The Express.
London, England, 1853-02-22 00:00:00

STAMP DUTIES UPON NEWSPAPERS.

Mr. SCHOLEFIRLD asked the Attorney-General what
mine he intended to pursue with reference to a bill re-
lating to stamp duties upon newspapers ordered to be
brought in nn the 6th of December last ?
The A'ITORNF,Y-GENERAL said the question op-
paired to him one rather for her Majesty's government
generally, and especially for the Chancellor of the Exche-
quer, than for the law officers of the crown. It was a
mixed question, consisting partly of law and partly of
taxation, and as it was now under consideration, he hoped
it would soon be settled, although it involved considerable
difficulty.
THE LOSS OF THE QUEEN VICTORIA
STEAMER.

Mr. GOOLD asked the President of the Board of
Trade, whether, in connexion with the recent loss of the
Queen Vivi:iris steamer, his attention had been called to
the want of a fog•bell at the Bailey Lighthouse; and who-
they the government was prepared to compel the Ballot
Board of Dublin to supply a suitable bell to that light-
house ?

Mr. CAYLDWELL said u soon as be heard of the la-
mentable occurrence referred to, he directed inquiries to be
made into all the eireumstsnees attending it. The officer
concluded 64, •

whom ha appointed had not yet c. his investiga-
tion ; but as soon as he received the report he should be
alas to give the required intirmation, and also to state
what course hr thought it desirable to pursue.

IRISH TOWNS' IMPROVEMENT.
Mr. POTTER asked tho Secretary for Ireland if it was
the intention of the government to bring in a Towne Im-
provement Bill for Ireland in the present melon of parlia-
ment.

Sir J. YOUNG said a bill was in preparation, and would
soon be completed.
THE CASE OF EDWARD MURRAY.
Lord D. STUART put a question to the Secretary of
State for Foreign Aft tire with regard to Edward Murray.
The house, he said, would no doubt recollect that Edward
Murray, a British subject, after being confined (or nearly 3
years in prison, was tried by • secret tribunal at Rome, the
charge appearing to be that he had aided or connived at a
murder; that be was condemned to suffer death, and would
have been executed but for the energetic interposition of
the British consul, Mr. Freeborn; that the late government
interceded for him, and that his sentence was commuted to
imprisonment in the galleys for life, and that Lord Meknes-
bury directed Bir Henry Balwer to endeavour to obtain for
bim a further extension of clemency. lie wished to ask
the noble lord whether his attention had been directed to
the ea e. Whether he had any hopes of obtain;ng any
further extension of clemency to this unfortunate man?
Whether he had received any information of a character to
enable him to form an opinion as to the guilt or innocence
of the prisoner in respect to the heinous crime laid to his
charge ? Whether he would state that opinion or commu-
nicate that information to the house ? and whether be had
taken, or intended to take, measures to prevent the consmo-'
tuition of Murray's sentence from death to perpetual impri-
sonment, from resulting in the wasting of the body, the
sinking of the spirits,lthe weakening of the =lad, which
are but additions to the capital punishment which a long
close confinement too often involves? (Hear.)
Lord J. RUSSELL said, with regard to this case, Lord
Malmcsbury directed Sir Henry Balwer to make repre-
sentations, with • view to the commutation of the sentence.
He himself had since directed that those representations
should be continued, and they were continued while Sir
Henry was at Florence. Sir Henry bad lately come away,
but representations would continue to be made by the
British minieter at Florence. As to the guilt or innocence
of Edward Murray, he could only say that the Roman
government denied that if the trial had taken place it en
English court the result would have been different.
Mr. DRUMMOND wished to know whether or not the
noble lord had ascertained that Murray was a British
subject.
Lord J. RUSSELL said Murray was, he believed, of
British parents, but he did not know whether the circum-
stances would justify him in saying that he came within
the designation of a British subject.

