never be
made Danes ; nor can that part of Schleswig which
has from time immemorial considered Kiel as its
capital be made other than what Holstein is. One
might as well erect a Chinese wail between West-
minster and Southwark. The population on both
sides of the Eyder have everything in common—
states, courts, hapitals, local organisation. Nothing
but the most stupid and self-destructive tyranny can
separate them. Holstein, thus backed with the German
portion of Schleswig—itself thoroughly German—
stretches along the banks of the Elbe, close by Ham-
' burg, one of the great foci of German civileation. The
life and youth of a rising, a prosperous, a aelf-deve-
loping country is in and around holstein. Whilst
there is nought but death and stagnation, commercial
and political, at Copenhagen.
To amputate the living member from the living
body to which nature attached it, and tie it up with
a dead body cau only produce mortification. Yet this
is what the great
,powers have determined to do—
and from what motives? Russia, for present interest,
to secure Denmark and the Sound to one dynasty,
and that dynasty indebted to it and dependent on it
for its kingdom and crown. Austria supports Russia
las a servant does its master, Prussia as a hound that
lhas been licked into obedience. France fri.m a
Ifidgetty desire to have a finger in every pis, Eng-
land because it was convenient to her at the time not
to oppose Russia in anything. And hence the sub-1
ljugation of Holstein.
the current of opinion in this country has not hem
favourable to the liolsteiturs. Their resistance
seemed a flying from the rule of their legitimate
sovereign to that of an usurping power in Prussia. This
was a mistake ; the Holsteiners never shook off the
laws of allegiance and succession. All they stood
out for was their constitutional rights." Oh, but," say
calumniators of the Duchies, " it was a democratic
resistance." _

Unfortunately for its vigour, it was no such thing.
It was the resistance of the great proprietors, the
middle and the rural gentry, such a resistance as
England has made many a time and oft; and front
first to last it eschewed the rabble, and rejected the
democrats with almost aristocratic severity. The
resistance of Holstein was a proprietorial straggle.
Whereas the project of destroying the privileges of
Schleswig and annexing it to Denmark was the pro-
ject of a revolutionary party in Copenhagen. It was
the LAMARTTNES and the LEDRU ROLLINS of Den-
mark who began the war, which they have ended by
getting the aid of Austria and of Russia. We need
not say that they will pay for having invoked such
success by the sacrifice of their own constitution.
The organs that with us have decried Holstein
and its canoe have dose so in utter ignorance or con-
tempt of facts, and in equal contempt of every great
act and principle of British history. The anathemas
against the Holeteinere have been merely the old once
of the seventeenth century resuscitated, the old cry
of the ultra-royalists and the high churchmen, which
could make no distinction between a struggle on
the pat of the people fur property and rights and •
struggle against these. "The right of resistance,"
says. Bsscituir, not of itself a democratic doc-
trine, but rather the most cherished principle of
feudal liberty, familiar to the nobles of every mo-
narchy in Europe." Such was the late resistance of
the Hungarians, the Sicilian!, and the Holsteiners,
like to ours in every respect, except in the great
ri suit of success. And yet it is this constitutional,
proprietorial resistance in the three countries, that
cur most prominent organs of the press have assailed
with philosophy borrowed from IliitusEs, and ribald
ruffianry, such as was wont to fall from the mouth of
JEFFREYS.
In the long struggle that took place, the Schleswig-
Holsteiners fought only by such means as they im-
provised and raised. The Dane. had all the advan-
tage of long-established discipline, arsenal, and
experience. Both sides displayed indomitable courage
and the blood of the gallant soldiers which fell on
both sides must rest on the heads of those selfish and

