The Express.
London, England, 1847-02-16 00:00:00

moment the financial state of Belgium. In 1810 Belgian
determined to create railways by a grant from the ,rata ;
and the state granted, in round numbers nix minima'
for the purpose. Of that suns Ina millions seven hundred
thousand pounds were raiseil at once by way of loan, and he
a state, the annual revenue of which was only 3,300,000 t
(Hear, hear.) That sum was rinsed at 5 per cent., costing
the country in all 51. Its, &I. per cent. Two years after, in
1842, Belgium raised ita second loan of one million. And
here he would ask if the first loan had depreciated the nis
tinsel credit in the market ? The second loan was raised at
41. 175. 411. per cent. (Loud cries of " Hear. hear.") Ho new
came 'o France. He remembered being in France, in 1e42--a
critical time, when there was a floating debt of seven.
teen millions in consequence of the fortifications lof
Paris. It was under these circumstances that the ministry
proposed to the chamber that nineteen millions should be
granted the the construction of railways. The Pam was
raieed, eighteen millions by loan. and one million by royal
bends, equivalent to our *Exchequer bills. What was the
effect of this upon the French finances ? In 1841 the pro-
ceeds of !ndirect taxation in France were 23,800,0001. and
in 181(4 they had increased to 32,000,0001. or 33,000,0001.,
(Hear, hear.) That was in consequence of the spur which
the construction of reamed' had giren to the national indus-
try. But then it had been said that the French and
Belgian governments had taken care of the people by regula.
tine the fares and charges, and that no such power existed in
Ireland. Now, he had in his hand the French and Belgian
tariffs, and also the charges in Ireland. Ile found that the
French fares were—first class 1.66, to the Ulster 1.44;
second claw, 1.25 to 1* on the Dublin and Drogheda, and 96
on the Ulster; the third clam, 92 on the French to 94 on
the Ulster, and *56 on the Drogheda. It appeared then,
that at this moment the fares were lower in Ireland than in
France. (Hear, hear, hear.) Ile next Came to that
magnificent peroration of the unanswerable speech,
in which it was asserted that his noble friend's
plan would employ only twenty-five men per mile.
'there was at present a gentleman going about London—he
was a scientific gentleman in the greatest distress, who stated
himself to he the anonymous individual who go ve the informa-
tion on this matter to the right hou. gentleman. (Laughter.)
He was in great distress in consequence of what had been
stated by the Chancellor of the Lschequer' and though he
wished well to the present government, he did not wish to
be brought forward in such a way, an he knew the state-
most to lie the most enormous error that ever was brought
forward. He paid that he did tell the Chancellor of
the Exchequer that twenty-five men would be employed,
but he meant permanently employed. (Laughter.) Why
suppose that only ten men were employed, would not it be
of benefit. Ile added that his noble friend, the member
for Lynn, understood his caw, and that be clearly showed
that 15 men would be employed, and that the Chancellor of
the Exchequer came down to save the go. erament, and to
ruin Ireland, by telling theta that only 2.5 men would have
temporary employment. He would now come to the third
Chancellor of the Exchequer (Mr. Goulboure), who would,
under no circumstances whatever, interfere with private
enterprise. His two first points lie would not touch, as they
were unimportant, and would waste the time of the
house ; but his third point was, that iu Ireland they should
net interfere with private enterprise. lie thought it im-
portant to come to some clear understanding on this fires:
and social position that the hon gentleman had taken. One
eiscumetance was quite clear, that every night they haul!
statesmen, either the present or the late advisers of the
crown, denouncing interference with private enterprise, and
every night supporting measures that did interfere with
it. (Hear.) If they could, early or late, understand that
question, it would throw a great light on the main subject,
and would lead to a emper dogma. lie admitted the abstrue
principle, which was not much, and ke could easily under-
stand why interference with private enterprise was to bo
deprecated. When they said that they meant that they
believed that in a country like England commercial prin-
ciples ought to control all circumstances of an enterprising
nature. There could be no better principle in England then
that commercial principles should control commercial enter-
prise. When they were going to construct railroads
in this country they calculeted the cost and the
profit. The enterprising capitalist knew the parlia-
mentary expenses, the cost of land, timber, and iron.
He calculated the rates of labour, and then he undertook his
work. All he had to do was to calculate the cost and the
profit. Commercial principles dealt merely with commercial
enterprise. He could not understand why they should inter-
fere with those only which they arc meant to control. If a
man worked a railroad in Ireland, he had not only to cal-
culate the cost of land, but to buy that which was a compli-
rated tenure, and which often produced public rancour,
hatred, and enmity. He has to engage labourers who
lived casually, and he knew that if by any unfor-
tunate occurrence that casual supply were lost, the
labourers of the country would be • turbulent popula-
tion. He knew that he was in a country where religious
animosity was carried to such a height that feelings of the
greatest hatred were engendered. He knew that when he
commenced threatening notices would be served on his
steward, and that he would run the risk of being shot from
behind a hedge. Commercial principles did not extend to
Ireland, because the circumstances to be controlled were not
commercial. From whatever cause this state of things
arose, whether from Proteetant or Popish ascendancy, one
thing was quite certain which gentleman on both
aides were only too eager to tell them that Ireland was mis-
governed. But what had misgoverned Ireland ? The state;
and, therefore, the state was responsible for these circum-
stance,. ; and it had the power, and ought to interpose that
political principle which ought in this cave to interfere with
Ind join the commercial principle. He would defy them
to Interfere with commercial enterprise in Ireland,
because there was none. They hal brought it to
that state. To prove this argument, the Chancel-
lor of the Exchequer would he his beet witness.
The Chancellor of the Exchequer said that all the capitalists
In Ireland were English. That fact proved that their un-
dertakings were, in a commercial sense, profitable—l hear).—
but the reason why they did not proceed with them wu,
that they were controlled by political circumstances. (Hear)
If they rested on private enterprise in Ireland, that country
would remain as she now was, three centuries behind her
time. The measure of his noble friend would supply to
Ireland that which they believed private enterprise could
not supply. It had been said that it was a partial
measure, but the course of the debate showed that it was
advantageous to Ireland to have railways. It was clear that
in Ireland there were pit nty of coal mines, and if there were
railroads established through counties where coal mines
'lifted, five years could not elapse without their being
worked. Was not fuel as good as food to the people of Ire-
and? They could easily shove that the opera' ion of rail
ways would create a new trade, would open new markets,
would establish now residences for men of ell kinds, would
give ar. inteulse to fleheries which no one could coneeinn
and wouid give a new character and a new face to Ireland.
He recollected that a member of that house (alluding to Sir
J. Yorke), some time before he hail the honour of sitting in
it, expressed a Mich that Ireland eves for three days under
water for its own benefit; but, without the ptenful results of
that diluvian process, they wished to give a new ebaraetee
and a new tone to the people of Ireland in the
w in which they lived. He felt persuaded that
Ultimately the measure would he eureereful. (Hear.)
He could honour three hon. members who =this question
sacrificed conviction to party, but then they must be English
members. (Hear, hear.) It was not a case in which an Ireh
member should refuse his sanction tea measure, as compared
with which no political agitator land he did not use the word
in an offensive sense, for he admitted the value of political
agitation, when properly directed), no politician bad
ever ventured to propose any one half so comprehensive, or
one quarter so practical. And whatever might be
its fate, those who proposed it would be, at all
events, exempt from the bitterness of personal
mortification, for it was a measure which, though
they might fail in carrying, no one could say was matured
in a spirit of faction, or by the calculating craft of scheming
ambition--a measure which, if suceeerful, would have effected
a greet object and served a great muse—a measure which did
not aim to injure a government, but did aspire to benefit'
great nation. (Hear, hear.)
On the motion of Mr. B. 0+1111n,,, she debate woe
then adjourned, and the house rose at half-pest twelve
o'clock.

