The Express.
London, England, 1851-03-08 00:00:00

THE EXPRESS, SATURDAY EVENING, MARCH 8, 1851.

and then rendered it formidable by his presumptuous hope and the great boast of the century to have set
undervaluing of the enemy. at rest.
It is for the people and parliament of this country ' This is but too often the fate of religious questions
to urge the adoption of such measures as are Wen- when once raised. They elude all the power of
lated to put an end to the war in the shortest pea- moderate statesmen to seize and manage them,
Bible time, and at the least possible expense. For, becoming in the hands of extreme parties the
if it become serious, and prove of any lengthened instruments for lashing each other, as well as not a
duration, we may rest assured that we will have to kw indifferent men between, into idle rage. For
pay the piper. If the expense is gnat, the colonists this we have had to thank WISEMAN and CULLEN,
cannot puv it ; and in any case they will refuse to and no doubt shall have to thank STANLEY and
do so, and that on, to say the lesat,plausible grounds. Notts. Religious controversy is • hot iron that
Tliequestion isnot merely,though of itaelf °sufficiently none but maniacs can forge.
difficult one, whether a colony, denied the right of
self-government, is liable for the expenses of any war
in which irresponsible rulers, imposed by the home
government, may involve it. The war has originated
in a newly conquered country, entirely outside of the
colonial front kr. The policy pursued in that country has
originated with the home government, or with its.
officials there. The colonists have had no interest!
in, nor euntrol over, what has been done in British I
Kaffraria. The war is not, in the first instance at!
least, between the colonists and the Kaffirs, but be- I
twee n the Kaffirs and the British government and
its officials amongst them. The colony is exposed to
the hazard of a predatory and devastating invasion,
because the British authorities in Kalfraria have pro-
voked a war in an adjoining territory.
The duty at this moment incumbent on consti-
tuencies and their representatives is to urge upon
government, in the first place, the adoption of mea-
sures fur the immediate termination of the war;
in the second place, the immediate conferring
on the colonists of a local responsible govern-
ment ; and in the third place, the relin-
quishment to that government of full power to
adopt such a frontier policy as shall seem to them
best calculated to ward off or repel Kaffir aggression,
with the knowledge that this must be dune in
future at their own cost. Thanks to the absurdity
and presumption of the British authorities in Kaf-
&aria, and to the negligence of the Colonial-office, we
are in for another Kaffir war. We say the negli-
gence of the Colonial-office, for Earl GREY was fore-
warned of what has now happened so long ago as
December last, by one of the best informed and most
influential colonists, in a letter that now reads like
prophecy. This, however, is matter for after-consi-
deration ; our business at present is to take measures
for getting as soon anti cheaply as passible out of
the scrape we have got into.

FRANCE.

PARIS, FILMAT ETWITING.
I have to-day a most important piece of news
to communicate to you. You arc aware that a bill
on the organisation of the national guard was
brought in some months ago by the govern-
ment. One of the objects of this bill was to
apply to the elections of the national guard the
electoral law of May 31. But as the general dec-1
tions for all the national guards of the republic take
place on the 2:411 March, and the organic law
cannot be ready so soon, it seems to have been
understood between the committee and the govern-
ment that the latter should bring in a provisional
bill, adjourning the elections until the organic law
was past. But General Lauriston announced to
the committee that M. Waisse, on being asked by
him when the government intended to present the
transitory law, answered, that after senouslv con-
sidering the subject, the government intended to
let the elections take place according to the old law
of universal suffrage. M. Waisse, on being sum-
moned yesterday before the committee, confirmed
this statement. Great clamours were raised against
thin, but M. Waisse said that the question had been
settled in a cabinet council. The committee then
declared to the minister that they would give a
certain term to the government to retract this reso-
lution, and if it did not before the expiration of that
term do so, the committee itself would take the ini-
tiative in bringing in this bill for adjourning the
elections.

