The Express.
London, England, 1848-02-08 00:00:00

THE EXPRESS, TUESDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 8,.1848.

terfere with the produce of our own colonies. (Hear, boar.)
By a sudden and rapid change of legislation, bowies; in
1816, not only was slave-grown sugar introduced in compe-
tition with free-grown saga, hut instead of a discriminating
duty of 12s it wss reduced to 75., and was to diminish year
by year until in the coune of pie years Cuba and Brazils
were to be placed on precisely the same footing as our own
colenies, with this exception, that the former had an unli-
mited supply of cheap labour, which our own colonies wen
Free:mated trom motives of humanity obtaining. He said,
then, that the act of 1846 was • bounty to sla-
very. (Hear, hear, hear.) They were wasting the
energies of their seamen upon the enfeebling, pestilential
coast of Africa, in an attempt which it was contained was
hopeless—for slavery was increasing, spite of all their efforts
—they were incurring all this expen.e and sacrifice of human
life to put down a traffic which they were now paying Cuba
and Brazil to eneourege. (Cheers.) Another important
consideration was the consequences of the act complained of
in reference to our East Indian possessions. In the bleu-
ritius • large quantity of Bug .r was produced; but the case
of India was most remarkable. In the years 1834 .5, the
total exports from India were 1.826,0001.; in 1846, the total
exports were 4,469,0001. The ,sports of sugar in 1816.7, in-
stead of 134,000 cwt., were 1,097,000 cwt. But if the price
in this country was reduced so low as that sugar in Calcutta
would not produce 201., the importetion from that quieter
would cease; and let their lordships remember what the
couesquences would be in the loss of remittances, the ship:
ping employed, and in the manufactures taken from this
country in exchange fer sugar from India. Why what quan-
tity of British manufactured gods did their lordship'
suppose were exported to In lia ? The total imports
into India in the years 1834 5 were 1,674,000/.. hut in
1816.7 they were 4,240,0001., being an increase of 2,660,0001.
In 1834-6 736,0001. was the value of the cotton imported,
and is 1846-7 the value •: the cotton imported had in-'
creased to 3,087,0001 • and of the whole imports of India,
amounting to 2,603,060/., the increase in cotton alone was
2,300,0001. (lieu, hear.) He contended, then, that the
supply of sugar from India wee of great importance to this
country. (Hear. hear.) The consomption of sugar in this
country during the last year had exceeded the usual quantity
by 40,000 tone, and it had been attributed to free trade; but
the fact was that, encouraged by the promises of protection,
our own countr)no-n and culonists had applied their skill
and capital, and had produced a greater quantity of sugar
than ever they had done before ; and the result of the act of
1846 wou'd be to consign to utter ruin and bankruptcy every
one of our Wes: India colonies. The prices in this country
had fallen from 355., 361 t, 375., and 38s. per cwt., down to
21s. (he believed it was new 23.1.), all of which was to he
attributed to the same cause, involving a loss to the colonists
in the last year of 2,40,0001. The prices of sugar, he thought,
were fixed now, and there was no hope, therefore. of this loss
being redeemed. Although there had been • decrease in the
price of West India sugar to so firma an extent, there had
been absolutely a rise f from Is. to 2a. per cot, on Cuba
sugar, in consequence of its more easy admission into this
country. And when it was said that Cuba and Brazil would
take our manufactures in return, whet was the fact ? He
would take • period if 16 moeths before the passing of the
act of 1846, and aka of 16 months since, and be found that
whereas our exports to Brazil. Cube, and Porto Itico in the
former period hail been '2,309,0001., in the latter they Ned
not been more than 2,477,0001., en increase of just 168,000/
Comparing this with our imports to Asia for the same pe-
riod, the result was, that to India, the West Indies, and
British Mauritius there had been a decreer in our export
the last 16 months, as compared with the first period, of
1,339,0001., and this was to be set off against an increase to
the *lair:labour colonies of 169,0001. (Hear, hear.) He
was anxious to show their lordships that our own
colonies had suffered and were still suffering by
the acts of the leeislature, and th it the crowning injustice
under which they must irretrievably sink was the act of
1146, and he thought he hail succeedee in doing so. (Hear,
hear.) The petitions prayed for a full supply of African
labour—the equalisation of the duties on rum—the admission
of molluscs into breweries and distilleries—the removal,
either wholly or re.rtially, of the duty en colonial sugar im-
ported into this con dry ; some of them applied for a loan—
the peti iou from Demerara mode application for a loan for
thorough drainage—and, he was happy to say, there was
only one petition, namely that from Jamaica. which prayed
for an alteration of the navigation laws. If, however, every
interest was to succumb, he could see no reason why
they should stop short in the work of destruction. (Hear,
hear.) The West Indians had a right no doubt to say, you
have declared there shall be free trade in sugar, and we
have a right to demand that all obstruction shall he removed
from the mode in which we seed our produce to the market.
