The Express.
London, England, 1847-12-11 00:00:00

THE EXPRESS, SATURDAY

surireas
he Weigh posinded the hotue that the sinetitntioe was
.la year to eappiwe theta. Why, hi asked,
2.8.11.
einiaatti effect of the ordinary law
and Ms* ? One of the effects of the.
maclace was be es anearage the spy system, and those
who woe negatiated with Ireland must be aware that If
inineele wild not find guilty persons they would bring
easeenlione against the inateent to fill their pockets. The
hie of the present bill he knew to be inevitable' and that
it walla pan im all its integrity ; but he felt that it would
set dimarne the marauder and murderer, while it would dis-
sent the best preserver of the public peace—the farmer, He
would have ao objection to vote for a bill to
enact that no man in Ireland should be per-
mitted to keep arms unless he were rated to the
relief oldie pear. He saw no benefit in entrusting arms to
men who had no dwellings. But he would go dill farther,
and enact that no men should be permitted to carry thee*
arms beyond the precincts of his own farm or property unless
licensed to kill game. He would also make it criminal for
any but a privileged person to carry arms at night. Indeed,
he considered that her Majesty's government had been guilty
of great neglect in not applying a legal remedy before now
to the poeeeesion of arms, and that if they had done wa, many
of the crimes they had heard of would not have been com-
mitted. (Hear' hear.) The right hon. but. the Secretary
of State for the Home Department referred in kis statement
to the attaek in Wales upon Dr. Hovering, and insinuated
that the course pursued on that occasion by the people,
whereby the offenders were so speedily brought to justice,
wee not such a course as would have been pursued in Ireland
under similar circumstances, but that the offenders, on the
would be secreted ilTel protected. Now he (51r.11ey-

contrary,
nolds) could mention a parallel Case. Mr. Prim, a paymaster
under the Board of Works, was travelling in Kilkenny on a
haunting•ear, when attacked by highway rubbers, with whom
e exchanged shots, but by whom he was eventually robbed
and murdered. The authorities went immediately in pur-
suit of the murderers, and owing to the aid given them by
the people, soon arrested them, and they were convicted
and executed. He could mention several such cases in Ire-
land. He bad himself travelled through all parts of Ireland,
it being known at the time that he had large sums of money
with him, and he was never once molested. That showed
that the crimes of Ireland were exclusively agrarian, and
being so were attributable to the misgovernment of the
landlords. He was sorry to see in that house to strong a
disposition to screen the landlords and malign tho people of
Ireland, whereas if the owe were fairly considered the
crimes of the people could be traced in a great degree to Use
conduct of the landlords. He would offer no factions opposi-
tion to the bill. If it were a good bill the sooner it pawed
the better. (Hear, hear.) If it were a had bill the sooner
it passed the sooner would his prophecy as to its ineffective
character be fulfilled.
After a few words from Col. ACTON in support of the bill,
the house went into committee.

On clause 1,
Mr. J. O'CONNELL moved to substitute the words " for
the prevention of crime and outrage," the words " for the
punishment and prevention of crime and outrage in certain
districts." His object wu to limit the operation of the bill to
districts that were disturoed.
Mr, R. M. FOX feared very much that the clause would
extend crime, instead of checking it, by driving ill.disposed
persons from proclaimed into unproclaimed districts, which
their conduct would have a tendency to disturb.
Sir 0. GREY said the object of this clause was to give the
bill a general application, in order that the Lord Lieutenant
might apply it to any part of Ireland in which crime and
outrage occurred. The alteration of the words would do no
good, and it might do harm.
Mr. F. O'CONNOR had said at first that this bill was only
" a wedge," and the right hon. baronet's statement proved
the truth of his position. It now appeared that the bill was to
have a general and not a local application. (Hear, hear.)
Sir G. GREY—Where threatening letters were sent in a
district, or where conspiracies were shown to exist, the Lord-
Lieutenant might find it necessary to declare it disturbed.
All he wautect was not to limit the discretion of the Lord-
Lieutenant.
Col. DUNNE agreed with the hon. member for Longford
(Mr. Fox). He could not see why the arms, in a district de-
clared to be disturbed, should not be handed over a hedge
into a district not declared to be disturbed, and where they
would be safe from seizure.

