The Express.
London, England, 1847-12-30 00:00:00

EXPRESS, THU
rim to mama of whisk the
' the manufacturing

LSDAY :

to give ...sotto . torah-light meet-
in hold m , districts by the
gs
disciples of O'Cosson, OefrrlAN and the Rev. J. R.
STEPHENS, and the sacking of the Bull-riog at Bir-
mingham, are but faint prototypes. If incendiary lan-
guage addressed to our working classes, many of
whom have been educated, all are unarmed, and all
accustomed from infancy to regard the law and its
ministers as powerful, could stir them up to
such floods of mutiny, what are we not to
expect from similar dreamy expositions of
imaginary rights, blended with appeals to the
interests and prejudices of a moon-savage audi-
ence, composed of men accustomed and prompt to
refer all injuries (real or supposed) to the decision of
arms ? And to strengthen himself for this TERRY ALT
school of agitation, Bishop EieverYte clothes himself
with a divine commission after a fashion which pro-
testants have been rarely accustomed to in their
clergy, and which forms the chief burden of the eli-
minations with which the very protestant among our
countrymen load the Bishop of Rona.
There is something very grotesque and incongruous
in the alliance suggested by Dr. SELWYN'S affectation
of speaking as " the head of the missionary body by
whose influence and representations the native
obit& were induced to sign the treaty of
Waitangi? This description, by the way, applies
only to a section of the missionary body in New
Zealand. Until lately, these church missionaries had
only one or two stations south of the estuary of the
Thames, and even that narrow field, the northern pe-
ninsula, was pretty equally halved between them and
the Wesleyan missionaries, while the Roman catholic
bishop, PORPALLIRR, poached (in their estimation)
largely on the preserves of both. The influence of the
body of which Bishop SP-LW TN claims to be head, was
very limited in New Zealand, and was even worse in
quantity than in quality. The church missionaries
previously to 1841 consisted of three or four clergy-
men (some of whom had been originally naval officers,
and retained a good deal of the Hawser Trunnion in
their composition) and some lay assistants, unedu-
cated mechanics. The original plan of the mission
was to civilise the natives as preparatory to
Christianising them, and to this end much of the at-
tention both of the lay and clerical members was
devoted to farming and other gainful secular pursuits.
The missionaries begot sons and daughters, and the
society at home allowed them to acquire in property
a sufficient amount of land for the support of each
child. The mission became thus effectively secular-
Mid, except in so far as the retention of an ecclesi-
astical character gave it po'wer over the natives, and
enabled it to persuade the British government to dia.
courage or prevent all competition against its land-
acquiring speculations on the part of mere
laymen. The selfish, vulgar, worldly. character
developed amongst the resident missionaries in
New Zealand, in these circumstances, prompted the
most active and reckless opposition on their part to
all attempts to introduce colonisation and settled
government into all parts of New Zealand to which
their influence extended. The folly of the first go-
vernor in admitting members of the mission to hold
executive offices, added to the mischief. To their
intrigues there can be no doubt mach of the blood that
has been shed in New Zealand is attributable.
With such men Bishop Sktvrtte could have few
sympathies. He is emphatically a gentleman and
a scholar ; brave, accomplished, of elegant tastes. He
has nothing in common with the sordid traders in
pions professions we have been describing. But he is
lan ambitious churchman; one who, it is true, sin-
cerely wishes to see men happy, but happy according
to his views of what is right, and under his con-
troL He is better read in books than in men.
His own ideas are dearer to him than his fellow-
creatures : he can bear to use the latter to promote
the former. "Tout pour figlise" is his motto.
He denied the claim of the Wesleyan converts to
partake of the Loan's Supper, because they had
not been baptised with the sign of the cross.
And thus it has come that he has con-
trived to conquer his natural repugnance to
the individuals whose head he now proclaims him-
self to be : their professions give him a hold upon them
which he has on no other class—he can compel them
to work out his ends under the penalty of being con-
victed of h . In return, he pretends to take
them for what they give themselves out to be ; and,
having thus once transgressed the limits of
.perfect
frankness and sincerity, his downward path is easy.
Borne of his moat estimable qualities now only render
him more dangerous ; his courage becomes reckless-
ness ; his geniality of disposition seduces men to pal-
liate and tolerate his dangerous policy. He has be-
come the pledged leader of a faction, and that one of
the least scrupulous (in as far as its narrow sphere
admits of) on record.
The Dorsetahire Rector" waxes eloquent on the
magnanimity which Dr. Betwere will display
when the emoluments of his diocese shall be
taken from him. It will be time enough to
discuss that question when he has done everything
to render each treatment unavoidable. At present
no one thinks about it, exsept the Dorsetakire
romans-writer. Dr. Fixtvres is paid—not by the
government—not by the colonists--but by the
associated partisan! of the New Zealand mission.
Nevertheless, it is evident that the bishop is
• dangerous addition to the inflammable mate-
rials which abound in New Zealand. He will re-
quire to be reminded that protestants are not ac-
customed to allow their clergymen to throw their
divine mission into the scale when mere temporal
matters are being weighed; and that while the civil
power ought scrupulously to abstain from encroach-
ing on the sphere of the spiritual, it neglects its duty
if it shrinks from enforcing a corresponding absti-
nence in return.

