The Express.
London, England, 1849-06-27 00:00:00

THE EXPRESS, WEDNESDAY EVENING, JUNE 27, 1849.

sad two or three old colonies in North America, has been
*noised within the last ainety years—moot of it within the
lye e ty years. For instance, the Canada', is 1769 ; Trinidad
us out! West Indian islands, Ceylon, and New Atte
Wales, is the integral between 1763 and 1797' the rest of
Austeeli. New Zeeland. the whole of South Africa, British
Gsjoss, the Mauritius, Melia, the lonian Island., Helier.-
lame Hoag Kong, and Lotman were not (as the noble I ,rd
see pries minister ones called them) precious in•
heritenees from our noble ancestors, but bay* been
added to the British dominins since the beginning of olio
Penury. These colonies had been acqaired toe various tea-
mos, 2001 P we conquered because we grudged the pounsion
a thug to rival powers, and fancied that the might of a
moos was in proportion to the extent of its ti Intones;
dans we held as outposts, on the plea of protecting cur own
erode, gad injuring the trade of other countries : end others
we occupied as plans of punishment for our ciiiniula,
Thus our nil inial empire consisted chiefly of conquered pro-
emcee, garrison towns, and gaols. Their government was
entrust. dto a central authority in Eogiand. The invariable
trident, of such an authority was to grasp as much power
as usable and to resist every measure which a.emed
'duly, directly er indirectly, to diminish that power.
In toefothaity with these tendenci•• the colonial policy
of Great Britain was formed ; and the C.
laid claim to omnipotence and infallibility in all matters
concerning the colonies ; that claim was long recognised in
this country, and scarcely disputed in the colonies, but of '
hp years it bad been contested, not so much within as with-
get Me wells of this house ; and every eeloay had repeatedly
sad enereetically peotestea easiest it. And now the amen
Oen was daily pining ground throughout the empire that
Mr colonial system was net well suited tither to the state of
Great Britain et of the colonies. That conviction had @s-
quired rtersch in this country in proportion as pulite
attention bad been more and more directed to colonial rows
Soto ; slid of late years greater attention had been paid
to those questions for various resonos. Fine, because
within the list quarter of a century Great Britain had
begaa aisin to cekoise, and ow a mace greater seal.
than ever before. For daring that period at least
2,000,000 of peruse had migrated fros this country ; half
of teem had gone directly to our independent colonies of the
United States; the ether half to our dependent colonies,
whom* a largo portion of them had re ed to the
United States. This gnat remigeation, thougb chiefly di-
rected to our hid• penitent colonies, had made the subjects
of coleadutien and eoloaial government matters of deep and
increasing interest to a large portion of the committes:,
espetially to the humbler and middle classes, for there is
scarcely one amongst them who had not some StllUt
friend, or elation i t one of the culmin, or about to emi-
grate ; also mosey of the aristocracy end gentry who have
kinsmen residing in the coluni is, as governors or in other
altuatiuns of Snot and profit. Is ''sequence of this
great emiserwim the relations between Gnat Britain and
her depeadeneies had thin profoundly changed, and
there ought to have been a corresponding change in her
colonial polry, which wee framed without reference to goy
Emigration amept that ce convicts. Beeoad, public attention
has been v. ry mach directed of late years to colonial elms-
does by initinas of distinguished men, who have carefully
iatestigated the mammy of new s• clods s, examined into the
principles of colonial government, and attentively studied
the suiyect of colas is mon and congestion, with the view of
relieving the economical difficulties of the United hieg-
Jones, and id planting tafeuninhabited pertiens of the globe
with communities worthy of the English name. Of these
writers Mr. Wakefield was the most eminent: Cy his wri-
tings be produced a prrfound isms Rios on the minds of
mow of the ablest men of our day, as, for instance,
John Mill, Grate, : and there were few per-
sons in this country who had paid much atten-
tion to colonial questions who would not readily
acknonitdoe, even when they did not adopt all Mr. Wake-
field.* c inclusions, that they were deeply iedebted to that
path man for a considerable portion of their most valuable
knowledge of 'Kitten relating to the colonies. Thirdly,
public opinion had been mash directed of late years to colt:-
nisi queatioi.s in consequence of the discussions which had
taken place with regard to free trade and the navigation
laws. For must of the statesmen of this country had main-
tained that there was an intimate connexion between the
colonial and commercial policies of Great Britain. They
had generally di fended the acquisition of new colonies en
the pin that such foreign poseenims aff >Men markets for
the exclusive benefit of our manufactures and produced a
trade for the exclusive bens fit of our merchants and skip-
ow DM; and they persuaded the nation that in return teethe' se
privileges it wag worth our while to pay vast sums of money
for poinciana and governing the nelsons'. These privileges
being abolished the question seemed very naturally to arise,
why were we to continue to pay for them. The colonies
were free to trade with whom they will, and in what manna ,
they will. Therefore, they would only trade with us and
employ our shipping when it was mat profitable for them
to do so. Therefore, as far as trade was conc'rned, they
were become vista shy lade. endent states; and this revolts
lion in our commercial policy had directed public attention
ti the question, whether there ought not to be a correspond.
ing change in our colonial policy. Fourth, the linen.
tion of perli intent and of the country had of late
Inbeen constantly occupied with colonial questions,
cots.queece el a series of remarkable events in
the (*Maim, which kad aanuagy occasioned heavy
demand. to be made (a the pubic purse. In the
the course of the Lis: tiocen seen the colonies had directly
goat Great Britain at least 60,000,0(01. in the shape of mili-
tary, navel, civil. end extraordinary expenditere, exclusive
of the 20000,0001. which were paid for the abolition of
slavery; there'oss the to'al direct cost of the culubles had
been at least 80,000,0001. in the last fifteen years, Maw, if
ken. numb. is would merely take the trouble of recalling to
their minds the chief events which wore taking place in the
colonies while this money was spending, they must at nonspending,
admit that the resell of she expenditure had been far from
satisfactory tither to the United Kingdoms or to the mionii 5;
and he thought that they would likewise admit that there
must be something essentially faulty in a policy which, at
such en enormous cot, produced the results Swivel" lie would
briefly enumerate to the house. Ist. In our North American
depen4encin, within the last 14 ycan,there hail been a cu.
flict of races, ending in civil war ,• two rebellious, one is
Upper Canada, one in Lower Canada suppressed at *great
cost to this country; various constitutions destroyed or sus-
pended ; two hostile provinces united by means of intrigue
and corruption, and it was said—he hoped most untruly—
the war of races wu about to be renewed ; if this
should happen and load to cinl strife and rebellion.
•nd it Great Britain should unhappily attempt to mappens
it by force of arms, that attempt if sucee•srol would cost
many 'Milieu more than the former rebellion; for the re-
bels would be, not the poor ignorant habitants of Canada,
but the dery and tie Anglo-Saxon population. 'lad.
In the West Indics within the last fifteen tiears, a proposal
to lead Mises millions had been rasyscted btu a gift of
twenty million, arid followed by the universal robe cri the
phenol ; in one colony, Jamaica, the onsetitutiers
to be suspended ; is another colony British Oarir,te
supplies a upped; and now again in British Guiana and also
in Jamaica the supplies "tepee ; in Beata Lucia hour-
rectionary rigs; M all our other sues' plantations discon-
tent vets* on despair. 3rd. In 8 nth Afriee,withia the last
Abeam rune perpetual border feuds with rapagions sad war-
like snags, who r. the Colonial oaks owe time mistook for
peore:tel and harmless shepherds; with these loyesee two
does wars with lavish expenditure, eneemoss peculation,
sod so amonstability ; three rebellious et the lopes
ever striving in vain to escape hoes our bated
trios", sad pilfering to dwell ammo* wild beasts
red wddee men to the detested doodah= of the Colonial-
aloe ; and, Amity, the acquisition of a huge, we rthMrs, and
costly empire, containing nearly 300,000 "quart miles—
chiefly ragged mountains, and desert sod banes plains,
without water, without limber, wittiest navigable riven,
without harbours, and in sheet without everything except
the elements of great and ineneseing exposes to this country.