Mr. OROGAN also thought the remarks of the member
for Longford deserved consideration. If the bill passed as it
stood, an ilLdispoeed person passing from Kilkenny, which
was proclaimed, into Wexford, which was not, might bring
down on the peaceable people of the latter county all the
pains mid the penalties of this Oct of parliament.
Mr. REYNOLDS said that bearing in mind that these
boundaries of counties were merely imaginary lines, it was
most unjust to subject the people within such lines to penal-
ties for offences committed by persons living out of them.
Mr. FRENCH thought that on the contrary the tendency
of the limit of penalty would have the good effects of giving
the people of a particular district apeculiar interest in arrest-
ing an offender. (" Divide.")
Mr. J. O'CONNELL said he should press his amend-
ment, but
Mr. M. L. O'CONNELL begged him to withdraw it.
If a bill of this kind was to be passed at all, the less they
fettered the powers of the Lord-Lieutenant the better.
Mr. MUNTZ bad felt some difficulty in voting upon this
bill, because, although he could not refuse a bill of this sort,
under the peculiar circumstances, yet he was bound to look
with jealousy on all these infringements on the liberty of the
subject. On the 'abject of the present amendment he
must, however say, that he thought the powers it gave
ought to be so limited as possible.
The committee divided.—For the amendment 4

Against 203-199
Mr. F. O'CONNOR moved the insertion of the words,
" On the represent►tion of the magietrates of the district "
Sir O. GREY opposed the amendment, which was then
withdrawn and the clause agreed to.
Clauses 2 to 7 were after a short cliscussion agreed to.
On clauae 8, relating to the levying of the cess,
Mr. J. O'CONNELL proposed an amendment, to the
effect that the new cue should be divided between the owner
and the occupier,
Mr. F. O'CONNOR said that if the legislature made the
whole harden fall upon the landlord, there would not be a
single crime in Ireland. (Laughter.)
Sir G. GREY said that the object of firing the occupier
with an immediate burden was to supply an additional mo-
tivator the prevention of outrage.
Mr. J. O'CONNELL ultimately withdrew his amend-
ment, and the clause was agreed to.
Clause 9 was agreed to without discusaion.
On clause 10, relating to the delivering of arms to the civil
authorities,
Mr. F. O'CONNOR protested against this clause es alto-
gether unfair and unconstitutional; and dared the govern-
ment to pass it.
Col. RAWDON thought the term " dare " was altogether
misapplied. (Hear, hear.) A constitutional government
might do anything which was sanctioned by the representa-
tives of the people. (Cheers.)
The clause was then agreed to, u were also clauses 11,
12, 13, 14, and 16, after a short discussion, with verbal
amendments.
On clause 18, which police-officers to require
'a to in the

empowers pn..,
persons to joie ,ne pursuit of offenders,
Mr. J. O'CONNELL submitted that the power should be
reetricted to county inspectors or sub•inspectors. The per-
sons called out were required to do their utmost in pur,uing
the offenders ; but who was to judge whether they did their
utmost t

Sir G. GREY said that the limitation proposed would
entirely destroy the effect of the clause. It was meant to
enable a police-officer to call in assistance in order to prevent
the escape of an offender; if the officer was required first to
consult his superior officer and obtain his authority, the op-
psrtunity would be lost. As to whether the parties called in
did their utmost to render assistance, the jury, by whom the
mole was tried, and not the police-officer, would have to be
the judge of that.
Mr. U'CONNOR said the duty imposed by this clause
' was already an obligation at common law ; but he thought
the punishment, in case of refusal, ought to be mitigated to
six months' imprisonment without hard labour. A period
of two years' imprisonment with hard labour, though, in
the option of the judge, would excite a strong sympathy for
the offenders.

Sir G. GREY defended the clause as it stood, on the
ground that the discretion of the bench would prevent too
severe a punishment being inflicted.
Mr. M. J. O'CONNELL did not think the clause would
be productive of much good. In England, the people
aided in enforcing the law, bmause they had an Interest in
doing so, and believed the law to he their friend. (Hear,
hear.) The enforcement of the penalties under this clause,
he feared, would have an opposite effect front what was
li intended.

