The Express.
London, England, 1847-02-27 00:00:00

which their people commit ; but when firmly preased oa any
point of the treaty with • demonstration of our force, they
would give way and make submission, if not ortrhurne by
the haughty and eager spirit of the war party. but their
resistance to the pressure on them of that party becomes mote
and more difficult; and the probable consequence, to which
we must look forward at no very distant period unless the
spirit of that party is broken, is an outbreak of hostiaties,
when we are compcl!ed to insist on the fulfilment of some
violated article of the treaty.
The event foretold had already happened when
this prophecy was penned, though the writer was still
in ignorance of it. The idea of ensuring " peace"
by tolerating " a moderate degree of plunder,"
hinted at in the above paragraph, was nat a mere
speculation : it was acted upon by the local authori-
ties, and loud was their condemnation of the frontier
settlers for not acknowledging the advantages of such
a shameful policy. On the ith of October, 1843, a pe-
tition from some frontier farmers was presented to the
Council complaining of the want of protection against
the Kaffir marauders. The Secretary to the Govern-
ment and the Attorney-General delivered two long
objurgatory harangues against the petition, in which
they accused the petitioners of seeking to provoke a
Kaffir war by their complaints. They said gravely
that the outcry made by the farmers encouraged the
Rake to believe the government weak, and must of
consequence spirit them on to invade the colony.
They entered into statistical details to show that the
average of cattle stolen and colonists shot by the
Kattirs in a year had decreased ; and argued thence
that the frontier settlers ought to suffer in siknce
rather than allure to an invasion which must occasion
much suffering. And these strange exhortations were
delivered iu terms vituperative of the complainants,
mixed up with stale vulgar jokes, as if their
grievances did not deserve to be considered seriously.
There is no need for denying that fear and anger may
hare extorted unwise or even blame-worthy expres-
sions from individual settlers; but is it pardonable to
exaggerate such faults in order to divert attention
from the well-grounded complaints of a commu-
nity, admitted as a body to be blameless, and
from the inaction of the government? The Governor
is his despatches, and his official councillors in their
speeches, express unbounded surprise that the colo-
nists ehould not acknowledge with gratitude how
much their affairs had occupied of his Excel-
lency's thoughts. How could the colonists know
that he thought so mach about them, when his
cogitations led to no overt acts? It may be praise-
worthy in a recluse philosopher to speculate and ru-
minate sympathisingly upon the condition of his
fellow creatures ; but the business of a governor is to
act, and he has no right to complain if, failing in
this duty, suffering men speak hastily or even harshly
concerning him.
The past inaction of the local authorities at the
Cape, and of the late cabinet who allowed the troops
in the colony to be reduced to an inefficient number,
has been in a great measure the cause of the ma-
rauding invasion of 1846. The peevish asdunjust tone
in which the local authorities have reprehended the
colonists for constitutionally representing their grie-
vances has not been calculated to confirm the loyalty
of an intelligent and spirited race of men.

WE have read, with some surprise, and with great
regret, the resolutions respecting national education,
adopted at two special meetings of Protestant Dis-
senters, held in Leeds and London : not that we
believe these resolutions likely to prevent, or even to
delay very long, the establishment of a truly national
system of education, but because we find names
appended to them which deserve and have won
respect for intelligence, liberality, and philanthropy.
It is so common an error of humanity to endure
real perils rather than hazard an encounter with
visionary dangers, that we cannot remember any
beneficial change effected within the century, which
has not been denounced as fraught with peril to the
empire. PEEL'S Currency Bill of 1819 was to bring
about a national bankruptcy ; Catholic emancipation
was to place a papal nuncio at Lambeth, instead of the
venerable archbishop; the Reform Bill was to hand
over the country to English Jacobins; and the
repeal of the corn-laws was to render wheat
so cheap that it would not defray the expenses
of cultivation. These examples ought to have
taught men the impropriety of attacking a measure,
not on account of its own merits, but for its supposed
consequences ; consequences usually drawn with a
most contemptuous disregard for all the rules of
logical inference.
