The Express.
London, England, 1848-04-11 00:00:00

this bill. It was to maintain • state of
pdlos:! and security in which the offender should
he) that he could no longer escape under the grand name of
being a martyr fur high treason, of which he would not in-
cur the penalty, because it inflicted capital punishment.
It was to maintain this necessary principle of government,
that they introduced this bill. And, if any one could doubt
or hesitate for a moment as to the value of internal pane,
end the nertssity
.of preserving it, that which occurred to-
day would show its vast benefit. What would be the state
—not of the upper classes as they were called, but of the
working classes—if those excitements to crime, of which'
they had seen oto much, had been successful, and this town
had been made the scene of confusion and Mood-'
abed. (Hear, hear.) And, what was the state of
the case when, owing to the staid, admirable, and
magnanimous conduct of the great body of the people—
(bers)—when, owing'. to the respect which the people
pity to the name and authority of the law, to the attachment
sod love which they bore their institutions—when, owing to
the respect and confidence which they reposed in those de.
monstrations of force whir's the government had at its com-
mand, and which thus hacked became more powerful, but
which without the assistance of the great body of the people
could no more be, to the peace of London than it had
been preserved at Berlin, Vienna, or Milan—the peace
of the metropolis had been maintained. (Hear,
beer) This power had been quite sucecesaful. And
when they contrasted the situation in which they stood
with what it would have been had the event been otherwise,
the was no min hut must put a higher value on the peace
end security of society, on which not only the progress of in-
stitutions but the daily comforts end even the daily subsier
wee of the great body of the people meanly depended. He
smurrd the hon. emher for Finsbury tht e would not be
• party to them ntroducoon of this bills fhe believed
that the liberties of this country would in any
way he infringed by it. (liter, hear.) He believed that
the power ,d discussion, whether by the press or in public
meetings, would he enjoyed as fully by the country, atter
this bill passed, as it now enjos ed. (Hear, hear.) Bot,
at the same time, he believed that some reckless persona
would b.• checked in their career, and that, while those who
rose iu arms would be strictly punished by the law, those
who excited others to such offences would be no longer safe
in their impunity. (Cheers.) It was for this purpose that
he asked teem to agree to the se:ond reading of the bill. If
he was told that this was a coercion bill fur Ireland, it was
the same as *rot proposed for England and Scotland, and
be hoped with confidence that a large majority of the house
would consent to the second reading. (Cheers.)
Mr. HORSM AN rose to address the house, but the cries
of " Divide, divide," preventing him from being heard, he
moved that the debate he adjourned.
Mr. HIME seconded the amendment.
Lord J. RUSSELL called upon the house to hear the hon.
member.
Mr. HORSMAN then withdrew his amendment, and said
he should vote for the second reading of the bill, in the hope
that the noble lord would omit that part of the measure
which precluded 0 open and advised speaking." The pre-
cedent for such a course was afforded by Lord Granville,
who withdrew these very words from the identical bill—
which then passed into an act it was now proposed to
modify.
Mr. HINDLEY said he should be ready to support the
second reading on the same conditions.
The house divided—For the second reading 4.12
Against it 35-117
Sir G. GREY moved that the house do go into committee
on the bill.
Mr. AGLIONBY objected to the transportation clause of
the bill.
Mr. J. O'CONNELL said that he hoped Ireland would be
struck out of the Ira. (A laugh.)
Mr. ILUME believing that the bill was an attack on the
constitution, by which the government would be weakened,
and believing also that the ministers were urged on by those
who only supported in order to betray them, earnestly begged
ministers to delay the progress of the bill, so as to let the
country knew what it really was. He proposed that Monday
next should he fixed for the committee.
Sir:G. GREY urged that it would be a mercy to those
who were now being goaded into rebellion to let the bill
peas as speedily as po•sible. If the house would consent to
meet to-morrow at twelve o'clock, he would be content w th
committing the bill pen .forma, merely for the purpose of
making some verhal amendments.
Mr. HOME had no objection to this course.
Mr. J. O'CONNELL would not veld his precedence on
the following day.
Lord J. RUSSELL 'aid that the hon. member would be
able to bring forward his motion at the usual hour of sitting
intim evening, when he would have precedecce.