This determination of I.ouis Napoleon to let the
general elections of the national guard take place ae-
, cording to the old law of universal suffrage, must be
hailed us a bold stroke to regain the popu
larity which he lust by, consenting to be the
instrument of M. Thiers in bringing forward the
electoral law of May. The great outcry of the
democratic party being invariably directed against
the latter enactment, which they regard as the sub-
version of the Constitution, any concession on the
part of the government affecting the electoral
question tells with immense force, and assumes
a vital importance. But when it is considered that
the measure will apply to the universal elections of
the national guard throughout the republic, it will
be seen that the President is no peddling politi-
cian, but gathers his whole force into a mingle
blow. The rage of Thiers and his compeers at
this daring counterstroke is indescribable. A motion
will be, as soon as poxsible, perhaps to-morrow, sub-
mitted to the Assembly for adjourning the
elections until the passing of the organic law
on the national guard, and urgency will be
demanded. The discontent of the legitimists
with the law of May, renders the question to them a
matter of comparative indifference ; but tho govern-
ment must reckon upon losing in this struggle the
support of its usual adherents in the club of the Rue
des-Pyramides. On the other hand it will gain the
whole Left, who, with the Bonapartists, may,
if the legitimists abstain, carry the day.
The bureaux completed yesterday their nomina-
tions of the committee on the budget: Ist bureau,
MM. Germonicre and Wolowski ; 2nd, MM. Sau-
'aim-Barthelemy and Gouin ; 3rd, MM. de Lusteyrie
and de Slouchy ; 4th, MM. Beaumont and Lagarde;
sth, MM. E. Leroux and Buffet; lith, MM. Gasc
(Jean) and Fremy ; 7th, MM. de Montalembert and
Lagrenee ; Bth, MM. Lopes-Duhee and Nlimerel ;
9th, MM. Berryer and Bixto ; 10th, MM. Pussy and
Hennessy; 11th, MM. Vitet and Cunin-Gridaine;
12th, MM. Duces and de Panat ; 13th, MM. Leiwl-
letter d'Aulnay and Nfortimer•Ternaux; 11th, MM.,
Goulard and Gaslonde ; and 15th, MM. Creton,
and Delebeeque.
The government, yielding to the instances of Gen.l
d'llautpoul, has indulged the warlike humour of the
Governor-General of Algeria, by authorising an
expedition against the Kabyles.