4. Is Ceylos, thou of patronage, eilletal ineptitude, and
excessive expenditure, teammate so eke port oldie Colonial-
office, 'emending flaaasial assionweessest, sod toadies to
injudicious taxes; slots and mardel law, military exemitioae,
and punishments disonesfal to the British name. 6. In
Australasia, communities, the earring of convict emigra-
tion, more hideously Adam thou any recorded its mend or
profane history: that fleaviet emigration one day abolished
to the joy of the colonists of Teesside, the nest day renewed
so their horror and unsuineee 6. Is New Zealand, is-
Docile governors, direr limb's hoidenish's, and unnecessary
wars with the natives; unfortunately successful efforts to
mar the fairest scheme of colonisatiorn, sad to die
arrest the hopes of the choicest emigrants; and, finally,
a constitution proclaimed one day sad suspended the sent.
T. On the north-west coast of America, Vancouver's
Island—hat he would net weary the house with more
on this subject. He would only beg the house to observe
that all these events, and many more of a similar character,
had occurred in the nurse of the last fifteen years.
Therefore, judging of the tree by its fruits, it was not
Minh to infer that there were gnu errors and defects in
the orkohd, policy of the British empire. To this conclusion
Mega miesial fellow subjects had long ago arrived, and a
Imes ream of the thinking and practical men of lthis
were in the act of arriving. Our colonial policy had
elealiMnders metal thia home ; no defenders in it except
wow oars ; for whenever the hes. gentleman the Under-
Beelgeregy of State kw the Colonies rou, and with 'matchless
mango sad undaunted determination maintained that
nothing could be more perfect than our skald
policy, that nothing Gould be more judicious Mao idle ses-
ame if the colonial secretary, sad that sodas; meld be
more praiseworthy' than all the apialaaleatilliada by his
noble friend, a solemn silence relpaill NNW Ida scarcely
if ever interrupted by a hint show. far the Imam, reflecting
on the history of the colonies limo Ms year 1846, could not
fail to remember that nosy of the mod =sat nosh to
Which he had just referred min
sent, had occurred shim the =ressestirryv=
the colonies took ogles: for initiate. the alleged renewal of
the war of races in Comas, the rig the supplies 112
British Onion and Jamaica, the misomosillwient of the Kaf-
fir wsr, with peculation, extzsvganwll equadithre, and no
eueastability; the rebelled' m oiss Bees, with the loathe
extensile& of our empire in Bomb Addis, the hasty transpor-
tation of lonvicts to the Caro of Seed Hope, the
=ct of the flamed& moildso ed Ceylon, with° strange
n e-
and dierrainful emsomwsees, the absodoessont
sod the renewal of transportation to Vas Memo's
the Ishudere shout the soostituttua 'of Mow leokokel
the transfer of Vancouver's IsYd he the Rohm% Bay
Company. (Cheers.) T'ho boom Of all this, mots be-
longed to the adesinistratkee Of &element ssigalary of state
he the solosim He amid row Salo what is lie
*pinion, should be the dal 1114111 e of
bear.). 'They might be enweged eider thebree. halt
ebldnlal iniventaiest, colonial eVprediture, and emigration
or eolenration. Ist An inquiry should be made into our
System of colonial government, with the view of removing
the main causes of coolosial complalat. Now, the on* frost
came of colonial complaint, wee irresponsible government
ham a Mstanee. (Hear, hear.) The faults inherent in our
geomumeret of the colonies had bees forcibly described in
wads which he would reed to the house, and t 9 which he

was sere the house would listen wkb attention, in memory
of one who bad lately quitted us fee ever. "That system
hu all the faults of an mends/1y arbitrary government, in
the hands of persons who have little personal interest is the
welfare of those whom they rule—who
expertise, of their condition—who are obliged to trust to
second hand and one-sided information—and who are ex-
posed to the operation of all those sinister influences which
prevail where publicity and freedom are not established.
The power of these p non is exercised in the faulty manner
in which arbitrary, secret, and irresponsible power must be
exercised ivy distant communities. It is exercised
with great ignorance of the teal condition and feelings ef the
people subjected to it ; it is exercised with that presumption,
and at the same time in that spirit of mere routine, which
are the Inherent vices of bure rrrrrrrr rule ; it is exercised in
a mischievous subordination to intrigues and cliques at home,
and intrigues and cliques in the ootonies. And its resells
are, • system of cosecant procrastination and vecilletion,
which reessions heartbreakir g injustice to the ineividush,
and castiuued disorder in the communities subjected to it.
These are the results of the prment system of colonial go-
"velment ; and must be the results of every system whisk'
subjects the internal affairs of a people to the will of &distant
authority not respoosible to anybody." (Hear, hear.)
These were the corns of his (Sir W. Molesworth's) lite
friend Mr. Charles Buller. Now, the colonial system wee es-
sentially the same. In reply to this assertion the Underline-
eretary of State for the colonies would in all probeleillty
boast sgsia, as be had boasted before, that of oar 43 colonies,
27 have had representative institutions conceded to them
But the hon. gentleman must acknowledge that of these 27
colonies, 8 lead only had therandie of representative insti-
tutions, and that the remaining 19 had representriive insti-
tatioas hag ago, when the noble lorJ, the Secretarl of State
for the Colonies, was en enerestie sender of colonial-office
government. (Hear, hear.) In consequence of those suau!ta
upon our colonial mum, it was expected that so aeon aa the
noble lord came into office he would have hastened to bestow
representative institutions o', many colonies which were
well deserving of them. Bet what had he accomplished in
this respect during his lest three years of office ?
He bad imagined a condescript cot stitution fir New
Zealand, end insmrniately suspended it ; he then sent
it to New South Wales for inseertien, and New South
Wales rejected it. Hay */ failed to reform the c meths-
Lion of New Sour h Wales, he now, at a late period of the
session, introduced a bill to bestow the constitution of New
South Wales upon the other Australian colonies, and it now
appeared that that bill was a blunder, for it was withdrawn
last night.
Mr. HAWES—Yes ; and I brought in the same bill
again.
Sir W. MOLESWORTH continued—Finally, he had
anossalsolesed the renowned Sir Harry Smith, the great
lobed Lauda of the CaSres, to devise a constitution for the
Coped Geed Hope. He (Sir W. Moleswenth) would not
walrus to anticipate the results of these measures. He
lisped and trusted they would be productive of benefit to
this colonies coarsened; but in order that they might be as
bent finial as possible, he maintained that they must be ac-
companied by a thorough revision and reform of our colonial
polies ; for, ender the existing system, in meet of our colm
nice the might, indeed, say in all of them wilt the excep-
tion of Canada), rept% sentative insientioes were rather
shams than realowe, for they seldom led to the legitimate
consequences of representative government—namely, respor-
sible government according to the will of the majority of the
representatives of the people. (Hear, bear.) It would
be easy to take colony after colony, and show in each a series
of lamentable blunders which had been committed by the
Colonial office—tor instance, how the war of races had been
stimulated in Canada ; how the ruin of the planters had been
mad• inevitable in the West Indies ; how a valuable ironies
of our fellovesubjeets in /teeth Africa bad been driven into
into the desert and became rebels: how the immorality of
Van Diemen's Lend had been tearfully augmented; how
the colooisation of New Z eland had been spoiled; how
Vancouver's Island had been thrown away—all through the
ignorance, negligence, and vacillation of the Colonial office.
Ignerance, negligent*, and vacillation were three inseparable
smithies of our oysters of colonial government. Ignorance
was the necessary consequence of the distance which inter-
vened between the rulers and the ruled. Negligence was
the invariable result of the want of efficient reoponttbiley,
and the re ponsibility of the Coloniabetfise to parliament was
merely nominal, in consequence of the ignorance of parlia-
ment with regard to colonial affairs. (Hirer, hear.) Lastly,
es • recent instance of ignorance on the part of the
Colonial.effice,he would remind the bouse of the case of Ceylon.