The gentlemen who have set themselves forward as
opponents of state interference with education pro-
fess to do so for the maintenance of the voluntary
principle ; but that principle is as much violated by
the interference in education of a self-elected committee
or a voluntary association, as by the interference of
the state. The very fact of their forming a committee
to superintend and govern their schools is an admis-
sion that public education should be submitted to
some authority ; the choice lies between them and
the state; one or the other must have the power of
selection and inspection ' • these gentlemen declare
that they are the best depositories of educational
power, because they have been chosen by themselves ;
we question neither their merits nor their qualifica-1
lions, but we are anxious that educational power, and
every other form of power, should be accompanied by
responsibility.
A second fallacy by which these gentlemen have
mystified themselves is that a state system of educa-
tion must be of the specific kind described and de-
nounced by Mr. EDWARD BAINES, whose heated
fancy can conceive no interference on the part of the
government short of that exercised in France or in
Prussia- Now, there is a country where the volun-
tary principle is as highly valued as it is in England,
and where it is in far more extensive operation—a
country, too, where the interference of the central
power of the state is viewed with greater jealousy
than in any other land, and yet in this country, which
is no other than the United States of America, a
system of national education has been established
under the direct control of the government,
which has not led to any of the conse-
quences of which Mr. BAINES has dreamed,
and which has produced none of the evils that Dr.
MAssie has denounced. We have before us a report
of eleven thousand schools established in the state of
New York. Each of these schools is placed under the
guardianship of three trustees, who have the entire
management of the school, subject to an appeal to
the state-superintendent, and no better proof can be
given of the efficiency of this system than the simple
fact, that though there are more than thirty-four
thousand local school authorities in office, there have
only been fifty-four appeals within the last two years.
All teachers, eligible to office, must be licensed by a
competent authority. Now, it is no very honest arti-
fice to confound a proposal for ascertaining by autho-
rity the competency of teachers, with giving to the
state the actual appointment of these teachers, and
yet this is what Mr. BAINES has done, by raising the
cry of " the vast extension of government patronage."
In the state of New York, and in Ireland, under the
National Board, there has been no increase of go-
vernment patronage to a dangerous amount by the
interference of the State with education. If gentle-
men, instead of drawing on their imagination for
illustrations, would look at the registered Soto of
public experience, they would save themselves Most
much needles' alarm, and others from the pada
necessity of exposing their delusions. It has beim
declared that "the certain effect of such a measure as
establishing State superintendence would be to de-
stroy the schools of the Dissenters—not only their
day-schools, but their Sunday-schools, and, of course,
to weaken their congregations." We sincerely regret
that such an argument has been put forward by a
leading advocate of the Dissenting interest. It iadi-
cites a spirit of compulsion applied to religion differ-
ing in degree rather than in kind from that which
wits exercised by the ecclesiastical powers of the dark
ages it seta forth education as a means by which
eubecribers can procure and secure members for their
own religious body, and it sets the interests of the
sect above the interests of society. if the writer of
such an argument hoped to win ever to his side
independent ministers, by insinuating that the
contingent diminution of congregations would lessen
the voluntary contributions- which make up their
income, we firmly believe that the immense majority
of dissenting clergymen would be utterly insensible
to such an appeal.
But why should such a result be anticipated ?
Unless the school]; superintended by the state gave
better and more efficient instruction than the existing
schools of the Dissenters, they would not draw off
the pupils from the latter? and if they are likely to
give better and more efficient instruction, why should
the children, who have neither themselves nor through
their parents a voice in the matter, be deprived of
such a benefit P The argument of the Leeds Her- i

eury is that imperfect and inefficient schools should be
kept up for sectarian purposes, and it virtually declares
their imperfection and inefficiency when it declares that
they would be at once emptied if schools superintended
by responsible authorities should be established.
On looking at the returns from the state of New
York, we find that the number of children taught in
the district schools was in 1815 about 140,000; but
that in 1813 it amounted to 837,000, leaving, accord-
ing to the census, not more than 20,000 children un-
educated within the limits of the state. The le,gisla-
tore has provided a school fund, administered by state
commissioners, to aid, but not to supersede, local ex-
ertions, and other improvements have been effected,
an account of which we copy from Mr. RUssELL'il
pamphlet, to which we have before referred:
The detail of tell the difficulties which have p, acticaliy been
experienced in carrying out these suggestions would be coin-
teresting,and I that therefore simply state, that,in accordance
with the wishes of the Secretary of State, seconded by the
friends of cducition, a system of normal instruction for
teachers is in operation, partly by means of the county acade-
mies, and partly by a normal institution at the seat 01 govern-
ment—and a system of inspection is now &Int fully organised,
by which the schools in each county are repeatedly visited,
and their condition exhibited to the state department in an
annual report. There is, also, another feature in our com-
mon school system, which is of peculiar interest, and one
which, originating among the teachers themselves, gives the
happiest assurance of ultimate usefulness; that is, the
establishment of county conventions of the teachers, who
meet and compare their modes of instruction and manage-
ment, and receive from the superintendent directions and
advice as to the proper discharge of their duties. One other
modem feature, to which I have also the pleasure of calling
your attention. is the establishment by law of a library in
each school district ; the books may be of a simple cha-
racter, and not calculated to promote the objects of a student,
but, in the 11,000 districts in this state, there are now
libraries containing in the aggregate upwards of ono million
of volumes.