But they lent sight of the fact that Great Britain had almost
the entire carryirg trade of Cuba end Brazil. becaus • those
colonies had no astreentile navies of their own; and lie did
not, therefore, see Low the West Indies were to be benefited
by an alteration of the navigation laws, for if they took
away these laws, and cheapened the trade from the
West Indies, iv precisely the same ratio would it
be reduced from Cube and Brazil. (Hose, hear.)
Ti e question of immigration was one of immense importance.
He doub'ed whether it was posiilee to obtain such a supply
of labour from the African coast as would produce any ma-
terial reduction of the rate of wages. He was net opposed
to such supply, if it could take pl ice without interfering
with previous arrangements. When he was in the Colonial-
office, he had striven to promote the introduttion of hill
coolies into the West Indies ; hut he was never very san-
guine in his hopes of the success of that measure. lie
asked for no additional differential duties in favour a
colonial produce ; but he was firmly of opinion that
whatever palliative was applied it was impossible for the
West India c quoits to compete on equal terms with slave
produce. ( Hear.) The stuck of sugar now on hand was
larger than ever was known. In consequence of the in-
creased consumption of slave-made sugar, 36.000 tons of our
own colonial produce had been rejected. The consequent
distress of many merchants was most extensive. The house
of Reid, Irving, and Co., had sustained by the fall of prices
a less of 100,000/. in one year—or estimating the profit at
ten per cent., an actual loss of one million sterling. ( Hear,
hear.) Meanwhile the price of sugar in Cuba and Brazil had
been raised. Its importation front the East Indies had
been stopped ; and though the reduction in the price of
sugar might be boasted of, this would be dearly Nought by
depriving us of the supply of sugar from our own colonies,
and by allowing all our love of liberty and yen, ration of
religion to evaporate for the paltry consideration of a penny
a pound in the price of sugar. (Hear, hear.) After all,
this miserable been +wild not be °loath. d ; but the slave
trade would be encouraged, and our own colonies ruined.
(Hear.) Nothing could relieve their distress but a post-
ponement at least of the period at which the differential
duty was to be further reduced. Ile, fur one, had not
bowed down before the idol of free trade, at whose shrine,
it appeared, one great interest after another was to be
sacrificed. (Hear.) This idol was a very sorry idol after all,
and would perhaps be found to be composed of. even baser
materiels than had hitherto been imagined. I Hear:,
Earl GREY said he was bound to admit the existence of
most severe and painful distress in the colonies; and the
noble lord op site could not deplore this more sincerely
than he did (Lord Grey). But he entirely dissented from
the opinion that this distress was solely attributable
to the free-trade measures of government ; and of
this he hoped to be able to convince their lordships before be
sat down. Though the distress was in part attributable, no
doubt, to circumstances peculiar to the West Indies, yet in
a large part alto those colonies were but suffering in common
with all the trading interests of this country. The fall of
rice in many other ar icles had not been leas serious than
in sugar; in some kinds of tea, in indigo, rice, sago, and
other articles, it bad been scarcely less considerable. (Hear.)
For some months aft-r the pawing of the late free tree
measures, the sugar market bad not been affected • and tt
was only when the general depression occurred, that the
serious tell in the price of sugar ensued. At the same time
he admitted there was a cause of depression operating in the
West Indies, which did not apply to other interest; but
when the noble lord attributed this entirely to the free-trade
measures, he flatly contradicted his own clients, who dated
their distress, not from 1846, but from u much eariier period.
Ooe large proprietor said their estates had been profitable
up to 1838, since which period they ceased to be so. This
distress might even be traced to a much earlier period ; so
long ago as 1833, the noble lord himself had described their
condition as one marked by short and delusive periods of
prosperity, and long ones of distress ' • this description being
supported by • repot of the House of Assembly in Jamaica.
Still he must admit that since the emancipation, distress,
which before was frequent, had become almost continual ; and
it would be d iffieul t to point to a n yth i no like prosperity in thew
colonies at a later period. He wished to be candid, and
would therefore state his belief that the great muse of this
distress was the mistake in our legislation of 183:i—the de.
fectiye bill which was passed for the greet and holy purpose
of extinguishing slavery. Thie was no new opinion of his.
He had predict d the consequences the; had followed. Even
the distress hail not been so great as be anticipated, nor the
difficulty of continuinir the cultivation of sugar so insupera-
ble. lie only alluded to this as being absolutely essential
to his argument. The measure of 1833 was defective in
this : instead of oOvisting the c ruses which were likely to
leave the negroes without any adequate stimulus to labour,
the measure merely postponed the difficulty. by leaving them
in a modified kind of slavery for a certain time, as the noble
lord himself now admitted the apprenticeship to have been.