In 1817 the present Secretary of Sate for the Colonies ap-
p.einted a committee, consisting of the Under-Secretary of
State for the Colonies and other gentlemen of eletingubdted
abilities, is investigate the financial c tndition of Ceylon,
with the view of proposing measures to promote the econo-
mical prosperity of that colony. After much labour these
gentlemen drew up a report which received the sanction of
the Secretary of State for the Color. i. 5. Now, it had been
peeved in this house, end no one would venture to contradict
bb statement, that the chef data upon which that report
was founded were incorrect ; that the most important con.
elusions to which the committee arrived were erroneous ;
that they mistook li abilities for amen—(. Hear, hear," from
Mr. Hawes) —a bankrupt exchequer for a full treasury, and
a deficit for a surplus of income over expenditure ; that in
eensequence of these mistakes they recommended a reduction
of tasation when they should have recommended • reduction
of expenditure—(" hear, hear," from Mr. Hawes)—that the
Secretary of State for the Galenite s, not being better informed
than his committee, adopted their recommendations, and in-
structed the Governor of Ceylon to give effect to those re
commendations. These instructions were obeyed by the
unlucky grternor (Lord Torrington), a nobleman who had
been apptintad on account of his skill in agricul-
ture and in railroad fioanee—ainghter)—but who
was certainly not better acquainted with the akin
of Ceylon than either the Secretary or Under-
-14-cretery of State for the Colonies. The consequence had
been financial embarrassment, which led to the imeoeition
of tams so injudicious that within • year it was necessary to
re! 0.1 them. lie knew that a different opinion on the subject
prevailed both in this country and in the celonies ; that in cos-
sequeaes of former speeches made by the present colonial
minister very exuger tied expectations bad been formed of
what he would do when in office ; that those ey:greeted
expectaticess had been disappointed; that that disappoint-
ment bad been embittered by the injudicious praises of
friends mid subordinates ; and that hence his name was meet
unpopular. But in his (Sir W. Molesworth's) epinion, it
would be • great mistake to suppose that either his recur 1
from office, or any mere change In the stet of the Colonial-
office, would be of any real benefit to the colonies. The
fault was in the system. (Hear, hear.) The wonder to him
was, not that the system worked ill—not that it produeed
discontent—but that it worked no worse thin it did. Con-
sider, said he. for one moment the nature of its working
machint ry. To g item our 43 colonies, scattered over the
face of the globe, inhabited by men diffi ring in race,
lan-
gWs and religion, with various institution, strange laws,
' and unknown customs, the stiff of the Colosial-office con-
sisted only of rive superior and twenty-three inferior rune-
' *inert's. The superior functionaries were the Seeretary of
State, the two ender-seenstasies, the assistant under-secretary,
sad the ale( sleek. The Secretary of State and one under-
secretary left office with the government, and rarely retain
albs for more than two years at a time ; they wen
the ostensible heeds of oar colonial system, and were reopen-
Shia to parliament far the government of the colonies. The
One other superior functionaries Woe permanent were the
reel heads of our colonial oysters ; they were screened from
emposeibility by their polities' esperion ; they were en-
knows N parliament, scarcely known to the public by name,
bathed home edebested of late years under the witty
deigealisa ef Mr, Mother senate', /Tidied to them by Mr.
Charles laller. Subordinate to tame gentlemen there IMO
'wintertime sleeks, making in all twenty-eight peelers for
the government of 43 colonies. Therefore, with an equal
divides of labour there would net be one (Meal for the
government of each colony. But no such division of labour
was practicable. The Secretary of State for the Colonies was
reepoasible to parliament for the government of every
colony. It was bin duty, therefore, to be acquainted with
the affairs of each of the 43selemies, to read and study every
despatch, and to be prepared to answer either in bit own per-
son or by his undenseendary, eve ry question which
might be put to him in either house of parliament
with regard to the colonies. If he could divide
Ms time equally amongst the colon', s, as there were
43 colonies, be could give about a week a year to the affairs
of each separate colony, bet to no single colony could he at
any one time spare a week of continuous attention, for every
colony moron less required his attention simultaneously. He
repeated, therefore, that the wonder was not that our ins-
tant of colonial government worked ill, but that the wonder
was that it worked no worse than it did. He maintained,
thenfore. that that system required revision, to ascertain in
lariat maser it ought to be revised, how the machinery of
the Odenial-clise could be improved —(bear, hear)—and
whether 1010 bog government end more self-government
watt to be given to scene or all of the colonies, should, is
Ms opinion, be the first great objects of the inquiry.
1110101 he propels& to the consideration of the house.
The second heed el Inquiry which he proposed for the com-
mingles was seismial expenditure. He had calculated on a
femur emewiaa thet w the avenue of the lest fifteen years
the direst oust albs esionise to Great Britairnunder the four
heeds of *NIL naval, miLtary, and extraordinary expandi-
ble*, had ameeneall to at lust 4.000,0001. a year, etc:naive
ef
the ewes mil for smandpaiing our slaves. The civil es-
had bum between 200.0001. and 300,0001. a year.
Cliant expeaditan he believed be had under-estimated at
1,000,0001. a year. The mileare expenditure most have ear.
taisly exceeded 2,500,0001. a year, and at least 200 0001. a
yaw-had been required en the average of the last fifteen
years to cover the extraordinary expenses of Canadian
lions, Kaffir wan, &e. He was satisfied that wi h a reform
of our colonial system, and with a searching Inquiry into the
cost of our colonies, a large reduction could be made in colo-
nial expenditure, especially in military expenditure. Last
year the military force in the colonies consisted el 47
regiments of the line, 9 colonial corps, 1 regiment of
cavalry, 38 completes of artillery about 800 sappersand misers, and about 100 , 1/11T officers ;in an
4.5,000 men of sll ranks. The cost of these troops
for pay and etwielmariat expenses alone, bad been re-
turned to parliament for the five years ending list of Mareh,
1847, at 9,742, 0001., or at the rate of 1,948,0001. a year for
pay and commissariat alone—(hear, heel—besides oedemas*
expense,. These trope wore scattered about in various
stations over 37 colonies. In the ordnance; stimatee of this
year »femme was made to 64 military ations, in which
there were either barrack or ordnance eiablishments, gene-
rally both, with barrack mastere, bona& emseents, /10111
keepers, deputy store keepers clerks of the works, ele.,
This year the sum of 197,0001. were required for the salaries
of the taws and the wages el the workmen %Lillie' to
these establishments. The storehouses of these redoes
mataimad stores of the estimated value of 2,500,0001.—(hear,
bear)—a wafileint mount of stores, if they did not perish
of thasseltee, SOT about 20 years' consumption during peace.
(Hear, tear.) la most of thaw stations considerable seas
had 1) ea annually expended N fortifications and other coa.-
haste works, The sum required for these Puriateel in the

whilst* for this year was 216,0001., and the total sum ex
pended upon them in the course of :he 19 years from 1829
to 1847, had emanated to 3,500,0001. (Hear, hear.)
For instance, outing that period we had expended in
North America Pa Cr 'Bence works, at Kingston
312 ; et Queber,., 330,0001. ; at Montreal, 135.0001 ;
at Toronto, 65,00014 at the Rideau Canal, 67,0001;
at Halifax 215,0001. ; in Merirfoundland, New Brunswick, dtc
about 100,00131., making in all about 1,300,000/., spent in
ordnance works in North America within the last nineteen
pan. (Hear, hear.) Many of these works were neon
plated ; and, to complete them, large tams of money would
still be required; for instance, at Kingston, 140,0091. Ouch'
of this expenditure, he believed, had been unnecessary—
some of it absurdly so. For instance, troops and
military works were not required in Australia: it was true
that a hostile power might destroy Sydney, burn Mel-
bourne, and commit other ants of vandalism, but it crowd
keep permanent possession of New South Wales OA
Victoria against its English inhabitants. On the contrary,
in oar conquered colonies we mould not trust the population ;
end in those colonies troops and military works were re-
quired more against our own hostile subjects, than against
t 'reign enemies. This was said on high authority to be the
case of the Mauritius. It was said that in event of a war, if
Port limb were not fortified, it would be difficult for us to
retain pomesdon of it; and if we were to loath, it would be
difficult for us to regain poem/Mon of it; in both cases, for
the same reason, because the population were hostile to us
Now it was said that the Mauritius was an important military
Motion, that in the lest war, before we took pagandom' of it,
pr us of the value of 7,000,0001. had been carried into it.
