The Express.
London, England, 1846-12-30 00:00:00

the-Moment the terms of annexation offered by the United
ewes were accepted by Texas, the latter became so far a
P ot of our own country as to make it our
that f duty
or to afford
that
ch protection and defence, and
--a Pour squadron had been ordered to the Gulf,
and our army to " take a position between the Nue-
ees and the Del Norte," or Rio Grande, and " to repel any
mnisioa of the Texan territory which might be attempted by
the Mexican forces."
It was deemed proper to issue this order, because, soon
after the l'resident of Tees', in Aoril, 1845, had issued his
proclamation essivening the congress of that republic, for the
pOl of of Submitting to that body the terms of annexation
p roomed by the United States, the government of Mexico
setae serious threats of invading the Texan territory.
These threats became more imposing as it became more
$
pparent, in the progrem of the question, that the people of
Texas would decide in favour of accepting the terms of an-
nexation ; and, finally, they had assumed such a formidable
character, as induced both the Congress and Convention of
Texas to request that a military force should be sent by the
United States into her territory for the purpose of protecting
and defending her against the threatened invasion. It
vrould have been a violation of good faith towards the people
of Texas to has refused to afford the aid which they desired
against a threatened invasion, to which they had been ex-
posed by their free determination to annex themselves to
our union, in compliance with the overture made to them by
the joint resolution of our congress.
Accordingly, a portion of the army was ordered to advance
into Term corpus Christi was the position selected by Oen.
Taylor. He encamped at that place in August, 1845, and
the army remained in that position until the 11th of March,
1346, when it moved westward, and on the 28th of that
month reached the east bank of Rio Grande opposite to Meta-
mores. This movement was made in pursuance of orders from
the war department, issued on the 13th of Jan., 1846. Before
these orders were issued, the despatch of our Minister in
Mexico, transmitting the decision of the Council of Govern-
ment of Mexico, advising that he should not be received,
and also the despatch of our consul residing in the city of
Mexico—the former bearing date on the 14th, and the
latter on the 18th of December, 1815, copies of both of
which accompanied my message to Congress of the 11th of
May bas'—were received at the Department of State. These
communicatimis rendered it highly probable, if not Abso-
lutely certain, that our minister would not be received by
the government of Gen. Herrera. It was also well known
that but little hope could be entertained of a different re-
sult from Gen. Paredes, in case the revolutionary move-
ment which he was prosecuting should prove successful, as
was highly probable. The partisans of Paredes, as our min-
ister, in the despatch referred to, states, breathed the fiercest
hostility against the United States, denounced the proposed
negotiations as treason, and openly called upon the troops
and to the people pnt dawn the government of Herrera by
force. There conquest of Texas., and war with the United
States were openly threatened. These were the circumstan-
ces existing, when it was deemed proper to order the army
under the command of General Taylor, to advance to the
western frontier of Texas, and occupy a position on or near
the Rio Grande.
The apprehensions of a contemplated Mexican invasion
have been since fully justified by the event. The determina-
tion of Mexico to rush into hostilities with the United
States was afterwards manifested from the whole tenor
of the note of the Mexican Minister of Foreign Affairs
to our minister, bearing date on the 12th of March,
1846. Paredes had then revolutionised the government,
and his minister, atter referring to the resolution for the
annexat on of Texas, which bad been adopted by our
Congress in March, 1845, proceeds to declare that "a ,
fen such as this, or, to speak with greater exactness, so
senalie an art of usurpation, created an imperious necessity
dot Nesico, tar her own honour, should repel it with pro-
aess and dignity. The supreme government had
yl~takan.l declared that it would look upon such an act as
genie belli ; and, us a consequence of this declaration, nego-
Mallon was, by i s very 'titre, at an end, and war was the
only recourse of the Mexican government."