stolid princes, who with selfish craft and the moat
barefaced deceit destroyed all trust, and would have
recourse to no arbitration save the sword.
Long will that war bear its fruits in the traditions
and feelings of every family upon that border, which
has sacrificed its sons, its wealth, its zeal, in a
righteous but an unfortunate cause. Were Schles-
tg-Holstein an inferior or dependent country, sepa-
rated from sympathy or succour, there might be some
hope of its pride being crushed, and its bitterness
iamb d away in very despair.
But the German race of the Duchies is as nume-
rous and as powerful, and is indeed more civilised,
than the Danes; arid stoop to their yoke definitively
the S hleswig•Holsteiners never will. There is but
a stream separating them from forty millions of Ger •
mans, all burning to right and to avenge them, though
the organised and numerous armies of Russia and
Sclavonia prevent the momentary possibility. But
with the first storm, the first breach or
convulsion of Europe, these German Duchies
will fly away from Denmark, just as Belgium did
from Rolland; and the entire work of blood and of
diplomacy will have to be tried over again.
In the present epoch there is no way of founding
empires and of settling countries, those at least which
are within 30 or 40 hoata of London nod of
Paris, save by respecting the rights, consulting
the interests, and gaining the adhesion of the
people of thew countries. Partitioning and parcelling
out of countries, like a Christmas cake, between King
This and King That, with so much as an ripener
for a son, and so much more for the dowry of
daughter, was all very well four hundred years
ago, when the people were the princes property
ce much as their own dominions and chattels.
But in our age, and in such longitudes, this will,
no longer do. Not all the protocols of London,
nor all the conferences of Dresden, could give
such things arability. And we verily believe that if
Prussia at this moment looks on, and fete despo•ism
, try its hand, it is from the consciousness that the
CZAR and the Austrians are but drawing infantine
strokes upon the sand, to be washed away with the
first wave of the great Eurspean tide.

Tux civil (quality of our Roman catholic fellow-
subjects is not endangered. Whatever the measures
parliam tit may adopt for the purpose of restrain-
ing or punishing the arrogant usurpations of Cardinal
WISEMAN and his immediate adherents, the cause of
religious liberty has no reason to tremble. Between
the Cardinal and the Lords' heritage there is a wide
Ralph. The Roman catholic laity are not at the abso-
lute mercy of their clergy, and, although it cannot be
said that the latter are equally independent in respect
of their episcopate, their detestation of the tyranny
under which they groan is to the fall as hearty as the
repugnance of the laity to submit to it. The exist-
ence of this important division of Roman catholic
opinion in England is too wed attested to bear dis-
pute. The important documents, recently published
in our cotumq for the first time (and let us add in
passing freely reproduced without acknowledgment
by some of our contemporaries), leave no doubt of
the fact; as, indeed, the obdurate silence of the
Cardinal himself, prone enough to rejoin to the
minor charges of Lady MOROAN and Mr. Roctl-
FORD CLARKE, or the facetire of Punch, would seem
to acknowledge. Whether his standing counsel,
Mr. BOWYER, of the Middle Temple, who, we see by
the advertisements, is once more " by authority
taking the field, intends to explain away the anti-
cardinalitial petitions of the Roman catholic' and the
documents connected with them, which we have
brought to light, we cannot say. But the best policy
in the Cardinal's judgment, is to say nothing. If be
must fall, he will fall like his predecessor, Beserroirr,
in sullen silence. "Ile dies and makes no sign."
But the Roman catholic body in this country being
divided in opinion and practice upon the great ques-
tion of the papal usurpation, is it safe, is it just, to
deal with them es though of one mind in the matter?