Hence the supposed necessity of extensive ordnance works
in that island, both cn the sea side against foreign enemies,
and on the land aids against domestic foes. On thine works
above 200,0001. had been expended since 1829 To complete
the dilemma on the side of the see, at least 200,0001. more
would be required, exclusive of the cost of the lend defences.
However, it was pr lowed to expend only 5,0001. a year on
these works; therefore at least forty years would elapie
before they could be completed ! May we be at peace (said
Sir William), and
are finished! (Hear, hear.) In the lonian Islands nearly
half a million had been expended on ordnance works since
the peace. The ease of the tertian Islands was • capital in-
stance of the manner in which public money had been thrown
away upon worthier colonies on the absurdest pleas. Our ex-
port Made to the lonian lalenos bad not, on the average of
the last ten yesrs, exceeded 121,0001. a year ; an the lonian
states had been wholly unable to fulfil their pecuniary en-
gagements to this country. They had cost us 130,0001. a
year en the ge, or about 4,600,0001. since the peace.
We had built fortifications at Corfu—cad here ANA a curious
instance bow ordnance bills wi re run up—the original esti-
mate of which, as sanctioned by the Duke of Wil:ingtun in
1824. was 182,0001. ; this estimate was increased in 1831 to
227,0001, in 1834 to 240,0001., in 1839 to 340,0001. ; that
sum having been expended, we voted last year 12,8731, and
we were to vote this year 9,206/. for these same works, and
then to complete these at least 60,0001 more would be re-
quired ; and when them works, originaPy estimated to cost
182,0001., shall be completed at a coat of above 400,0001,
they will be found so exteneive, that in f • serious
war, it would hardly be expedient to spare forces sufficient
to man them, and the wisest plan grimed be to withdraw our
troops, to blow up the fortifications, to abandon the
Wands, and concentrate our forms at Malta and Gib-
raltar. (Hear, hear.) The Kaffir war which had just
terminated was a sample of what we might expect
frequently to barpen in our South African dominions.
By the time all the bills were paid, that war would
probably have cost us • couple of millions sterling.
(Hear.) And if it were our sovereign wi 1 and
pleasure that Sir H. Smith should proclaim
himself paramount chief of Kafraria, with strange
rites and wonderful discourses—(laughter)—if be was to
add desert after desert to our barren empire in South Africa,
till it became as large as the whole Austrian dominions, if he
were to cross the deserts which were the natural boundaries
of the Cape, end to acquire • new frontier as far as from here
to Naples, exposed for many hundred miles to the ravages of
fierce, warlike, and rapacious barbarians, if we were to hunt
across the plaios of Central Aria the boon, ever flyirg from
oar hated dominion, why the British people must make up
their minds to pay dearly fir their whistle—(hear, hear)—
and a more worthless one had never been acquired by
forts of British arms. (lies:, hear.) Now, did any one
fancy that in them days we could imp-iss upon mankind by
such a sham—that we could, fur Instance, persuade the
statesmen of Europe that by acquiring en empire in South
'Africa as large as the Austrian dominions, we had added the
might of old Austria to that of Great Britain ? On the con
tray, those statesmen wculd he much more likely
to fancy that there were young Hungaries springing up
both in Canada and in the land of the linen. (Hear,
hem.) Therefore, this "prestige of might argument,"
should rather be termed the " sham lion " fallacy ; and a
dangerous fallacy it had been, for it had, many a time and
oft, led us to commit the grave and costly mistake of trusting
more to military force than ti good government for the
maintenance of our colonial empire. (Hear, hear.) Now,
it ace to him, that if the commission which he pro-
be appointed, it should inquire to what extent it was
necessary or politic for us to keep troop., or build fortifica-
tions in our colonies; whether we ought to do so in any colo-
she% except in our strictly military stations; what
colonies ought to be considered to be military
stations ; and what is tke best mode of checking and control-
ing our huge ordnance expenditure in the colonies, which is
at the present moment without check or control. (Hear,
hear.) This inquiry appeared to him to be a very important
one, for be felt persuaded, that without a very coneiderabl,
reduction in the military and naval force maintained on ie.
count of the culanies, so considerable reduction could be
made in the that of the colonii s, or in fact in the general
expenditure of the British empire. (Hear, hear.)
He aloe thought that if a commission were appointed in ad-
dition to inquiring into the cost of the colonies to Great
Britain, it might, with some advantage, inquire into the
cost of colonial government to the colonies themselves.
Them were eighteen &Web colonies which paid for treir
own governors. Their salaries amounted in all to 72,0001.
a year ; therefore the average was 4.000/. • year, or nearly
nine limes the average gaiety of a governor in the United
States. In fact, the total amount of the salutes of the thirty
governors of the thirty states of the Union was less by 2,5001.
• year than the total amount et the salaries of the four go.
vernon of the British North American provinces of Canada,
New Brunswick, Nova Scotia, and Newfoundland. There-
fore there was a general opinion in the colonies that the sala-
ries fixed by the civil lists were excessive, and those civil lists
had been subjects of perpetual dispute between the colonies
and the Colonial-office. Now it appeared to him that it
would be a question for the consideration of the commission
whether ea or some of the colonies which paid
car their governors should not be permitted to
eh et their governors, and to determine the amount of their
salaries: Of, on the other hLod, if it be deemed expedient
Mat all the governors should be appointed by the imperial
government, whether they ought not to be paid out of im-
perial funds. In the colonies which had free institutions it
was evident that the representative assemblies were the best
guardians of the pubic purse; but in those crown colonies
which were unfit for representative institutions it was a
matter well worthy of inquiry by the commission, what
Minks existed or ought to exist against extravagant or un-
norreary expenditure. Lastly, he proposed that if a com-
mission were appointed, it should inquire into the subject of
emigration and colonisation. It would be easy to show that
the colonial policy of this country had not directly tended
to encourage any emigration except that of convicta, and
that by encouraging convict emigration it had indirectly
tended to discourage the best kinds of emigration. For no
good and respectable man, especially if he were the father of
• family or intended to be one, would ever think of going to
• owlet rimy, tinier he were is complete ignorance of the
motel egmesquentes of convict colonisation. Therefore, it
meg of the utmost importance to the colonits that the ques.
Men ebould be settled, whether convict emigration was or wog
set to continue to be a portion of the colonial policy of the
Britisherapina Under the old system of distribution the moral
filth of Great Britain was accumulated in vast and ferment-
log mow in the penal colonies, whence 'morel typhus,
Bpestilence, and all manner of hideous disease, and
ritish peet-houses of Australia, stunk in the nostrils of
mankind. (Hear, hear.) Under the present system of die.
WIWI= that filth WY to be spread oat evenly over the sur-
face of the colonies, end the colonists were to be told that it
would be a fertilising manure, which would increase their
martial wealth and prosperity. To the old system of con-
vict distribution it was impossible to return. -The new sys-
tem, he believed, contained within itself the germs of sure
and speedy decay. He maintained that we had no morel right
to relieve Gumless of our criminals at the expense of the
colonies ; and that the desire to mike a saps-goat of our
coloafes, by whomsoever entertained, whether by members
of this house, or by magistrates of quarter sessions, or by
judges on the bench, was a mean and selfish feeling, of which,
as citizens of this great empire, we ought to be heartily
ashamed. (Hear.) With reference to free emigrrion,
he did not recommend that the commission, if appointed,
should inquire into the expediency or practicability of the
great scheme of emigration or colonisation which had been
lately proposed, with a view of relieving the economical diffi-
culties of the United Kingdoms. He recommended that the
inquiry should be goateed to ascertaining the nature of the
obstacles which stood in the way of individeal enterprise in
colonising, ad which impeded emigration to the colonies.