COMMERCIAL RELATIONS WITH HOLLAND.
Ic reply to a question from Mr. A. PaLuktr,
Lord J. RUSSELL said, the favoured clause in the com-
mercial treaty did net give us any absolute right to ask
Holland to put British goods on the same footing as
American goods coming into that country. It would
only enable ua to do so on the condition that England made
reciprocal concessions to Holland. if we made these °on-
etime' in favour of Holland, we should be obliged to
make remissions to other countries which might be dis-
advantageous to ourselves.
CLERGY RESERVES (CANADA) BILL.
In reply to a question from Mr. ADDZILLIY,
Mr. F. PEEL said as this could not come on tkst night,
it would be postponed until that day week.
MILITIA OFFICERS.

Sir DE L. EVANS asked the Secretary of State for the
Home Department what mcuurea had been, or were about
to be, taken to compel all such officers of the embodied
militia as reticle in foreign countries to return to England,
or to immediately resign their 1 commissions in that
force in order that efficient officers might replace them ?
Lord PALMERSTON said it would certainly be very in-
convenient for officers who hold commissions in the Militia
to reside permanently at a great distance, and it was equally
clear that an officer could not perform duty in the militia
and in the yeomanry at the same time. There would, how-
ever (as was understood), be an inspection, and the report
of that inspection would afford the means of correcting irre-

An Hox. MEMBER asked whether her Majesty's go-
vernment intended to take any step towards the appoint-
ment of public prosecutors ?
Lord PALMERSTON was not aware that the govern-
ment had any such intention at present.
THE STAMP DUTIES ON NEWSPAPERS.
Mr. BRIGHT wished to put a question to the learned
Attorney-General in ;reference to the subject mentioned
that evening by the hon. member for Birmingham (Mr.
licholefleid.) The late government promised to bring in a
bill to amend the Newspaper Stamp Act in order to pre-
vent litigation. He wished to know whether while the
present government were considering the question it was
to be understood that the litigation as regarded Mr. Dick-
ens was put • stop to, and whether other persons who
might act in accordance with the judgment of the court
would be held by the government exempt from legal pro-
ceeThe din CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said it
was no part of his duty to conduct the legal proceedings
relating to the stamp duties. The matter was not brought
before his department until within the last three or four
days, and the course which he then took was that of sub-
mitting a ease to the law officers of the crown, who would
advieshim with regard to the state of the law. That was
the only step be could take with propriety, and it was,
he believed, the one most likely to lead to a solution of the
question. With regard to the question of the letral proceed-
int, be really could not give any opinion upon it.
Mr. BRIGHT said as the question was one of penalties,
all he asked w that, pending the consideration of it, par-
ties should not be liable to legal proceedings, which might
be ruinous to them. He thought that was only a fair
request..
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER could only
promise that, if a requisition from or on behalf of any
parties interested were laid before him, it should have his
best attention. He did not feel competent to say more,
and he hoped the hon. gentleman would not press him to
do so.

