The Express.
London, England, 1848-02-26 00:00:00

cunning overreaches itself, and how retribution,
though tardy, overtakes rof merely the knave in
rags but himin royal robes. French history will
indeed be rich in examples: Louts XVI., NAPOLEON,
CLIARLIS X., Lours Prtimeez—feebleness, audacity,
bigotry, craft,—all rejected. Is France like the
ancient kingdom of the Jews, for which so many men
and races were tried and found unworthy, that it was
the will of Providence to leave them a republic ?
After all, the quarrel would be but about a name,
for government in France henceforth, if not a military
despotism, must be in the sense and in the nature of a
republic. And had Louts Puturez understood this
necessity, he would not have fallen into the horrible
blunder of his administration. Ile was elected to the
throne by the middle classes, and as their king his reign
was as stable as that of any monarch in any country.
But he could not tolerate these classes--could not
meet them. Had he kept up the National Guard of
the capital, reviewed it, mingled now and then in its
ranks, conciliated their not arrogant demands, he
would have had a body of armed citizens at his order
to have put down by the bayonet, as they did from
1830 to 1e33, every effort of the anarchist and republi-
can. But he neglected the National Guard,shut it from
his sight, and instead of a citizen king, became a
king of functionaries and conservatives. Of
these he made a majority in his chambers,
and thus secure, according to the letter of the consti-
tution, he thought he might neglect and brave the
popular voice. He at last provoked the people to
collision ; and court and parliament, army and
functionaries, were but so many reeds before the
storm of unpopularity, which has swept all, even the
very dynasty, before it.
Future events remain exceedingly doubtful. We I
will not say that a republic is impossible in France. I
But most certainly the persons named upon the pro-1
visional government are not such as are likely to win
the adhesion or command the respect of the influen-
tial classes either in Paris or the provinces. But the
provisional government, as it is called, is more the
representative of that party which has triumphed in
the streets, than a body of men assuming the govern-
ment. As representatives of the victorious people
they may sit in the Hotel de Ville, and have a very
potential veto upon any resolve of the Chamber of
Deputies; but to govern France of themselves would
Ibe an audacious and a vain attempt. The Duchess of
ORLEANS and her son, as well the Duke of NEMOURS,
are at, or under the protec'ion of, the chamber, which
has declared its sitting permanent. And it is pretty
evident, that in order to get rid of the ORLEANS fa-
mily altogether, the republicans of the Hotel de Ville
must march upon the chamber, and like CROMWELL,
dissolve it and disperse it. This, perhaps, they may
have had the power to do. But in doing this the
Hotel de Ville people will have deprived themselves
of authority over the provinces, and raised obstacles
almost insurmountable to their designs. Funds must
be procured to pay the army, and to carry on the
administration, which the Hotel de Ville can no longer
pretend to do, as in the days of the revolution.
The government of France is now a highly centralised
and intricate piece of machinery, requiring both skill,
experience, and respectability to manage; and any
derangement of the centre wheel would cause all to
stop and fall asunder. Hence, the acts of the Pari-
sian authorities in 1791 and 1792 could not be re-
peated. And the republicans of the Hotel de Ville,
convinced of this, will, in all probability, accept the
reign and the tutelage of the Cinnt of PARIS.
Should they not accept, should they disperse the
Chambers by force, end put revolutionary law and
measures in practice, there would be a terrible re-
action against the republicans; and this not only in
the provinces, but in I'aris itself. General LAMORI-
CIERE is popular and able, and would rally a great
majority both of the regular army and the National
Guards. The Prince de JOINVILLE is also popular,
and not the man to submit to be set aside without a
struggle; so that, however the reign of LOUIS
Fumy PE may be irrevocably over, his family appear
to us to have still a very good chance of retaining or
recovering the crown and the supreme authority.
It is idle, however, to speculate or indulge in con-
jecture as to events that, perhaps, have already oc-
curred, and that each coming hour will probably dis-
close. The present state of things is doubtful and
deplorable ; but we cannot think the French people
to blame fur the folly and provocation of their rulers.
The very republicans were tranquil, till aroused, and
placed by circumstances, rather than their own ambi
tion, in the front rank. That they may have shown
more wisdom and moderation than we anticipated we
sincerely desire. But France, we fear, has much to
learn ere it can form a peaceable and regular repub-
lican state.

