The Express.
London, England, 1847-03-13 00:00:00

DRAINAGE OF LAND BILL.

.......
The report on this bill having been brought up,
Sir G. GREY stated that the government had determined
to fix the maximum of advances to be made under this bill
at 10,0001.
Capt. GORDON expressed his deep regret at the tonne
the government had decided upon in this respect.
Sir J. GRAHAM felt bound to say that the government
was entitled to the highest credit for their departure
from a rule which would have advantaged a few
individuals of great influence and power, instead of erten&
in the benefit of this bill to the many.
The clause was thin, on the motion of Sir G. Gate,
amended, by altering the maximum advance from 16,0001.
to the sum of 10,000/. The clause, as amended, wee
agreed to.
An additional clause, referring to the form of applinkus
to be made for loans, was introduced by Viscount Hoarsest,
and agreed to.—The bill to be read a third time on Monday.
The house adjourned at a few minutes after one o'clock.

there was any ground for the statement made by the
noble and learned lord ; the reflection thus cast upon
a highly respectable body of men was as unnecessary
as it was unjust. This declaration of the noble earl
led to a personal altercation between the two noble
knee, sad to a scene of considerable excitement and
confusion—of disorder upon a point of order—
which having subsided, Lord BROUGHAM as-
serted that his information came from Liverpool,
I who had satisfied themselves of the fart
he harstaTed from the mouths of the paupers them-
selves, which parties, if examined upon oath, would
confirm every word to which he had given utterance.
Ilia Bari of DESART thought the notil and learned
fterawa/ht to give notice of his intenti es of bringing
charges against Irish landlords, in or 'er
there wu any foundation for them that they might
have an opportunity of rising themselves on their
defence, but if without foundation, he begged to re-
mind the noble and learned lord, (that great and
varied as were his abilities, even his ia-casme
could not interest their lordrhies when so often
repeated, and which would ultimately sink into
contempt before the powerful influence of truth.
Lord BROUGHAM replied that his only object was to
endeavour to awaken the Irish landlords, and the
Irish people at large, to the absolute necessity of pro-
viding for their own poor, and not lo,k to England
for the support of the Irish people. The Marquis of
LAsecowse, in a powerful speech, defended the
coarse pursued by the government, and resumed his
seat amidst loud cheers. Viscount STRANGFORD, in
an explanatory address, begged to ask whether there
would be any objection to produce the communica-
tions which haa taken place since the death of
WILLIAM IY., between the governments of
England and Hanover on the subject of the dire
puted right to the possession of certain crown
jewels. The Marquis of LANSDOwNE, after detailing
the proceedings which had taken place in reference to
the subject in questi in, said, he must most decidedly
object to the production of the correspondence asked
for by the noble viscount, trusting their lordships
would agree with him that the matter ought to be
left to that just and equitable decision to which both
the illustrious persons interested were disposed to defer.
In the House of Commons, Lord Joan RUSSELL,
is answer to lb. BAILLIE, said that the government
were aware there was a great demand for corn in i
France and Belgium, but that it was not intended
to prohibit the exportation of corn from this
country, because it would be a sure mode of prevent-
ing corn frtm being imported into it. If the import-
ing merchant had security that he might bring his
corn to England for consumption or take it to another
market, be would be likely to bring it to this country
as his place of import, but if he were told
that his corn once here could not be re-exported
he would be very likely to avoid the British
market altogether. The noble lord, in answer to
Sir R. Pair, said with respect to Capt. Warner's
long range, that the minutes of the officers who had
tested the Invention, should be laid upon the table, if
he found they could be produced without inconve-
nience. Mr.Hawr.e, in reply to a question from Mr.
Vesey, as to whether it was intended to afford govern-
ment assistance to free emigrants to reach their des-
tination after debarkation, said, that under the advise
d the emigration agents, those who had been instru-
mental in sending out emigrants usually had pro-
vided them with the means of sending the parties on
to the interior on their arrival in the colony, this sys-
tem had worked well, and he had reason to believe
that the additional aid proposed by the government
would be found sufficient for the purpose. Mr. SHIM.
is answer to Mr. Hume, as to the extra payment
made by the Mint authorities to policemen for their
attendance on prosecutions, observed, that it was un-
doubtedly a practice liable to extreme abuse, and he
had given directions, as far as it was in his power,
for its discontinuance. On thequestion of going into

