The Express.
London, England, 1851-10-27 00:00:00

Iht erpreoo.

117 I.l.lllnako,
A limed Wee " my
eretalatee be ems ereeartre
Comm," pablkied emy earl May etett, to Us.
far rot.
klembeaseste Intended fee "The Zepreer," Leaden Entitle men
AM be et tate.eoe. la. BPS•Offiloallet. IVO o'clock Os. saa

NIGH WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE.
Tn. DAl—Marsiss. IC las Aftersasa, 110. Pm.
.09.maimow—Sonuag. 40.10 a. NI/M" 41i.

LONDON, MONDAY, OCTOBER 27.

Wayne° was, or indeed still can be, more easy
than to render the warm and enthusiastic reception
of LOUIS KOSSUTII in this country, a harmless and
useful demonstration. Asa spontaneous outburst of
sentiment by all parties and classes in this country,
it would be the most salutary warning that the des-
potic governments of the east could leceive, whilst
such an outburst has had no reference to our inter-
nal quarrels or polities.
Should, however, the warm reception of KOSSUTII
be limited chiefly to the civic classes and to the
party of advanced progress, Austria will no doubt
chuckle, and ticitwanzeNaeaci bo confirmed in the
opinion that the power of England is still vested in
its aristocratic chiefs, and that they look with mp-
probation on all that he has done and that he perse-
veres in. A more important fact, however, will be,
the manifestation to the English world, that whilst
the middle and working. classes sympathise generallf
with the hero and the victim of a great constitutional
struggle, our aristocracy shrink from his contact.
Vie never recollect any schism of this kind having
before occurred amongst Englishmen. When Spain
threw off her priestly and kingly yoke, high and low
in thircountry sympathised with it. ARGUELLES, as
much a democrat as ever was KOSSUTH, was more
welcome perhaps at Holland House than in any
civic abode. The Greek, the Italian, the Po-
lish met here, all of them, with no stinted
welcome, and were put off by no class sympathies.
If we go back even to I'M we shall find a large
portien of the British aristocracy taking the generous
side, and hoping that popular emancipation might
be completed without crime. If, however, now fur
the first time in English annals, we are to have the
high born all thinking and looking in one direction,
the industrious and the business population of Eng-
land thinking and looking in another, inferences will
be drawn of serious consequence to internal economy
and politics. The present question, that of lion-
ofryn Kosseett, is so clly a question
moderate, constitutional, national liberty—the
Hungarieine haying stuod out for nothing more then
whet every people must demand, and have a right
to obtain - that for the people of England to find them-
selves opposed to, or deserted by, the upper classes
on a question like this, would he a bad symptom, one
provoking most dangerous reflections, and pointing
to most serious results.
Let us hope, then, that our fears are groundless.
Nothing can be better calculated to remove these
groundless prejudices against his efforts and his po-
licy than Komereit's speech at Winchester on Satur-
day last. Most plainly did he there demonstrate that
however aristocratic the constitution of his coun-
try, it was not less the continued effort of Austria to
destroy it. The Hungarians had chosen the Emperor
of AUSTRIA to be their constitutional king ; but they
did so at a time when the other kingdians and pro-
vinces of the House of Austria had their rights and
constitutions. The HAPSBURG.; destroyed them one by
owe, and were advancing to the destruction of that
of Ifiengury, it being out of the nature
of things, as Kos.serit said, that a go-
vernment or an Emperor could be constitutional
s in a part of his empire, and absolutist in another.
Yoe the absolutist pulley was sure to be that
found mist convenient and mist preferred at
react. Austria found its first opponents uniongst the
magnates, such as the Seeetit.sis and HATIIYANIS.
Hot, as Kossern said, the defence of Hungarian
freedom and constitutional independence could not be
achieved by three or four hundred magnates. It
was nensaeary, it was indispensable to awaken the
feelings and command the support of the population
at large, by raising the penitent from serfdom, and I
giving the franchise to those possessed of a certain
number of acres.
This may be democracy ; but it is a kind of demo-
cracy practised by the legislators and even by the
aristocratic reformers of Englund, from ilayna
tleirta divan. In England, or in Ifungar.y, as long
ss the feuded lord could resist the crown in arms at
the head of his retainers and in defence of his rights,
he did so. When feudal strength was no longer
equal to this, English and Hungarian lords fill back
an the constitution, and called the people to take
part. in order that people and lords might make head
together against absolutism.
There is no honest and liberal Ilangarian,lionever
arietotratie, who can say, either that Komi:masked
too much in the way of reform and popular emanci-
pation, or that in order to carry there reforms he
evoked a popular support that was not needed. The
Meignates stone could neither have eavednor have de-
fended freedom in II ungary, nor could they have erected
a sufficient bulwark against Austrian encroachment
without calling the people to their Rid. KOSSUTH
did nothing beyond what prudence end sense, as well
as duty and necessity, dictated.
What we are called upon now to do. is to welcome
Kosseen according to his deserts. (If his eloquence,
his genius, his power of dominating senates, and
raising armies from the earth by a blow of his foot --
this no one debits. All admit him to be
great. What his foes deny is, that he is good
But his fees say so—why ? Because they want to
have England in accord with Austria ; they want
sonic one in the place of Lord Patestmeroe who
would better please Prince SCIIWARZENBERU ; they
want le London press that is to be the echo of the
Vienna iesseile, and a London corporation like that
which thanked WtNI/ThateltaTZ for his bombardment.
We are not to club together in admiration or support
of litis.l 711, because, forsooth. past sympathy of this
kind fur Poland has done no good, but put us on bud
terms with the CZAR.
But all this is founded on mistake. We have no
objection to the members of government being pru-
dent as they please, to an ambassador bciug discreet,
and to the language of legislators being reserved in
the condemnation of foreign powers. But the people
of England, and the mind of England. is something
far too majestic, too powerful, and too noble, to be
diverted from a solemn duty by mean fears or by
empty observance of decorum. The opinion of
England has a weight of morel approbation or moral
censure to bestow,very remote from war or from threats,
but which has its importance, as is evident from
the strenuous attempts made to shirk and to falsify I
. it. The public opinions which Englishmen enter-
tain, the public freedom that Englishmen enjoy,—all
these, with their character, institutions, and sympa-
thim make this country the object of suspicion and;
aversion to despotic powers. Cringe as we may,
and were we to put on the mask of absolutiem
we should not conciliate the EMPEROR or the CZAR.
And Englishmen speaking out their present opinions •
respecting the Hungarian struggle will bring us no
unmet° war with Austria, than our sympathies forPo-
laud have flung us into a war with Emma. At any rate,
Americans and Englishmen are in the same boat on
this occasion, and expressing unanimously the same
horror of absolutism. Let Feautesso and :glen°.
LAS united take offence at the free expressions of an
united opinion, if they dare. The English race need
not surely fear to Incur, by its honest out-spoken
sentiments, the disapprobation or the enmity of both
the Croat and the 'tartar.