The Express.
London, England, 1853-06-15 00:00:00

THE &LAVE LAW OF SOUTH CAROLINA.

Lord BEAL MONT rose to move an address for 00176.
spondence respecting the law of the State of South Caro-
lina on coloured seamen arriving in port. Ile stated that
one oltject he had in bringing this subject under the notice
of the house was to show that there were meansof nesting
the difficulty, which had arisen in consequence of the
wizen of coloured seamen on board British vessels arriving
at the ports of South Carolina without doing anything
offensive to the state itself. The Governor of South Carolina
had, lie understood, stated that he would be prepared to recom-
mend a modified state of the law, requiring that all coloured
seamen arriving at any of the ports of South Carolina in
foreign vessels should be confined on board during the stay
of the ship, and not permitted to go on shore. if that were
done it would, he apprehended, be all that was neceseary.
The means moat likely to succeed in this case was to induce
the leuislature of South Carolina to take the initiative in
modifying the severe law rather than that we should bring
the matter under the immediate attention of the federal
government. Ile must, however, in conclusion say that be
believed our consuls had acted within their instructions.
No doubt their instructioas were exceedingly strong, but
still they tailed to produoe any effect. On the contrary,
they were the cause of considerable irritation. Having now
stated to their :ordshipe the exact situation of the ease, it
remained fur him to move for the papers, to enable their
lordships to see if any steps could be taken to procure a
change for the future. (Hear, hoar.)
The Earl of CLARENDON believed his noble friend had
truly estimated the state of things which prevailed in South
Carolina formerly, es well as more recently, for since the noble
lord had given notice of hi motion, he had examined the
whole of the correspondent. upon the subject, which was very
voluminous, end extended us r • period of thirty years, and it
certainly did exhibit the great difficulties which we had
had to contend with, and which still surrounded the subject.
He thought the proper mode of dealing with the matter
would sot be by agitating Abuse, but by affording guarantees
for securing the state against any disturbance of its public
tranquillity. By persevering in that course he still enter-
tained the hope that their lordships would me the law not
abrogated, for that was not likely to take place, but eer-
tainly modified is its operation.(Cheers.)
The motion was then agreed to, and
Their lordship, immediately afterwards adjournei,at half
past erns o'clock.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.—TCESDAY, JCNE 14.
The Sraakan took the chair at 4 o'clock.
PRIVATE BUSINESS.
The following bills were road a third time and passed :
Shipley aad Bromley Road; West Harptry Road; White-
haven and Forams Jonetion Railway ; Alston Roads (re-
committed) ; Birmingham and Oaford Junction, Birming-
ham, Wolverhampton, and Dudley and Great Western
Railways; Ediaburgh, Perth. and Glandes Railway ;
Limerick sad Forms Railway; Belfast Municipal Bounda-
ries;
PUBLIC BUSINESS.
ROYAL ASSENT.

The Usher of the Black ReaapPat:nd at the table, aad
esaaatosed the hooey to the Roue of Lords to,hear the
meal mem riven to several hills.
TEE APPOINTMENT OF SOLICITOR-GENERAL

1O& IRELAND.

Mr. ?ZOOM tibia I. "Tyr sOtiee--. that at the earliest
...outlast pass mi IMmoday he should make a stater/sent
to the Mass setmmlbe it transaction in which his pommel
bosom woe invobtob, OW, as his statement must refer to the
net& lord the moalmr he Coleraine (Lord Naas) sad the
MGM Wm. wrwormo 4 Marti Eseez (Major Bemford), he
pordwatorly woodlomoe loodwa.d AM feet with a view to secure their
ottooinnon ea *at

iiiwiciiDOßOUoll WRIT.
liis D. MAL *mated a petition from inhabitants of
thia Wend sas that a fall inquiry Mto the corrupt
]Ma eh Men. bad not been made before the
anatlON* imipmpen of the absence of wittiness who
aleseska. aaISW dos retuned to their hoots, and
=Ma faia writ dmiiii not inane until farther inquiry
t.