Tax criminal returns recently presented to the
members of both houses of parliament, contain matter
of grave interest at the present moment—not only to
those more immediately connected with proposed re-
forms in oar penal system, but to the public generally.
Probably no great national question is surrounded
with so many difficulties of various kinds u that of
criminal science and its administration. These diffi-
culties exist, in the first plue, in the very nature of
the subject itself—involving, as it necessarily does,
many of the fundamental, yet controverted, principles
of moral, social, and political science; but they are
not a little complicated and increased by the fact of
some not very profound views having gained cur-
rency amongst certain classes as to the Jurisdiction of
society in the matter of life and death: more especially
as the legal forms, provided by the constitution for
the administration of the law, afford to these well-
meaning but, we think, mistaken individuals the
power of interrupting the course of justice. They
set their theories up against the manotioni of the law,
and in the name of mercy seek to minimise the ap-
portionment of pain to the cdfender. On abstract
grounds they as. peesibly right—but society is con-
crete, not abstract ; it bas to be desk with, by prao-
tical men, in the rough. One cannot break stones
with the sculptor's implements. We us not Dis-
count& We have no faith in excessive • ts.
The infliction of unnecessary pain we ould etzenn-
ously denounce as absurd as well as inhuman. We
have no objection even to the abolition of extreme
penalties, as soon as they can be dispensed with, with
increased, or even with equal security to society—but
not till then.

In the meanwhile it is highly desirable that we pro-
oeed in our reforms and alterations of the existing
law, with great caution—consulting, where it is pos-
sible to do so, such authentic facts as our experienoo
may furnish as we advance, making our rogress.
even if it be slow, certaia--and thus provide against
the waste of time, energy, and wealth, in prosecuting
a false path which we might subsequently find our-
selves under the painful necessity of retracing. In
the present date of theoretical penal science, with
such uncertainty ea to the play of motives in crimi-
nals, and while the existing anarchy prevails as to the
relation and effect of punishment on crime—real bead
fide statistics constitute the only safe basis on which
to form a judgment tut to the best way of prooeeding
in the work of reform.

In this sense, the criminal tables for 1846 contain
matter both of encouragement and warning--encou-
Tegument to go on, and warning u to the direction.
During the present decade the total numbers of the
commitments in England and Wales, for each parti-
' cular year, have been u follow: 1840, 27,187 ; 1841,
27,760 ; 1842, 31,309 ; 1843, 29,591 ; 1944, 26,542;
1845, 24,303 ; 1846, 25,107. The figures offer occa-
pica hr grave congratulation. The gradual dimina-
tion is spread pretty eivally over the eeelees al the
whole ooantry. It evidently arias hem general, sot
from load, curses, and is therefore the more eatillee-
tory. The tables for Ireland exhibit a state of ha-
I provernent almost parallel. In that country the gross

t
:VEXING, DECEMBER 30, 1847.