The moveme it of our army to the Rio Grande was made
by the commanding general under positive orders to abstain
from all aggressive acts towards Mexico, or Mexican citizens,
and to regard the relations between the two countries as
peaceful, anises Mexico should declare war, or commit acts
of hostility indicative of a state of war, and these orders ho
faithfully executed. Whilst occupying his position on the
east bank of the Rio Grande, within the limits of Texas,
then receatly admitted as one of the states of our Union, the
commanding general of the Mexican forces, who, in pur-
mance of tie orders of his government, had collected a
large arinfon the opposite shore of the Rio Grande, crossed
the river, invaded our territory, and commenced hostilities
by attacking our (rms.
The United States never attempted to acquire Texas by
conquest. On the contrary, at an early period after the
people of Texas had achieved their independence, they
sought to be annexed to the United States. At a general
election is September, 1836, they decided with great una-
• tensity the appointment of a minister to bear their request to
this government. This government, however, having re-
mained neutral between Texas and Mexico during the
war between them, and considering it due to the
honour of our country, and our fair fame among
the nations of the earth, that we should not at this
early period consent to annexation, nor until it should be
manifest to the whole world that the re conquest of Texas
by Mexico was impossible, refused to accede to the overtures
Made by Texas. On the 12th day of April, 1844, and after
more than seven years had elapsed since Texas had esta-
blished her independence, a treaty was concluded for
annexation of that republic to the United States, which
was rejected by the Senate. Finally, on the Ist of March,
1845, Congress passed a joint resolution for annexing
her to the United States, upon certain preliminary
conditions to which her assent was required. The
solemnities which characterised the deliberations and
conduct of the government and people of Texas, on the
deeply interesting questions presented by these resolutions,
are known to the world. The Congress, the Executive, and
the people of Texas, in a convention elected for that purpose,
accepted with great unanimity the proposed terms of anuexa-
ton ; and thus consummated on her part the great act of re-
storing to our federal Union a vast territory which had been
ceded to Spain by the Florida treaty more than a quarter of
a century before.
After the joint resolution for the annexation of Texas to
the United States had been passed by our Congress, the
Mexican minister at Washington addressed a note to the
Secretary of State, bearing date on the 6th of March, 184.5,
protesting against it as " an act of aggression, the most
tiniest which can be found on record in the an-
nals of modern history ; namely, that of despoiling
a friendly nation, like • Mexico, of a considerable
portion of her territory ;" and protesting against
the resolution of annexation, as being an act " where-
Sy the province of Texas, an integral portion of the
Mexican territory, is agreed and admitted into the Ameri-
can Union," and he announced that, as a consequence, his
mission to the United States had terminated, and demanded
has passports, which were granted. It was upon the absurd
pretext, made by Mexico (herself indebted for her indepen- '
deem to a successful revolution), that the republic of Texas
still continued to be, notwithstanding all that had passed, a
province of Mexico, that this step was taken by the Mexican
minister.
Every honourable effort has been used by me to avoid the
war which followed, but all have proved vain. All our
attempts to preserve peace have been met by insult and re-
sistance on the part of Mexico. My efforts to this end com•
mewed in the note of the Secretary of State, of the 10th of
March, 1845, in answer to that of the Mexican Minister.
Whilst declining to re-open a discussion which had
already been exhausted, and proving again what was
known to the whole world, that Texas had long since
achieved her independence, the Secretary of State
expressed the regret of this government that Mexico should
have taken offence at the resolution of annexation passed by
Congress, and gave assuranco that our most strenuous
Fora should be devoted to the amicable adjustment of every
cause of complaint between the two governments, and to
the cultivation of the kindest and most friendly relations be-
tween the sister republics.