Mr. O'CONNOR moved the substitution of" six months "
for " two years."
Mr. AOLIONBN did not think two years' imprisonment
en excessive punishment for screening murderers. Tbo
clause would operate as an inducement to parties to give up
offenders when they were io their power.
The amendment was negatived without a division, and
the clause was then agreed to.
On clause 17.
Mr. O'CONNOR said this clause wu the sting of the bill.
It proposed to preserve the 1 & 2 Will. IV., c. 41, and 16 &
16 Oeo. 111., in 31 (the Whiteboy acts), with the exception
of nick parts of those acts u were repealed. The effect of
this would be, that parties guilty of minor offences would be
sentenced to a heavier punishment—seven years' transporta-
tion—than those who screened the murderers.

Some conversation ensued; ultimately,
Mr. M. J. O'CONNELL said he thought more geed would
be done by prompt punishment than by severer punishments
alter long delays had been allowed to intervene. The plan
of speedy punubments was found meet effectual during the
disturbances in Clare ; and if speedy punishments were so
effectual, speedy convictions might be supposed to be effec-
tual also. (Rear.)
Sir G. GREY expressed his concurrence in the view ex.
pressed by the hon. member for Kerry, and Mr. F.O'Connor
gave way.
The remaining clauses were then agreed to.
Mr. BAINES moved the insertion of a clause, by which
accessories after the fact might be tried and punished, al-
thou,gb the principals might not have been convicted or
taken.

Col. SIBTHORP thought it was quite u necessary to
punish the acoesaory before and after the fact a to punish
the principal. He condemned the bill, however, as a milk
and water, and even, if he might be permitted to say so, a
cowardly measure. (Laughter.)
The clause was then read, and, as was understood, agreed
to, and the house resumed; the report to be received
this day.
The house, at one o'clock, adjeurneduntil noon this day.

CORN 41111) NAVIGATION Laws.—The government
have announced that it is not their intention to prolong
the suspension of the corn and navigation laws beyond the
Ist March neat

rig•

MAILS

-----
The malls for Vigo, Oportoq Lisbon, Madeira, Cadis, and Gibraltar
will be made up on the moenins of the 17th December.
The West India Mails, excluding Bermuda, Nmeau, Havana,
Tionduraa, New Orleans, Vera Cruz, Tampico, and Porto Rion, and
Including thoe for Madeira, Jaanel, Carthapeisa, Fonts bLirths,
Chains, Panama, West Gout of Booth Americo, and M. Juan-tle-
Nicaragua, will be made up un the morning of the 17th December.
The mails for British North Amerce, !Serenade, and the Untie'
atates, will be made op on the evening of the 17th Decaliter.
The overland malts for Gibraltar, Melba, Greece, the loam Island•,
Vitypi, Aden, Ceylon, Ind'., liong-Ilang,and China. vie Southampton,
will be made up on the morning of the 20th December.
The overland aimed mullet, tie. Marseilles, to tie Mediterranean
Egypt, Aden, Ceylon, India. Hong Kong, he., will be made up on the
zvening of the 24th December.
The made for New South Wales, Van [Semen's Land, and New
Zealand will he made up on the evening of the Jiet December.
The mails for the Mulls, the Rivet Plate, Monte Video, Perham-
Mm, Murals, Madeira, an Buenas Ayres, will be made up on t►e
evening of the 4th January.

TO CORIOESPONDENTIL
•.6.• vt
Oa mac*,n It cOlserveo Inteedwl Tat ." Loam dm, paper
1./34.mie war. by Tye o'clock on Z; of publication.. mat

NIGH WAITS AT LONDON BRIDGE.
Ts. D44-410mIng, I We. put 4; AIRCMODY. St We. put 4.
T.,lo•sur-11044140. 40 el. put 4 aftersou, 0 004. put I.

LONDON, SATURDAY, DEC. ii.

THE death-knell of repeal has sounded. The
question has been a long time drooping, and may
fairly be said to have died at a late meeting of the
association in Conciliation-hall. The proceedings
- .

having been concluded,
Mr. Daniel O'Connell then announced the week's rent to
be 81. 3s. 6d.