Mr. GARDNER said, that although he was a young
member—(Oh, uh)--he appealed to the house—(Oh,
oh.) He begged only to he heard. toh, oh). He
would not detain—(Uh, oh). (The cries of oh, at
length completely drown. d the hon. member's voice, who
at down for a moment, and then rose and moved that the
house do now adjourn. A desultory conversation ensued,
during which Sir 0. Grey and Lord J. Russell urged the
hon. member to withdraw his motion and speak to the ques-
tion.) Mr. Gardner withdrew his motion, and said that he
had taken the course which he bad done merely in order to
be able to deliver his sentiments on the bill, as he
had net been able to catch the Speaker's eye. The reasons
urged by the noble lord (J. Rumen) were all against the bill. ,
He objected to the bill as curtailing that freedom of speech
which was one of the most essential privileges of the British
people. Some violent language of Mr. Mitchell had been
quoted as its justification; but, he asked, would government
have cared for such language had it not been addressed to a
people smarting under misery and injustice. (Hear, hear)
When the people demanded justice, every delay was inter-
posed; but when coercion was contemplated, precipitation '
was the order of the day. (Question, question.) He be-
lieved he was giving a vote in favour of order, and on con-
servative principles, in opposing every constitutional obstacle
to the progress of this measure. (Hear, hear.)
Mr. AGLIONBY booed that the suggestion he bad of-
kred in the early part of the evening, with reference to the
third clause, would be attended to by government.—(The
object of the hon. member's suggestion was to make a dis-
tinction between spoken and written treason.)
Mr. F. O'CONNOR wished for postponement, and
grounded his request oa the speech of the hon. and learned
&leiter-General. He considered that that hon. and learned
gentleman's explanation of the definitions of the bill was
most ambiguous. He (Mr. O'Connor) should give every op-
position in his power to what he conceived to be a most un-
mastitutional proposition. He considered that government
had acted most unconstitutionally in tacking themselves to
the crown in this bill. Take a case. As soon as this bill be-
MX law he should raise the cry from one end of the
coontry to the other of " Down with the Whigs." Would he
rot in doing so make himself obnoxious to its provisions?
(Hear, hear.) The bill might check agitation but only to
Pet in its place secret plots and conspiracy. There was no
man in that house rejoiced more than he rid at the way in
which that day had passed off. (Oh, oh.) But London
ms not England, and they did not know how their conduct
would be estimated in the provinces.
He, J. O'CONNELL said he had a motion on the paper
Ist this day, and claimed precedence for it at the next sitting
tithe house.
Lord J. RUSSELL said that the hon. member's motion
he the repeal of the union would come on exactly at the
ma hour. whether the house sat at twelve o'clock or not.
Mr. HUME considered that the hon. member for Lime-
Mk Lad u ri;;ht to precedence. With these views he should
sere as an amendment that the bill should be committed
that day week.
Kr. WAKL EY seconded the amendment.

The house divided—For the motion
For the atcondment
&motion was then ma :e that the house do now adjourn,
von which the 116:use again divided.
Ayes
Noes
Oa our return to the gallery we found
L. G. THOMPSON contending that the measure would
sot give security to the crown or the people. (Oh, oh )
+hey were now legislating on liberty of thought—on liberty
of speeeh—a right that was not given by human enactment,
and which ought never to be taken away by human enact-
rent- (Oh, and hear ) They were making it felony by
•hit bill to deny th• divine right of the sovereign—(hear,
I'ml—or to advocate the separation of any part of the
respire. (Hear, 11.6ar.) They were about to admit those
who denied the divinity of the Saviour—(question)—and
they were now to make it felony to call in question the divine
?lain of the sovereign. (.. Oh, oh," and "question.)
He defied hon. members to point to one act on th • part of
(he people that day, or previously, which evinced any inten-
tion on desire to commit an act of violence ; and yet the
govemment bad thoaglit it necessary to make preparations
v the most horrid and unexamoled description for their
Matinee. (Loud tries of "Oh,' groans, and other inter-
h9tions.) He war determined not to bear any share in
the responsibility of the measure, and he therefore moved
that the house do now adjourn.
Mr. WAKLEY sail the whole question was, whether the
t&eurnment shoul.l be to " this day " or " tconuarJw."
Sir G. GREY had no objection to say " to-morrow," if
the hon. member would guarantee that the bill would be
allowed to take pr,cetience on that day. But Wednesday
not being a government day, without such pledge he could
sot consent, and mustask the house to support h6m. (Cheers.)
The house divided—For adjournment .. 21
Against it 213-189
The bill was thin crlcrAl to be committed to-morrow
the day) at 12 o'clock.
The house 'hen adjourned at half-past 1 o'clock, to 12
t6oth tomorrow (this day.)