(Hear, hear. The exirenee of such °Wades would be
acknow by every one who was conversant with the
history oft e attempts which had been made of late years to
found celestes in Australia and New 3ealand. Havingbeen
concerned in one of those attempts, experience had satisfied
him that under oar present system of colonial government,
no gentleman, no man of birth or education, ought to think
of emigrating to as one of the British dependencies. If
that systemessdiased to be unreformed, he felt satisfied that
for oilseed emigrants who wished to seek their fortunes
i• a item where there was less competition, and a
ergo opeawia for rathfel energy and enterprise, would
be mote sod mere apt lodized their steps to the United
States of Auriga, where they would enjoy institutions and
sett possessor of Baglish=sia, and would not be liable
to have tbilit by the ignorant and capri-
cious interfermweiTeedisslost sod irresponsible authorities, or
of their ill-esiseted Inelemarmla. (Hear, hear.) Within the
last five and twisty _yews. as he had already said, about
2,000,000 of preens ball emigrated from this country one
minks had gone* dtrectly to the United States of America,
alma IWO le war North Americao dependencies '
the
the latter than half eked ra emigrated to
United Slim. Therefore, in all probability, three-
fourths of th• emigration from this country during the last
Iva asi twenty years bid been to the United States.
Reload wow stated what in his opinion shoed be the chief
heads bye toeamission,—namely, edema/LI govern-
meet, gels expenditure, and emigration or coloation.
Under MA of times heads the commission shou'd inquire
what questions should he considered as imperial ones, and
whet should be looked upon as local ones. It should attempt
to ateertaia what powers the imperial government ought to
retain for the tenetit of the empire at large ; and what powers
ought to ber delegated totheeoloniel legislatures. It apparel!

to him that it would not be diffiessit to clamt:7 and define the
powers which ought to be resereed asim,,rial ~.nes,and then
ell other powers, not so reserved, should be held 10 be local
powers. The advantages of such a classification, if sam::innod
by the imperial legislature, wen sell evident. It won:d
enable the colonial legislatures to know precisely what the)
were entitled to do, and what they must elusion from doing.
It would thus greatly diznioith the chance of hostile collision
between the local legWatures and the imperial government;
and last, and not least, it would spare us many •
useless debate about colonial questions, with which
it was impeesible for us to be well acquainted. (Hear,
hear.) If this inquiry were properly conducted, it
would furnish the means of settling the great pan
tieut questions of colonial government. Fur instance, what
colones ought to have free institutions ; what was the best
form of sellgoverument for colonies with representative in-
stitutions ; what was the best kind of local government for
colonies unfit fur ulf-government ; what defences were
seeded for the colonies ; what should be the nature and
amount of expenditure for the colonise ; what would
be the hest cheeks both on imperial and local
'immature in the colonies ; to what colonies
convict emigration, if not abolished, would be least
mischievous; for what colonies free emigration, and of
what kind would be most beneficial ; what rules should be
adopted tor the disposal of colonial waste lands, and by wnom
those rules should be framed ; and lastly, with regard to the
uttlement of all these questions, and of many others of equal
importance to the colonies, and with reference to each clue
of colonies separately,whst powers should be reserved to the
imperial government, and what powers should be delegated
to the local authorities ? He was convinced that upon the
practical settlement of these questions the maintenenee of
our colonial empire mainly depended. He believed that the
stability of that emirs was in imminent Ganger from their
non-settlement ; first, in consequence of the colonial discon-
tent engendered thereby ; secondly, in oonsequince of the
opinion, which he was sorry to say, was thence pining
pound in this country, that those colonial questions wets
Wolubls, therefore,that colonies were nuisances and burdens,
and, therefore, the fewer they were in number, and the
sooner tney were got rid of, the better. (Hear, hear )
If lobe hours should swede to his (Sir William Mole*
worth's) motion, and her Majesty should be graciously
pleased to appoint a commission, he should presume to re.
commend that it should consist of not more than five per-
sons; that the CMIIOIII4OII should report from time
to time to her Majesty; that their reports should be laid
before parliament; that if approved by parliament they
should be the basis of colonial legislation, and of a
reform of our colonial policy. The task which the conneissien
would have to perform would be an arduous as well as au
imp aunt one. The qutsti in would be asked, to whom
should the performance of such a task be emulated; what
should be the qualifications of the members of such a cane
mis4i m ? It might, perhaps, be maintained that the it_quiry
wt i 1 he prepaid st.ould be conducted by the deportment
to which the 'management of our colonial affairs was in-
trusted, and if the inquiry were to be merely hate the details
of enlobi 41 eihninistrat —into the machinery of the col maid
office—into the number of functionaries which were required
in that office—and into the best cisi inn of labour besweim
tht m—he might then admit that such an inquiry might be
left to the management of the colot But the it•
quiry which he proposed was a much more extensive one,
cam ly, into the whole colonial poli,.y or the British empire.
Now, first, the functionaries of the uteri 41-4ffice were too
much occupied with the daily admicistrition of colonial M-
aas to be able to spare the time for so extemalve an
inquiry as that which he contemplated ; and, secondly, he
must say, without any intentiuual disrespect for theme
gentlemen, that haling been accustomed to the existing
system, they would, In his opiaion, be:apt to look upon that
ey.tcm with too favourable an eye. Therefore he objected
to entrusting this inquiry to the Colonial-office. To whom,
then, should the inquiry be entrusted ? It was evident that
it ought sot to be conducted in a party spirit—(bear, hear)—
and in fact it was not a party question. For each party was
equally interested in the good government of the eclonies—
(hear, hear)—in the reduction of unnecessaty colonial expos-
dune, in the promotion of colonisation and emigration, and
in short in everything which could conduce to the prosperity
of Our c empire, and to the happiness of our colonial
fellow-subjects. Therefore, if • corianain ion were appointed,
he should recommend that it be fairly anises from the four
divisions of this house; for example, one member should be
appointed from the ministerial la/melba—such a person, fur
instant t, as his hon. friend the Under S..cretary of State
tor the Home Department ; one member from amongst the
friends of the right hon. hart. the member for Tamwurth—
as, for it stance, eithor the right hon. hart. the member for
It pun, or the right hon. gentleman the member for the uni-
versity of Oxford.or the noble lord the member for Falkirk;
one member from the ranks of the protectionist party ; and one
from the section of the house to which he belonged.
To the four members so selected he would recommend that
there should be added one ()tour most davit:Finished economi-
cal and political writersonieb for instance as Mr. John Stuart
Mill. lie thought a commission so constituted, with lull
powers of inquiry, would deserve and obtain the confidence
both of this country and of the colonies, and would lead to
the most important results. Therefore in the firm convic-
tion that his motion was both a practical and a useful one,
be begged leave now to submit it to the consideration of the
house

Mr. HUME, to seconding the motion, said that his hon.
friend had alleged very strong reasons for the house to secede
to his proposal. The motion was not based on party prin-
cipli e. The plan before the house was, in his opinion, the
best ever yet presented. It was to choose the best and ships%
men to search into and suggest correction for the abuses which
prevailed in the Colonialoilice. He (Mr. Hume) was most &-
Seoul to sic the country relieved from the expense of the colo-
nies, and to render them useful to the mother country. He did
not mean as to the revenue, but by way of relieving England
hoes the pressure of her surplus population, and et con-
suming her manufactures. He likewise supported the mo-
des of bishop friend bscause he was for carryin 4eut the prin-
ciple of self-giverument in the colonies. every colony,
except the Canadas, was in a state of discontent. And tree
Canada had self-government and a practical constitution,
which explained tte face. Patronage was at the root of the
present system of colonial government. He blotted no mi-
nistry in particular on this account, but nevertheless the fact
was so.
The &manna having put the original motion for an ad-
dress to the crown.
Mr. B. HAWES said that the hon. baronet had divided
his speech into two parts, which he would deal separately
with. It was not easy for him to meet vague charges on
points which related to colonial matters. But he certainly
had felt somewhat familiarised with the topics, the argu-
ments, and the proposals of the hon. baronet. The proposal,
however, wasone which be did not hesitate to prosource to
be impracticable and illusory, and believing it to be so, he must
oppose it. Now het bought the hon.beronet might at least have
shaded out to the house some of the causes of colonial com-
plaint ; and, if he had done GO he would have found that
the duty which he proposed to impose upon the commis.
stoners would be no very easy one. The great cause of com-
plaint at this moment amongst our West Indian fellow-
subjects was that we had introiuced an entirely new system
of commercial policy. Did the hon. baronet mean that the
comme donors were to inquire into that subject, and by so
I inquiring raise expectations that that system would be
changed ? If the hon. baronet did so intend, then he (Mr.