lIONDURAS.—We have received the Gazette and
Observer of Sth December, which announces the result d
the new trial in the case of Lieut. Connell and Mr. Symons,
a piece of intelligence unaccountably passed over in the news
of later date which we received some time ago aiu NewYerk.
It is with sincere pleasure that we announce the exoneration
of these gentlemen from the charge brought against them.
The court consisted of his Honour Chief Justice Temple,
and the Honourables James Al'Donald and John
Young, judges. A bill was found by the grand jun
against Adolphus Frederick Connell for manslaeghter, aided
and anetted by Henry Symons. A petty jury being swore
the prisoners wore placed at the bar: the lion. W. F. Lewis,
Queen's Counsel, appeared for the prosecution ; John B.
Henderson, Hsu., for the defence. The evid,•nee is not
reported in the Obeervertrid Gazette. At an early hour in
the evening the ease mini esbmitted to the jury, who after
an absence of about Yana-hour rendered a verdict of Not
Guilty. Mesas. Ceasielitud Symons were immediately set
at liberty, and 1146800 M house amid the congratulations
of their friends. •

GERMANY. —ITEIEENA. The Aulic Chancery at
Vienna has mabiklesda decree which subjects the hooneeops-
thic doctors to • mere severe control. Formerly they were
allowed to prepare their own medicines ; they are in halite
obliged to procure their ingredients and medicaments frost
the apothecaries.
BRESLAr.—CHARITY AND INTOLERANCE.—H was
but lately that the prince archbishop of Breslau deelaml
from the pulpit that sincere and conscientious Profanes*
could be saved es well as Catholic., The mine opinion,
which is shared by many Catholic dirinei, was preached hoot
the pulpit by one of the canons of Bamberg (Bavaria), IL
Brener, and. he has been dhmissed by the archbishop in
oonsxcsenee.
HANOVER.— GOTTINGEN. HEMS° POETIT
FORIIIDDZN.—A. German poet, named Holtei, intended
lately to give rime dramatic readings here ; hut was pre-
vented by the police on the ground that such amuse-
ments were improper at a time of general distress..." To
help the poverty of others by starring one mare poor poet.
is So original idea.—Brroser
POLAN D.—Private letters from Warsaw state
that all the Polish coin in circulation is to be drawn in, sad
Russian money issued instead, and that the government t
Poland had intended Mining an ordonnance that no other min
except that of Russia or Pnamia,would be received utthe pub-
lic offices; but that, on a representation of the commeraid
houses, the project has been deferred until all the Polish Will
is drawn in. The sense letters state that any person in Russia
or Poland having in his possession the works of Miekesries.
is liable to be exiled to Siberia, with confiscation of all hie
property.