Therm is no legislation on the subject of religion
that can be considered permanent and unalterable.
Whatever may be man's desire to build his creed.
and that which appertains to it, upon a rock, still it
must be clear to everyone that all state regulations
and preferences and prohibitions must rest upon the
floating surface of public opinion. In a country
organised, and constituted, and free, m is this
empire, it is plain that there is no religion that
may not hope for ascendancy,--at least that
ascendancy which a majority of numbers must
give. It is said of each French soldier, that
he carries a marshal's boters in his havresack. The
humblest religion in a country like England may
have the same aspiration, though not with more
solid foundation for the hope. In a country
which gives such full and unrestricted scope
to reason and argumentative influence, it
therefore, unpardonable for any religion to assume a
rank or authority which circumstances do not give
it. The legitimate means of advancement are in its
power; it mod not gasp at those of violence or
arrogance.
But the Roman catholic religion, and the states
connected with it, have far other rules of conduct,
other ways of claiming ascendancy and maintaining
it. When that religion, such as it now exists, was
forming, it was a spiritual authority, competing with
the despotic prince, the irresponsible judge, the rude
soldier. To vie with them it naturally armed itself
with dignities and immunities, with means of defence
and weapons of offence. And not the least effec-
tual portion of its weapons was the assumption
of dignity and rank. The POPE was the king of
kings. The crowned heads of feudal empires kissed
his foot or held his stirrup. The legate took precedents,
of the proudest noble of a court. Thew were no empty
pretensions. for they had solid results ; and although
absurd in the earliest times, the struggle, being that
of intellect over ignorance, and of religious dignity
over that of force, was one which claims many sym-
pathies ha' the sacerdotal side.
We need not say, however, what an anachronism
it is to transfer that mode of warfare with which
the church attained its ascendancy in the 12th
century to our century of freedom and tolerance, of
equality and courtesy. If Dr. WISEMAN or Jo-
lIANNE't v the desire, the funds, and the
resolution to set snout the conversion of the English
people to their several views of catholicism; and if,
having a certain number of proselytes they wish to add
to them by culling together congregations, building
churches for them, preaching, writing they are
perfectly free to do so. But neither are at liberty to
assume titles, which of themselves imply authority
over the land. and which being allowed and recognised
by the state, actually give authority and dignity.
It may be that to-morrow or next year, it will
seem good and wise to the government and to parlia-
ment to take into consideration that the Roman
catholies form one-third of the population of the
empire. and, moreover, that they form an over-
whelming majority of the Irish people. To a religious
body so important and so formidable parliament
may think fit to cede, especially in Ireland, the right
to assume titles and to wear territorial titles.
We think that this is a concession that ought
to be made in Ireland. But it is a con-
esswiiin for the (lutes, and the parliament,
and the government to make, from the height
of their supremacy. And it is not for any
pontiff, much less fur any pried, who by misrepre
sentationn and false promises may have crept into
authority and filched dignity at ftonie—it is not for
him to lie allowed to conic and endanger, with rude
and unwarranted hand, that order of rank and pre-
mlenee which has been established by the legisla-
ture or by law, and which the legislature alone
has the right to meddle with.
Whatever, therefore, is to be the rank of the
Roman catholic bishops in Ireland. we hold that even
for that country it is right that the present proliihi-
five law should pass. It is the only answer that the
(411E.Y.M of this n-alm can make to Rome—the only
warning that can be given to its pontifical court, to
warn them against future usurpation. and to assert.
what has been asserted in England both in catholic
and in protestant times, that the laws or the usages
of England must not be overridden or disturbed at
the ph asure of any foreign potentate.
But this should not prevent the British legislature,
in the plenitude of its power, from reconsidering
largely and liberally the entire question of ecele
identical establishments in Ireland. We are not for
degrading the Irish Roman catholic prelates, or fur
going to war with the prevalent religion in that
country. Far from it. But we would first restore
and strengthen the old constitutional barrier against
the l'orr, in order to deal with native catholicity,
independent of foreign influence or dictation.
It is to be regretted that the doubts and intricacies
of that law rendered it impossible to forbid the use
of those ecclesiastical titles in trusts and in be-
quests. But to interfere with, or forbid, any
such disposition of property under new re-
gulations, could not be contemplated or main-
tained. The Roman catholic, have once been
deprived of their church property. They are com-
pelled to contribute a portion of what landed pro-
perty they still possess to a church they disown.
To add to this by prohibiting their men of wealth
from contributing to the payment and endowment of
their church, would be a hardship that has but to be
contemplated or described in order to be condemned
by every just and generous mind.
But unfortunately this emasculation of the bill
deprives it of one of its virtues. that of satisfying
the national and widely-awakened feelings of protes-
tant resentment. Many conscientious men will
consider themselves tricked and sold, and will
ease to put faith in a government that cannot
vindicate what they consider justice and right.
Party will not fail to take advantage of the defeat.
The protestant cry, which, in the mouths of the
whigs, might have served to deter Rome without
persecuting Roman catholics, may, in its appropria-
tion by the tones, be converted into an interested and
crient fund of fanaticism, and the old religious
bc thus resuscitated which it was the great

GERMANY.
The Cologne Gazette of yesterday contains the
following telegraphic despatch
BERLIN, MAacn 6, (ErzwiNo.)
This morning an Austrian dispatch arrived which
contains a refusal to comply with the Prussian de-
mands. The government is determined not to re-
cede from these demands, and will, if they are not
fully acceded to, prefer a re-organisation of the old
diet.

Prince Metternich has been called upon by the
Emperor fur his counsel respecting the reorganisa-
tion of the confederation. Ilis counsel is, not to
centralise Austria too rigorously, not to push Prussia
to extremities, lest she should be forced to throw her-
self into " the arms of revolution ;" and, he adds, that
it must not be forgotten that the prutestantism of
Prussia, if stirred up, may add dangerous religious
complications to present difficulties. The (Moyne
Gazelle of yesterday positively repeats the assertion
it made about ten days ago, that, on Prima
Schwarxenberg's propositions being first made known,
the order for the recall to arms of the reserve was
really given, and that the Minister of War, in eying
out this order, added the assurance that it had
no connexion with the transaction of the Dresden
conferences. It is said that Prince Sehwarzenberg
will nor return to Dresden after the expiration of
the fortnight's delay. The Swiss government have
addressed a note to the cabinet of Vienna, pro-
mising to appoint some other place of refuge fur the
political fugitives who give so much umbrage to
Austria, and in other ways to comply as much as
possible with the wishes of that power. The Ring
of Prussia has received from the Emperor of
%mia the present of the chain of the Order of
St. Andrew, which has hitherto never been conferred
on any one out of the imperial family. The chain is
said to be worth more than a million of dollars.
This present is thought by some to denote the ap-
probation of the Court of St. Petersburg of the
Prussian policy.