committals wean : 1840, 23,831 ; 1841, 20,796 ; 1842,1
21,186 • 1843, 20,128 ; 1844, 19,448 ; 1845, 16,696 ;
1848, 18,792. Both countries show an inertia* of
crime in 1846 over 1845—but in both, that augment-
ation still leaves At balance in their favour against
the commitments for 1844 and the previous years.
This fluctuation prom that regular decrease, which
from 1842 had become the rale, admits of natural and
unforced explanation—without any reference to the
supposition that the spirit of criminality has become
more active. The year was one of almost unparalleled
distress. The privations of 1842, when crime ran up
to its maximum, were not by many degrees so severe.
To those who know how much the ...r--especially
in the manufacturing counties—have • • a tried, it is
matter of wonder that offences against the law have
been so few. That they have been so is a significant
and cheering evidence that better influences and
sounder notion' are at work amongst the masses than
have hitherto been found to operate with them.
On the other hand, while crime generally, with
more or lees of incidental fluctuation, is gradually
diminishing, certain species of crimes are alarmingly
on the increase : the increase being almost uniform?,
in those departments in which penal concessions have
been made to the ultra-humane tendencies of the age.
This is especially the case in the more serious crimes—
namely, each as, before the mitigation of punishment
commenced in 1832, were capital offences, attempts to
murder, rape, burglary, arson, forgery, &c. For the
five years ending in 1831—i. e., before the alterations
in the criminal law took place—the number of com-
mitments for attempt at murder in England and
Wales was 453; for the five years ending 1846, they
numbered 1,099! The charges for rape in the
same periods were 252 for the former, 597
for the latter. Those for burglary were 1,299
in the first, against 2,701 in the last ; those for
arson, 212 against 581 ; those for forgery, 240
against 706. These terrible augmentations have
occurred in the face of a general diminution of crime,
se webers already shown: while the crime of murder,
still capital, has not increased in any proportion—the
numbers for each lustre of the last twenty years
being:-1826 to 1831-317: 1831 to 1836-355:
1836 to 1841-284: 1841 to 1846-360: being 28
more for the first ten years than for the second.
These statistics suggest a horrible presumption as to
what would probably be the result of rendering
murder non-capital. We-should not agree with those
publicists who would accept these tables as a warrant
for a return to the severer penalties of former times ;
but while we should reject the arguments which they
offer, as inconclusive for such a purpose, we would in-
terrogate them win and again before we ventured to
advance still further in the same direction. Until some
mode of punishment as terrible as death, and as
likely to operate with equal power to deter, be dis-
covered, we should tremble at the idea of abolishing
death-punishments. We are not without hope, that
, such may be found—a mode of expiation of a leas
irremediable nature than execution ; bat until that is
devised, and proved to be effective, it would betray a
s lack of ordinary prudence to suspend a
punishment which statistics prove to act as a powerful
preventative.
Bat again, it is only fair to suggest that probably
one of the causes of the increase of those serious
crimes which are not now capital is to be found in
the uncertainty of the punishment attached to their
commission. For several years past penal science in
England has been in a state of prolonged crisis. While
extreme penalties have been abolished altogether, the
system of secondary punishments has been in a state
of the utmost anarchy. Before, the culprit knew his
fate well; it stood before him—fixed—speedy—ter-
rible. There was no hope, juggle, or equivocation
about a death sentence. On those which have been
substituted for it there have been every kind of
doubt—as to their reality, their amount, and the
mode of suffering them. There is evidence to show
that this doubt—unavoidable perhaps in a period of
experiment and transition like the present—has exer-
cised great influence over the minds of criminals in
diminishing the terrors of the law. This uncertainty
should be put an end to with all possible despatch.
There ought to be no misconception in the country
on this point. Certainty, promptitude, severity,
are all necessary elements of prevention :
the notion that any one of these is relaxed
should be avoided as a fatal mistake. If our present
scale of punishments is to be maintained something
must be done to render it more operative. How it is
to be rendered more operative, which of the penal
theories now prevailing is best adapted to render it
such, is a question too large to be entered upon here :
but we shall have only too frequently occasion to re-
turn to the subject. Enough for the present that we
have pointed out the terrible increase of the more
serious crimes—cotemporsuieously with as remark-

able a diminution of general criminality throughout
the country—and indicated the necessity of arrang-
ing our system of secondary punishments so as to
give to them a character more calculated to deter : a
change which may probably be effected without
materially, if at all, diminishing the humane hope of
reforming the criminal.

