The Express.
London, England, 1853-06-13 00:00:00

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LONDON, MONDAY, JUNE 13.

TUE leading organ of that party in England who I
are for succumbing to Russia openly proposes that
the troops of the Cz to should, without resistance, be
suffered to occupy Moldavia and Wallachia; and
gravely admonishes the Turks to abandon thew pro-
vinces to the northern spoiler. The pusillanimous
plea set up for this treacherous policy is two-
fold. The Principalities, it is said, stand in a peculiar
relation to the Porte. It cannot be denied indeed
that their Ilospodars hold directly under the SULTAN,
and that although they aro natives of the noble
feels they govern, they derive their investiture as
well as their authority from the head of the Ottoman
Empire. But inasmuch as by the treaties of Bucha-
rest and Adrianople, the CZAR is entitled to exercise
in certain cases the rights of what is termed the
Protectorate in favour of his co-religionists resident
there, the apologists of Russia argue that these pro-
vinces must be regarded as owning • divided alle-
giance, and as forming in reality no " integral por-
tions "of the Turkish monarchy. What an avowal
this of the construction that would be put by Musco-
vite diplomacy on the concession of similar claims
over the whole of the Stamoes dominions ! Hitherto
it has been pretended that Prince MEN-
CIIIKOIT'S demands, however unreasonably urged,
were after all founded on a reasonable solicitude on
the part of the royal head of the Russian Church for
the safety and religious freedom of his fellow-believers
under Moslem sway, but that it was unjust to impute
to the AGAMEMNON of European Conservatism:any
lawless designs of territorial aggrandisement at the
expense of leas potent neighbours. The CZAR only
asked, in point of fact, for a general extension to all
Turkey of the religious protectorate already conceded
to him in Moldavia and Wallachia. Such a claim
might be exacting, and the manner of it offensive,
but at worst the realm of GrumAN would remain
intact, and in no case could the other
powers of Europe be required to interfere.
But now it is nakedly confessed that the
provinces upon the Danube are about to be
occupied by an overwhelming force; and that inas-
much as in them the CZAR possesses the harmless
rights of " religious protectorate," the Porte must
not think of defending them from the invader!
What would be the position of ABDUL MEDJID and
his successors hereafter were the like harmless
rights of interference once conceded as regards the
entire empire? .

But another and a different reason is undis-
guisedly hinted at for the insidious advice of
non-resistance which our contemporary offers
to the Porte. A rash collision between the
soldiers of the SULTAN and those of the Auto-
crat of the North might lead to consequences
embarrassing to the other Powers. Have not France
and England jointly counselled the Forte to resist
the insolent and dishonest demands of Russia ?
Have we not told Turkey that Western Europe
would never unction any attempt at plunder or con-
quest at its expense? Have Lot the French and
British fleets been ordered to the entrance of the
Dardanelles, professedly as a demonstration of our
ability and readings, on the first signal of aggression,
to interfere effectually for the preservation of an
ancient ally? Yet, after all this, and on the very
eve of the crisis so long impending, it is
openly urged that Turkey would do better,
perhaps, to abandon her attitude of honest and
confident resistance, and submit to have two of her
frontier provinces made the unresisting prey of the
Cossack. And why? In order forsooth that in some
future Joint Stock Jugglery at Vienna or elsewhere,
the Great Powers may be able to negotiate an ar-
mistice between the belligerents, and to procure
for Turkey the redemption of her invaded provinces
by some humiliating concession which she cannot
now with decency be called upon to make.
But what Minister would be suffered by the
people of this country to enact a part is
such a web of perfidy? The original demands
of Prince MENCIIIIOI7 were felt to be such
as French and English statesmen, no matter
what their party or their predilections, would feel it
to be their duty to resist. Hence the attempt made
at the contort by the Russian envoy to have them
kept secret; and hence the well-founded anxiety of
Colonel Rosa that the English fleet should at once
approach the Bosphorus, when he had discovered the
true character and purport of the Russian proposi-
tions. It is now, indeed, pretended by the Cabinet
of St. Petersburg that the substance, if not the
terms, of the convention regarding the Greek Chris-
tians demanded by Prince MENCILIXOFP was
communicated officially to the Cabinets of Lon-
don and Paris, along with the assurances so often
referred to, that the Emperor Ntcnot.AS harboured
no schemes at variance with the integrity and inde-
pendence of Turkey. But it is sufficiently notorious
that such an assertion is utterly untrue. No acqui-
escence or sanction could ever for a moment be given,
either by the French or the English Cabinet, to the
dangerous and humiliating propositions of Prince
MENCLIIKOI7; and no single minister could venture
to keep his colleagues in the dark as to the fact of
such propositions having been submitted to him.
But the aim of such a story is palpable. It'
is to am distrust and suspicion between the
two great Western Powers, and thereby to neutralise,
if possible, their moral and physical might, which
otherwise may be exerted for the salvation of Turkey
and the preservation of progressive amelioration and
freedom in Europe. In the same spirit, and to a like
end, no effirts have been spared to frighten and
cajole the court of Vienna, with what encase a few
days will probably suffice to show. For ourselves, 1
we should not be surprised at any amount of time-
serving tergiversation on the part of Austria. When
the project of a quadruple remonstrance on behalf of
Turkey was first named it maybe remembered that we
did not hesitate to point out the unreality of any
supposed identity of interests or intentions between
Austria and Prussia on the one hand, and France and
England on the other. We pointed out, that after
the forms of diplomatic " good offices" had been ex-
hausted, German statesmen would shrug their
shoulders and say that they could do no more. The
astute advisers of the Autocrat were not likely to be
swayed by mere high-sounding names, which they
were convinced meant, or might be made to mean,
nothing, if the proper pains were taken to paralyse
betimes any incipient tendencies to honest,
generous, dr far-sighted interference. We shall claim
no peculiar credit for discernment should the event
prove that Russia, having nude sure of the mute
subserviency of the German powers, should reject
the proffer of quadruple mediation with well-assumed
airs of devoted courage against an overwhelming
combination of envious foes, and then after all will
come the simple and practical question—can Eng-
. . .