Instead of this, some adequate stimulus ought to have been
provided for inducing the negroes to labour ; while all that
the measure of 1333 hail done was to postpone the crisis. At
the time he (Lord Grey) bad declared his conviction that par-
liament was incomeetent to legislate as it had done, and
suggested that they should merely lay down the great prin-
ciple that each man was free, leaving the local legislatures to
adopt the measure to the requirements of the several
colonies. He had suggested that the establishment of
freedom should be postponed for a year, in opposition
to the wish of the noble lord opposite, who proposed it
should take place in two months. This was too short a
period to allow the local legislatures to make the necessary
regulations, which the noble lord had therefore imposed on
the imperial parliament. The great and paramount object I
of that measure ought to have been to subject the negrocs
to some necessity to labour. He did not believe that there
was in the negro race any peculiar indisposition to labour,
but held that they were accessible to the same motives in ;
that respect as white men. It was perfectly obvious that
when slavery was entirely abolished, the negroes having be- I
fore bad the gratuitous use of • provision ground and hat,
and wages equivalent to a shilling a week, they would
be able to earn ins single day more than they received from
their masters for the labour of a week. The necessary con-
sequence was • large increase of wages; and what would
have happened here, or anywhere else, in such a state of
things? Unquestionably the labourer would content him-
self with a shorter period of labour, and would not be
tempted, even by the increased wager, to work so hard as
before. (Hear.) Then the competition between the land-
owners in letting their patches of land would be sure to en-
able the negro.a to obtain It more cheaply, another
motive fee slackening their exertions. And, without
mow legislative measure for increasing the price of land
to the noire's, be had expressed his conviction that the

quantity of sugar produced must suffer • considerable de-
creme. This objection had also been entertained by another
noble lord (Earl Ripon). Still, he had felt that it was a lON
evil for the production of sugar to be decreased. than that
the great measure then nada, discussion should be perinea.
On this point only had he differed from his excellent friends
who supported that measure, and who thought that, to a
great extent, whatever was bad for the planters was good for
the negro... He had entertained a very different opinion,
believing that the interest of the one was strictly dependent
on the other; arid that opinion he still held. (ficar.) The
system of apprenticeship which the Emancipation Act estab-
bished was in the course of a few years abolished, not by
direct legislatioo, but by a =camee which had necessarily the
effect of putting en end to it. So little had the colonies them-
selves desired the apprenticeship, that Antigua had dispensed
with it altogether ; and even in Jamaica it was not looked
upon with favour. The termination of the apprentice-hip
in 1838 was perhaps • more dangerous crisis for the colonise
than the emancipation iteelf. The negroes had been told
for five years that they were freemen, and heel enjoyed none
of ti's advantages they expected. The plasters, on the other
hand, had not derived advantage from the change, and there
was a general want of confidence in the permanence of the
system. Many planters were anxious to make all they could
of the compensation during the continuance of the apprentice-
ship, and then give the concern up. The consequence wee
that the estates were not properly attended to, nor was the
compensation applied in the beet way that it might have
been. (Hear, hear.) He would have had it applied, to a
large extent, in loans for the extendan of drainage, and
other improvements of tho estates. None of them things had
bees done, and the consequence was that in 11,38 the change
to complete freedom took place u.tder the moat unfavourable
circumstances that it was possible to imagine. It also took
place without any attempt by any description of legislation
ray the colonies to subject the negroes to that moral restraint
by which they would be compelled, like the English
labourers, to work for their living. Such being the case, it
was to him matter of astonishment, not that the consequences
had been so disastrous, but that, on the whole, the system
had worked se well. These matters had exposed the
planters to all saris of difficulties—one arise from
the system of taxation, so contrived as to make it
the interest of the negro to devote his labour to
his own provision ground, instead of working for hire.
Another circumstance was one which to tome might appear
paradoxical—namely, the existence in this country of protec-
tive duties in favour of the produce of the colonies. Those
duties, he contended. had materially aggravated the difficul-
ties of the planters. The effect of those duties had be n to
limit an adequate supply of labour, which was one of the
greatest evils to which the planter was exposed. The higher
the price obtained is this country, the higher wages the
planter was enabled to pay; and the higher the wages, the
less was the amount of labour the negro," need perform in
order to live as well as, according to their notions, was ne-
cessary. This was not mere inference, because positive facts
showed that the higher the wages the less was the amount
of labour performed, and, consequently, the lees was the
amount of produce. A deputation bad waited the other day
upon his noble friend at the head of the government in
Downiog-street, which deputation he (Earl Grey) had
&needed. One of the gentlemen present made a statement
as to the cost at which produce had been obtained in St.
Kitt's, which had struck him as remarkable. That state-
ment be had been since furnished with, and it showed that
for four y are, commencing eight years ago, a cost of 6,5601.