We ask this question because we perceive a deem'
on the part of the torias to turn the prevailing
agitation to the profit of intolerance, to induce the
people under that colour to persecute other churches,
instead of putting the established church in order and
driving hypocrites out of it. Against all such de-
signs—insidious and unrighteous as they must ap-
' pear to every honest English heart—we have never
ceased to make our protestation. Happily they are
i and must be u impracticable as they are base.
The case is very simple. Cardinal WIsEMAI and
a few other prelates—backed by a certain combina-
tion of recent converts—ignorant zealots, fawning sy-
cophants, and unscrupulous partisans, are at war
with the whole of the secular and regular priests
and laity of England and Wales, whose ecc,esissti-
, cal liberties, as understood by themselves, rest upon
the issue of this trial by battle. But those liberties
being under the protection of the law, the law itself is
outraged by the blows which have been dealt them,
and parliament will be called upon to advise the So-
vereign by what means satisfaction may be best ob-
tained for the insult. In common sense, then, the
advice of parliament ought to be—" Take up the
cause of your Roman catholic people and defend
them from the oppressor. Put down the arbitrary
Cardinal—annul his maim proprios—give freedom
to his subjects."
Founded upon such principles, it is impossible that
a measure for repressing the late usurpation, and
preventing the like in all time coming, should not re-
ceive as general approbation out of doors as within
the walls of parliament. The Roman esthetics would
bathe first to approve. We have printed elsewhere
a letter addressed to all from one of the moat eminent
clergymen in their body, and one, too, who is in an espe-
cial manner entitled to the confidence of his brethren
in the papal archdiocese of Westminster.
Without re-stating his propositions, therefore, we
content ourselves in this place with recording our
own cordial concurrence. In addition to the
valuable confirmation of our opinions, thus ex-
pressed by one best competent to judge them,
we have been favoured from another source with
another fact still more important. Notwithstanding
all the episcopal endeavours, so frequently denounced
in our columns, to prevent assemblages of the mal-
content clergy of the Roman church. a large meeting
of priests of the new diocese of Beverley took place
on Tuesday lase. " A strong address," writes oar
correspondent, " was voted to the Cardinal, requiring
the ancient rights of the clergy, and deprecating all
attempts to invade the prerogatives of the crown and
the rights of catholic Englishmen. I shall have a
copy of this address in a few days, and will sei d it to
you for publication. In the meantime you may
believe that it was a very different affair from the
one which the Cardinal's minions and flunkies pushed
through the catholic body a few weeks ago, before
our people had time or means fur reflection."
The securities of the Roman Catholic lt,lief Act of
1829 were worthless in themselves, but as means of
oppression most mischievously useful. Let us repeal
the clauses of that act—by which good catholic@
and loyal men who are now opposing the Cardi-
nal's aggression, were debarred of the very rights
which, by the same measure, were accorded to
the Cardinal. The enactment of measures founded
on the old statutes of prennunire, and provisos, with
such modifications and amendments as will fit them
for the present time, in the manner suggested by
our correspondent's letter, printed elsewhere, will be
a much better security, and more germane to the
exigency, with which we have to elite, than the reten-
tion of the barren and impracticable power of tran-
sporting for life • monk or Jesuit whose are has
I not been registered at the Home-office.

Tint news received, by the Overland Mail, from the
dominions of the NIZAM, appear to indicate that am
immediate collision between that potentate and the
Anglo-Indian government is inevitable. A formal
intimation is said to have been made to the ICIZAM,
through the British Resident at his court, that unless
the heavy debt be owes the Company's government is
paid forthwith, all intercourse between him and the
Supreme Government in India most cease. This, of
course, does s of mean that the GOVERNOR-GtNERAL
and his Council, or their masters in Leedeohall-street,
will rest satisfied with dropping the acquaintance of
the NIZAM ; payment of the debt will doublees be
exacted. Already conjecture is rife ea to the mode
of procedure by which this will be effected, and
among other plans the confiscation of a part of the
NIZAM'S territories is hinted at. It is not unlikely
that this may be the course adopted; for his exche-
quer is empty, his finances in a state of utter confu-
sion and dilapidation, and in tact he has nothing bat
his country that can be laid hold of.
It is, however, pretty clear that neither this nor
any other extreme measures for extorting from the
NIZAM payment of bis just debts can be resorted to,
without a risk of leading to constquences of the
gravest character. It is not so much the chances of
resistance from the NIZAM himself that are of a nature
to give patine. The sovereign who rules over 95,000
square mile., of generally fertile and densely peopled
country, is not indeed a power to be lightly treated.
Bat the reigning family in the Hyderabad territories
are Mahomedans, while the bulk of their subjects are
Hindoos ; and the conduct of the reigning prince hu
been each, that but for the support of the British
military contingent, and the occasional diplomatic
services of the British resident, he would have beau
dethroned long ago. It would be an easy matter to
strip the NIZAM not of a part only, but of the
whole of his dominions, were he only con-
cerned t though, in that case, the new territory
might, from the anarchy superinduced through-
out its whole extent by the wretched mismanagement
of the existing government, be found rather a trouble.
some inheritance. But the dethronement of the
NIZAN, and the annexation of his territories in whole
or in part may create a panic, and rouse discontent
from the Himalaya to Cape Comorin, and from Be-
loochietan to Burmah.