dote to be crushed and despoiled, and allow the first
blow to be thus struck at the maintenance of the
(Mating liberties of Europe?

THE TRUE POLICY OF TENANT FARMERS•

A "SIGN of the Times" hu been given by the
farmers. In bygone seasons the Royal Agricultural
Society, when they had apparently gone through
their list of eligible Presidents, have from year to
year returned to first favourites, and honoured one or
two distinguished individuals by bestowing upon
them a second time, after a short interval, the
highest honour they have at their disposal. We I
might, if it were worth while, run over the list of
members, and question whether in the choice of
President, as in elections to the council, agricul-
tural claims had not been sometimes outweighed by

aristocratical prejudices. But in the most recent and
memorable instance no such criticism can apply. In
the President elect, Mr. Pitfur PUSEY, we have
a man pre-eminently entitled to the distinction
conferred on him—a man who has done more
than any other member of the Society, by
precept and practice, to forward agricultural pro-
gress. As a practical farmer, carrying on his opera.
lions on a large scale, he has made experiments at a
cost, on a scale, and with a zeal and skill that none of
the political " farmer's friends" have ventured to imi-
tate. It is much easier to pour out torrents of
wordy, meaningless clap-trap at public meetings
and political Ainners, and much more profitable
to turn worthless sons into well-paid public servants,
than to sink capital in experimental cultiva-
tion or in the encouragement of agricultural me-
shanism. As the editor of the Royal Agricultural
Society's journal, Mr. PUSEY has been the
means not only of permanently recording experi-
ments, and describing operations which would
otherwise have remained unknown beyond the lo-
calities where they took place, but of calling into
existence among the tenant farmers a new class of
writers on the practice and science of agriculture.
Indeed it is no exaggeration to assert that the
Journal of the Royal Agricultural Society, which,
fur fulness and variety of information, may bear ad-
vantageous comparison with any similar productions
is mainly the creation of the theoretical and practical
skill and zeal of the gentleman who has for so many
years gratuitously performed the duty of its editor.
And yet, strange as it may sound to men of com-
mon sense, Mr. PUSEY is, according to the slang
of the Protectionist Societies, not • "farmer's
friend." At the last election he was compelled
to retire from the representation of the cousty
in which his patrimonial estate lies, and which
he had long represented, by Mr. VarssirranT,
a young gentleman whose mysterious merits were
then, and still remain, undeveloped. Mr. PUSEY
had committed the crime of prophesying that
Protection would never be restored; whilst the
ItiensoNns and BUTLANDS, the LENNOXES and
GILVNBYS, the NEWDEOATES and STANIIOPES, and
other county candidates of the " country party,"
declared that it would and should. The result we
now know. But the farmers—like the Irishman
who declared that he would be drowned, nobody
should save him—not only in Berkshire, but in neraly
all the counties—rushed to the poll, and at great
expenditure of money, horseflesh, and beer, returned,
perhaps, the greatest collection of political turncoats
and impostors that ever took their seats in the
House of Commons. Nevertheless, in nine meetings
of farmers out of ten the name of the father of the
LaasoxEs—or even of the wonderful SIBTHORP—
wouId be received with ten times more eathu.
siaam than that of a man like Mr. PHILIP POSEY,
who, after spending • life in the cause of agri-
culture, had committed the unpardonable crime of
speaking the truth too soon.
_ _ _