had produced 15,96) cert. of sugar; while, during the last
four years, 8,6631. was the cost of producing 14,800 cwt. of
sugar; so that while labourcost 2,0001. more in the last four '
years, the quantity produced had fallen by upwards of
1,000 cwt. This proved that as wages roe, the labourer be-
came independent of his master, and hence the amount of
labour done was reduced. Similar facts were stated by
Governor Iliggenson of Antigua, and by the Governor of
British Guiana, dated Ist January, 1848. Under
such circumstances, would anybody tell hire that
the system of protection had been beneflciel to the
plauten ? On the contrary, he held it to be for the interest of
the 'denteta that the legislature should adhere to the wise
determination at which it arrived in 1846. Would it he just
that the hard worked and over-taxed people of this country
should pay 3,000,0001. per annum by the renewal of protec-
tion iu order to keep up the wages in Demerara to that point
which gave the negro-, 2e. Id. for about four or five hours'
labour? Without protection the planters would have a
greater amount of produce at a cheaper cost, while at the
same time there was secured to them a market free from
those changes and vicissitudes in price which existed under
the proteation system. For these reasons he could not con-
cur with the noble lord opposite in thinking that the mea-
eures of 1816 were to be charged with all the difficulties in
the West India colonies. Still less did he think that parlia-
ment multi now to retrace its steps. Even the West India
intes, at itself admitted that it would be in vain to du so. It
was beyond the power of any parliament to create the
nfighteet confidence as to the permanence of any system
of protective duties; but it was certainly right that
whatever the legislature could do should be attempted. He
would now shortly advert to some of the ot-er topics
touched upon by the noble lord *pp...site, and contained in
the petition which the noble lord had presented. is the
first place with regard to emigration from Africa, the
opinions expressed by the noble lord were precisely those I
which he (Lad Grey) entertained with respect to that sub-1
ject, and he thought the measures that the government had
adopted were as much as they c old be in that direction.
Following the views of the noble lord, he (Earl Grey) had
endeavoured to extend to the West Indies all the Africans
taken on bawl slave ships. These men not only soon im-
proved in civilisation when in the colonies, but also con-
tributed to the alvaacereent of the colonies, while on the
other hand, if they were left at Sierra Leone, their case
would be very different. It was impossible to contemplate
the feature which Sierra Leone presented, without the most
melancholy feelingi—all attempts to improve the negroes
there had most lamentably foiled. Its local disadvantages
were so great the west of sufficient good land
was so manifest, and above al its dread! ul
climate operated against its advancement and improvement.'
To him (Eorl Grey) it was alooletely painful when he was
called upon to till up the vacancies which so often occurred
in the civil establishment necessary to be kept up there, sad
he could not bear to send out °liters and missionaries to
a place where he knew their deaths would he almost certain.
(Hear, hear.) On all grounds it was of vest importance that
all captured slaves should be sent to the West Indies. The
colonies hitherto had been able and willing to pay the ex-
penses of their transit, but, leaking to the (listens whichllo%
prevailed among them, he thought it but fair that this ex-
pense should in future be borne by the British instead of the
colonial treasuries. (Hear, hear.) These captured negroes
would only be sent from British settlements on the African
coast, or from the Kroo coast, where the slave trade did not
exist, and in order to preclude the possibility of abuse, it had
been provided that they could only be conveyed to the West
Indies under the superintending control of a British naval
officer. From such a system of immigration he ( Earl Grey)
entertained great hopes. It was proposed to give • return
pa sage to a certain number after serving a certain
time in the colonies, and from this it was antici-
pated that those who returned would report to
their countrymen in Africa the high wages they had
obtained, and thus an encouragement would be given to
others to go out. As an instance of the success of this
! system, he would mention that on the first voyage of the
Growler, she took back 39 negro men from Demerara-29
of whom paid into the hands of the crown, to be repaid
them on their arrival in Africa, no less a sum than
11 5711. 15e. 10d., which they had accumulated by their in-
dustry in that colony. This showed not only the high rate
of wages, but that the Kroo men, whose affection for their
native land was most extraordinary, had • great desire
speedily to acquire a cum of money to take back with them
on their return to Africa. The return of such men must
have a considerable effect in stimulating emigration, and in
introducing civilisation and knowledge among their
countrymen. But to gave the expense of maintaining
steamers to convey them, the government had found
it was possible to make arrangements, by which
merchant ships bound to the West Indies would at a
moderate coat take Africa on their way, and convey immi-
grants to the colonies!. In cue of a failure to obtain such,
passengers, her Majesty's government had made arrange-
ments to compensate the owners by a moderate payment,
Under this arrangement two ships, had gone out to Jamaica,
four to British Guiana, and two to Trinidad. There was an-
other point which, however, only refs-rred to two of the colo-
nies. tier Majesty's government proposed to ask the sane-
tion of parliament for a grant of 200,0001. to British Guiana
and Trinidad. The reasons for that proposi:ion were these.
In 1834 the noble lord opposite (Lord Stanley) gave his
sanction to the adoption by these colonies of a plan for
raising money by loans, for the purpose of Indian immigration.