Hawes) protested against giving such a power to say com-
missioners. (Hear, hear.) Now he would turn for a mo-
ment to the petitions from the Jamaiea Assembly. They
traced all their misfortunes to Mr. Canning's resolution in
1823, which they said led to emancipation,whiist emancipation
spin led to ruin. But did the hon. baronet propose to open
the whole que'tion of the sins* trade ? If he did, he (Mr.
Hawes) must protest against that tgiin. (Hear.) Now let
them turn to another hemisphere. In New South Wales
the great cause of complaint was the minimum price of land.
That, he admitted, might be a fair subject for special in-
quiry ; but after the hon. baronet's speeches of former
years he was surprised that be should he the person of
all others to allude w it. Then there was another question
to be considered by the commissioners—the form of govern-
ment. Thies five gentlemen, sitting, not in Downing.street
of mane—anywhere but there—there was a natural abhor-
rence to the name of Downing-street ; but sitting in White-
hall, or to any newly furaished apartment that could be
found, were to discuss the form of government of every co-
lony. But those wen, he contended, great questions, to be
decided in that house, to be proposed by the minister on his
own responsibility, and were not to he shirked by_a commis.
sion of five gentlemen sitting at Whitehall. (Hear, hear.)
But let them appoint that commission and what would be
the coarse taken with any colonial question ?
Sir W. MOLESWOBTH—It would Dave debates in this
house.

-----
Mr. HAWES continued—But be was not sure that the
commissioners would have the confidence of the colonies any
more than the government, and he was not sure that the
result would not be to provoke instead of to prevent debates
in that house. (Hear, hear.) The honourable baronet
wished for a commission. His noble friend had had
a commission described in a letter from Governor
Grey on the 12th April, 1848, and their labours had led to
the committee of council being appointed. That committee
distinctly referred to the chae in their policy, and laid
down new principles which haled to the introduction into
that house of the bill for the better government of the Aut.
train* colonies. He would briefly call the attention of the
house to the report of that committee, because it admitted a
change of p-liey, distinctly asserted that the time had come
when a change should take place, and had down
the principles on which that change should be
bawd. They stated that in those ancient pomessions of her
Majesty's predecessors which at present formed so large a
part of the United States of America, and in all the other
British colonies there prevailed until the commencement of
the nineteenth century the almost invariable usage of esta-
blishing a local legislature en the system of three estates ;
vie., of a governor apeointed by the sovereign, a coun-
cil nominated by the sovereign, and an as,embly elected by
the:people. But during the nineteenth century they aided,
the British crown bed acquired, by conquest or cession, from
foreign states sixteen additional colonies, and in no one of
them had the old colonial policy of a governor, council, and
assembly, been Introduced. Bet that was not all. What
was done at the commencement of this session ? An inquiry
was proposed he° two colonies. He (Mr. Hawes) had no
objection to thaw inquiries. One of them had been made—
the report was before him—and if the house remembered
the charges which were at that time made against the Colo-
nial office, they would sea how for those charges had been
substantiated. The other colony wee Celon. He (kir.
Hawes) was precluded from speaking of Ceylon at this
moment. The hon. baronet however lad spoken of it in
strong language. The ease was undergoing inquiry, and
he thought the hon. baronet's strictures might have been
spared. (Hear, hear.) When his noble friend (Berl Grey)
became colonial minister, there was throughout the 'stole
of those colonin au absence of that liberal, popular, sell-
contrast which he believed to be the basis of our colonial
policy, and he had introduced a bill, it least giving to the
Asstrelish colonies the prospect of a tree governottot, With

regard to the Cape, the hon. baronet said that it was left to
Sir Harry Smith to propound a constitution for the Cape.
They would see in due time whether that statement amounted
to anything more than the ordinary exaggeration of the hon.
baronet. The Caps constitution was now under the con-
sideration of the committee of council, and he was not at all
afraid of the result of their inquiry. New Zealand at least
had had a moustitution given her. The hon. baronetsaid
that Earl Gee,: had recalled it. It was not a correct de-
scription to say so„ That house suspended it; but the
governor, on groan& which he believed to be irrefragable,
and which he had
tions to its minim: into in:mediae@ operation, because
he said the bill would cosier legislative powers on a small
European population over a large and warlike people of pe-
culiar shrewdness and intelligence who were not at all in-
clined to nehmen to European rule. In another colony—
that of Guiana—he might state that he thought they were
very likely shortly to have something like a respectable re-
pneentatton of popu'ar public opinion. The hon. baronet
next referred to the West Indies, and said that the policy of
the Colonial-office had ruined the West Indies; but the hon.
baronet had voted for all that free trade policy which by a
great party was thought to have ruined the West Indies.
He would show, however, that that policy had not ruined
tee West Indies. Injured they had been—deeply injured
by our changes of policy; but he believed them to have
been inevitable. They had been founded on public opinion,
and he believed that no government could have resisted the
abolition of the slave trade. (Hea-, hear.) But to free
ti ads, he again stated, that he looki d for the salvation of
thou colonies. When he refernd to a paper recently laid
before the house, on the motion of the hon. member for
Wolverhampton, he found an Recount of the imports of
sugar, ikc., law the United Kingdom from the West Indies.
It was remarkable that the year in which the least
quantity of sugar was imported was 1841, and that
from that time to the present hour, there had
been a steadily increasing quantity imported. The
quantities nut-2,100,000 cert., 2,500,000 cwt., 2,400,000 cert.
2 800,000 cwt., 2 100,000 cwt. (the year of drought),l
3,100,000 cwt.. and 2,700,000 ewt. And when he introduced
the But Indies, and looked at the East and West Indies
together, then he found the case very different indeed—f
it dies merely appeared that the deft:lent supply of the
West Indies had been exactly made up by the Eat Indies,
the total quantity imported altogether, including both Eat
and West Indies, amounting to 5,000,000 cwt. Now, he
turned to another group of colonies—:he Australian. Could
any one doubt that those colonies, taken as a whole, were pro-
gressing ? Let them take the population of New South
Wales alone—why the increase was quite enormous. In
1833 the population was 97,000 ; in 1847 it was 205,000. The
exports in 1838 were 800,0001 ; in 1847 they amounted to
1,800,0001. The hod in cultivation in 1838 was 92,000
acres; in 1847 it was 164,000 acres. (Hear, hear.) Let
them look again at any of our other colonies in that
part of the globe. Lot k at the vast increase
in the export of wool. In New South Wales, is
1825 it amounted to 411,000 lb. In 1847 it had reached
22,000,000 lb. In South Australia again, the same thing
was visible. te 1814 the wool exported was of the valets of
64,10 W. In 11147 it amounted to 110,0001. In fact, all
throughout there was the greatest iiicri'aaa. (Hear, hear.)
He repeated that it would be utterly impossible for the pro-
posed c ommission to conduct such an inquiry. But them
they were to inquire also into the cost of government.
( lisle hear.) The hon. b nonet hoped materially to reduce
our military expenditure in the colonies, but he believed
that he would not tied that quite so practicable as he inn-
pi led. When the hon. baronet divided that force into'
forces applicable to our colonial establishments, and then
again into a kind of colonial force, for the general mainte-
nance of the police of the seal., he misled both himself
sad others. The whole force of England was afloat gene-
rally for the preservation of the peace of the highways of
the seu, and for the protection of our trade, without which
our commerce could not be carried on all over the globe, as
it now wee, in perfect security. (Hear, hear) There was
not a single part of the world where we hod colonies bat the
government was asked to increase that thrce.
Mr. HUME—Yes, to spend British money there.