A Voice.—Oh, murder!
The amociation then aL:journed to Monday next.
Who rang the bell?
Twos I said little Dan—
I wa, the little mar!.

Who in the hell.

The voice that so felicitously cried " Oh, murder!
was an Irish echo to the 51. 38. 6d. It were to be
wished there were no other murders in Ireland but
those of mischievous chimeras that stab the public
repose. The killing of repeal is clearly a case of
" killing no murder."
The letter of Mr. JOHN O'CONNELL, read at the
obseeinies of the repeal humbug, may be considered in
the light of a funeral sermon ; and a dull one it was
as was ever preached.
But what was the meaning of the adjournment ?
Was it the intention of the association to die again ?
This reminds us of an Irish amateur actor, who
formerly had some notoriety, and was particu-
larly. great in the part of Richard the Third.
Playing once on the Dublin stage, and having died
in his most brilliant manner (so brilliantly, indeed,
that the galleries not only cheered but eucored the,
performance), he rose, at the request of the gods, and
repeated the death scene.
'the Irish repealere have imitated the worthy
precedent, and they have come forth to die
again, not, indeed, in Conciliation-hall that
would have been "damnable iteration"—but in
St. Stephen's. Not content with the oppor-
tunities afforded by the Irish Crime and Outrage
Bill, interludes and episodes have been got up and
introduced expressly for the appearance of Mr. FEAR-
GUS O'CONNOR, Mr. C. ANSTEY, and others. We
have witnessed this political acting, in which both
members for Nottingham joined; and we cannot but
think that the term applied to one of those speakers
(tomfoolery, or buffoonery, according to different ver-
sions) is the only apt epithet we can devise for this
extinction of Irish championship.
Seriously speaking, the events and symptoms of the
last fortnight give nee to fears for Ireland, which for
years no rational man has entertained. These fears
are no longer that Irish demands may be trouble-
some, Irish exigencies such as to prove obstructive to
Food and wholesome legislation; but that the real
interests and liberties of Ireland being no longer. put
forward and defended with unity, purpose, serious-
ness, by power of intellect, or common wisdom of
conduct, will descend, from having had long an over-
due weight upon the legislature and the public, to
pastime or exercise neither influence nor weight of
any significance.
Look at this very bill, which, though in some
degree necessary, is a very serious interruption
and breach of thri constitution. How do we
see it met? Mr. JOHN O'CONNELL doffs his
cap to it the first night, and is surprised at
its mildness! And it is only upon second thoughts,
or far sent advice, that the young leader gets up his
steam in opposition. But this is just too late. The
landlord malcontents, such hot and vehement repealer'
a fortnight since, turn round and salute the
quasi-coercive bill ; and we have the repeal member
for Meath firing into the repeal member for Lime-
rick; and altogether such exuberance of discord, that
nothing was left for Mr. SMITH O'BRIEN than to
withdraw to his tent, under a fit of the influenza.
Lord CLARENDON and Sir GEORGE GREY are clever
people. They have blown up the " Irish party," and
induced the chief repealera to come forth and " die"
publicly on the political stages of both England and
Ireland.

No wonder that the Home-office gathers courage
and spirit at this discomfiture of its old foes, this utter
syncope and disappearance of en Irish liberal party.
On the first reading of the bill we were told that Ire-
land required but two hundred more police. Who could
cavil at so humble a request? But now, since the
political suicide of all the O'CONNELLS and Repealer.,
we are told that the indefinite extension of the Irish
police is to be completely at the discretion of the
Lard-Lieutenant ! His Excellency may inundate
the country with that useful and constitu-
tional force. Now, we declare, that we have
no objection whatever to give this power to
the Earl of CLARENDON. But we may have a
BENTINCE ministry to-morrow. We may have Lord
MALMESBL'RY at the head of the Treasury, Bir
ROBERT INGLIS in Sir GEORGE GREY'S place, and
either Lord FARNHAM or Lord RODEN may
be the Lord-Lieutenant. Will parliament pass
a law which might endow one of these
worthy peers with the facilities of indefinitely
augmenting the Irish police, framed and enlisted in the
manner described by Mr. JOHN O'CoNNELL ? The
proposed law would, at the same time, empower
these lord-lieutenants to arra all the protestants of