(Earl Gre))confessed that looking at the cost of that kneel-
gattoon.,it andi
tthwegiveoritf.r temporary
too e iya advantagescrcu character
a whichndi afforded,
the case, he did not think it wise or prudent to charge ,that being
expense of it on the present resources of the country. lie
therefore lamented that the noble lord had been induced
(reluctantly, he believed) to &mei-to that course of proceed-
ing. In the last two yearn loans had been raised us terms
not die-advantageous; but some weeks ago an attempt had
been made to raise further loans for the expenses of the
immigration now in progress, but no offers on any terms had
been made. Under these circumstances the government
were of opinion that however strong the objections to 1
ad-
vance money by way of loan to the colonies—a system liable
to abuse—a loan to this extent should be granted. It was
also proposed to recommend to parliament that the repay-
menus of certain loans advanced tome years ago
to some of the colonies which had suffered from
hurricanes, earthquakes, and other disasters, should be
postponed. The first of hese loans had been to Barbadoes,
St. Vincent, St. Lucie, and Dominica, and amounted to
948,1501. ; and it was proposed to postpone the repayment
for • further period of five years from the time specified in
the act of 1840 of the amount now remaining unpaid—viz.,
657,0001. The same was proposed to be done with respect
to the loan of 135,0001. to Antigua, Montserrat, and Nevis,
of which 102,0001. remained unpaid. The next measure
which would be proposed would be one for the admission of
molasses for the use of distillers in this country. On this
subject the noble lord opposite (Lord Stanley) had been very
severe, and said: "How was it passible any trade could
flourish when the legidature did one thing one year to undo
it the next?" He had said: " Last year you refused to
admit molasses for the UN of distillers, and you regulated
the duty on rum; and this year you intend to
disturb it." If the facts were as the noble lord had stated
them he (Earl Grey) admitted that the government would
deserve the censure the noble lord had passed upon them;
but if the noble lord had consulted Hansard, he would have
found that the facts were utterly different. Last year the
Chancellor of the Exchequer stated that there were some
difficeltin in the excise with respect to the admission of
molasses for distiller', but that the excise were then en-
gaged in inquiries on the subject, and he expressed his hope
and belief that the result of those inquiries would be, that
molasses might be admitted, and if so he plodpd himself this
session to effect it. Those 'equines had now been prosecuted
and completed, and it had been found that means

not open to abase or fraud might be adopted for
the hatrodoctia of molasses for distilleries, and ace
oordingly that would be dense. The leonine. respeet-
im its
admisuoa fog the use of brewers-weirs not souip
and, thereon, that • matter would of neemitty
over. Wlth rqeardt to the hies dud. the matter wee ea •
the sane, hat tkat 'chide question voila properly be die.
ceased la the eseasaitese appointed by the dim Lhonor of
whammed, before which both the foreign and British dis-
tillers might be heard, and the duties made to bear alike
upon both. Such were the measures which the government
contemplated for the relief of the West India colonise. The
noble lord said they were insufficient, and that without pro-
tection their solomee would fall into ruin. He (Earl Grey)
should be sweating in candour if he pretended that the mea-
sures which any government or any parliament could adopt
would have any great or material effict in allaying the dis-
tress, or of raising the colonies from their present petition.
What had protection done when the noble lord was responsible
at the colonial-otflce t Notwithstanding protection complaints
of distress for five years reached this country. And In 1841 '
the government with which the noble lord was connected
completely and successfully broke in upon the He
given to colonial against slave-grown sugar. He (Earl
Grey) was surprised that the noble lord could keep his
countenance when be told the house that the measures of
1844 did not practically expose the colonies to competition
with slave-grown sugars. The right hon. baronet the
author of that measure said, in January, 1946, befare the
present Set was thought of, that the amount of free labour
I brought into competition with British coloaial sugar had not
at all equalled these expectations. He conceived that etate-
' meet of Sir It. l'eel put an end to all confusion on the sub-
ject, and made it perfectly idle to attempt to make any die-
: tinction between sugar the produce of free and of slave
I labour. He admitted that it did not lie in the power of any
gov. rnment or of parliament, in any measures they could
adopt, to make any branch of industry prosperous. That
must depend on other circumstances, and on individual
enterprise, energy, and skill; (hear, hear) and that being
I so, the fact prevcd a j usti fication for her Majesty's government,
as well as for the noble lord. Ile thought they were had
friends of the West Duties who told them that they had
nothing to do but despair, and that slave labour was essen-
tially and necessarily cheaper than free labour. lie denied
it upon the highest authority, for there was no distinguished
writer or philosopher, ancient or modern, who di I not assert
that slave labour in the end was the more costly of the two.
Such was the opinion of Hume' Dr. Franklin, and • boat of
other writers; and he must say that nothing had happened to
shako his conviction in that truth. Ile firmly believed that an
all-wise Providence had decreed that that which was morally
wrong could not in the end be profitable. But
he went further, and appealed to experience, which
would be found to prove that free labour, when not
encumbered with protection, but with things left to
their natural winter, had invariably gained the victory.
In America the slave states were unable to compete with the
free-labour states in any one article which the climate of
those free states enabled teens to grow. The same might he said
of the free labour of the East Indies, as applied to the article
of indigo; and as applied to sugar he believed that if it had
been encouraged sooner it would, in the long run, have ren-
dered emancipation in the West Indies unnecessary, by the
voluntary abandonment of slave labour. He was in a posi-
tion to show that, even at the present moment, free labour
in the West Indies was cheaper than slave labour immedi-
ately envious to emancipation. The noble earl, in supp-rt
of this view, quoted Dr. Jay, of Jamaica, who stated that
piece-work before emancipation avenged from 41. 10s.
to 51. 80. the acre. and now only from 21. 14s. to 31. 2e.