Siri7TYRELL thaa mewed that a writ do inie for the
borough of Harwich, is eh* 10111111 of Mr. Petcock*, wives
elastics kee bees declared void.
&r J. V. SHELLEY, is the abases of Sir De Leg
Evans, moved al ea aseirdaesst that a Weft essusittee of
Ste members be ippdellill by Ibe emesiNee of eekelfrei to
Leask' late the state el the lepieseisllee of tic
of Herwieb, but Ober rose Meeerelso all be ibeeMbsit
drew his aeseedsiest, bat De Mali mid* 'he he vele
egebut haulm the writ. (Hear, Mar.)
The home than divided.

For the mati;;----- 247
Airtime it

THE BALLOT.
Mr. M. CHAMBERS presented • petition from Green-
wich, and Sir J. V. SHILLIT three petitions from; West-
minster, in &seer of vote by ballot.
Mr. H. BERKELEY said he rose, pursuant to notice, to
ask leave to bring in a bill to give to the electors of Great
Britaia and Irelead the protection of the ballot. When
Lord Aberdeen's ministry announced to the country their
intention to bring forward • measure of reform, he had
hoped that the ballet might be • component put of their
scheme, and that they would have deemed it necessary to
protect the consciences and the persons, the minds, and the
bodies of electors, by the ballot. But having had a distinct
intimation in the addresses of Lind John Russell and
Sir James Graham to their constituents, that they
were determined not to have anything to do with
that measure, he, under • strong souse of duty,
aid by the counsel of friends for whose judgment he
entertained a great respect, had deemed it necessary to ask
permission to legislate on that subject. When he lest ad-
dreamed • House of Commons on that question, it was on
the ere of a general election. Lord Derby had determined
to throw himself on the country; and perhaps that might I
have suggested to Mr. Dickens the strange idea of Lord
Coodle throwing himself on the country in the shape of
sovereigns and beer. (Great laughter.) The hangers-on of
the two factions were on the alert. The springs for moving
the constituencies were put in order ; and they hail it in
evidence that gentlemen high in of instance, the
Right Hon. Wm. Bcresford—had taken counsel with Mr.
Frail, of Derby notoriety, no doubt for the purpose of se-
curing the purity of the great tory party; at the sometime
they had ocular demonstration that the Right Hon. W.
Goodenough Halter might be seen taking counsel with
Mr. Ceppock, of St. Albans celebrity, no doubt for the pur-
pose of securing the same laudable result for his
party. (Cheers and laughter.) They bad evi-
dence that the masquerade shops had been ransacked ;
that wigs, spectacles, and disguises had been put in requi-
sition—that aliens and olibis were in vogue—(hear, hear),
and all this to usher in with due solemnity England's great
septennial saturnalia, and to do honour to that freedom of
election in which her Majesty's cabinet ministers would
wens so greatly to rejoice. (Cheers and laughter.) At
that time he raised his feeble voice to point out to the
house the gathering storm. He endeavoured to show that
England was about to place herself in a position disgrace-
Ad to a christian country in the eyes of Europe. Two
hundred years ago, old John Evelyn had made the same
complaint, almost in precisely the same words. He spoke
of " the confused, debauched, and riotous maser of
electing members qualified to become representatives of •
Dillon," and said that elections more resembled a Pagan
bacchanalia than an assembly of sober and christian