MORE important, if possible, than even the mo-
mentous events of Paris, is the influence of those
events upon us. Not that there is any similarity be-
tween the position of the two countries, nor that any
class here is tainted with disaffection, or inclined to
enieitte. But, nevertheless, the epidemic of popular
excitement, prevalent throughout Europe, and burst-
ing into revolution so near us, is not without its
effects even upon our more staid and sober tempera-
ments. Questions, seldom before asked, are now ut-
tered and repeated ; aspirations seldom ventured come
forth boldly with every breath ; grievances hitherto
ushered with a smile are complained of with the em-
phasis of a curse ; and the public, in short, is infi-
nitely more liberal, both in expression and in feeling,
than the English public was a week ago. Explain
the phenomenon as you will—we merely state the fact.
Now, although we augur nothing grave from the
increased earnestness of every man, we still think
that times and circumstances, and the very
political and moral atmosphere which we breathe,
are such as to icquire, not only a much greater
degree of caution and wariness than usual, in pres-
sing ungracious and unpopular laws, but, moreover,
we think that times aed circumstances demand in-
stant concession to popular feeling and popular de.
wands. The budget, which ministers thought it safe
and expedient to present, not many days since,
to parliament has excited most angry and discon-
tented feelings in the country. The exigencies which
weighed with the government in preparing or con-
senting to that budget, are not considered of due or
conclusive weight by the country. The select com-
mittees, to which the estimates have been referred,
will no doubt take this into consideration. But
ministers, we think, ought also to reconsider, and
withdraw till they have fully;considered,their proposal
fur raising the income tax to five per cent.
We need not point to feelings of opposition, generally
arising in the country on this subject, nor need we
either ennmtrate the meetings or recapitulate the
arguments. From one end to the other the land is
alive with protests. And it appears to us as unsafe
as it is unjust to make up that deficit in millions oc-
casioned by the distress of last year, by a sweeping
levy upon that portion of the population which, per-
haps, has suffered more than any other from that
distress.
We learn that it is in the contemplation of mi-
nisters to make a move somewhat similar to that if
the select committee, and to demand of parliament
the five per cent. income tax solely for one year, pro-
mising that that year shall be spent in investigation,
and in endeavours to settle some more equitable yy ay of
raising the amount of revenue necessary for the
public service.
Such a proposal no doabt indicates on the part of
ministers a desire to conciliate public opinion, and to
remove the angry feelings which it evinces. But is
this enough ? Parliament and all parties have
more than once broken their words and practised
manifest deception, in stating that the income tax
was but for a time, when in contemplation it must
have been permanent; and have thus rendered five per
cent., even but for one year, unendurable.
The conviction in every mind is, that in recent
manipulations of finance, however the burden of the
lower class may have been lightened, that of the
middle class has been increased. Take the man of
moderate income, who enjoys from 3001. to 6001. a
year, calculate his assessed taxes, with the enormous
duties on all those items which constitute his expen-
diture, being from 100 to 700 per cent. upon the
articles of his household use, his tea, his sager,
' his wine, his spirits, then the taxes that &writ his
slightest attempt at enjoying more than the necessa-
ries of life, and which fill upon his servant or his
horse. Add to this an income tax, and it will be
found that the state carries off perhaps one-third of
his income, that income, too, the result of years' ex-
ertions, to terminate probably in a year or two more
of exertion ; whilst from the possessor of real pro-
perty, who has no fortune to provide for, either re-
garding his children or himself—from him the state
takes perhaps a sixteenth or a tenth.
The country knows these things. And the country
sees that the argument put forth for the middle