Her Majesty's government had been told that they ought
not to quote what was not official authority ; last this
evidence of Dr. Jay was c irroburetel by a despatch et' Major
Graham of the 7th April last, so far as stating that free la-
bour was not dearer than slave labour. Looking to these
circumstances, he ( E Grey) did not despair of the West
India colonies. lie did not look for their prosperity in any
measures that parliament could adopt, but in a change in
the state of aociety. Such a change wee already going on in
Jamaica. Ile had recently reis trod a memorial from the
western part of that island, in which the memorialists said
that they had invested capital in the land to the extent of
142.0001., and that with one exception they had pur-
chased or leased their property since the Emancipa-
tion Act. That showed what a change was going on
there in the state of society; and he believed that in
the course of a few years more they would pet the
soil of Jamaica cultivated by resident landlords, by
holders or lessees of the land. So far from the prospects of
Jamaica being bad at the present moment, he was aware of
no part of the British dominions which off, red so favourable
an opportunity for the investment of capital. He believed
that a man of science, or five or six such men intending to
act to concert, going to Jamaica, not despising local rope.
rience, but availing theme lees of ail the aid they could get
from it, applying those great principles of science on which
all cultivation most mainly depend, having recourse to irri-
gation and those other means which, in foreign colonies,
hail been adopted with so much mucessis—applying their
capital in this manner, he firmly believed they woul I have
a fairer prospect of realising a fortune than in any other
mode open to them in the British dominions. But it was not
to be expected that a manufacture of so peculiars nature c
be profitably carried on by sa.nts who had not that freedom
of action, or that constant incentive to action, self-interest
which belonged only to proprietors. The noble earl having
pointed to what had been accomplished in the growth of
Meet-root sugar in France, concluded by appeal ng to their
lordships whether he had not fairly proved that the distress
of the West Indian colonies was nut attributable to legis-
lation in her Maj. sty's govt rat:tient. (Hear, hear )
Some explanations having passed between Lord STANLEY
and the noble earl,

The Bishop of OXFORD said he held in his hand a rti-
lion from the council and assembly of Barbadoes, the prayer
of which was very much the same as that read by the noble
lord opposite (Stanley), complaining of the same disasters
and pointing to the Caine cure. The question was
not a fiscal one. If it were he would have left
the consideration of it entirely to the lay lords.
I: involved much higher principles, and amongst them the
principle of protection ; which, in thin instance, he main-
tained ought not to be abolish,d. He ceneeived
that affording protection to the West India planter
was only carrying out our own principle of having nothing
to do with the slave trade, and that retuning that protection
was a glues breach of justice both to the planter and negro.
The noble earl had not answered—because hecould not—the
argument of the noble lord in asking this question—" if the
general depression of merchandise caused a sinking of the
price of sugar, why did the price of Cuba sugar rise at the
same moment ?" The noble earl told them that JURt as
protecting duties sank, the price of labour sank,
and that therefore the West India proprietors, look-
ing to the effect of protecting duties, gave preposterously
high wages ; that, those duties being removed, they would
no longer be able to pay such wages ; that they would have
to make their labourers work more, and give them sugar
cheaper, but that after all they would have enough to enable
them to live comfortably. That mode of reasoning amounted
kasst to this—that the West Indian proprietor should never
now anything of prosperity, and must always be kept upon
the verge of ruin, in order to make the black man work as
he ought. The question was not merely one of protection to
property, which had been proposed by the minister, and
assented to by parliament. A greater security still had
been given, namely, a pledge by the morals and religion of
England, that she would thenceforth have nothing more to
do with the slave trade, for the wiping away of which stain
such men as l'itt and Fox had zealously prepared the way.
Thus was England pledged by a bond stronger than any
parchment agreement, and by an obligation more binding
than the promise of any minister, never more to have any-
thing to do with the accursed slave trade. And yet was she
now, in plain English, sharing the profits of the Cuba
planter. (Cheers from Llrd Stanley and others.) It was
said that she was justified in doing so, because, if she
dad not, other count.ies would. That was an argu-
ment which the people of England would not endure
to have urged upon parliament, and his answer to it
was, If evil Is to be done, let us not he the doers of it."
The noble earl had told them that it was an old asstielavery
argument, that free labour was cheaper than slave-labour,
and, therefore, that it was inconsistent for an anti-
slavery man to say that our West India colonies
could not compete with Cuba or Brazil. But the noble earl
unintentionally misstated the argument, because it had been
applied to emancipation, and not to abolition, between
which there was a material difference. To his mind, there-
fore, the question camp to this—should the English nation,
after all its sacrificer and labours to abolish the slavo trade—
should it now, for the sake of having sugar one
penny a pound cheaper, be content to share in
the profits and the shame of the Cuba planter;
for, great as were the horrors of the slaw) trade in former
times, they were infinitely greater now. The importation of
one sex alone, and the determination to work them out and
not reproduce slaves—the infliction of the lash—the
hunting by bloodhounds—were amongst the enormities
attendant on that system which this country was
called upon by the government to support. If they
could not recall that prosperity to the West Indian colonies
which they might have preserved, let them at least avoid
further involving themselves by treaty in meshes from
which they might hereafter find it impossible to disentangle
themselves, but which they might now buret by a single
stroke. lithe principles of the government measure were
successful the abolition struggle would become a disgrace
instead of an honour to the country—our squadron engaged
on the African coast would be merely the means of adding to
the cruelties and the horrors of the slave trade and our
treaties with foreign powers for the suppression of the slave
trade would be nothing more than an insulting and degrad-
ing hypocrisy. (Hear, bear.)
