The Express.
London, England, 1853-07-16 00:00:00

eermacat or not, were capable of being appointed duce-
'ors. What they all desired was to separate the govern-
ment of India in England from the polities of the
day. (Hear, hear.) It should be kept u much as pos-
sible distinct. The att. tit ion of the directors should be fixed
on India alone ; hut what would be the result if this provi-
sion were adopted ? A young man would return from
India, alter being employed there no matter how—perhaps
having gone to speed a little money; he would get into
parliament. and, being eligible as an India director, he
would netueally recommend himself to the govern-
men-, whatever the government might be ; tad
he would be placed in the office instead of a better man.
It would not only introduce men to the direction who were
unfit for the office, but it could introduce into the court
Political Vise, which would he most injurious to the carry-
tog on of Indian business. (Hear, hear.) The average lite
of men was not long ; that of governments was much
shorter; and the result would be the nomination of two or
three strong conservatives, and then two or three strong
whir who would be placed there merely because they
would carry into the court the animosities which had
divided them in the House of Commons; or, what would
be infinitely worse, they would carry into the House of
Commons the divisions which prevailed in the court.
That would lead to discussions on Indian matters in the
House of Commons characterieed by an angry and bitter
spirit—diectresions conducted, too, by the political members
of the &rani of Director lie (the noble sari) we-old
moat willingly seclude from parlienicst the elected di-
rectors ; for he thought that as much mischief would arise
from allowing them to sit in the House of Commons as
allowing those who had been appointed by the govern-
ment. How did the present system work ? A man ac-
quired a little false ,restage by being a member of pa/lin-
iment ; that recommended hint to the directors; and they
made him a director. And what did he do then ? Why,
he used the patronage that fell into his hands for the pur-
pose
urer k4s:;:ictn:dleitaimbrpelfainnlht;eliootuhseeroLCLamm,opusp..inLH,enarts,
went to the attorney of his borough, and that patronage
VMS put to a bad use which ought only to have been employed
for that most imi.ortant of public purposes, the good govern-
ment of ludic. (Cheers.) litanies nothing could be so un-
seemly as the scene that would be constantly witnessed,
namely, the Indian minister making a statement in parlia-
ment, and a member of the board en the opposite bench
immediately rising to answer him. Such • system would,
in fact, do more to injure and humiliate the government of
India in the minds of the Indian people than almost any
course of proceeding that could be adopted. He, therefore,
• did most earnestly Entreat her Majesty's government to re-
consider the provisions of their bill in this particular; and
to consoler whether they would not rather fort go any mul-
-1 vantage they might derive from the power of placing in the
; direction any members of the House of Gammons that
might have been ten years in India; and also whether they
would not take from the dirt.ctors, hereafter to be elected,
I the power of becoming members of the other house. (Hear,
I hear.) The noble earl concluded by moving for the papers.
Earl GRANVILLE (who spoke with his beet. to the
I gallery, and was therefore hardly intelligible) was under-
!! stood to deprecate the practice of discussing bills not yet
before their lordships. Ile trusted that they would follow
the example of the other house, who had declared be the
enormous majority with which they bad passed the second
readie4 that they woul.i not allow any party spirit to be
intr,cluced into their discussions upon so vast and impor-
I tent a subject. With regard to the war iu Ava, lie had
lonly to say that who that question should be brought
beton the house in a more regular manner, her Majesty's
government would not shribk from statirg their reasons
for the course they had pursued, and they would
Ibe able to show that that war had not been
lunder: aken aril conducted with that complete went'
of statesmanship and generalship which the noble earl had
stated it to have been. (Hear, hear.) With respect to the
increase in the army, the considerations mentioned by the
noble earl had not escaped her Majesty's government. No
doubt there was a great deal to be said on behalf of the plan
which the noble earl had proposed, but some of the ergs-
meats be had used were, he must coufeas, perfectly new to
. him. Of course it was quite true that the Experience gained
Iby the troops in the wars which had unfortusately takes
1 place iu India not long ago, was very important, but that it
was an advantage to our troops to remain a long time in 1
India during the continuance of peace, was an entirely
I novel idea, because, although the troops certainly)
did move in large masses, as the noble earl'
I had said, there were some counterbalancing evils, the 1
; effects of which were such that a regiment very seldom re
turned home from India it. as efficient • state as it had left
the shores of England. Tho authority of the noble earl on
the point of making additions to the Queen's troops rather
than to the company's was very high ; but the ;government
could array against it the no less weighty names of Lord
Dalhousie and Lord Harding., whose judgment the go-
vernment could not, with justice to themselves, overlook.