classes and life incomes have not been answered ; sad
that if they are set aside, it is because greater and
more fixrd properties have greater and more fixed
interests is parliament. The country sees that minis.
tern, however liberal, want the courage to attack
and do justice by taxing these large interest& And
therefore, it is manifest that ministers meet bis
empowered by the unmistakable and irresidipi,
injunction of public opinion.
Besides the more just repartition of the tax ea
income, which cannot tail to be proposed, and sepia,
we trust will not be met by ministerial coldness, then
is also another obvious mode of making up tp,
deficiency of the revenue. We allude to the stamp
duties generally, all of which require to be en.
dered more proportionate to property than they ar,
at present, and especially to the probate and legacy
duties, from which there are no just grounds of ex.
empting real property.
On this subject, as well as that of a property tax,
we shall not more expatiate at present; for vs
trust that parliament will not be engage,
or precipitated to a hurried resolution
Monday. Uovernment can be at no lore for infer.
mation ; nor can there be any lack of materials for
arriving at a jueter estimate of taxation, the stale of
, the legacy duty itself, in case of annuities, existing al
a fair scale of calculation for temporary income. The
time is opportune for a great act of equaltration and
justice. U,t ministers grasp and reap the merit of
originating and carrying what inevitably will be set
on foot and carried in despite of them, and bayed
them, if they prove recalcitrant or laggard.

REVOLUTION IN PARIS.

DEPLORABLE LOSS OF LIFE.