The NIZAM is only one of some hundreds of Indian
independent princes, allied to the East India Company
by subsidiary treaties. Thine petty potentates are of
almost every conceivable grade of importance, front
rulers over extensive domituons,like the Nlzars or the
KING of OUDE, to the most inconbiderable hill Rajah.
In return for their having bound themselves to abstain
from all political intercourse with other powers, except
through the medium of the British government, and
to co-operate with it in the event of hostilities with
other powers, they have the pledged faith of that
government to respect the hereditary rights of their
families, and to protect them against all enemies,
foreign and domestic. The internal administration
of their respective states is also left entirely in their
hands. The policy of the British government to-
wards these great feudatories has been vacillating in
the extreme. Under one Governor-General every
disposition has been shown to abide by the treaties;
under another an unequivocal desire to "mediatise”
them, and place their dominions under the same
regime as the Company's territories has been evinced.
Hence a great and natural distrust of the Company's
intentions pervades their whole body ; and nay ex-
treme measures adopted towards so prominent a mem-
ber of it as the NIZAM, unless set about with great
skill and caution, might lead to combinations and
movements of a nature most perilous to the tran-
quillity of our Indian empire ; for they are scattered,
isolatedly or in groups, over every part of it.
The working of these subsidiary treatit a has been
very various in different parte of India. In general
it would appear that in the case of the smaller subsi-
diary state, their effect has been beneficial. In them
the Anglo-Indian government has abstained from
all interference in their domestic affairs, and, on
the occasion of each vacancy of a musoud has
left the succession to be decided by the local
law of inheritance, or by the wishes of the popu-
lation, which, in the vague and unsettled state
of the native law in India comes to be much
the same thing. Bat in some of the larger and
more important states—as in Oude and the territories
of the Nisam—the British government has bound
itself to maintain a British force, paid by the sove-
reign, for his protection. In the smaller states the
princes, feeling that their hold of empire was depen-
dent on the good will of their subjects, have in
general regulated their conduct with a view to conci-
liate their affections. Hence the countries of the
minor native potentates are for the most part pretty
well governed; their inhabitants are prosperous and
contented. Not a few of them contrast most favourably
with the condition of the adjoining territories under the
sway of the Company. But in Oude and the NIZAMII