Lord ASHBURTON, who was scarcely audible in the
gallery, was understood to contend that unless protection
were continued I. the West India planters, as against
the slave-labour produce of Cuba and the Brazils during the
experiment of supplying them with free labour they would
be consigned to utter and irreparable ruin.
The several petitions were then ordered to lie on the table,
and their lordships adjourned at a few minutes past 10.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.7MoNDAT, FEB. 7.

The 8 vv
took the chair at 4 o'clock.
Several new members took the oaths.
PUBLIC BUSINESS.

PETITIONS.—Mr. Sheriff HILL appeared at the bar, and presented
two petitions from the unpuratioa of London. in favour of the Thames
Cooternney Rill and City Sewers BW. Petition be lamer of the
Jewish Disabilities Bill were promoted by the Earl et Amnon and
Sr sate from members of the lens satholic body; Mr.
Tenasnr, two petitions from pier he Cheibire ud Laaesedre;
Copt. Banner, three petition hoe amitemilemal Mr. Wonsan,
from Macclesfield, Mannino, sad sibw piens; Kr. Lyinuseior
the,
from %%Axminster ; Lord J. Roam; bra WS aralsiv et
English bar, 7,916 householders of Southwork an main . 0.
OTAtIrTON, from Roman catholke ofPORIMOWI; lard IL osona.
go, from Highgate, Melees, Fulham, ke.; lard DOVICAII. three
petition from Bath; Col. Pawns, foto worm& ; H. Coz-
ens, from Guildford ; Mr. Comooax, due BIOIMOOkm ; Mr. E.
Itosts., Brim Biotteswade ; Kr. Amami" from Illonteme,
Itagbio•APeriinille, Norwood, sulifiit gam; Kr. W. Hamm,

Mimi petitions ken Lanmshin; Mr. J. Chan ewe lbeeethe Jew.,
ma tram the dirporodons soCanis hoes 3.asqloafts of Mon;
Mr. MrsasauslOnallrldriorh w lia. ; H.
Vows* tiseallsilbed; Dr. hownwr.hur=g,sgssmfra, DA"
mcednd= ether Arm I Want, front ths
• Mt. IP_ .isom mires petitions hoes Owl ;
=lt kl=born Winalantilr ; 002011111Thelefloir, hose Illespy,
and erici_glesne; Mr. B. from Damilltdge ; Mr. 0. Cseito.
Rom 4,11119 Inhabitants of sraimea, sa94oser
pleats; O. Weems, from " Mel ikon fisit Worcester ; Lid D.
tintsar,freaa the Vestry of it. glary leboes. mad Roman whelks and
others of Isietieh.terme ; Mr. If. door, MOM Ipsoich; Kir.WaLrea,
Smai mogerslMal floadlig; Mr. W. J. Fos, J pstl* from Oldham
sag giber puree; Mr. Y. L Rowan, from the Jews of Sheerness
sad Reseedstor from Icodwidgo and other placer hi Kent, and
from the motor and churchwardens of Gravesend; Mr. Homo,
from Weil.; Mr. Meyers, from Birmingham (2), and from Westhead ;
Lad Haar BodTVICX ,57), from Oxford and einewhere Mr•
Balmer, from Bury ; Mr. °Joao (3), horn FAinburgh ; Coionel War-
s:its (4), from Wale.; Mr. Corms); (4). from Caro...von, Borough.
bridge, ha.; Mr. C. Pearson, from Lambeth ; Lord M. from
lieywccd, Diversion, and Other places; Mr. Herm, from Chipper".
b.,,; end suns, places; Mr. Tursco., front °compact (t); Mr.
RICTNOLLOA (4), from Dublin; Mr. Massa Giros (6), from Munches-
ter, one signed by 3.t,000 persons, end one nom Liverpool signed by
23.60 n worms; Mr. S. C.AWPOILD; from Rochdale and other places;
Mr. W. Cowraa, from Hertford; Sir W. Cur, from the Tower
Hamlets, signed by 13,700 pennon ; Mr. Ilanenr. (3), from places not
heard; Mr. /Moons,. (2), from COX 10110; the ATTU.III,G.AILAL;
frem Chester; Mr.:4[l.'llloAT; from Warwickshire; Mr. °sooner,
from Pinabul, signed by 9,000 person.; Mr. Morrsrr, from
Dartmouth and other places ; Lord Esumarron, from Yar-
mouth and another place in the We of Wight, and
from the Valvernity of Cambridge agreed to In the Rents
House; Lord Winnow, from Lloacaster sad several other platen;
the CHANCRLIOR or TIM ESCROW/AA; from Halal ; Mr. PAT, mow,
from places not heard and by O'Guasour Memos, from Killaloe aod
another place in Inland; Sir G. Otter, from *men in Northumber.
land •nd Rutlandithire • Mr. C. LFIVIA, from Leicemer ; Mr. lions.