On the order of the day for going into Committee of
Supply,
Mr. MOORE rose, in pursuance of notice, to put ques-
tions to the noble lord the member for London as to the
intentions of the government in respect of the established
church in Ireland. He said be hoped the noble lord's
answers would be as frank, ample, and explicit as his
position demanded that they should be. The reply
which he would receive not only affected the po-
litical tranquillity and the moral and social condition of
Ireland, but it also concerned materially and vitally
the position of her Majesty's government. No obser-
vations of his could express his convictions on this
subject half so forcibly or half so well as the
noble lord had himself expressed them on former occa-
sions. In the year ISM, the noble lord introduced in that
House a motion, having for its object the appropriation of
certain revenues of the Irish established church for na-
tional and neuter purposes. In doing so, he referred to a
motion of Mr. O'Connell in the previous year, for the re-
peal of the union ; and in the course of his observations, he
said that those who opposed the measure of appro-
priation on the ground that it might prove
injurious to England bad no right to oppose the repeal of
the legislative union. This was a very important declara-
tion; it was calculated to sink deep into the minds of
the people of Ireland, and that it did so was proved by the
fact of their demanding repeal after the Appropriation Bill
had been rejected. On a subsequent occasion the noble
lord said that while he had life or health he would oppose
by force, if necessary, the repeal of the union. This decla-
ration was thought very manly at the time ; but it appeared
to him that it would have been more manly and honest if
the noble lord had made it in the life-time of the
illustrious Irishman who was the great agitator for repeal.
He could tell the noble lord that the Irish people were not
now indifferent to this question ; they had taken it up, not
riotously, but resolutely ; and five-sixths of the working
members of the House of Commons were pledged to
oppose any government which did not declare its in-
tention to legislate with regard to the established
church of Ireland on the basis of perfect equality
between the several religious denominations. Here
arose a very delicate question. Two of the represen-
tatives thus pledged had taken office under the present go-
vernment, but those who knew them best said it was utterly
impossible that they could have done so without having
previously received an assurance that the government in-
tended not only to legislate on the basis of religious equa-
lity, but also to introduce • measure of tenant-right,
embodying the provisions of Mr. Sharman Crawford's bill.
His hon. friend the member for Galway (Mr.
Flaherty) in a letter recently published by him, had
well expressed his own sentiments on this subject.
He would conclude by asking the noble lord whether it was
the intention to legislate this session with reference to the es-

tabliehed church in Ireland, on the basis of perfect religious
equality for all religious denominations into which the
people of that country were divided ?
Lord J. RUSSELL—I do not intend, on the present
occasion, to enter into any ducusdon with respect to the
established church in Ireland, hut the hon. member having
asked me a question, for which he wishes an explicit
answer, namely, whether government is about to intro-
duce any measure in order to establish religious equality in
Ireland, I have to state especially that government has no
intention of introducing any measure with respect to
the established church in Ireland, except a measure
with respect to ministers' money, which will be
introduced by a right honourable friend near me.
The hon. member has referred to certain secret assur-
ances which he supposes to have been riven to certain hon.
members, on their consenting ti join the government by ac-
cepting office, bolt as regards the church and the law of
landlord anetenant. For my part, I believe that no such
assurances have been given, but that they have taken office
from their general confidence in the character of the go-
vernment, without any specific promise whatever. (Rear.)
After a few words from 3.Ir.O'FLAIIXILTT and Mr. Locke,
the subject dropped.
ANTI-MILITIA PLACARDS.
_ _ _