demisior, the weak and vicioos sovereigns hoes been engagement to remit him in the limits of their dutiea
rendered entirely independent of the affections of Wbat bad prevented M. Mien and his friends from
their subjects by the support of the British cootin- separating openly Iron the government until now,
teats, while they have treated with systematic con- was the public pence. The speaker then traced the
temot and disregard ell representations from the history of the election of Dec. 10, and mentioned
British residents as to the ex? diency and neoes.ity the councils which he and his friends had given the Pre.
of admini-tra,ive ref tem ; the interference of these Mutat to restore security to the country. lie blamed
savoys beieg of neuessity limited to representations the President for having dismissed the ministry on
I
which they have so power to enforce. the 31st Oct., which was abler than any other to
It is obvious, from this review, that the present rusintaie the then situation.
relations of the British government to the NIZAM, are M. Segur d'Aguesecau interrupted here, by saying
of e nature that crave wary and cautions handling. ' that the majority were not contented with the minis-
ou the one hand, the large and inottuing debt due try of M. Barrot.
by the Nirsm can no longer be allowed to go on at- ' M. Thiers replied that that was not the lan-
cumulating; jurokie to our own subjects, already gunge lied on the benches among which he
overburdened by Imposts, requires that he should be sat. He was astonished to hear it said that Assem-
obliged to p,y. A still more irresistible motive blies ruined governments and prevented them from
to decided action is the false position in which the becoming strong.
Anglo-Indian government are placed, eo loog se an P.S. 6.30 pal.—No vote win take place to-day.
Impotent ti rant, who relives to listen to their advice, The debate will be adjourned. M. niers was left
is upheld in his tyranny by their bayonets. But specking.
whatever course is adopted, it must be of such a
nature se can affird no ground for jealousy or appre-
hension on the part of the other subsidiary native

The Debate propsses to maintain only that part of
the resolution of the c3mmittee which contains •
testimony of approbation to Chasgarnier ; and depre-
cates the plan of conciliating the 'Mountain, in order
to obtain • majority sgaiest ministers.
M. Dumas writes to the Patrie and Ordre a recti-
fication of the assertion of the latter journal that he
bad resigned for hawing declined to favour Eng-
lish coals. He SSTS that the motive of his resigna-
tion was his resolution to join in the dismissal of
General Changarnier. As to the question of English
coals, he had called the attention of his colleagues to
that subject in order to provide a solution for it
1 hear that the government is likely to persevere in
its design of admitting English coals upon more
favorable terms, and doing away with the system of
zones, This determination is fiercely opposed by the
members of the majority, and is one of the points
on which the government is most bitterly smelled in
i the Ordre and other Orleanist papers. The system
of zones was in fact introduced under Louis Philippe
after his daughter became Queen of the Belgisus, in
order to favour this important production of Belgium,
notwithstanding the emstence of a treaty of long
rending, according to the terms of which English
coal wu put upon the tooting of that of the most
favoured nations.

princes.
The gerund relations between the Meat and the
British government have been indicated above. With
a view to their enforcement, the British goverpment
is bound to inaiotain an armed force, pad by the
NIZAII, in his Caution., for his protection against
internal and external enemies; and the Rums is ,
•
bound to receive a British Resident, by who**
the treaty 11,
be is understood to connect himself. By aty
of IWO, Its British engaged to provide eight batta-
lions. of 1,000 men each, of native infantry, and two
regiments, of 6110 each, of native cavalry. Under •
modified arrangement of 1803, the bluest agreed to
receive a regment of 1,000 Europeans in lien of I
2,(1•0 natives. The compact has been faithfully ad- ;
bend to on the part of the British ; the Rigor owes I
his throne at this moment to the support of the
British troops. But on his part the compact has
been systematically and shamelessly evaded ; a British
Resident is, it is true received, bat his influence is
nullified by every device of Indian diplomacy.
Matters standing thus, the Anglo-Indian govern-
ment are clearly entithd to withdraw their military
contingent. It. pay is in armor, and the NIZAM has sot
the means of dtecharging the debt. Again, every
counsel given to him ay the British government,
through their Resident, is soortifully neglected. They
cannot, consistently with their own character and self-
respect, continue to uphold by their soldiers the tyranny
of the NIL O!. 04 that prii.ce's failing to comply with
the di mend for immediate payment of his debt, the Bri-
tish troops and R. s dent may and ought instantly to be
withdrawn. Tryr, as ae take it, is whit is meant by
the phrase that " all inters nurse betwixt him and the
British government must cease."
What further steps ought to be taken to enforoe the
payment of the dent it will probably be most prudent
to leave to be determined by the course of events.
By tee wi,hdro veal of the troops, and the retiring of
the British Resident from the Nuau's dominions, it
will be made Apparent to all India that the treaty is
at as end. Its condoet fatly warrants its termina.
tion by the British government. Thrown upon his
ova rescurcre, n revolution in the Nirsx's territories
is inevitable. If any other or party succeeds
is isgenisiog a government, trentikilivensoa-Ognknat
and his Cowie I may eater into a new and more satis-
factory arrangement with it. If the country lapse
into anarchy, regard to the security of the British
dominions w• 11 warrant interference to put an end
to it.
Circams'anoes may compel the Anglo-Indian go-
vernmet.t to incmporate the Hyderabad territories
into tht it el.-m.11%4n5, and introduce their own methods
of administration into them. It is alleged with much
pless totity that the maintenance of peace in India
depends u,,on the Br tish continuing to be the para-
mount govern's. at. This CoDildaratioll seems to
ten-
der it cesinh:e that tone of the subsidiary states
should posits such extensive territories and re.
sources al -re at present subject to the NIZAM. Bat
the exp-ri• nce of norm of India would seem GI
indicate that tee itsatrui.t.ii and prosperity of the na-
tives would ne b., consulted by splitting thc-e ter-
mimes into a numuer of smaller states, and leavirg
them to apivern theniteltes in all local matters,
merely bonding tt.em hound to maintain no diplo-
matic intertoutec with foreign powers, and to co-
operate with the British government in any wars
that may arise.