The consul of the United States at the city of Mexico was,
therefore, instructed by the Secretary of State on the 15th
September, 1845, to make the inquiry of the Mexican govern-
ment. The inquiry was made, and on the 15th October,
1145, the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Mexican govern-
ment, in a note addressed to our consul, gave a favorable re-
sponse, requesting at the same time that our naval force might
be withdrawn from Vera Cruz while negotiations should be
Pending. Upon the receipt of this note, our naval force was
withdrawn from Vera Cruz. A minister was immediately
"pointed, and departed to Mexico. Every thing bore a
promising aspect for a speedy and peaceful adjustment of all
tar difficulties. At the date of my annual message to con-
tress, in Dec. last, no doubt was entertained but that he
would be received by the Mexican government, and the hope
was cherished that all cause of misunderstanding between the
two countries would be speedily removed. In the confident
hope that such would be the result of his mission, I informed
Congress that I forebore at that time to " recommend such
elterior measures of redress for the wrongs and injuries
we had so long borne, as it would have been proper to'
smite had no such negotiation been instituted." To
my surprlse and regret, the Mexican government, though
solemnly pledged to do so upon the arrival of our minister
in Mexico, refused to receive and accredit him. When he
mulled Vera Cruz, on the 30th of November, 1845, he found
that the aspect of affairs had undergone an unhappy change.
„.
Life goverement of Gen. Herrera, who was at that time
President of the republic, was tottering to its fall. General
?modes (a military leader) had manifested his.determina-
-64n to overthrow the government of Herrera by a
military revolution; and one of the principal means
which he employed to effect his purpose, and render
the government of Her. era odious to the army
mid People of Mexico was by loudly condemning its determi-
astern to receive a minister of peace from the United States,
alleging that it was the intention of Herrera, by a treaty
with.. the United States, to dismember the territory of
(desk°, by ceding away the department of Texas. The
government of Herrera is believed to have been well disposed
to a specific adjustment of existing difficulties ; but,
Probably alarmed for its own security, and in
order to ward off the danger of the revolution
led by Paredes, violated its solemn agreement, and re-
fused to receive or accredit our minister; and this, although
informed that he had been invested with full power to &sl-
iest all flues' ems in dispute between the two governments.
Among the frivolous pretexts fur this refusal, the principal
,e was, that cur ministers had not gone upon a special mis-
sion, confined to the question of Texas stone, leaving all the
outrages Upon our flag and our citizens unredressed. The
government well knew that both our
rational honour and the protection due to our citi-
boun imperatively required that the two muestions of
and indemnity should be treated of to-
segtther, as naturally and inseparably blended, and
es
toeyolre the ntto have seen that this c urse was best calculated
Unitial Stabs to extend to them the most
cal justice. On the 13th of December. 1845, Gen. Her-
risilizied the presidency, and yielded up the government

to Gen. Paredes without a struggle. Thus • revolution was
accomplished solely by the army commanded by Paredes,
and the supreme power in Mexico passed into the hands of a
military usurper, who was known to be bitterly hostile to
the United States.
in order to prosecute the war with Mexico with vigour
and energy, as the best means of bringing it to a speedy
and honourable termination, a further loan will be neces-
sary, to meet the expenditure of the present and the next
fiscal years. If the war should be continued until the 30th
of June, 1848—being the end of the next fiscal year—it is
estimated that an additional loan of twenty-three millions or
dollars will be required. This estimate is made upon the
assumption that it will be necessary to retain constantly in
the treasury four millions of dollars, to guard against contin-
gencies. If such surplus were not required to be retained,
then a loan of nineteen millions of dollars would be sufficient.,
If, however, congress should at the present session, impose a
revenue on the principal articles now embraced iu the free
list, it is estimated that an additional annual revenue of about
two millions and a half, amounting, it is estimated, on the
30th of June, 1843, to four millions of dollars, would be de-
rived from that source ; and the loan required would be re-
duced by that amount. It is estimated, also, that should
congress graduate and reduce the price of such of the public
lands as have been long in the market, the additional
revenue derived from that source would be annually,
for several years to come, between half a million
and a million of dollars ; and the loan required may be
reduced by that amount also. Should these measures be
adopted, the loan requited would not probably exceed eight-
teen or nineteen millions of dollars—leaving in the treasury
a constant surplus of four millions of dollars. The loan pro-
posed, it is estimated, will be sufficient to cover the neces-
sary expenditure, both for the war and for all other put-
pwes, up to the 30th of June, 1848; and an amount of this
loan, not exceeding one half, ne y be required during the
present fiscal year, and the greater part of the remainder
during the first half of the fiscal year succeeding.