I sum (Hear, hear.) Was. it lot a dlegrainful faith
that after the lapse of WO loam with, t" march °C.,
intellect, the increase of nailbrush. the progress
of education, aid the (*lemony, fed to say the.,
mockeryof a reform bill; those very evils Still formed
the
Invented from the Cove of Cork to the Giant's Cause.
way ? (Hear, hear.) Some 40 years after John Evelyn
had Mad* this complaint, another great reformer arose,
and attacked the same evils which Evelyn had deplored—
, Daniel De Foe ; and he pointed out the ballot as the remedy.
1 His writings mast have taken great effect on the public of
I that day ; ild the House of Commons passed a bill to /sake
the batot the mode •f electing members of parliament.
but it was rejected by the Lords, who of course refused to
lay the axe to the root of their own unconstitutional in-
fluence. Well, our great Pagan bacchanalia had passed
over, and left the nation staggering under its effect. A
great struggle had taken place, in which tyranny with its
inn heel had crushed in the dust the liberty of the elector,
i through means of our existing electoral system; bribery
and intimidation had gone hand in band to complete the
I wart of general decimalisation. When he (Mr. Berkeley)
! last spoke he warned the house that flocks of low attorneys,
the means by which the House of Lords returned their no-
minees to the House of Commons, were hovering over the
land (cheers) like the harpies of old, seeking
Ito pounce upon and defile the banquet spread
before them. (Cheers.) Those flocks of attorneys were
now gorged, sated, ruminating upon the past enjoyment of
unlimited expenditure and untaxed bills—(loud cheers and
laughter)—or repluming themselves for another flight,
allured by the prospect of • hundred teeming election peti-
tions up stairs, involving the outlay of some 200,0001., of
which those gentlemen expected, and no doubt would ob-
tain, the lion's share. (Cheers.) Such were some of the
consequences of our glorious electoral system, that system
of which we were so proud, which was so manly, so Eng-
lish—se especially English, that other nations repudiated
it. (Cheers.) The honest portion of the electors them-
selves hated and detested it, for it was to them a erste= of
humiliation and disgrace, and at a general election they
suffered under what might be appropriately termeda reign of
terror. (Hear.) While they hated and detested this system,
a majority of the elected were determined to abide by it ;
thus showing to demonstration that they were not elected
by the voice of the electors, but by a power which con-
trolled that voice. The evils of the system were two-
fold ; they consisted in bribery, including treating and in-
timidation. That house had made many futile attempts
to put down bribery ; all its efforts had been addressed to
th it point; no effort had been made to put down intimida-
tion. They compelled their committees to take an anoma-
lous and inconsistent course ; they forced them to turn
out of that house members who were perfectly innocentl
of bribery themselves, because some agent, either through 1
gross cupidity, or the greatest rascality and tresehery, had l'
either given some venal elector a couple of pounds, or had
drenched some beast with a gallon of beer. (Laughter.)
While thus intent on purity of election, they equally per-
mitted
candidates, candidates' friends, and candidates'
agents, to drive their tenants to the poll, there to falsify
'heir consciences and to give a dishonest vote. (Hear,
hest.) They permitted customers to compel tradesmen to
vote under pain of ruin. (Hear, hear.) They permitted
creditors to drive their debtors to the poll or to prison.
(Cheers.) They permitted masters to discharge their ser-
vants ; and they remitted a reign of terror to pervade the
country from one end to the other. (Hear, bear.) That
was straining at the gnat and swallowing the camel. Inti-
midation waa the giant malady of our electoral system ; in
comparison with it, bribery was buts puny dwarf. The action
of bribery was simple; they purchased a man's conscience,
and :commanded his vote. Though bribery was indefensible,
there might be redeeming features in it. He had known a
workman tedium from pawn his box of tools through re-
ceiving an election bribe. He had known medical aid fur-
nished- to an ailing family through an election bribe. Bat
what redeeming feature was there in intimidation ? (Hear,
hear.) Its action was complex; its effects were manifold.
Its weapons were punishment ; and it worked by that far-
famed instrument, wholly and solely English in its inven-
tion and application, the election screw. Need he tell the
house what the election screw was, and how it worked ?
(Chem.) It was a power which the elector could not re-
sist. It commenced with an inqpisition into his private
affairs, worthy of • Penchi or a Vidoeq, carried on by the
election agents; and when, by means of this severe inguisi-
tion,his liabilities and misfortunes wan laid bare, the power
became clear by which he might be acted upon. The work-
ing of the system was to twist from the free, manly, and
indopendent Englishman a dishonest vote. (Hear, hear.)
Fourteen years ago, in secemding Mr. Grote's motion,
`ie had demonstrated at some length the mischiefs
of the diction strew, and he would state a few
instances which he then gathered from the canvassing
books of election agents. These books contained the names
of the electors, either printed, lithographed, or in mana•
script, with their residences and avocation., against which
was lett • margin for the experienced agent to enter his re-
marks. The following were some of them : " John So-
and.so, publican, votes against us. Mem.—Put the screw cm
him through Mr. So-and-so, the spirit merchant, with whom
be is in arrest..." (Cheers and laughter.) "Thomas So-and-
to, beershorkeeper, refuses to promise. Mem.—Carrass
him in company with Mr. So-and-so, the licensing magis-
trate." (Great laughter.) "Peter So-and-so, cheese-
monger, splits his vote. stem.—Put the cheesefactor upon
him to make him plump." (Laughter.) "Abel So-and-
so, tailor, votes amunst us. Mein.—Makes Sir Thomas So-