committee on the Poor Relief Ireland ihlCLord
Joint ASISSILLL proceeded, at great length, to state
what had been the latest proceedings of the govern-
ment with respect to the lamentable state of affairs
existing in Ireland, and to call the attention of the
house to the principal provisions of the bill, on which
it was about to be called upon to go into
committee. A protracted discussion ensued,
in which Mr. STAFFORD O'BRIEN, Mr. P. SCROPE,
Mr. GREGORY, Mr. D. BROWNE, Capt. BATESON, Sir
W.MOLESWORTH, Mr. SnAw, Mr. ELLICE, and Sir

. _
B. HALL took part, after which the debate was ad-
journed until Monday. The Drainage of Land Bill
was reported, some amendments made, the maximum
of any one loan fixed at the sum of 10,0001., as pro-
posed by Sir JAMES GR tHAM.

ONE good result, at least, has been attained by the
present critical and distressful state of things in Ire-
land. And this is, that Irishmen are no longer
banded is purely theoretic and visionary factions,
blowing bubbles of many colours, and employing
curious men to watch and follow them. Every Irish-
man is aware that a great change is about to take
place, a vital remedy about to be applied, and each
class of Irish has, for the first time. applied its atten-
tion and energies to its own peculiar interest and
rights, and seems determined to plead and combat
for them.
This is all very natural, and very right. The
landlords have collected together funds, wisdom, and
parliamentary influence. The Irish towns-people
have not been able to form a union, or a civic party,
to counteract and oppose the landed interest; but
they Ilia ready for it. Already they make their voices
heard. And the Catholic priesthood, representing
the interests of the peasantry, are ready to join the
cry of the townsfolk against the monopoly of land
and influence by a class of better birth, but scarcely
richer than themselves.
Amidst these, the old leaders of the Irish people in
the wild-goose chase of repeal continue to complain
and menace, as if they had really a crowd of followers
at their backs. But, in reality, they are deserted.
Lord GEORGE BENTINCK'S railway bill was a God-
send to these men. It united all classes in one cry
after what was supposed to snit all. But parliament
net entertaining that illusive scheme, the several Irish
parties have fallen asunder. And it is the minister's
fault, if he does not only elicit the truth and the
nature of their relative claims from all, but if he does
not guide his own way between them so as to act
fairly and impartially, but decisively, by all classes
inßeland, as well as by those in England, now
mulcted for them.
The minister has apparently made his resolves.
The Ora is, to reduce on the 20th of March the
$OO,OOO men employed on public works 20 per cent.
The redaction will be continued. These labourers
this thrown out of work ought to be absorbed in the
illtrienltural work of the season. If they be not, what is
the best, the moat feasible mode, of making the occu-
pier of the land employ the peasantry ? A poor-law,
certainly ; a poor-law exercised and enforced, even to
the exteat of out-door relief to the able-bodied, at the
discretion of the government and the poor-law com-
missioners.
The landlord interest of Ireland exclaims against so
terrible and dictatorial a power. And, we own, with
some reason ; for, if wielded arbitrarily or ignorantly,
it certainly might be converted into a complete met-
iers of confiscation. But, considering the way in which
Irish landlords have hitherte been treated by the govern-
ment, there is little fear of that. And the new bill gives
them the strongest guarantee against it by allowing
the magistrates and landowners of the district to
fern, u ex-oficin members, one half the numbers of
the boards of guardians. Now, whilst the landlords
protest against the poor-law and out-door relief, the
• Sidi-landlord party in Ireland petition against
the increase of ex-officio guardians, which, they say,
will nullify the action of the poor-law.
We have long since expressed the opinion that a
poor-law, however likely to work well in the east
and north of Ireland, would be impracticable, unless
meek modified or supported by extraneous aid, in the
south and weet Besides, what an Irish poor-
law is, or may be, until acts of settlement and
"Wang be drawn aft and passed, is difficult to
tal. Mere are multitudes of Irish, far poorer
than the poor, far more miserable than the
'we*, who grow up on the sea shore, or on
the skirts of bogs, being ignorant of labour, and not
knowing how to wield even a spade. Mr. Busetro
ADAIR describes them in his pamphlet. These, when
the potato fails, crowd into towns, and swamp them,
sad would completely swamp every rustic union. The
published accounts of the proportion of rates paid by
the city of Cork and the town of Killarney, demon-
etr►te this state of things. How these destitute
masses are to be dealt with, we know not. Extend-
ing the district to the union will not sulfas to
equalise burdens such as these, whilst such exten.
ace would deprive the Irish landlord of the chief
stimulus to exertion.