/or *ovum.
PARIS. 24,. IT. I For I
Money.. Lowtst. Clem*
pant5............' 37 3 I 37 0 57 15 17 0 67 15
yor ream-
perCents.74frisld4o, 91 90 0 94 73 93 S 94 73 93 3
VI (Arta do. „ I, „

sllsolllll‘... 99 9 97 • 37 11 27 0 67 15
err dm. .... IS IS 14 NI SS IS 94 10 93 13
I pseesalls. SeeLenl W Ili 91 73 IPS $5473 93 3
3pr Colo dia „ . - P.
6 per Pees I
est.:owe on L00n..: at dolt :4 Oa tia day:, 14 73. "
Beiglea, I, ISO „ 10e1 Orrery. Napiesdostre ... 9' 23 Mori}.
Da 3.1 W ...„ . Roma 1anr....1959 74 ..
its. 44
Do. ft --IW ~ O Treasury Ikeda.— 44
Ptedsest II wirCinip. SI SO . Bonk awes HO 73"
Boorteo.-11t. Gersaato. 410; Versailles (right bank),
166 25 ; ditto (lot beak), 166 26; Paris sad (Mean., 860;
P.m sod RAMO. 675; R Asa sod Havre, 267 60 ; Marseilles
~ d Avign2s, 190; fihnebeeryr end Ur, 140; Norther.,
470; Paris and fiverinerg, 362 60; Tours sad Nantes,
248 75; Dieppe met Pomp, 195; Greed Combe, SOO.

SPAIN.

THE NEW MINISTRY.

By telegr►phic di sAtch from Darr we have re-1
ceived 'deices from Spain dated Madrid, Jan. It,
stating that Queen Isabella had accepted the resigna-
tion of Narvsez, who, alter taking leave of their
Nlajesti,-s, had set out for France. Pidsl, it appears,
had undertaken the formation of a new cabinet, of
which be and Mon will lorm the base.

9IADAtz. J. 11 —Three per Ceuta, 321; after Bohm
39 9-16 is 1 Nab, 321 paver. Emar per Cents., 121. Five
pke Cram, 12 3 ; alter Bo!sa, 121 paper, 121 cash. Cou-
pow, 61; after So.'s. el cash. Pastier., 31 paper; after
Hiles. 3 13 16 eon. Sauk of St. Ferdinand, 96 Eichsome
M Lee*" 60.65 pap. a.