PRUSSIA.—LORD PALMERSTON AND BVirMIER.
LAND.—Tke following article appears in the Cologne Gazette
of the 28th of December: " Berlin, Dec. 24.—The personal
views of Lord Palmerton should not be left out of cone,
devotion when reference is made to the conduct of England
with regard to Swiss affairs. He has frequently proved that
he knows too well on what side victory will lean in the
forthcoming change of affairs in Europe, not to set up Eng.
land as the protector of that side, and thus secure for his
country • new point of support which will ezoeed all others
in stability. It will be remembered by many that in the
year 1835, when the great subscription for Mazzini and
others was raised, ' a friend ' forwarded 1001. sterling. That
friend was Lord Palmerston himself, who thus already
showed that he entertained a true idea of the state of
affairs. Soma of our readers, too, will not fail to
recollect the report of H. Leming (who about that
time was murdered near Zurich), addressed to the Prussian
government, respecting the posture amain in Switzerland,
and in which he traced the relation in which Lord Palmers-
ton stood to the Swiss liberals_speaking of the noble lord as
of one who, standing behind the scenes, directed, in a certain
measure, the movements of those who appeared on the stage.
We do not place implicit reliance on the reports of one Who
was paid for acting as • spy ; but they sufficiently show
how much was expected from his lordship by the liberal
clubs in Switzerland. Lord Palmerston has kept his word ;
he is • friend to that party which heretofore have built their
hopes on him. In fact the noble lord, like • true friend be-
hind the scenes, directs at this moment the acting men of
that party. Otherwise, how can one account for the simid-
tensions ezhibitione by the Diet of that moderation, that
practical tact, and that just appreciation of what it is pos-
sible and proper to do, in order to do away with the
possibility of foreign interference? Can we say of
Sir Stratford Canning lees than Lord Lansdowne,
on she 14th inst., said of Lord Mint°, " That he had
been sent to give friendly advice. And that friendly advice
as proved by the recent proceedings of the Diet, has found
ready acquiescence, as it did,with Ochsenbein. It is to be
hoped that the Diet will continue to show the same spirit of
acquiteminee, in order that the fanatical conservative oppo-
sition, which is not lees dangerous than the fanaticism of the
dad as opportunity to Lay be hoods upon the

'••• % • . &14•-•411r%N•A 71. \ •
•

several of our carbines were up to shoot him, he
escaped, and we saw no more of him that day. We
proceeded then to take what cattle, spears, &a., we
could lied, descended from the hill, bringing some
prisoners with us, and very quietly began to light the fires
for breakfast. The water was just boiling, when we disco
tared, on a moderate calculation, 12 or 14,000 Saffirs,
many well mounted, and all with firearms, on each side of
the defile through which we had to pass. We had 22 miles
to go to Fort Hare, our horses had not tasted food that day,
nor had, in fact, we ourselves, whilst every minute the enemy
grew stronger and more formidable. We dared not stay
where we were all night, or every one would have been
massacred. Whilst the conch shell and war-whoop kept up
their dismal yell, the enemy kept exclaiming, " Traps,
traps," signifying " Come on, come on ;" that taunting word
was enough,—on we did go, and not without a fearful
slaughter. They dropped like chaff before the wind, whilst
our low was comparatively small; but to me the car—:
appeared awful, many that I had been chatting with
familiarly in the morning dropping down dead by my side
without a groan. However, the remnant of ns reached Fort
Hare at seven that evening, heartily tired and famished, I '
enure you, and were not sorry to get • good meal, and an
imperial quart of splendid wine per man, and, better than all,
a good bed. The next day patrols were seat out to scour the
country, and returned with the horrible information that the
bodies of our slain were cut in small pieces, and strewed
among the dogs by the roadside.

BISHOP OF NEW ZEALAND AND
EARL GREY.
We extract the following from a " Blue Book,"just issued :
—St. John's College, Bishop's Auckland, July 1, 1847.
May it please your Excellency,—l, George
Augustus, by
Divine permission, Bishop of New Zealand, on my own be-
half, and on behalf of the clergymen of this diocese, ern
ployed by Captain Hobson to interpret and explain the
treaty of Waitangi to the native chiefs of New Zealand, do
hereby record my deliberate and formal protest against the
principles expressed in a letter of instructions addressed by
the Right Hon. the Earl Grey to your excellency, bearing
date, naming-street, 23d Deoember, 1846, to the effect that,
" the savage inhabitants of New Zealand have no right of
property in land which they do not occupy, and which has re.
ermined unsubdued to the purposes of man." Against this
doctrine I feel myself called upon to protest, as the head of
the missionary body, by whose influence and repre-
sentations the native chiefs were induced to sign the
treaty of Waitangi, not one of whom would have
consented to act as an agent of the British Government,
if the assurances given to them by Captain Hobson had not
I been directly contrary to the principles now avowed by the
Right Hon. the Earl Grey. It is my duty also to inform
your excellency that I am resolved, God being my helper, to
nee all legal and constitutional measures befitting my sta-
tion, to inform the natives of New Zealand of their rights
and privileges as British subjects, and to mist them in
asserting and maintaining them, whether by petition to the
imperial parliament, or other loyal and peaceable methods
but that, in so doing, I shall not for4the respect which I
owe to your excellency, nor do any which can be con-
sidered likely to add to the difficulties o the colony. I have
further to request that this communication may be for-
warded to the 'Right Hon. the Earl Grey, Secretary of State
for the Colonies, with whom I am privileged to communi-
cote through your excellency.—l have, 64., G. A. N. ZIA-
LAND.—Iin Excellency Captain Grey.