and-so's liveries : apply to Sir Thomas to compel him to
split, or not vote at all. ' (Laughter.) He could add in-
stances of this kind nef iipteituat, with the names of
the parties; and, if he were before an election com-
mittee, he could call evidence to prove the exist-
ence of that election anew to an extent scarcely
credible—entaialy not believed by the hon. members who
=:Shot note. (Hear, bear) For one ease of
, there were 6,000 arse of intimidation. (Hear,
bear.) It was reinillsd throughout every grade of society;
every man wee brolght mem sr lass to screw his neigh-
bour. The ounnittese tack a seurse that appeared anoma-
lous and Hanks% if Vide objest was purity of election;
for though taking segdzeale el bribery and open intimi-
dation, and ph force leading to • breach of the
peace, they paved by this view. Though its °potation
came before them es a matter of mune, yet as • matter of
course they must pass over it, far there was so law which
they could wield against it. This was remarluiblr exem-
plified in the Clithaveo esnuoilloo. They referred, in their
report, to bribery end phydeal "wee intimidation, but said
not a word of that more deadly intimidation which turned
the small farmer oat of his bans or his house, which
ruined the tradesmen, or put the debtor in prison. That
was passed by ; coning under the name of the screw, the
committee did sot feel authorised to report upon it.
(Hear, hear.) To show how the screw acted at
Clitheree, he would read a letter of one elec-
tion agent, who hired another election gist for the
purpose, and the sole purpose, of plash" an this
I election screw. It was • letter from one Windt* Wheeler,
I the agent of Kr. Matthew Wilson, the sitting ass bar, is
Robert Watton, a farmer, who it wasegentlimen
that bad great influence with and
and he had been tampered yak to obleba: liAllir E;li
men to bully and beat the alarreta, but It seemed be pre-
ferred the service of Mr. Wan, and altogether rejected
those overtures. That letter vas as follows :—.. Dear Sir,
—We are greatly obliged to you for your letter of the
28th of June, and for your kind exertions on the part of
Mr. Wilson. Every TOW that we can get will Do wanted,
and therefore I should be glad to hear of any addition W
oar strength. James Watson, of Brownlow, has net id
remised ; and although we expect he will vote for Mr.
Wilson, still a word from you will, perhaps, pet • definite
promise. They are putting oa the screw with their tuseate
in all directions, and we must do the same in eilielehmes.
Have you any other tenants voten ? Kr. Sunnis Witham
has &Joseph Green who is all right, and • Tonliasen wham
I should) like you to ate ; in fact, any one you have any
infisend over. Of cowry you must charge me with your
al a:passes end lose of time, which I shall
gleire;tlai to pay. With thanks, believe me yours truly,
IT. Wusitioa.—lnne 30, 1852, Clitheroe." If these elec-
tors were as many buck-rabbits they could not be spoken of
more contemptuously, and the made of handling back-
rabbits was very suggestive of the mode In which these
gentlemen dealt with the electors. (Hear, hear.) They
teak them by the ears, and transferred them from one side
to the other, without any complaint or resistance from the
docile tenants-at-will. (Laughter.) Was this • state of
things which an enlightened nation should suffer si.hest
attempting to apply a remedy ? But against iatimidation
they 6baadd no remedy whatsoever. He defied the most
astute member of that house to point out anything like a
remedy for it. (Hear, hear.) Thu* was no remedy but the
ballot; and they knew it. (Cheers.) They could make
no law to prevent a landlord from ejecting a tenant-at-will
when he pleased. The landlord was not obliged to assign
his reason for doing it; and they could not make him
assign one. They could pan ao law to prevent that. They
could make no law to prevent a customer from changing his
tradesman as often as he pleased; it was utterly impossible
to make • law to prevent that. They could make no law to
stay the judgment creditor, and prevent him from putting
his debtor tither into the polling-booth or into prison.
(Hear, bear.) That was utterly impossible. Through every
grade and phase of society they could make no law to com-
pel the employer to keep on the employed. Then, whallact
could they pass to prevent this intimidation? The cases he
, had referred to were those in which the very gist of intimi-
-1 dation consisted. Open voting exposed the veter to the in.
flucnce of persons who, by the knowledge they so obtained,
were able to deal out punishment or reward to the elec-
tor. The elective franchise was thus wrested from
the class that was legally entitled to it, and was
usurped by others, who had no right to it at all, more par-
tkul irly by peers of the realm, who were forbidden by
law from interfering in elections for members of parliament.
i (Cheer.) Secret voting was the only mode of preventing
this esil, and he should not trouble the house on the sub-
ject of intimidation, further than to add two pithy sen-
tepees—one by the best authority of the olden time, the
other by the first authority of modern days —" There is no
yr
oi.me
ft,ohkeei.
op:
.oip,theneuii
i bywa yt the sway'°! ot this
i sb
balloting." II oi lini ni,tig.,il:ll,:at
iiodDbauati engrainedelb
, ! no way of stopping
impossible," exclaimed George Grote.
intimida-
tion mechanically
(Cheers.) His complaint was that, though intimidation
was raging through the land like an epidemic, and though
' they had as certain a remedy for it as vaccination was
for the small-pox, they denied to the country the cure.
(Hear, hear.) One feature was remark.ible in all the
speeches of the present ministry, from Lord Ab,vdeen
downwards,--the admission of the deplorable Lieu of
near electoral system. This admission was made at
the eleventh hour. (Hear, hear.) Up to this time
almost, there (suits had been most audaciously
denied. Her Majesty's government were pledged to bring
in a large measure of reform. That measure of re-
form was " looming in the distance"—(laughter)—
but it was so far off that it could only
he seen by m's.isterial telescopes. (Laughter.)