In order that timely notice may be given, and proper
measures taken to effect the loan, or such portion of it as
may be required, it is important that the authority of Con.
gress to make it be given at an early period of your pre ent
session. It is suggested that the loan should be contracted
for a period of twenty years, with authority to purchase the
stock and pay it off at an earlier period, at its market value,
out of any surplus which may at any time be in the treasury rip-
plicable to that purpose. After the establishment of peace with
Mexico, it is supposed that a considerable surplus will exist,
and that the debt may be extinguished in a much shorter
period than that fur which it may be contracted. The
period of twenty-years, as that for which the proposed loan
may be contracted in preference to a shorter period, is sug-
gested because all experience, both at home and abroad, has
shown that loans are effected upon much better terms upon
long time, than when they are reimbursable at short dates,
Economy in the public expenditure is at all times a high
duty which all public functionaries of the government owe
to the people. This duty becomes the more imperative in a
period of war, when large and extraordinary expenditures
become unavoidable. During the existence of the war
with Mexico, all our resources should be hesbanded, and no
appropriations made, except such as are absolutely necessary
for its vigorous prosecution and the due adminisu oleo of
the government. Objects of appropriation, which in mese,
may be deemed useful or proper, but which are not Indio.
pensable for the public service, may, when the country is
engaged in a foreign war, be well postponed to a future
period. By the observance of this policy at your preseat
Kelton, large amounts may be saved to the Treasury, and be
applied to objects of pressing and urgent necessity, and thus
the creation of a corresponding amount of public debt may
be avoided.
It is not meant to recommend that the ordiniry and ne-
cessary approp. iations for the support of government eboald
be withheld, but it is well known that at every sesame of
Congress appropriations are proposed for numerous objects
which may or may not be made without materially affecting
the public interests, and these it is recommended should not
be granted.
The act passed at your last session " reducing the duties
on imports" not having gone into operation until the
first of the present month, there has not been time for its
practical effect upon the revenue, and the business of the
country to be developed. It is not doubted, however, that
the just policy which it adopts will add largely to our foreign
trade, and promote the general prosperity. Although it
cannot be certainly foreseen what amount of revenue it will
yield, it is estimated that it will exceed that produced by. the
act of 1842, which is superseded. The leading principles
established by it are, to levy the taxes with a view to raise
revenue, and to impose them upon the articles imported
according to their actual value.
The act of 1842, by the excessive rates of duty which it
imposed on many articles, either totally excluded them
from importation, or greatly reduced the amount imported,
and thus diminished instead of producing. revenue. By it
the taxes were imposed not for the ligitimate purpose of
raising revenue, but to afford advantages to favoured
classes, at the expense of a large majority of their fellow-
citizens. Those employed in agriculture, mechanical pur-
suits, commerce, and navigation, were compelled to con-
tribute from their substance to swell the profits and over-
grown wealth of the comparatively few who had inve.ted
their capital in manufactures. The taxes were not levied in
proportion to the value of the articles upon which they were
imposed ; but, widely departing from this just rule, the
lighter taxes were, iu many cases, levied upon articles of
luxury and high price, and the heavier taxes on those of
necessity and low price, consumed by the great mass of
the people. It was a system the inevitable effect of which
was to relieve favoured classes and the wealthy few from
contributing their just proportion for the support of
government, and to lay the burden on the labour of the
many engaged in other pursuits than manufactures.
A system so unequal and unjust has been superseded by
the existing law, which imposes duties not for the benefit or
injury of classes or pursuits, but distributes, and, as far as
practicable, equalises the public burdens among all classes
and occupations. The favoured classes, who, under the un-
equal and unjust system which has been repealed, have here-
tofore realised large profits, and many of them amassed large
fortunes, at the expense of the many who have been
made tributary to them, will have no reason to complain
if they shall be required to bear their just proportion of
the taxes necessary for the support of government. So far
from it, it will be perceived by an examination of the
existing law, that discrimination in the rates of duty im-
posed, within the revenue principle, have been retained
in their favour. The incidental aid against foreign com-
petition which they still enjoy, gives them advantages which
no other pursuits possess, but of this none others will complain,
because the duties levied are necessary for revenue. 'these
revenue duties, including freights and charges, which the
importer must pay before he can come in competition with
the home manufacturer in our markets, amount, on nearly
all our leading branches of manufacture, to more than one-
third of the value of the imported article, and in some
cases to almost one-half its value. With such advantages
it is not doubted that our domestic manufacturers will
continue to prosper, realising in well-conducted establish-
ments even greater profits than can be derived
from any other regular business. Indeed, so far from re.