kiLL

Lord Jonz RUMELL, in his speeoh, states that
he looks to the severing of the small cottier from his'
small portion of land as one r...eult of the failure of
the potato, and that this immense close, forced to turn
daily labourers for hire, may not always find it, and
may thus come upon the poor-rates. Such a prevision
is certainly well founded, end the minister adds,
that the occupiers of the ground would prefer em-
ploying sash men to feeding them from the
rates. Now, we greatly fear that the resolve of
the landed occupiers will be precisely what it has
been heretofore, viz., neither to give such labourers
work, nor to put them on the poor-rates, but to give
a rood or a quarter of an acre of potato ground.
This will keep the "loor from the rates in good Tears,
and, in bad ones, English aid will probably be
looked for, as at present.
These, and a very great many reasons, lead us to fear
that a poor-law alone will not solve the riddle of
Ireland, unless other means be simultaneously em-
ployed to relieve the labour market, and unless the
dictatorship, which all admit to be necessary, conde-
scends to more minute and special ordinances, than
the mere decree of giving the poor a right to be fed
out of the property of the land. In giving the poor
the right, we must supply the rich with the skill and
science, and in some instances with the power to
meet it.

It is proverbial that there is truth in jest, and we
say with Punch in all seriousneas, "It would be a
delightful item to read amongst the subscriptions to
the Irish and Scotch destitute fund:
" The AboUboa of the Osme4owe —1,000,000 busheLs of wheot."

But great as is the amount of human food
destroyed in this country by game, that by no means
measures the extent of the evil. There is a par-
liamentary.paper lately issued which discloses, in
part, the wide spread demoralisation caused by the
game-laws amongst our working population in the
rural districts. This consists of the abstract of " a
return of the number of persons convicted of any
I offences against the game-laws at any petty sessions,
quarter see ions, or assizes; specifying the penalties
or punishments inflicted, and in which county, and
upon whose property the offenoes were committed,"
This is in continuation of a similar return made in
1814. That from some cause or other this return does
not show the whole of crime arising from the game•
law, we shall presently show. Yet it does show
a number and severity of punishments inflicted
for the preservation of game which is perfectly
astounding. Daring the years 1844, 1845, and part
of 1846—for the return was made before last August
—no less than ELEVEN THOUSAND THREE HUNDRED
AND NINETY-TWO persons were convicted in England
and Wales of offences against the Game-laws !! Of
these, 11,006 convictions occurred in England, and
386 in Wales. Of the English convictions, 209 took
lace at the Assizes, and 10,797 at Petty and Quarter
Sessiaas, or before judges deeply, passionately inte-
rested in game preservation. The number of poachers
convicted by game-preserving squires, sitting as
judges in their own cause, in England, cannot average
less than 4,000 ; for the 10,797 of the return were
convicted in less than two years and a half,
and the returns from several of the counties
omit altogether the convictions at Petty Ses-
sions. It 111 impossible to contemplate the conduct
of the landocracy with regard to game and the genie-
laws without wonder and awe. It is sheer fatuity.
Thousands are dying of famine in Ireland, because
food-corn, cannot be obtained in sufficient quantities ;
seed-corn is not to be purchased in Ireland for money.
Yet landlords persist in the preservation of game
to the destruction of several millions of quarters
of grain yearly. Last year, from the extreme dry-
ness of the season, was peculiarly favourable to the
increase of game, so that not only was there vast de-
vastation committed by these noxious vermin on the
farmers' crops last harvest, but we hear that the
injury the young wheats have received from game
I throughout the country during the late severe
winter, is quite without parallel. A tenant-
farmer in Wiltshire, for instance, writing to
the Reonomist, stye that he has had seventy
acres of wheat eaten completely bare by
rabbits and hares, and that with the most favourable
season for its recovery, his loss will certainly be, on
the most moderate estimate, twelve bushels per acre.
And then, beyond this destruction of produce, we
have the drar demoralisation of our rural popula-
tion indicated by the returns above referred to, and
all this for the protection of the 'port of a few per-
sons who require such barbarous means of dissipating
ennui.