as would
co
wo that this memo sof velem would en-
Mtge
the au , and thus get rid of the soma nstituen-
alit.
sae (Hear, ar.) If that were so, then the argument of
as right hon. gentleman had no force Whatever. The
right hon. gentleman made a reek in mode of the FlewlteM
and Frail., the Coppoeks and ,Edwardors, et id sweat
ovine. But he regarded thew people in the light of a PO,
which, by its escape, gave notice of the presence of • cow
rainier body. (Hear, hear.) Let them gat rid of the few,
tering body, and they would then Nit suffer from the ran
(liege, hear.) But they kept • kreat•welrering dunghill of
corruption, and they found fait with the fungi that grew
there! (Hear, hear.) He would now put in bright and
pinning contrast to these miserable shifts and arguments of
cabinet ministers the straightforward declaration of the
Solicitor-General (Mr. Bothell). That boa. and learned
gentleman told the electors of Aylesbury that "it was not
within his power to describe the character or the details
of the reform measure which the ministry was about to
introduce, but he must say that the first element of suck
a measure ought to be the extension of the franchise, and
the next the possession of the ballot for the protection of
the voter." Whereupon the electors and audience called
out "Three cheep for the ballot!" (Hear, hear.) Seek
then was the opinion of the hon. and learned gentleman,
the first counsel in the highest court of judicature in Eng-
land. (Hear, beer.) Such also was the opinion of liar
J. Hominy, the present Master of the Rolls. And such the
opinion of Mr. Page Wood, now Vice-Chancellor. (Hear,
hear.) It was pleasant to be able to tern to Hansard for
their speeches, and to see the contrast between them and
the miserable futile breakdown arguments of cabinet
ministers. (Hear, bear.) But he felt bound to meet the
latest objections on reeord to the principle of vote by ballot.
The members of the present cabinet seemed but too glad to
I creep under the gaberdine of the Times for shelter. The''
ballot, said the Times, was a question not of philosophy
but f fact It would not prove an efficient protection
to the voter, because In these days every man's opi-
nions were known. He (Mr. Berkeley) would admit that
the question was one of fact and not of philosophy. Bit
en
whose aide was the fact, and on whose aide was the phi-
losophy, or rather the sophistry ? (Hear, hear.) " Dow
the ballot (it is asked) prevent a man's opinions from being
known ?" The concealment of a man's opinions depended
on himself, but the main and material fact wee, that the
ballot prevented the man's vote from being known.
(Cheers.) He was speaking in the presence of en assem-
bly that protected themselves from the Sir Lucius O'llig-
gers of society by means of the ballot, and he put it to them
to say, if the ballot did not enable them to conceal their
votes, and, if they wished it, their opinions also ? (Hear,
hear.) Well, but the Sir Lucius O'Triggers of polities
were more dangerous than the Sir Lucius O'Triggsea el
society; and was it fair or just, he would ask, in am.
with their broad acres and their broad cloth, to seek to
conceal their votes and opinions by means or the ballot and
deny the same protection to men who wore fustian and
men who were tenants-at-will ? (Hear, heir.) Would they ,
answer that question ? (Hear.) Ile often put it before, but '
he never yet got an answer. (Hear.) But he denied
as a mere matter of fact, that the electors could not conceal
their opinions, and that they must necessarily be known.
(Hear.) It was said that the poor electors were too gam-
less, and that their opinions must be known. Why there
were hundreds of thousands of poor persons in this country
associated ether who did keep their secrets inviolate,
(Hear, hear.)tog He was, himself, a member of the Forestall
and Odd Fellows Societies—(laughter)—and he had no
doubt many of the members around him were in the same
position. (Hear, hear.) He knew there was a vast number
of Odd Fellows in the House of Commons. (Much laughter.)
Now he never knew that the secrets of these societies had
been betrayed either from garrulity, or drink, or any
misplaced confidenee in woman. (Laughter.) He bard
heard the wives of Freemasons' declare that there could he'
no secret in freemasonry, because if there was they would
he sure to get it out of them in their soft hours. (Laughter.)
So much for the general habits of the people. (Laughter
and cheers.) He had been challenged to deal with
facts, and he would now produce evidence to show that the
political opinions of the electors were not generally known.
In these days and under the present electoral system, peer
men no more dared to assert their political opinions than
they dared to give their votes contrary to the wishes of their
lanolords. It was now twenty-one years since the noble lord
(Lord J. Russell) made a speech at Torquay on this
subject, and he hoped some friend might persuade the noble
lord to abide by that speech. The noble lord then said—
" Greet as I apprehend the inconvenience of the ballet
would be, yet if it come to this, that I must either adopt
such a measure, or see the tenantry of England ranged at
electioas, contrary to the feelings of themselves, I
should have no doubt; I should at once renounce my pre•
vious opinion, and at ones adopt the vote by ballot."
The noble lord, no doubt, passed much of his time in Um
princely mansion of his brother, ohs Duke of Bedford, it
whom he heard it insinuated that he ever Maiaked •
tenant for any vote he gave, or that he ever in mg
voter from voting against him. 'Cheers.) Ceasettweady,
the noble lord might have some excuse at that east, period
he thinking that the tenants would nut be ranged at else-
dens etintrary to their feelings. But he must suppose that
the noble lord, like Rip Van Winkle, must have slept for
$0 yaw, if he was not cognisant of all the evidence that bad
Mee thundered into their ears ever since; and if he did
net me and admit that the tenants-at-will were ranged
under their separate leaders and led to vote contrary to
their own opinions and the good of the community. (Hear,
bees.) Was it not notorious that the electors of the same
estate voted for whig or tory as it changed into the heads
of landlords of these respective opinions 1 (Hear, hear.)
That was proved in evidence, and Mr. Ward clearly showed
that the fact was so. (Hear, hear.) Who could be deaf to
the evidence in the case of the South Notts election, where
the testate were led up to vote like so many vermin ?
(Hew, bear.) Was the noble lord deaf to all this? Was he
deaf to the state of things now existing? He called upon
she noble lord, as an honest man, to deny, if he dared, Na
seevietion of the truth of the representation which be pm
of the existing state of chiefs. (Hear, hear.) If he aeoli
ace, be called on the noble lord to fulfil hie pledge, al ft
vet* kV the ballot. (Hear, hear.) It wee sen that the
ism by ballot was a measure of derneeratielleMbimor Wow
Mid that be so, when the noble bed 1111 Mee that
II was to the good sense, the Millnilik said the
minim of the people that they awl she lea-
Ilsommee of their constitution ? (Rear, hear.) What
leollenahant power was there in the ballot of ear
=loyal, wise, and moderate men into democrats,
end republicans? Wm the privilege of giving as
I.l4lllMid was fraught with such consequences ? (Hem,
hem) The alfset of the ballot would, in kis opinion, be
Se emleratisa of an usurped right (Rear, hear.) Ito
aka wield be to carry out the Christian doetrine "Ben-
der MO Cesar the things that are Cresee." As to the
beileememrtiag the English people into medalists and de-
WIWI% Bash a notion appeared to him stark raving mad-
', neffila (Cheers.) Hs glanced at the proceedings of
MO Mess in England, and of another in Ireland, far the
peep, et showing that the ballot was the surest, the
mast itemelitutimal, protection against violence and oor.
remise. and, as • remedy against intimidation,
far bake sod more coestitational than surrounding
the with armed ',Mimi. (Hear, hear.) The
Beg which he selected as an illustration was
that of Oldham, end he said that in Ireland the ballot
would have prevented the catastrophe at the Six-mile-
=He shawl& set be doing justice, however, if be
Met the desbeysrd voters of Chatham were more
melee the Wiesen of ethers than the tenant farmers ; and