(Hear, hear.) The question of allowing the directors who
were to be nominated by the crown to sit in the other house
was one of great delicacy and difficulty. It was hardly
necessary to repeat what bad been the object the
government had is proposing that a certain propor-
tion of the board should be appointed by the
mown. They sought to obviate an evil which
clearly did 'mist, namely, that some of the mist (eminent
Indians were excluded from the board by the aversion they
felt to the incidents of a canvass ; or, if they did seek a seat
in the direction, they had often to wait five or six years be-
fore they succeeded in obtaining it, by which time their
knowledge of India had become somewhat stale. Believing,
, then, that the plan of having some of the directors &p-
-i pointed by the crown would work better than the existing
system, the object of the government was to put them all
upon a footing of exact equality ; and it was obvious that
soy such inequality as would be created by forbidding the
nominated directors to sit in parliament, would tend greatly
to lower them in position and influence. (Hear, hear.) It
would be a mere pedantic objection to suppose that
they would show any improper subserviency to the minis-
ter of the day, in order to secure their re-appointment; and
as the government, of whatever party ft might happen to
be, would have to act under the severe pressure of public
opinion, they might rest satisfied that the best men would
be appointed. (lieu, hear.) On the other hand, there
would be a real danger of weakening the nowt of Com-
mons if, when questions relating to India came to be
discusseal—which he trusted would be more frequently
the case fur the futon—they should be deprived of the
assistance of these men who were best able to assist their
deliberations. (Hear, hear.) There were no doubt two
sidle to the question ; but he thought her Majesty's govern-
mime had taken the wisest course in adopting the plan
ISM eta had embodied in their measure. (Cheers.)
The am of ELLENBOROUGH wished to supply an
ambilm in his speech. Their lordships could hardly be
swum that in consequence of the creation of eight new
regiments, there would be in this single year no fewer than
EH extra cadetships to be distributed amongst the present
directors, every one of wham would have thirteen besides
the ordinary patronaie, so that they would each have pro.
Est loss- that Pt to dallies of. (Hear, hear.) Now,
figetlas board ha set loos to live—(• laugh)—
and the meanie In which they had usually
dealt with their peimengeoltiotagits that to give them 13
extra cadetshipoloalh loM ofs not under the Pro'
Mims of the bill, but as had previously been the care, was
id fist of very great improvidence, and had the appeara.nce
ass mmentons job. (Hear hear.) lie was not surprised
Ihil the ealy part of the government measure that
lad bums knows to the public should have
, hems Os prepseed Merease of the India army, which
' had hues MBA easiest menthe ego ; or shit that part of
the mom shield have bees mAremely molar in certain
The had mime bees well toed ; but,
CriderLesse he tit bed leen 'Mem* ill bestowed.
(Hen, hear.)
The papers were then ordered.
POLLING AT ELECTIONS BILL.
The Earl of SHAFTESBURY moved the second reading
of this bill, in order to assert its principle, but he intimated
that he did not intend to press it further this series. Its
chief object was to allow the votes of electors for boroughs
to be taken at their own house.
The Earl of ABERDEEN hoped that the noble sari
would not now press the second reading ; and he could
assure him that he would lees no advantage that he could
hope to gain from his motion. (Hear, hear.)
The Earl of HARDWICKE expressed his full concur-
rence in the bill, which he thought would enable many
men of great respectability, and having &considerable stake
in the countrr, to vote, who were now deterred from 'UV'
ening their right by their dislike to the tumult of en dn.
tiol2.
Lord WHARNCLIFFE approved of the bill, and said
that the only serious difficulty in the bill was the machinery
by which such a system was proposed to be carried out.
Earl FORTESCUE gave his humble tribute of grati-
tude to the noble earl for bringing the subject before the
house, and he thought that any scheme of reform in which
extensive animations for the purpose of improving the
manner of taking the votes did not form • part, would
prove utterly futile. Though he was not prepared to
accede to all the details of the bill, he could not see how
any plan could be devised that would be likely to work
lottra ; and the principle had certainly proved eminently
emessainl in the case of elections for poor law guazdians.
Cigar, hear.)
Thu Marquis of LANSDOWN E deprecated the further
of the bill. Before they had settled what alters- 1
wee t would make in the number and quality of
&OD to whoa the power of voting. should bo coll-
uded it would be extremely inconvenient to settle the
nib is which the appearance, or rather non-appearance
it them voters at the hustings should be provided for.
Hui GREY, after balancing the advantages and dis-
advantages likely to arise from the bill, considered that the
timer preponderated.
Bid DONOUGHMORE hoped the noble earl would
set Mend the principle of this bill to Ireland. The great
mil of English elections was bribery and corruption ; the
poet evil of Irish elections was intimidation and violence.
I/ It were extended to Ireland, he hoped the noble earl
wail asks some arrangements to protect the lives of the
ralsaton of the voted', and their brains from being dashed
«a by stones.
Lord REDESDALE said he should be glad if some such
made of votine were adopted, but there were difficulties in
the way which he did not see how to get out of. Under
the provisions of the bill, the voter himself was required to
deliver the voting paper, which was to be collected at hie
lease, so that it would be requisite he should stay at home
es the day of the election, and neglect his employment.
If the votes were delivered by a proxy, that would open a
dem se fraud, and there was danger from fraud or vice-
WM that the voting papers would be abstracted or med-
dled with before the were opened.
The Earl of SHAFTESBURY said, after what had
fallen from the noble earl at the head of the government
it would be useless in him to attempt to carry on the mea-
eerie Ile thaoked their lordehip fur the kind manner in
which it bad been received, and be hoped it would receive
dm consideration from government. No doubt there