Ireland and disarm all the catholics. Such a state
of things, however conducive to temporary peace,
and to the submission of the great majority
to the small minority, would, we fear, generate a
spirit of vengeance and retaliation—nay, a system
of plotting for the gratification of that vengeance,
which, far from producing any lasting pacification of
Ireland, would, on the contrary, bring it back to the
insecurity and barbarism of the last century.
We repeat our deep regret at seeing the cause of
Irish liberties so pusillanimotuily betrayed and
so miserably defended. The death of repeal
is to be rejoiced at, for it is the mon-
strous absurdity of repeal, as a cause, and the
utter nullity, and worse Wan nullity, of the whole
body of Irish representatives, elected under that dis-
graceful humbug, which has led to a debate in a British

parliament, in which Irish liberties have been idly
and carelessly given up, amidst the acclamations of
English liberals, and the drivellings and bickeringe of
Irish blockheads.

ANY rational reader of the daily papers could
scarcely have been more surprised by the ghost of his
deceased grandmother than by the apparition of the
"Central Agricultural Protection Society," which
presented itself at its old haunt, No. 17, Bond-street,
on Thursday last. Why this defunct association
should be revived after the " protection " it so fruit-
lessly struggled to maintain, is not at first sight very
obvious. Here, however, it is, ghastly and wailing.
Four mortal columns of the Post record the unavail-
ing regrets of the quondam monopolists of the na-
tion's food. A duke and three members of the House
of Commons met, and recorded their unhealthy long-
ing after artificial scarcity. That there is a purpose
in this beyond the absurd one of lamenting over the
abrogation of the corn laws we shall presently show.
The Duke of RICHMOND being in the chair, Mr.
A. STAFFORD, M.P., as honorary secretary, read a
report, which, by assumption and inuen , direct
assertion being carefully avoided, attempted to induce
the belief that all recent public and private disasters
are to be attributed to free trade in corn. To seriously
refute such arguments would be work of supereroga-
tion ; for they carry with them their own refutation.
The author of the report seems to have been utterly
unconscious that such a destruction of human food
occurred in these kingdoms last year, that thirty mil-
lions sterling were required to purchase foreign
food to supply the deficiency. In other words,
this nation was visited by a famine which
lessened the means of the productive classes and
deranged all the operations of commerce ; yet, for-
sooth, the protectionists in Bond-street could see no
reason for the diminution of our exports and imports
of commodities other than grain, except that we
have cast otf a protective and adopted a free-trade
policy. The short and decisive answer to all the
elaborate false suggestions of the Bond-street report
is, that all our present difficulties arise from circum-
stances quite independent of free trade, and that free
trade has, to some extent, mitigated those difficulties.
Bat the real object of keeping up this shadow of
a shade is to enable that section of the landed in-
tercet which so strenuously upheld the corn laws
to retain the leadership of the farmers. The effort
is a vain one, for the farmers have begun to think and
I act for themselves. Of this, their tenant-right move-
ment is the outward sign, though the movement
goes much deeper. To maintain their political posi-
tion as " farmers' friends" was, however, obviously
the motive of this Bond-street revival. Nor is this
surprising; for the weakness of the protectionists,
when representing nakedly the landed interest, has
become so palpable, that their endeavour again to
shelter themselves behind the farmers is simply the
necessity of their position. If not " farmers' friends,"
they are nothing. Nominal ownership of land, mort-
gaged estates, entails, game laws, and so forth—the
things which lie neareit the hearts of the landocracy—
form but indifferent party watchwords in the legisla-
ture or the country. To re-attach the farmers to
their political yoke, then, was the true purpose of the
Bond-street clique. For that purpose the following
paragraph was inserted in the report :
Your committee beg to recommend the formation of •
committee on the subjict of tenant-right. Mr. Purvey has
given notice of a bill on this subject for England, and go-
vernment intend to bring one in for Irelind ; the principle
of both bills must obviously he the same, though the details
must probably be widely difr rent. Your committee rejoice
to see, in the growing interest on this subject, no alienation
or hostile feeling what. rer between the owners and occupiers
of land; and it the committee en this subject be composed
indifferently of owners and occupiers, nothing but good can
result from their free communication of facts and opinions
to each other.