be maledebsed that if they '
attempted to die-
fremeldso the acetate of Chatham, they oeght,
at the same tine, ea a mattermatterof justice, to
disfreashin the terant-fatmers of the county of Heat.
It was, thee, beans he objected to the east-
=f treaty over elusion, that he entreated the
Man to free the neatly ben Its perulelous emaKuenses;
It was benne he wadi gentioefly teeny out the anti.
meats of the sable lee/. sad ratan to good sew, wis-
dom, sad raneratin She Ovum, of neeediag as un-
fettered vote, that be SIPUSIM Ist_reteet thecaties of the people. (Chem) Whim they bused of dome-
eracy, he entreated the here to member the endure of
the people is INgr Oat minleable en, ulna the demo-
(lnn were head the gangt weeders of their anatry.
(Cheers.) nil ars dun to neracaber the ma-
dam of the people at the Cheat Ishibitiaa, melted es that
deaden wee by great latefteese and the len of
order—Omar, haar)—he ors call spas Om sot
te hen% the ening of the giggle at tU inieuesat or
=mall Pool
den (ffeirelnee)—maritai n theft
then wag venues sad reopen for the
Mighest mighty dead—dhe aristocrat wre ho lay ia the grist before
them; sad thee be told them to get rid of their paltry
tenors and their aristocratic trembling* at democracy.
(Cheers.) He called upon that newly-elected Home of
Commas to stand forward and prove themselves worthy
of the people who had sent them there; be called upon
them to restore to the people a great privilege, a chartered
right to which they were as much entitled as they were to
enjoy the sun that shone in God's firmament or the breezes
of spring ; and that they might do this he entreated them
most respectfully, but most earnestly, to legislate on this
subject. (L,ud cheers.)