Mr. HAWES continued—Not at all. They wanted
British ships of war to maintain perfect security
for their trade, and not for the mere money that
might be spent in the neighbourhood. (A laugh.) Ex-
penditure might he divided into three great portions ; it I
might be celled expenditure fur colonel purp nes, expendi-
ture for purely military purposes, and expenditure in refer-
ence to convict services. The average expeuditure, according
to the return referred to by the hon. member for Montrose,
soon colonial possessions, properly such, including 31 cols
nies, w.os 760,0001., and the average commissariat' 30,0001. ;
no that a million was expended entirely on the army for
those colonies which were pun ly commercial. Looking at
Africa, with its vast satin populati ; looking at Lelia, and
the whole of the West Indies, could the amount be materially
reduced ? Undoubtedly the re might be, by a change of system,
a considerable reduction of espeiodeure, but it must be entirely
the work of time, and could not he done by sudden cleans..
His opinion was that the motion ought to be rejected, if it
were on the ground only that it would raise expectations
which could not he realised.
Mr. ULM/5 LONE looked upon this quer ion, not so much
with reference to the precise terms which the hon. baronet
had adopted, as with reerence to its general scope. As to
the pricier term., they were capable of a construction which
would lead it to be supposed that the object of the commis-
sion was to be a minute inquiry into all the detail, of the go
vernment of the different colonies, end intoall the complaints'
of abuses and grierances that any colonies, in any part oi the
world, might be disposed to advance; In abort, a general
court for inquiring into all the charges against the administra-
tion of the colonial deportment; but he thought the house
would cement en error if it were to address her Mijesty fur
the eppoiutmentof a commission for any such purposes. He
took ir, on the contrary, that the object of the hon. baronet
was by no mesas an inquiry of that nature into the abuse of
detail, to fasten chug• on particular pers ore who might be
engaged in the administration of the colonial government,
or in the coloilin themselves, but to see whether it was possi-
ble is make same permanent contribntion towards the im-
provement of the administrative system of our colony. a
Many moat important queatioas hail been settled on large
and comprehensive maniples. lie was fully aware that the
inerea-ing difficulties from year to year which attended the
administration of our colonial system might have but a
slight connexion with the qualities of she minister; but
he must say this in behalf of Earl Grey, that in many
points he thought he was equal to any, and superior, per-
haps, to almost any of his predecessors, with reference to
the administration of the office which he now held, hut he
could not, whilst admitting his abilities, his unwearied in-
dustry, his perect honesty and integrity of purpose, and his
freedom from motives of pasty in the choice of gentlemen in
the conduct of affairs, commit the conviction that Earl Grey
had been led, in certain cases, into most serious errors in the
conduct of colonial affairs, and those °Tyro had con-
tributed much is the necessity that the house should
take some steps on the subject. The question with
Mu was whether the circumstances of the colo-
nies, and of the colonial system were such that they
ought, instead of resting satisfied with these means, which
ear institutions had provided for working the business of the
government of the moony, to endeavour to call in all some
farther means, not to s.pplant those which were ordinarily
employed but to reinforce them, and make them more effec-
tual for the attainment of their ends He thought the time
had arrived when they should make an attempt of this kind,
and be founded that opinion on a variety of considerations in
their complex and joint remit. In the first place
the Colonial Secretary had to go through a mass of
details which could not be put aside, as might be
done in other office. ; he was necessarily dependent, on sc.
count of the distance of the possessions he had to govern, on
partial information. His department 'abased under great
disadvantage from frequent changes of ministry, and it had
happened that he did not receive a return of the pat to the
first letter he wrote on a public question, before he was out
of office. A further element of difficulty was the utter im
possibility, in nine cases out of ten, of drawing an adequate
degree of attention from parliament to colonial questions.
Toe hon. gentleman who last addressed the hones had re-
ferred to two reports of committee on the subject of what was
going on in Ceylon and Guiana, in regard to which he con-
tended that the charges against the govetoment, or certain
of them, had not been substantiated. The result of the
labours of the committee would be materially to ma
dify the policy of the Colonial-office as to British
Guiana ; and that wea another argument in favour of the in-
stitution of this committee. The hon. gentleman had cer-
tainly shown that there were some subjects not fit subjects
of inquiry by this committee, and he agreed with him that
there were subjects which ought to be sedulously excluded
from the view of the commission. But there were others
which ought not, and he would give the house such instances
as occurred to him. In the first instance he thought it
would be most useful that a body of well-selected gentlemen
should consider what were the general rules which ought
to be followed in the foundation of sew colonies.
Observe the position of the colonial minister:
there was no remission of the constant pressure of business;
from day to day he was overwhelmed with a mass of papers,
and had hardly time to give a comprehensive consideration
to that to which he ought to give consideration. As to the
foundation of a new colony. When first a propasal came
before the secretary he was obliged to view it in the midst
of other details. When Lord Stanley was in office, he and the
hon. member for Ripon, in concert with him, considering
the difficulties in which which they were placed as to
transportation, thought there was an urgent ne-
ceselty for founding a new settlement to the
worth of New South Wales. (Hear, tear.) lie
thought it was too much to say that a large portion of
the surface of the earth, which was considered of the utmost
value, should depend on the single feed of one man to con-
sign them either to
_perpetual sterihty, or what came within
one degree of it. The nee* great q intion was that of the
management of local affairs. There was the case of
Jamaica. It would be a desirable cue if the constitu-
tion of Jamaica should undergo the review of able
and impartial men. The New Zealand constitution
was an instancy bearing on this great subject of management
of local affairs by the colonists themselves, in which it
would have been most useful. There should have been
some such body of rules and pncep's as the abilities of the
gentlemen forming any commission would have been able
to lay down. It wee not without pain that he could look at
the history of this transaction, and the position in which
the queen's government and parliament were placed in re-
ference to the concession of free institutions. In 1846 we
began with a bill passed with great precipitancy, at the
instance of government, enabling the Queen to grant a
representative constitution to New Zealand. The constitu-
tion was framed with the firm intention of granting the
bleassings of free government, but next session there was a
proposition for the house to retrace its own steps, and
cancel its own &dogs., to suspend for a number of years the
constitution which had been granted, and to delegate the
authority to one man, Sir (lures Grey. The result had
been very great discontent among,: the settlers of the
southern portion of New Zealand. We never should have
seen this Rid-sag proceeding, the itnitification of the legisla-

lire powers of psrliament, if the Secretary of State had had
the advantage in the 'irst instance of being obliged to con-
coct a system of colonial philosophy fur himself. A oommis-
lion might not be able altogether to cure the evil, hut cer-
tainly could assist government is laying the founds ion cf a
better system.
Mr. LABO UCIIERB objected to the motion, u a sweeping
and indiscriminate unsure. The hon baronet the member
for Southwark had stated that be c •asidered the province of
the commission would be to inquire into colonial government,
expenditure, and emigration, comprising in fact almost the
whole circle of duty loelongine to government. He was at a
loss to knew what would be the &demount. of delegating
functions of so high a nature to any irresponsible body.
The honourable baronet had also suggested that
the proper composition of such commission would be
five members, one from each of the four corners
of the house, and a fifth (Mr. Mill) to act ea a sort of at biter.
But the hon. baronet had altogethi r forgotten the House of
Lords. (Hear, hear.) Would it not be right that the
upper house should have a voice in such commission ?
( hear.) However, he (Mr. Labouchere) objected to
delegation altogether, especially as being unconstitutional.
He thought that questions of great constitutional policy
should be solved by the mini ter of the crown on his re-
sponsibility, and that he should not endeavour to relieve
himself of that responsibili•y ►y
.throwing it on the shoul-
ders of a parliamentary commission. (Hear, hear.) For
these reasons, feeling it to be unoonstitatior al and improper,
he felt bound to oppose the motion. The right honoura-
ble gentleman opposite, in supporting the honourable
baronet, had outwitted many duties for the com-
mission, but he (Mr. Labouchere) could not clearly
understand what they were. He was not sure w►ether the
tight hon. gentleman proposed that it should be a standing
commission, to which questions might be submitted as they
arose, or whether it should be appointed on a particular
occasion and for a 'pedal purpnse. There were several
questions is which a commis-ion might be Lurid, bat that
was a did rent thing from setting up a standaig commie 011,
to which were to be submitted all the grievances of every
colony—in fact, even to supersede the acting government of
the country. (Hear.) It appealed that the latter was the
sort of commission which the hon. baronet contemplated.