FALL OF LOUIS PHILIPPE

We gave yesterday in our second and third edifices
the state of affairs in Paris up to the early put
Thursday- evening.
The popular feeling, which had been more calm
on the evening of Wednesday, after the denten,
tion of the resignation of ministers, assumed, daring
the night and in the early part of Thursday, a mat
alarming appearance. It was Lana u late on Wed.
nesday that Count Mole had refused to form a mini'.
try. IMM. Thiers and Odillon Barret then undertook
to form one. They, however, failed in their ender
Tour'', and the Palais Royal and Tuileries basing hem
attacked and plundered, the King abdicated in hem:
of the Count de l'arie. A fearful slaughter occurred
at the attack of the Palais Ito) al-500 lives haslet
been sacrificed. The King lett the Tuileries at me
o'clock, escorted by a party of horse national guile
" in (according to one account) a brougham,' and,
passed out of Paris through the Bartiere de Passy.
The Duchess of Orleans and the Count de Peril
went to the Chamber at half-past one, accompanied
by the Duke de Nemours and a large party of diem
on horseback. The duchess was in deep mourning. •
Her regency was, however, rejected by the Chamber.
and the people who penetrated into M.": Chamber.
A provisior,al governmer.t was formed, and td.
cepted by the Chamber, consisting of MM. de Lamar.
tine, Lediu Rollie, Marrast, Barret, Nark,
Arago, Gamier Pages, and Louis Blanc, secretary.secretary.The provisional government then installed itself ot
the Hotel de Ville.
Such is the epitome of the events of this remarkable
day. We will now give an account of the eve*
which took place during the evening and night of
Wednesday and part of Thursday :
Warne ERDAL EVENING.
A narrative of the occurrences of Wednesday up to
post hoar appeared in the Expressof Thursday. The
popular feeling then, as far as could be observed, vu
more calm. In distant quarters, however, the ems,
peration of the people was still great.
As a strong piquet of the national guard was pale
mg before the lmprimerie Royale, followed by a no.
merous crowd, shouting, " Long live reform! Long
live the national guard!" a detachment of the mute
cipal guard fired on them, and wounded seven persona
Great exasperation was produced by this.
At about seven o'clock an immense crowd, consist-
ing almost exclusively of persons of the working
classes, many of them very young, descended
tb
Boulevards. They were headed t y men bearing
blazing torches. They sang the first verde' of t nee
favourite song, beginning:
X one pour la patrie,
C'est le sort le plus beau, le plus cli:ne d'etrie
On reaching the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, they
found assembled there strong forces of infantry and
dragoons, which occupied the whole width of tie
boulevards with the exception of the pavement near
the Rue Besse du Itempart. Some persons expected
to see the mob come into collision with the troop,
but instead of that the torch-bearers filed off on the
pavement, shouting " Vice la ligne Vivo la ligne!'
and they
.were followed by all their large tram.
After having passed the soldiers, the crowd raised
a
terrific shout of " Down with Guizot !" after which,
having formed themselves into something like order.
they snack up the eternal " Mmuir pour la patrie!"
and continued to bawl it until they reached the
church of the Madeleine. There, a large detach-
ment
of the national guard was stationed. Thu
commandant on seeing the mob went up to the
leaders of it, recommending them to extinguish
their torches, and to be orderly. The torch-bearer
immediately complied with the request, and a thee
sand voices shouted " Long live the National Guard.
The AM) then cried " Chez Duchatel," and went alai
the Rue Royale apparently with the intention of pee .
ing a visit to the Minister of the Interior.
In the Rue St. Honore there was also an immene
crowd, which also sang as one man " Mourir pour
patrie !" varied alternately with " Allous, enfant, dek
patrie," and " Aux acmes citoyens !" On ascendip
the Rue St. Honore they fell in with a detachment/
National Guards and of a regiment of the hoe
whereupon a thousand voices cried " Long live th
National Guard ! Long live the line!" and tb wind re
came a fierce shout of " Down with Guizot !"
When the news of the resignation of the ministry
had become generally known in Paris, there ell
burst of eatistaction which it weal be very difficulte
describe. Large parties of the national guard panda
the streets, the officers and men shouting " Vive
11111
furme," and the crowd cheering loudly. Towards
hall
past six o'clock an illumination was spoken of, an
many persons lighted up their houses spontaneoude
The illumination of coarse became mere general !Men
the populace in large numbers went through the
streets, calling "light up." On many of the pain!'
iwhere barricades had been erected, and the
Pe
were resisting the troops, they ceased resistance "ha
they heard the news of the resignation of the mieieters
and the troops retired.
Between five and six o'clock about fifty municips
guards, who were shut in a court-yard of a house:
the Rue Bourg l'Abbe, were forced to lay down the
arms. The national guard negotiated between *
people and the municipal guard for the disarm*
aed when it was effected the former took the lairs
under their protection. The exasperation of *
crowd against the municipal guard was most inure
owing to the severity with which that body had ants
in different quarters; and when they issued from*
court-yard a strong force was required to proug.
them. The people then demanded that they shoat
be made to take off their schakos, and that they est
obliged to do. They were then led along a numb.
of streets headed by a detachment of cuirassiers, lig
surrounded by the national guard, the troops of tle
line forming a pasetge for them to pass. On arrivigi
at the Place de I'llotel de Ville, a clever mettle
movement prevented the crowd rom entering, 04
the municipal guard were thereby enabled to esulf*
into the Place. They then warmly expressed the"
thanks to their deliverers.
At about eight o'clock, an immense crowd pee
°ceded to the residence of M. Odillon Barret, and et
tered the court-yard of his house, and many of de!
his apartment, in themost peaceable manner. AI!:
putation advanced towards M. Odillon Barret, who
was at the time in company with many of his oe
leagues. M. Odillon Barret addressed the deputing
as follows : of Jrdf
hee 1
glB:3'n
oeNro, ysiittyl
si. e
an d(us display,
nla
n nthinkioofa
cheers.)
treeh
es
ae
mmy oe:
cr
uAr a fathersde—tot
them, worthy of liberty, be calm in triumph ;
thst
the character which is suitable to the cause of rir
and liberty."
Loud cries of " Long live Odillon Barrett" WI
then raised. M. Gamier Pages added a few eft
getic words to persuade the crowd to retir po!
ably. The shouts recommenced with woof
strength, and were taken up by the people in thee,
de la Terme ttes Mathurine.