The Express.
London, England, 1848-06-03 00:00:00

Vii, is would a.. oaf all perible—
mon for um to the la. keine oi trier,' or
In the emit of any grim eldea
Now he (Mr. Gladstone), though he afid not antleiPate
forthwith • reign of universal peace, yet cherished the
sanguine hope that when the benign contagion (Ulm might
so speak) of recent commercial legislation bad spread
among other nations, it weuld do much to strengthen the
bonds of amity, and thereby to diminish the frequency of
war. (Hess, hear.) The facility of manning the navy from
the merchant service was greater than some honourable
lumbers seemed to suppose. In a former debate on the
navy eseiniates, his hon. friend the late Secretary of the Ad-•
miralty bad quoted some figures in refereace to this seined,
which were worthy of attention. His hon. friend, on the
occasion in question, had referred to the great and sudden in-
crease of the naval force whieh had been brought *bout on
the breaking out of the war in 1793. Before that war the
newel force of this country was from 16,000 to 18,000 men,
while the mercantile marine consisted of 1,600,000 tons. The
nannies of the mercantile marine was now 1,000,000 tons.
He bad already' stated that at the breaking out
of the war in 1793, the naval force of this country was from
16,000 to 18,000 men, but in 18 months Iron that pi rind it
was increased by the supply afford d from the mercantile
marine to 86,000 men. So that with en increased amount of
tonnage now an adequate supply might be obtained. Un-
doubtedly the introduction of steam into the navy must
have • most important influence on this part of the ques-
tion, not only because it diminished the limits on which the
country would be dependent on its commercial marine, hut
because it would be to the steam force that the country
w. uld mainly have to look for the execution of sudden
operations. Hence he held that the question really to he
considered was the purely commercial question—vix., what
would be the effect of removing or relaxing the navigation
laws? Ile was papered to waist in altering those laws,
under the conviction that the effect of judicious changes
would be, not to limit or diminish, but to extend
and strenwhen the mercantile marine, and with it the com-
merce of the country. ( their, hear.) It was asked on the
other side how it would be possible fur the British shipowner
without protegion, to compete with the foreigner, seeing
that the loaner paid twice u much fur his timber—that the
octet of feeding his crews was twice as much—and the wages
able men were double thou of the foreign shipowner. Ile
would nut inquire whether these allegations could he sus-
tained—he thought there was some exaggeration about them
—but, assuming that they were correct, there was nu reason
to apprehend that the B • h shipowner would he left behind
by any rival. It was said that their rivals had the cheapest
means of constructing their ships and of manning them.
Why, then, had they not already driven the British ship-
owners (Torn the currying trade—why was it that the leases
and other nations had not been ab:e to drive them from trades
which were strictly and literally unprotected? (Hear, hear.)
As to the cheapness of ships, if it was of such an i memos
advantage, .liy did not the British owner build his ships in
liritish N, rib Anierien, where they could be constructed u
cheaply as in any country on the elehe Why, bemuse he
could purchase the ship built in British North America here
Ist less than prime cost. This tact had Leen demo:tetra', d
some years ago, when it was shown that new ships brought
from British N ores America to ibis country car. essd t
the °whereof whieh coo d afford to sell them at less then prime
coat, because they reimbursed themselves by the produce
their fr. ights. This had been stated at the time upon the
very highest . uthority ; and if the fact were so, the British
shipowner had even now not only the power to build his ships
in the cheapest country in the world, but also to bey shire
so built at lees than their prime cost. (Hear, hear.) Bat
why did he not unit himself of these powers? IS, cause
these ships did not last, and because, as was shown
by the register at they preferred building leaps of
the first class, and of undoub•eil durabili'y. With se sps ct
' to the cheapness of manning Braidh ships, it was sad this
I country could not compete with Denmark or Sweden, and
many other countries. Why so, it the American• could th,
so ? America peel higher wages and victualled her ships
on a more expensive scale than did this country, and yet
America did not fear a competition with Denmark. She
extended her commerce more than had either Denmark or
Sweden, and America was the only rival this country had to
fear. Away then with the bugoear of cheapness. They
had to fear only a reentry that had capital, commerce, enter-
prise, extended citnnexions ; and was there any one of
these particulars in which theist Brits% could not meet
that country ? Hear.) $o far, therefore' as • judgment
could be formed from elements of this kind, there was
nu reason to apprehend serious or permanent injury to any
branch of the maritime trade of this country from a fair and
just comp etitioe with other nations. At tho same tense he
fully admitted that the system it was proposed now to alter
was complicated, and that the house was called upon to
undo a complicated web of restrictions. True it was, that
the shipowner was invested, at present, with • monopoly as
against foreigners ; hut then he had to meet the monopoly of
seamen—of shipbuilden—and of manning his ship, more
expensively, by being compelled to carry en unnecessary
numNr of apprentices. Besides all these, he had to meet also
the disadvantages arising from impressment. All these
fetters ought to be removed from the rhipown, r
hear) ; he had a perfect right to claim Ire. dam from
these disadsantaree, and he) Mr. Gladstone) would add that
he could not think it right that he should be forced to man
his ships with three-fourths British seamen. (Hear, hear.)
This, he must say, was a most unsound policy, because it
checked every inducement to register Ms ships a, B • h
ships. On all these points, he contended, the British ship-
owner ought to be left perfsetly free. ( Hear, hear.) At
present the seaman bad a sort of monopoly against the ship-
owner, while on the other hand he suffered under the ex-
isting laws from liablity to forted service in the navy, and
from the tax on his wages in aid of the Merchant Seamen's
Fund, which at present was worked contrary to every prin.