The following is a copy of a despatch from Earl
Grey to governor Frey :
Downing-street, Nov. 30, 1847.
Biz —I have to acknowledge the receipt of your two de-
spateles of July 7, 1847, Noe. 71 ani 73, from the last of
which I am happy to find that the publication of my de-
spatch of December 23, 1846, had not been followed by that
excitement among the natives of the northern parts of New
Ulster, which report had given you reason to apprehend
and that at the date of your writing, a greater amount of
tranquillity and prosperity prevailed throughout the whole
of New Zealand, than had ever, in your opinion, existed.
I have received this intelligence with the more satisfaction,
because it goes far to dispel the alarm which would otherwise
have been excited by the protest, transmitted is your des-
patch, of the Bishop of New Zealand, on his own behalf and
that of certain clergymen, " against the principle of my
letter of instructions," referring, as I learn from the extracts,
to my dispatch of the 23rd of Dezember last. I have read
this protest with very great regret. Objections proceeding
from his lordship to any principles of government laid down
by me would have been entitled to, and would certainly have
received, my most respectful consideration, had the grounds
on which they rested been explained to me ; bat I learn
from this document, with equal surprise and concern, that
it was the expressed resolution of the Bishop "to inform the
natives of New Zealand of their rights and privileges so Bri-
tish subjects, and to waist them is asserting and maintaining
them : that is—for the context will not allow of any other
interpretation of his words—to impress upon their minds the
belief that their rights and privileges would be invaded, and
the treaty of Waitangi violated, by the course of policy in
respect to the land question, which her Majesty's govern-
ment had instructed you to pursue.
It is true that the bishop declares his intention of thus as-
sisting the natives in maintaining their rights only " by peti-
tion to the imperial parliament, or by other loyal end
peaceable means," and disavows the intention of doing
anything " which can be considered likely to add to the
difficulties of the colony."
I do sot for a moment doubt the sincerity of these asser-
tions. But I fear that it is impossible that language each as
that of this protest can be addressed to a people who have
so lately emerged from habits of the most savage barbarism
—a people well armed and warlike, of easily excited passions,
and minds untrained to European habits of obedience—
without very serious risk. The natives are leas likely to be
acute in discriminating between " loyal and peaceable " and
more violent methods of asserting their rights, than to be
quick in apprehending and fierce in resenting any supposed
violation of them, especially when impressed upon their
minds by 60 high an authority as that of the Bishop of New
Zealand. When I reflect on the scenes, of which some parts of
this colony have lately bees the theatre, and the passions which
have been aroused by questions arising out of this very sub-
ject, it appears to me that those who use such language incur
a heavy responsibility, and the heavier in proportion
to the eminence of their station. If the employ-
ment of it has not, in this instance, " added to
the difficulties of the colony,' as your despatch
gives me reason to hope, I cannot but think that this is less
owing to the bishop's disclaimer of such intentions, than to
the unsubstantial nature of the grievance with which he
is endeavouring to persuade the natives that they are
threatened.

