The Express.
London, England, 1862-08-21 00:00:00

EXPRESS FROM PARIS.

(mom ooa owl coßazeroromr.)
PARIS. WEDIKODAY Emma.

Opinions among the initiated are unanimous on
the subject of the new journal, La France. The
whole thing has been a mystification. M de la
Guerronniere, as a senator, is a shelved man—his
light is put out—ho wearies of this existence under 1,
a bushel—his soul pants for publicity ; so a sub-
scription is opened among influential parties for the
purpose of founding a new newspaper. A million is
soon formed, and 30,000 fr. named as the salary of
the political director. A new newspaper requires
a drapeau. M. de ls. Guerronnihre's antecedents as
the collaborateur of an imperial pamphleteer at once
indicate what that drapeau shall be. La France,
edited by Viscount de la Guerronnihre, must be
semi-official or nothing. But there are already
three semi-official organs. How are the Oonstifs-
tionnel, the Patrie, and the Pays to be overridden ?
Why, simply by audaciously and mendaciously at
once opening business as the only original Jarley.
then, with the colours !—Russian alli-
ance!—Permanent occupation of Rome ! The
train was fired, and certainly the first ex-
plosion was such as to answer to the
expectations of the bombardiers. But the result
proves that they reckoned without "the cabinet of
the Emperor," and so are "hoist with their own
petard." We shall very soon see La France sink
down to a level with the Pays. But what of that ?
It has a capital of a million. It is a handsome,
well-printed sheet. Its Monday's number will
always secure a sale by reason of M. Fioretino's
' signature, and, to sum up all, it brings in to M. de
Guerronnihre a salary of 30,000 francs, just as
much as his pay as a senator of the
empire. Meantime its appearance has been attended
with one remarkable result. The entire press of
Paris, with the exception of the clerioo-legitimiat
triad, is banded in one common condemnation of
its detestable principles. This La France itself
admits. Now, the entire Parisian preen, always
excepting the aforesaid clerico-legitimist triad, may
fairly be taken as representing the opinion of the
igreat mass of the country at large. The journal
La France, therefore, by its own admission, advo-
cates principles odious to the country at
large. And, to go s step further, if La
France represents, as it claims to do, the
opinion of the French government, then have
we the government and the country in direct anta-
gonism to one another : a supposition inadmissible
for a single moment in a country governed on the
principle of universal suffrage. To be sure, profes-
sion and practice do not always jog on part passe
under this same universal suffrage. M. de Jouve-
nel, doubtless, thought that as this principle had
sent him to the Chamber of Deputies, he went
there in behalf of the interests of his constituents
land of the country at large. Now this view of his
duties obliged him, as reporter of the project of law
which your readers will remember the Emperor
tried to get passed for settling 50,000 franca a year
upon the Count de Palikao, to place upon record
his own and the committee's condemnation of
such project of law. Well, it sow appears that
such was not the view taken by the Emperor and
his government of the duties of a deputy ; for, to
the scandal of the public, the Minister of the
Interior has removed M. de Jouvenel from his post
of president of the Council-General of In Cor-
rege. This is an act as impolitic as it is
illiberal ; and a hope is even expressed that the
removal will be reconsidered by the eccen-
tric minister, if not cancelled by his more prudent
master. It is not probable that M. de Jouvenel
will consent to retain his presidency after such an
expression of governmental spite ; but it will be
well, so think the friends of the government, that
the door be held open for him.
The perplexity of the imperial protector of
Italy and of the Pope is a theme constantly
dwelt upon by politicians. For my own
part, I believe he is simply biding his
time and watching events. He must long since
have become convinced of the inability of the
Italian government to stem the current of
public opinion, and must be prepared to
see that government take in its oars and
float down the stream in the direction of Rome.
He has always trusted to the unforeseen in the
solution of the Roman question ; and here we
have the unforeseen hard and fast upon us—in the
Garibaldian insurrection, let us say, for want of
a better term. What can he do but wait ? If the
Italian government choose to send him over
Garibaldi in chains, well and good. But if the
Italian government refuses to beard the lion—
wherein they are quite right—he can do little
but send good advice and wait to see what
turns up. Although 1 must confess I have no great
faith in his adoption of the joint-occupation prin-
ciple, I cannot shut my eyes to the fact that ex-
ceedingly dispassionate men and exceedingly well-
informed men are convinced that such will be the
mode in which the solution will be commenced.
Assuming them to be in the right, it may be that
even this measure, if delayed too long, may come
to be viewed as an insufficient instalment. It would
probably now satisfy Garibaldi, and send him back
to Caprera. A month, a week, a few days even,
hence, it may be too late. Events are hurrying
on very rapidly. I believe no weight what-
ever must be attributed to the cooked accounts"
sent from Turin, which represent the popular feel-
ing in favour of Garibaldi as subsiding. Facts
speak for themselves. Garibaldi has been allowed
to reach a sea-port, Catania. Why was he allowed
to reach it 1 With 30,000 regular troops in the
island, could not General Cugia have prevented hie
reaching it, had he been so minded 1 The truth is,
the government either dares not or does not throw
any serious impediment in Garibaldi's way. Ho
has the great heart of the country with him. Civil
war is the last description of war he medi-
tates. " Victor Emmanuel !" is still his cry.
There is no sedition, no breath of civil war
in his cry of "Rome or death !" for these are the
words that find a direct response in the heart
alike of Victor Emmanuel, and of the youngest red
shirt that shoulders a musket among Garibaldi's
own followers. And now comes the question, will
Garibaldi be allowed to leave Catania 1 The situa-
tion is palpitating. Catania, a city containing 60,000
inhabitants, is barricaded by the people against
the army. The National Guard has declared for
him. Nicotera has undertaken the political dire,-
lion of matters, but the port is blockaded by the
royal fleet and General Ricotti's troops. A few
hours will inform us.

I believe little faith must be placed in the tele-
gram just received stating that the French ambas-
sador had waited upon the Pope, and had assured
him of the intention of his government to main-
tain the integrity of the Pontifical territory. The