J. V. SHELLEY seconded the motion. He said
altar the speech which had just been delivered he should
not feel justified in detaining the house at any length. If
it would 1w difficult to bring forward any new arguments
in favour of the ballot, it would, he thought, be still more
difficult to bring forward any new one against it. (Hear.)
The arguments in its favour had been strengthened a hun-
dred-fold by the decisions of the recent election committees.
He did not know whatlremeily the noble lord meant to pro-
pose now ; but his (Sir J. V. Shelley's) constituents were
strongly impressed with the aeceuity of being allowed to
give their votes by ballot. (Hear, hear.) Some of
them, who lived in the fashionable parts of West-
pilaster, or in such streets as ltegent-street, Bond-
street, and Oxford-street, had no wish to be subjected
again to the annoyance and discomfort of being visited by
fine ladies in carriages, and having the screw put upon
them. (Hear, hear.) He would be glad to learn what was
the opinion of the country gentlemen on this subject, but
he perceived that at present that party was represented
solely by the hon. member for Cambridgeshire (Hr. E.
Ball). On the occasion to which he had already alluded,
that of the debate in 1838, the hon. baronet the member
for Hefts (Sir B. Lytton), is replying to the argument that
the ballot would weaken the influence of property, ob-
served that there were two kinds of influence, legitimate
influence, and improper influence ; that when improper in-
fluence was being used to over-rule the conscience of the
voter, the ballot would be • protection, and place the poor
and the rich man on equal terms, but that wherever a
groat proprietor was more beloved than feared, legitimate
influence could not he taken away by the ballot. He hoped
the opinion of the hon. baronet would now have due weight
with the country party, and that they would not pay them-
selves the bad compliment to conclude that if tho ballot
existed the constituencies would not select persons of their
claw!. (Hear, hear.) At all events ho should vote for the
motion with the greatest cordiality.