Nothing but disappointment could follow from the norni-
Mon of this commission, and however go Id the intentions
with which the present motion was introduced, he e o.da.
regret to see the house adopt this proposition for a novel,
i anomalous, and specious institution, from which no benefit
• could result to the colonies. (Hear, hear.)
' Mr. F. SCOTT supported the motion.
Mr. ADDBRLBY said that the argument against the
commission proposed by the hon. member for Southwark, if
valid at all, was valid against any commission whatevir.

Lord J. RUSSELL said the hon. baronet had proposed
his motion in terms which were calculated to induce mem-
bers holding various opinions t i give it their support. The
motion included the diminution of colossi expense, and the
giving tree scope to colonial enterprise. The diminution of
colonial expenditure had always been a popular subject,
and colonial enterprise was, with reference to culovition, a
question in which most ken. members tel a deep interest.
So that the hon. baronet had skilfully framed his motion
with the view of obtaining a considerable amount of sup-
port. He was at a loss to understand, however
what object the hon. gentleman meant to accomplish.
He could understand perfectly well the appointment of coin-
'abalone's to inquire into the state of the poor law, or of
the church, but a commis-ion to inquire into the state of the
I colonies, with their various constitutions and races, and into
the causes of complaints in each, appeared to him too vast a
proposition to be entertained. His right hon. friend (Mr.
Labouchtre) had asked the tight hon. gentleman opposite
(Mr. Gladstone) whethe r he wished the commission to be a
standing one. The right hon. baronet replied that that
was not his desire; hut he (Lord J. Russell) could not con-
ceive how, within too lifetime of the youngest member of
that house, the labours of the commission were to terminate.
The right hon. gentleman (Mr. Gladstone) thought
that many errors had been committed with regard to colonial
policy ; and, with a sort of speculative optimism which he
(Lord J. Rusa:ll) had not expected to hod in one who was
conversant with the business of that house and with official
lite, he seemed to think that by selecting five members
from different sides of that house, they would obtain
an infallible rule of wisdom for their guidance in all
colonial matters. (Hear, hear.) That certainly seemed to
him (Lord J. Russell) a Utopian conception. The great
objection to the motion was, that amidst mice a multiplicity
of subjects it would be hardly possible for the cnsuneutun to
come to any rational conclusion. The hon. gentleman had
very fairly stated his notion as to the manner iu which the
commission should be framed. lle said that the Under-
Secretary of State for the Colonial Department
would be on the commission ; that a right hon.
gentleman opporite, either the right hon. member
for Ripon, or the right hon. member fur the University of
Oxford, or the noble lord the member for F.:lkirkl (L:rd
Lincoln) might form a second member; that some month man
bclonoing to the protectionist party might be a third mem-
ber, and one of his friends another; and that some learned
author, like Mr. Mill, might be the fitth—(laughter)—and
he proposed that these gentlemen should rapt,. as their opi-
nions on all colonial grievances and difficulties. (Renewed
laughter.) For the last two years there had been
great complaints from the West Indies, and it was probable
that on that subject the protectionist member of the commis-
sion would always find four to one against him. Now, in
considering the chem. s made with regard to colonial policy,
he would take the growth of two or three colonies only. In
a late publication he found that the population of Lower
Canada in 1825 was 423,000, in 1848 it was 766 000 ;
the population of Upper Canada was, in 1824,
1.51,000, in 1818 723,000. That certainly afforded no proof
of misgovernment or of glow growth. The population of
New South Wales. including Port Phillip, was, in 1837,
85,00 0; in 1816, only Line years later, it was 196,000, and
he believe 1 that according to the last accounts it now exceeded
200,000. The imports of New South Wales were
in 1837 130.090/., wh in 1846 they blue wed to
1,600,0001.; the exports in the first period were 760,0001.
in the second 1,487,0001. This afforded an example of pro-
gre-s to which there was scarcely any parallel in tae history
of colonisation. With r. gard to the liberties of the e
it had been said that in the case of Canada the govern..
ment had done wrong in not interfering, and it could
not now be contended that they had committed the oppo-
site fault of that with which they were charged. As regard-
ed any proposal to lay down rules with respect to the autho-
rity of the crown and that of the colonial legislature, he
should certainly oppose any such scheme. (Hear, hear.)
The best rule was forbearance on both sides. On
the one hand the colony should not desire to assert
without necessity a (tandem which might be hurtful to the
crown, and, on the other hand, the imperial government
should not restrain any exercise of free] em which might be
beneficial to the colony. But if fixed rules were laid down,
the interpretation of them would lead to disputes, and angry
feeling would be created. it was said that the commission
might lay :lowa rules with respect to the extension of free-
dom; but he thought the beat course was to follow 'ho
ancient constitution of the country; even Lord Halifax
having laid down in the reign of Charles the
Second, the principles of an assembly represent-
ing the colony, and a government represeating the
crown. All questions of administraion should be gui2ed in
the first instance by certain fired principles, but on the
other hand, the application of those principles should be
adapted to the circumstances of each colony. One who
wrote with almost mathematical precision, notwithstanding
all the beauty of his language, Rousseau, declared at the
end of his life, that politics were after all a sties ee of circum-
stances and of modification, and that the particular questions
on which the rules were to be applied must not he decided
by the statesman solely upon the Astrid theories of the
philosopher. He certainly did not consider that any benefit
would arise from the appointment of this commission.
He really thought it would be mat undesirable to intro-
dues such a mixed government as that which would be con-
stituted by the appointment of this commission. Had the
hon. baronet proposed a commission to inquire into any par-
ticular and definite subject—into the question, for example,
of the operation of the present system of disposing of public
lands in our colonise, into the question of the operation of
the Colonisation and Emigration Board—such a question as
either of these, or any similar inquiry, would be a fit sub-
ject fir reference to a commission, and a propositionfor such
reference would have met with no opposition at his hands.
But, as to the general colonial government, it was bitter to
leave this question to be dealt with, in the first instance, by
the responsible government of the country, subject to
the control and supervision of parliament. That was
the free constitution of this country. (Hess, hear.) I
have said that it was inconvenient to kayo frequent
changes in our colonial administration, and no doubt it was
so; in like manner, it was inconvenient to have frequent
changes in our foreign policy, and herein the Emperor of
Russia had so far an advantage over us, since from 1815 to
the present time he had had bet one Minister of Foreign
Affairs, who had held throughout the same language and
pursued throughout the same policy; but the advantage o
such unvarying policy would be dearly purchased, in the
opinion of the people, by the sacrifice of that free constitution
under which these changes of prilicy took place from time to
time in England. (Hear, hear. j Ho considered that the best
thing to be done in colonial peaky was to enlarge the powers
and extend the freedom of or,r colonies as much as possible,
to diffuse as rapidly and as 'widely as we could among them
the advantages of lor,al government. (Hear, hear.)
By this course we a' could most effectually promote the
prosperity of our colonies, without introducing any
principle at variance with that free constitution which in it-
self so endeared the mother-country to her colonies as an
example of freedom. (Hear, hear.)
After a few wore shorn Sir W. MOLES WORTH in reply, the
house divided.
The numberrwere—
For the 'motion B9
Against it
WAYS AND MEANS
The Retoort of the Committee of Ways and Means was
received.. -

WILITIA BALLOT SUSPENSION BILL.
This bill passed through a committee.
SOAP DUTY ALLOWANCE BILL.
This bill waa read a third time, and passed.
SMALL pEWTS COURT BILL.
This bill was read a third time, and passed.
LIFE POLICIES ASSURANCE BILL.
This bill was read a third time and pawed.
AUSTRALIAN COLONIES BILL.
This bill was raid a first time.
PASSENGERS BILL.
The Lords' amt. lment to this bill Inn) agreed to.
COUNTY RATES BILL.
This bill was read a first time.
The house adjourned at one o'clock.
--
Mr. Pl7O paired with Mr. W. Cubit' fusing Mr. Hamil-
ton's motion, and with Mr. D. Waddinatnn OtIaldoo)
to
femur of far. Stuart Wortley's Marriage Bill.