When it is remembered, how this question has been
forced upon the landowners by the pertinacity of the
farmers, how Mr. PeBEY'S bill, which embodied the
farmers' objects, was barked by a select committee of
landlords, and how throughout the country the
landed gentry are loudly protesting against any legis-
lative interference between landlord and tenant, this II
tardy adoption of the question and careful assertion
of non-alienation between landlord and tenants, look
like one of those too-late and feeble moves the pro-
tectionists have been so noted for making.
That tenant-right, when advocated by the Duke of
him:moan and his fellow protectionists will become
an empty name and a sham, farmers may be perfectly
assured. Of this, the speeches of Thursday give un-
mistakeable evidence. First, the duke protests against '
the name of tenant-right, as an injudicious one. It
may be justice, or favour, or "good feeling," or any-
thing towards tenants, except " right." That is an
ugly word; in the landlords minds tenants have no
rights. Then the duke's mode of accounting for the
origin of the demand is directly the reverse of the truth.
He said " a great deal of the occupancy in this
country is not derived directly from communication
between landlord and tenant. Many estates " are
in trust for various reasons;" " too many of them are
in the hands of solicitors ;" many are held " by cor-
porations and municipal bodies;" and, says the duke,
" there are a great variety of holdings of that sort.
Many of these, as you know, are held under yearly
tenancy." Now all this implies that yearly tenancies
do not exist where the landlords have the full power
to grant or withhold leases, but only where land is
held under the peculiar circumstances referred to.
Now is not this altogether untrue? We ask the
yeomen of England whether they are not in a more
completely dependent condition where the landlord
has the personal control of the estate, than when it is
managed by trustees, corporations, or any others
whose simple duty is to make the most of the pro-
perty ? The duke then said he should gladly go into a
committee of inquiry as to the customs of the various
districts, with a view to render them more consonant
with modern husbandry. The Hon. Mr. WILSON
protested against leases, and preferred a clause for
payment for unexhausted improvements, "as better
than a lease." Mr. NEWDEGATE thought that the
recent "alterations in our commercial policy entailed
an alteration at least, if not a severance, of the rela-
tions which now so happily subsisted between landlord
and tenant." Tenant larmers do not seem to consider
these relations to be quite so happy as this gentleman
assumes them to be. Mr. NEWDWATE ended a long
speech against free trade by stating that " he was
anxious to bring them to right views of therelationabe-
twee° landlord and tenant, with a view to enact such
measures as would confirm the good feeling that now
existed between them, and that would in no way
encroach upon the rights either of one party or
another."

Now all this betrays much misgiving on the part
of these "farmers friends" with regard to the
" happy state of feeling" between the farmers and
their landlords, and manifests the earnest desire of the
landed interest politicians to get this tenant-right
question snugly into their own hands.
Mr. CAYLEY afterwards more ingenuously said that
"tenants had been unwilling to accept leases, because
of the fluctuation in prices that had occurred during
the last thirty years ;" that is just the time during
which the corn laws had been in operation. He said
the smaller tenants neither required leases or made
improvements, and that " the law (of tenant-right)
would be good for a tenant with a large capital, bat
doubted very much that it would be so good for the
smaller tenant" Why, it is the tenants of capi-
tal who demand tenant right, and according to
Mr. CAYLEY'S own showing the law could do
the email tenant, who is without capital,
no harm. Mr. STAFFORD thought that the principle
of tenant-right must be sanctioned in Ireland, and
that " nothing could postpone for any length of time
the application of the principle to England." He
thought the principle a good one ; and, provided " it
did not interfere with that good feeling which ought
to exist between landlord and tenant, and which was
better than law," would lead to better cultivation of
the land. What puzzled poor Mr. STAFFORD was,
" how tenant-right could be advocated on the free-
trade principle;" and he seemed to suppose that
tenant-right implied some control over the landlords.
It is plain the landowners feel that the tenant-
farmers will no longer submit to carry an their busi-
ness in the state of dependence they have hitherto
been, and are preparing, though with a bad grace and
reluctantly, to succumb to the necessity of making fair
and equal contracts with their tenants. That tenant-
right will form any substitute for leases is a mere de-
lusion ; landlords, who imagine that by aooeding
to somethinb with the name of tenant-right they can
evade the growing demand on the part of tenants for
secure tenures ; and farmers who suppose they can ob-
tain indirectly in the form of tenant-right that secu-
rity the landlords will not grant by lease, alike de-
ceive themselves. Both parties must come to a clear
understanding that the letting and hiring a farm is a
mere commercial transaction, and exchange of slain-