A closer examination of this return will show
some results which cannot fail to influence the public
to call for the obliteration from our statute-book of
every vestige of a game-law, the visible remnant of
feudal domination. Of the persons convicted at the
assizes, 48 were sentenced to imprisonment with hard
labour for terms varying from one year to two years;
and 34 persons were punished with transpor-
tation for terms varying from seven years to
the whole period of life. Doubtless in many
of these cases the offence was accompanied
by violence ; but that is not necessarily the
case, for if a man who has been twice convicted—and
a labourer once convicted of poaching almost of neces-
sity resorts to poaching for subsistence—shall be
found on any land with any gun, net, engine, or
other instrument, for the purpose of taking or destroy-
ing game," he must be transported for seven years, or
imprisoned and kept to hard labour not exceeding
two years.
Another point which strikes one on perusing the
return, is the great number of persons sentenced to
various terms of imprisonment, " and to find sureties.'
Thisis,perhaps, of more frequent occurrence in Buck-
inghamshire (a county singularly game-ridden) than
in any other county; and es we shall have occasion
to refer to the Bucks returns for other objects, we
will take an illustration on this point from
thence. There is, however, constantly to be met
with in the return this entry : " Fourteen days
with hard labour, and to find sureties for one
year; and, in default thereof, to he impri-
soned further for six months." The disproportion
between the sentence of 14 days for the substantive
offence, and the six months further imprisonment for
the consequential crime of being unable to find sure-
ties not to poach again for a year, is so monstrous as
to shock any mind bat that of a game-preserver. Yet
this is the statutable punishment for poaching by
night, or being found on any land with any engines
for taking or destroying game. A second offence
subjects the offender, besides the punishment proper,
to the necessity of finding sureties not to poach for
two years, or, in default, to one year's additional
imprisonment This was mentioned by Mr.
PHILLIPPS, the Under-Secretary of State, when exa-
mined before the Game Committee, an a source of the
most cruel oppression. It is obviously a mockery to
require sureties for a poacher, for he at ones be-
comes a marked man amongst the game-preserving
squirearchy of his neighbourhood, the farmers scarcely
dare to employ him, and he has no choice but to poach
again or go to the union. And, in fact, most of the men
convicted of night poaching do undergo the additional
imprisonment
Another remark upon the return is, the constant
recurrence of the names of individual landowners as
persons on whose property the offences were com-
mitted. Thus we find Lord SALISBURY in Hertford-
shire, the Dukes of Newcorrtz and PORTLAND in
Nottinghamshire, the Earls of ELDON and DIGBY in
Doreetshire, the Marquis of Ex rrsa in Northamp-
ton and Rutland, and the Dukes of RUTLAND and
CLEVELAND in several counties, are regular and con-
stant suppliers of poachers to the several goals of
their districts. This furnishes illustrations of the
large amount of evil one man may inflict upon a corn,
comity. There is another name, worn by a noble, more
cunning than his compeers. The Duke of BUCK-
INGHAM is notoriously the largest preserver of game
in the county, perhaps in England, and contributes
more than all the rest of the local preservers to keep
the poachers'wing of the county gaol tenanted; yet his
name does not once appear in the returns. There are
blanks for the names of the owners of land on which
poaching has happened, but his grace's now here appears
as an open evil-doer by means of game preserves like
the other noblemen before mentioned. Yet it was
given in evidence before the Game Committee that
there are many farms on his grace's estate of which
at least a fourth of the yearly produce is consumed
by game.
There is one name frequently appearing in
the Berkshire returns which it is impossible to
observe without the most poignant regret, namely,
that of " her Majesty." Why does not some intelli-
gent person about the court bring. the game law
evidence—ft has been published by OROOMBRIDGE in
a convenient form—under the personal notice of the

Queen ? Sure we are that if her Majesty had the
slightest notion of the waste, misery, ara4 mime
game preservation and the game-laws create, the
royal domains would cease to be preserved.