Mr. HINDLEY rose, pursuant to notice, to ask the Se-
cretary of State for the Homo Department whether the go-
vernment intended to proceed with prosecutions which had
been commenced splint certain parties in Buckingham-
shire for distributing placards animadverting on the Militia
Bill. In putting that question he wished not to be under-
stood as expressing any opinion, much less a favourable one,
of the placards alluded to, but would merely observe that
es regarded the regular army similar placards had been in
circulation for 10 years without being looked upon asillegal,
and therefore it was thought they might be circulated re-
specting the militia without incurring any legal conse-
quences. If the government objected to these placards of
the Peace Society, they might easily have issued counter
placards showing the advantages of the militia, or if the
did prosecute, they should at least attack persons in good
circumstance., end not the poor and defenseless, who did
not know that they were transgressing any law in circulating
those placards.
Mr. FITZROY said that government had given orders
that the prosecutions should be withdrawn. (Cheers.)
Mr. BRIGHT thought that the noble lord the Home
Secretary ought to have been present to answer this ques-
tion. particularly because when his hon. friend the member
for Ashton bad asked the question before, the noble lord
was not particularly civil, but treated men who were quite
as respectable as himself as if they had been guilty of a
grave offence. The charge sgain.t the persons held to bail
was that they had been guilty of something which
went by the name of sedition in advising young
men to avoid enlistment in the militia. Now, when
they recollected the scandalous means that were used
to induce young men to enlist, of which they had full testi-
mony in the evidence of a distinguished military officer, he
thought that in • free country like this, those persona who
took a different view should have liberty to give a contrary
advice. (The hon. member proceeded to read, extracts from
the evidence of Adjutant-General Brown given before the
army and ordnance committee of 18.51, the purport of
which was that tho old pensioners residing in their native
villages dared not attempt the recruiting service, so unpo-
pular was enlistment with the peasantry, and that the best
recruiting sergeants were those who by being able to
sing a good song and tell a merry story could ca-
jole the young countrymen. The evidence went gene-'
rally to prove that military service was odious in the
country, and that the recruiting sergeants used various
means to indite.e young men to enlist.) Now they had
heard a good deal of " gagging " the peels, and that opera-
tion might apply to the newspaper or the bill-poster. They
bad it iu evidence that irregular means were used to induce
young men to enter, and that 5.. were offered to every sim-
pleton, and surely it was open to those who believed that
young men were doing badly in abandoning their parents,
and leaving their families, to represent to those young men
that which was true, and to take other means to induce
them to remain at their industrial occupations. The
offending placards consisted of a woodcut and an
extract from • work called the " Autobiography
of a Working Man," written by Mr. Somerville,
who was at one time most unjustly subjected to
flogging when in the military service. He should think
himself deticisnt in his public duty did he not take every
means towards the abolition of that degrading punishment.
The woodcut was more complained of than the letter-press,
but it should be recollected that they were appealing to
persons who were unfortunately unable to read, and were,
therefore, compelled to bring thus home to them facts
which they could not acquire from the newspapers. The
present Emperor of France complained more of the pic-
tures in Punch end the Illustroled News than the articles,
because his people understood the one and not the other,
but it was monstrous that in this free country, the monarch
of which was so much beloved, and the government one in
which so many persons placed confidence, people, for circu-
lating a few placards such as he had described, should be
rendered amenable to a prosecution. He understood that
one person was in prison at the present moment, and he
had received • letter from Christchurch, stating that the
police had entered a man's house without warrant, and
torn forcibly down some of those placards. Now, if we
had heard of such conduct in Paris, from the correspondents
of the Times or Chronicle, we should have had
leading articles denouncing the government of that
country, and proclaiming hostility to all despots.
Ho was glad, however, that the noble lord
had determined upon abandoning this prosecution, a reso-
lution which he believed had been already come to by the
preceding government, and on that belief had recommended
the people at Christchurch not to enter upon any expensive
preparations for defence. These poor persons had, how-
ever, been kept • long time in a state of uncertainty about
a charge which, if they had received early and proper inti-
mation of the state of the law, would never have occurred.
He was sure the noble lord would not regret the course he
had now taken, and trusted that those persons who were
incarcerated would be immediately set at liberty.
Lord PALMERSTON having apologised for his absence
when the hon. member for Ashton asked his question, said
it was true, as his hon. friend had stated, that it was not
the intention of the government to proceed with these pro-
secutions, and the reason was this—that whatever might
have been the intentions of the parties who had caused
these placards and pictorial representations to be printed
and circulated, their intentions had completely failed in
their execution. (Hear, hear.) The good sense ana
patriotic feelings of the British people had induced them
to treat these invitations to abandon the cause of their
country with the contempt which is his (Lord Palmerston's)
opinion they deserved. (Loud cheers.) The attempt to
thwart the public service had so entirely failed, that it
would have the appearance of vindictiveness if they pursued
these prosecutions farther. (Cheers.) He had, therefore,
given directions that they should be entirely and absolutely
dropped, nor should he take the trouble of requiring the
offending parties to enter into any recognisance.. (Hear,
hear.) Of course anyone in prison would be at once re-
leased—indeed he bad not been aware that there was any
one in co finement. Now, he bad been given to under-
stand that his hon. friend the member for Ashton had con-
tented himself with asking hie question, but that the hon.
member who bad just sat down had alluded to the
case of Somerville, to whom one of these personal
illustrations,l octal: subject(' faslibus, referred. Now,
he had received a letter from Mr. Somerville, enclosing
the copy of end he bed sent to Mr. Hindley, and both of
which hat gentleman had requested him to read to the
house.