' eiple of honesty and justice. lie (Mr. Gladstone) contended
that the tax ought to be so worked as to make it beneficial to
the seamen. That fund proposed to provide a pension for
the seamen ; but what aid it amount to ? why to about
oar-fourth of the met of maintaining a pauper in tke
workhouse. (Hear, hear.) From all these disadeentagee
the seaman ought to he relieved. So also ought the British
shipbuilder to he freed from the disadvanta .e to which he
was at present exposed. At the same time it would not be
lair to assume that the measure proposed by her Maji sty's
government involved • censure upon any of those clona—
-1 either shipowner, shipbuilder, or seaman. Its object was to
get the trade of the country carried on in the best way and
lat the steeliest cost. Much hail been sale in the ceurse of
this debate with reference to the consular reports on the
character of the masters and seamen employed in the ma.
candle service. He had no doubt that in many instances
those statements were much exaggerated, but at the same
time he admitted that with unrivelled in bairn seaman-
ship, the masters might be improved in the stan-
dard of other professional accomplishment", especially
as regarded tee mercantile part of the character of
the shipmaster. (Hear, hear.) It was painful to observe
the different rates of ensurence between that charged on the
p ili"y fur the ship and that charged on the cargo. The ship
mall be insured at a much cheaps r rate than the cargo, be-
cause greater care was taken of the shipment of the cargo by
the foreign shipmaster than by the British shipmaster. This,
however, he theueht might he improved by legislation. On
general grounds, therefore, he could not have the least Nei.
tetion in saying that they had reached a period of time whin
this house ought to cent, nylate an extensive alteration of
the navigation laws—('rate hear)—and be hail now only to
speak of the terms slid provisions of the measure which
her Majeety'e government lied proposed. In some not un-
important particulars, he should bane preferred that the
government lied determined to pursue a somewhat different
course. He should have preferred that the measure hail been i
proposed to be in ire gradual in its operation. (Hear, hear.)
I' bough he admitted that the question was not free from
difficulty, he could have wished that the government had
adhered to that which was almost the uniform precedent
(saeciiened by utility and convenience as well as justice),
and have made the large conces.ions of privileg. s to foreign
nations—conditional concce ions limited by reciprocal
treaties. (Hese, hear.) He could have wished they had
prepared their measure in accordance with the views ex-
pressed in the language quoted the other nieht from the
let er of Mr. Bancroft, the American minister at the British
court, in which he " It' you will chi much, we will do
much ; if you will do all, we will do ail." (Hear, hear.)
He was aware that the very name of " reciprocity treaties"
was unpopular, but that arose from the unjust
prejudice which had been created by the univer-
sal and unequivocal failure of all attempts to con-
tract engagements of reciprocity with regard to the
Customs Acts. But that prejudice ought not to attach
to the present case, which wet wholly different from that of
the Customs Asa. Has contended that the two subjects were
widely different. Holland, for instance, was, in its policy,
liberal in respect to the customs duties—not so as regarded
its navigation laws ; and France, Spain, and the Italian
states, had cunsider.,ble apprehensions tlest great mischief
would ha done, and great scope he eeried to the selfish
views which prevailtd in some countries, by the exclusion of
their ehites teem many ten les by the operation of douele
ditties. Ile, therefore, thought it would have been adven•
tag/ ous to pursue the CORM, of reciprocity trcati,s in the
pees cat nista:ice. Ile edit this hieuuse tile measure pro-
pounded by the government was not unconeitional, inas-
much as it reserved to the Queen in council the power of
retaliation. (lieu, hear.) This discretionary µover, be owned,
was to him highly objectionable; and, though he was aware
similar powers had before been reserved, they hal never
been of so important and extensive It character. True,
in the Com Bill a similar power was reteined, but it was re-
garded ea a mere lentils fulnten which would not be re-
sorted to. He therefore did not forma precedent from this
case, and he thought the house ought to know whether tta;
power was propeed to be dormant, or to tic actively exer-
cised against such c metrics as did nut reciprocate with Great
Britain. There ought to be given an explicit pledge on this
part of the subject. (Hear, hear.) The other points Mk
which he differed from the proposition of her Majesty's
government were with respect to the restrictions they still
proposed to retain. it was impassible to pats a sweeping
measure of Oil kind, and still retain the restriction on the
shipowners which compelled them to man their ships
with three-fourths British seamen. Another restriction
proposed to be retained was that which referred to
the British feehtries; but the most important of
01 was the maintenance of the restriction with regard to the
coestieg trade. lie did not see why the coasting triple should
not be dealt with in the same way as the colonial trees. In
his opinion the retention of the restrictions on the (existing
trade, while it would be of no value to the Welsh ehip-
owner, would have the effect of materially reedricting the ad-
vantags s which all were anxious he should obtain in the
misting trade of ether countries, and especially with le fe-
mu to that o: It would he of immense advan-
tage to the shipping of this country to ho admitted to the
coasting trade sit America.
An Hope. MENtilEll.—lf we can got i:.

Mr. GLADE CONE (in c witinuaion).--Why .Ir. Batt-
croft had declared, "II you will • o all, we will do
all ;" a.k.l that word " all " he (Mr. Gladstone) took to
includ•- the cowing trade. (II sr, he kr.) Thnuuh A-aeries
WAS t, ba ad:hi:tad w the cal.uial were w