lents ; each party must make the best bargaio hem,
and then be prepared to abide by it.

The Paris journals of Thursday have reached 111.
The funds fell on that day, probably in consequence
of the rejection of the proposed mediation in the
affairs of Switzerland.

The words of Lord Palmerston, in reply to Mr.
Osborne, are matter of comment in all the journals,
with the exception of the Debuts, which, after men-
tioning the fact in its usual summary of English in-
telligence, adds:—" We grant there is no necessity
for putting an end to a war which has terminated of
itself, but the suspension of hostilities wag but one of
the terms of the mediation." M. Gainot, it would seem
from this, differs widely in opinion from Lord Pal-
merston. His maxims seem to be—" There being no
contending parties, mediation is as necessary as ever."
Even the Presse, opposed as it is to everything
English, after repeating its argument against inter-
vention, is forced into the following expressions:—
" The worst of this is, that the English government
has taken the right aide, and makes us regret that our
cabinet has had neither the same intelligence nor the
same sagacity. The statesmen of England are not
men to cover themselves with ridicule by maintaining
officially that it is night at full noon."
The Constitutionnel seems entirely to approve of
the conduct of the English government. It says:
The English government is more wise than M. Guizot—
it takes the facts as they are, and gives to our cabinet a les-
son of common sense, in delivering it by a single word frog
this ab•urd affair of impossible mediation, in which M. Gni.
sot still struggles. Why has not M. Guizot acted like Lord
Palmerston ? For two reasons : first, because the mediation
was the invention of M. 0 uisot, who groans at seeing his work
fall into immense ridicule, and who would save it if he could
by a desperate effort; and secondly, because he has placed
himself at the tail, or rather at the bead of the reactionary
and absolutist passions of Europe against Switzerland. Ea
heart, however, begins to fail hint in this strugile against the
Helvetic Confed. ration, and he has already declared, that he
desires nothing better than "to live in Food harmony with
that small and interesting republic," which, only yesterday,
was is his eyes a nest of brigands, communists, and
assassins.

The Comte d'Eu, French government steam-yacht,
had left Havre on the 4th inst, in tow of a steam
tug ; but in the violence of the gale which arose, the
two steamers parted company. The steam tug re.
turned to Havre, but the Comte d'Eu had not been
since heard of Intelligence had been reoeived in
Paris, on Thursday, that the Comte d'Ea had arrived
in safety off Deal. Such is the case. In the coarse
of Thursday she made Deal, and to make good the
damage she sustained by the gale, she has been
ordered to Ramsgate. According to all accounts she
suffered severely. She must have encountered the
most tempestuous weather in the channel. In being
reported off Deal, she had lost anchor and cables,
having parted from them somewhere along the coast.
The steam-corvette the Titan, which was sent to
Civita Vecchia with muskets for the Roman govern-
ment, has returned to Marseilles. We learn that
this vessel disembarked its loading without common•
eating with the population, the vessels from French
ports being at present subjected to a quarantine in
the Italian ports.

The Madrid mails of the 3rd and 4th were still
due in Paris on Thursday.

The difficulties between Tuscany and Modena are
not yet settled. The Modenese government, it is said,
had sent a body of troops to Ceserano and Fivizzano
to prevent these places from being attacked by the in-
habitants of Pontremoli. It was rumoured at Massa
that the Duke of Modena was about to arrive, and to
accord a general amnesty.