quiring the protection of even incidental revenue duties,
our manufacturers in several leading branches are extending
their business, giving evidence of great ingenuity and
skill, and of theie ability to compete, with increased pros-
pect of success, for the open market of the world. Do-
mestic manufactures, to the value of several millions of
dollars, which cannot find a market at home, are annually
exported to foreign countries. With such rates of
duty as those established by the existing lbw, the
system will probably be permanent ; and capitalists
who have made, or shall hereafter make, their investments
in manufactures, will know upon what to rely. The coun-
try will be satisfied with these rates, because the advan-
tages which the manufacturers still enjoy result necessarily
from the collection of revenue for the support of govern-
ment. High protective duties, from their unjust operation
upon the masses of the people, cannot fail to give rise to
extensive dissatisfaction and complaint, and to constant
efforts to change or repeal them, rendering all investments
in manufactures uncertain and precarious. Lower and more
permanent rates of duty, at the same time that they will
yield to the manufacturer fair and remunerating profits, will
secure him against the danger of frequent changes in the
system, which cannot fail to ruinously affect his interests.
Simultaneously with the relaxation of the restrictive
policy by the United States, Great Britain, from whose
example we derived the system, has relaxed hers. She has
modified her corn laws, and reduced many other duties
to moderate the revenue rates. Aber ages of
experience, the statesmen of that country have been
constrained by a stern necessity, and by a public opinion,
having its deep foundation in the sufferings and wants of
impoverished millions, to abandon a system, the effect of
which was to build up immense fortunes in the hands of the
few, and to reduce the labouring millions to pauperism and
misery. Nearly in the same ratio that labour was depressed
capital was increased and concentrated by the British pro-
motive policy.
The evils of the system in Great Britain were at length
rendered intolerable, and it has been abandoned, but not
without a severe struggle on the part of the protected and,
favoured classes to resin the unjust advantages which they
had se long enjoyed. It was to be expected that a similar
struggle would be made by the same classes in the United
States, whenever an attempt was made to modify or abolish
the same unjust system here. The protective policy had
been in operation in the United States for a much shorter
period, and its pernicious effects were not, therefore, SD
clearly perceived and felt. Enough, however, was known
of these effects to induce its repeal.
It would be strange if, in the face of the example of Great
Britain, our principal foreign customer, and of the evils of a
system rendered manifest in that country by long and painful
experience, and in the face of the immense advantages which,
under a more liberal commercial policy we are already deriving,
and must continue to derive, by supplying her starving
population with food, the United States should restore a po-
licy which she has been compelled to abandon, and thus
diminish her ability to purchase from us the food and other
articles lw hichi she so much needs, and we so much de-
sire to sell. By the simultaneous abandonment of the pro-
teetive policy by Great Britain and the United States, new
and important markets have already been opened for our
agricultural and other products ; commerce and navi-
gation have received a new impulse; labour and trade
have been released from the artificial trammels which
have so long fettered them ; and, to a great extent, reci-
procity in the exchange of commodities has been introduced
at the same time by both countries, and greatly for the
benefit of both. Great Britain has been forced, by the
pressure of circumstances at borne, to abandon a policy which
has been upheld for ages, and to open her markets for our
immense surplus of bread stuffs ; and it is confidently be-
lieved that other powers of Europe will ultimately see the
wiadom, if they be not compelled by the pauperism and
sufferings of their crowded population, to pursue a similar

policy.
Our farmers arc more deeply interested in maintaining
the just and liberal policy of the niustias law than any