"Militia.—Pea.. Society. 36, Lime-street, Liverpool,
Feb. 17, 1853. To the Right Hon. Lord Palmerston.—
My lord—l observe by the newspapers that Mr. Hindley is
to put a question about the anti-militia placards of the
Peace Society. I have written by this poet • letter to Mr.
Hindley, of which I sane: • copy. Should that gentle-
man not read or notice my letter, I trust your lordship will
do so, and set me right with the public. (' Hear,' and a
laugh.) I am more interested In that offensive placard than
any other person. lam • literary man, earning bread for
self and family by my pen, and eating it only by favour of
the public who buy my productions. As your lordship will
perceive, the Peace Society, by placarding me all over the
kingdom, have placed me in • false and odious position.
(` Hear,' and laughter.) I am, my lord, your lordship's
obedient servant, ALIXANDIR SominviLLn, (' One who
has Whistled at the Plough'),
The enclosure was as follows:
" Sir,—Seeing in the newspapers that you are to put a
question to Lord Palmerston, on the subject of the anti-
militia placards, posted throughout the kingdom by the
Peace Society, I beg your attention to the following facts,
and I think you should in fairness read this letter in the
house :—The placard, in question, contains an engraving of
• man tied up to be fiogg d. It contains also a description
by me (in a book entitled the' Autobiography of a Work-
ing Man') of the punishment I received while • soldier in
the Scots Greys on the 29th of May, 1832. I have reason
to complain of that offensive placard, and complained of
it to the Peace Society u soon as I knew of its esistence,
and on the following grounds : 1. Because my
own opinion has been decidedly in favour of the volunteer-
ing of recruits to the militia, in preference to •compulsory
ballot (or invasion of the domestic circle by a conscription) ;
and because, if the battalions of the militia were not filled
by volunteers, the conscription must have been resorted to.
(Hear, hear.) 2. Because Ido not believe that militiamen
were or are likely to be flogged, unless they commit crimes
which they may easily avoid. (' Hear, hear,' from the
conservative benches.) 3. Because my book was intended
to be, what every page of it proves, a warning to young
men entering the army, and to soldiers already there, not
to connect themselves with politics and regimental politicians
as I unfortunately did—(cheers)--also to dissuade civilians
from connecting themselves with physical force movements.
4. Because a quotation is prominently made from my book
in the Peace Society's placard without their naming the
book or esp'aining why I was flagged, but, on the contrary,
leading soy one not acquainted with me to infer that I was
some malefactor, guilty, probably, of a vile moral crime
(which soldiers are usually guilty of before receiving such
• punishment). (Loud cries of ' Hear, hear.') 6. Be-
cause my name was the only one used in the placard as •
soldier who had suffered that punishment, which was to
deter men from volunteering into the Militia. 6. Because
I was not asked if I would allow my name to be used for
such a purpose. And, lastly, if I had, I should have em-
phatically said 'No.'—l am, &C.ALEXANDER, SOMERVILLZ.
Charles Hindley, Esq., M.P."
(Hear, hear.) I think (continued the noble lord) this letter
does great credit to Mr. Somerville. (Hear.) The hoc.
gentleman who has just sat down has, I understand, found
fault with ins for having said something on a former occa-
sion which he considers offensive, uncivil, or rude to the
Pence Society. I said, what I cannot retract, that I
thought the course they had pursued constituted a grave
offence—(hear, hear) —inasmuch as their intention was to
obstruct the public service—(henr, hear)—and to deprive
the country of those means of defence which parliament
had deliberately thought ncoestary to adopt. (Cheers.)