NAN, from platen in Cuiriberbrad and Westmoreland; Mr. E. J. Orem.
us, from Chahlre ' • Dr. Bowers°, from Kingston and another place;
Mr. C. ItCl.roa, from Liakeard and from Pennulec ; Lord place;
from Stockton and other places; Mr. Eamon*, from Warrington
and other places; Sir W. &moot r.7r, from Canterbury; and by Mr.
F. BARING, from Portamouth.—Nurnerous petitions against the bill
were presented by Sir It. Isaias, from Wanion. places fa England,
Scotland, and Ireton I ; Mr. LOCKIIAItT; four Retaken from places
in Scotland ; Mr J. 1. Booms, from Exeter and other plum; Mr.
LAW. from Great Stone, in Norfolk ; Mr. Darom twenty petitions
from parishes in Kent; Mr. C. W. Mawr so, from Newport; Mr.
IL D11.111103D, from various Saws In Surrey ; Lord LIIWNI.ANAII.
from Dumfriesshire ; Ord IiOLLAXION and Mr. Isoitinu from piece:
not heard ; Mr. H.LKT from place. In t)xfordiddreCand Berkshire;
Mr. Ptrorras, several from plasm in Kent ; Mr. MACKIINNON, from
Lymington ; Lord O.BLIAMIM, from places In Northumberland; Sir
W. Immo:, from a place in Somenetahlre ; and by Lord R.
LANNOI; from Chlchestar.-111r. Moss, • petition from Bristol
miaow env alteration to the Navigation Lawn; and from Pomfret by
Mr. M. Woman against soy tomme In the military establishment.
RETURNS ORDERED.—On the motion of Mr. Geo 0,, TIAZIOU•
returns relative to the supply of Dublin with water, and detailed
accounts of the rants, income, sad expenditure on account thereof.
NOTICES Or MOTION-Cane or Me. Itsmon.—Mr. M. Mons%
on en early day Mean the attention of the home to the Care of Mr.
Huron, a British merchant at Coo•tantinople, alleging grievances to
which be has beet, &lanceted by the agent' of the Austria.' govern.
rotor
RAJAH or SATTAILA.—Sir G. STAV:fTON; on Monday next to move
for torreapoodenoe relative to theme* of the late Ex-Rajah of Sonars.
MILITAILT !WWII. AT THE CAPT..—Mr. firma, Vas day to more
for an account of the amounts voted for the ordinary service of
the Cope of Good Hope in 1•41) and 1847, and AIM for a return of the
application of the sum expended in the war moue of that colony.
Mr noon TGL—Lord Dynes.v, on an early day to more fur a total
repeal of the window tax.
Tua KONA?. CATHOLIC' Plitt-ATM—SIT IL INGLIS thiAday tOpreNent
a petition from the Dean and Chapter of Westminster, against the
rourptitions of the Bishop of Rome on the integrity of the British
onintitution and the liberties of the British people.
SELECT COMMITTEE ON STANDING ORDERS.
The following hon. members were appointed :—Sir Wil-
liam Heathcote, Mr, Ord, Sir Robert Ferguson, Mr. Greene,
Mr. Wilson Patten, Sir John Yarde Buller, Mr. Aglionby,
Captain Jones, Mr. Home Drummond, Mr. Wrightson, and
Mr. Elliot.
COMMITTEE OF SELECTION.

The fallowing hon. members were appointed on this com-
mittee:—Sir William Ileatticote, Sir Robert Ferguson, Mr.
Wilson Patten, Mr. Sotheron, and Mr. Evelyn Denison, and
the chairman of the select committee on standing orders.
MONMOUTHSHIRE ELECTION PETITION.

•
Mr. S. WORTLEY moved the consideration of the peti-
tion of Lord Granville Somerset, u to the rocognisaocts
entered into in the cue of the county of Monmouth election
petition.
Sir G. GREY said, that although he had very strongly
opposed the reference of the Cheltenham petition, yet as the
house had decided against him he should not offer any oppo•
sition to the several motions upon the paper to refer hke
petitions to the same committee.
The motion was then agreed to.
LEICESTER ELECTION PETITION.

Mr. Serp ant TALE OURD moved that the petition of Sir
Joshua Wilmsley and Richard Gardner, Esg (pr seated on
the 4th of February), relating to the recognissnees entered
into in the case of the Leicester election petition, be referred
to the select committee on the petition of Sir Willoughby
Jones, relating to the Cheltenham elretion.
The motion having be, n agreed to,
Mr. PACK K presented a petition from electors of
Leicester, praying that they might be heard before the com-
mittee. Oa the motion of the hon. member the petition
was ordered to be printed with the votes.