For I think it must appear evident to himself, upon reflec-
tion, that he has proceeded somewhat hastily to condemn
the policy which I directed you to pursue in the despatch
which he has quoted, without ascertaining with sufficient care
what that policy really was. His lordship has not correctly
apprehended the psupert of my instructions, which he has
thus bra led to misrepresent in a manner
calculsead se mile la Ilse m&de of the natives • belief as to
the intender anise gorminient, which would have been
equally unfounded In reality. and dangerous had it been
unfortunately &dogged by them. The protest is directed
against what is termed my " doctrine," that " the savage
inhabitants of New Zealand have no right of property in
land which they do not occupy, and which has remained um-
subdued to the purview of man," and seems to assume that
this " doctrine" was to be acted upon by the government's at
once taking possession of all such land in New Zealand. I
have said that this seems to be assumed, because, although
the protest is far from being clear, having appa-
rently been written under feelings of much excitement, I can
put no other interpretation upon it, since I cannot believe
that the bishop would have thought it necessary to protest,
and to desk= his intention of eisig and aiding the natives
emiesnees against the mere ewer= of an opinion. The
bd.46indeed of expressing any each intention as the
144eggpare to have supposed, expresses the very reverse.
It sayeacitailieedai..,l4that if this quirks were now open for con-
sider& that is, if we were asemeneing the colonisation
of New at tho gnome time, the doctrine to
which the bishop
_Alger wool Lehassr2, judgment
be the bet innesinea of air 'ago, as
conceive it to uiei the tier gobriple reprd to property
in land. Thom_ spinier I mg as reuseto alter. The
bishop Ire grimed se angnment against them. I have
been condoned In them se well by the disastrous results
which have Mowed from Wig on the contrary principle,
as by the able end iniessenesttedgmont of the Supreme Court
of the colony, tramorroll be melba year despatch of the 6th
of July last, 64, Ix width the beies erabliali, upon the
highest legal authol ides both of Ms-ems and America,
that the views I expressed are then wbl h for u=
300 years, have been uniformly lesegnised and
on by the consents of civilised nations. But it is
one thing to deny the general theory on which
a certain supposed right is founded, and another
thing to endeavour to set aside rights which have been
formally recognised, because they are founded on a theory
conceived to be erroneous. While I laid down what I coo-
eider the better principle, I endeavoured carefully to guard
myself against being 'unposed to enforce it as applicable to
the present state of New Zealand ; and I believe that I
needed in doing so. I expressly informed you that, in point
of fact, you were not in a position to act upon that principle,
and that, from past transactions, a state of things had
arisen, in which a strict application of it was impos-
sible. I stated my belief that " the right of the
crown cannot now be asserted to large wars of waste
land which particular tribes have been taught to call
their own." I directed you, in the strongest lan-
guage, " to maintain those rights of the native tribes to land
which you have already recognised." AU that I advised
was this that the theory of the ownership by tribes of =-
occupied land should not be made the foundation of any
&lure transactions ; and that, what I oonceive to be the
rights of the crown—that is of the public (where no engage
menu to the contrary have been made)—should be carifell;
attended to in the disposal of land wherever no property has
yet been recognised.

And if ifthttitharwitishopt, hadwhicat were oonsulted
pttebuted with
ft,
structioneaocot,
which really contain the preedeal directions le the local
government, which my demeldi wee only !Wended to illus-
trate, he would there he tha mews attoadea "aid
4 to the maintenance of sta is aa existing native right to =tlll6l tolalliahtd ia ms
pence of the prevalence of thee soliaihse theory whisk 1
have combated. The Protease et the Aborlitiess
there directed to inform the reileaso all lands within his district to whisk Ile asthma " as tribes or
Individuals." claim ether posissoory ties
that ell 'ea thins and that -wherever
it dell be Area OW that hail hays actsally onisploi by the aide% or that thootnarship to se* lands,
olthoduaailegist. km beta rensaled by the emends*
be ihia autheithealagesisely to bs seed la its sieves, tech alai=
lly let
1 count Mashie mho ponies Ot them hotentlicea an be

designated u a violation of the rights of the native. as Nu.
blished eithla by the treaty of Waitangi, or any other saw
meat or authority . Nor should I have thought it u
to enter on this detailel justification of language used by ay
on any former occasion, had it not been for the lino*
misinterpretation put upon it (I have no doubt unatention.
ally) by so high a functionary. It is very tug,
tunate that the bishop should have founded, on such a Li.
interpretation, a perilous appeal to the feelings of the native.;
and it will be happy for his lordship, no less than for the
public, if he shall have seen reason not to act upon his firo,
test, or if his views have failed to produce among the natives
that sense of injury which he himself appears to feel in %ilk
behalf.
Yon will communicate a eopy of this despatch to

Bisbop of New Zealand.—l line; &c.,
Governor Grey. (Signed)

the
Gan.