To the delegates of the dissenters who have as-
sembled and passed resolutions in Leeds and London
we most respectfully suggest that what has been
found beneficial and constitutional in America,
cannot be so dangerous as they seem to fear in
England. The love of liberty is not less in New
York than it is in Leeds : freedom is as highly
valued, and as closely and jealously guarded, in Ame-
rica as it is in Great Britain; the voluntary prin-
ciple is more fervently admired by our brethren
beyond the Atlantic than it is in our country;
and we therefore set against their fancied in-
ferences the unanswerable evidence of recorded facts.
We regret to be obliged to add anything like censure
on the tone and temper of the discussions which have
been brought under our notice ; but we cannot for-
bear deprecating the unmeasured violence ascribed,
we trust erroneously, to the Rev. 1/r. MASsiE. In
debating a question of such tmportance, we look fur
moderation, discretion, and an investigation of facts
before charges are hazarded : we deprecate vitupera-
tion, fottoded on no better basis than suspicion, and
accusations supported merely by guess. 'fhe days
are gone by when strong language would pass for
strong argument; violence of expression is now gene-
rally identified with weakness of reasoning, just as
threats are viewed as the arts of a bully to frighten
away fear.

Oar Paris express of Thursday has arrived.
The cabinet of the Tuileries is in a state of partial
dissolution ; four or five of the secondary ministers
are tottering, and the chiefs encounter much dif-
culty in forming a combination which will give
any assurance of stability. M. Martin (du Nord)
has definitively resigned, and his colleagues have
not agreed as to his successor. M. Lucave Lap-
lagne, Minister of Finance, is about to retire. M.
Cunin-Oridaine, Minister of Commerce, is induced
to adopt a like course. The beads of the Cabinet
desire to witness a like proceeding on the part of
M. de Salvandy, Minister of Public Instruction, and
M. Moline St. Yon, Minister of War. The un-
certainty of the disposition of the venerable president
of the council to continue to hold the nominal head of
a Cabinet, in whose deliberations be exercises no
influence and almost never shares, is well known.
The result of all this is, that the only mem-
bers of the ministry who even pretend to
a stable position arc MM. Guizot and Do-
ch&tel, holding the portfolios of Foreign Affairs and
the Interior. In this state of affairs discussions halm
been carried on for some time, with a view to the r►
construction of the cabinet, and for the infusion of i
younger and more vigorous blood into it. No definite
result, however, has yet been obtained, and much
difficulty has been encountered ; for although the
ministerial majority is strong in numbers, and still
more efficient in discipline and subserviency to its
masters and patrons, it is signally feeble in parlia-
mentary and administrative talents. It is excellent
for the support of a ministry, but most feeble for the
formation of one.
The King of the Belgians is at the Tuileries again,
after a very brief absence. His visit is still ascribed
to the desire of Louis Philippe to use his intervention
as a means of reconciliation with England. The
more direct and acknowledged organs of the cabinet
are silent on the Normanby-Guizot question, which
sill remains unsolved.
Lord Normanby has, within the last few days,
been frequently at the chateau in personal communi-
cation with the King, by whom he has been received
in the most courteous and friendly manner. There
is, however, no present prospect of any arrangement
of the difference between him and M. Guizot, not-
withstanding the earnest desire of Louis Philippe to
bring about a reconciliation. M. Guizot holds that,
however offensive may have been the nature of his
expressions in the Chambers, the despatch of Lord
Normanby, and the answer of Lord Palmerston, so
promptly published in London and Paris, were, at
least, equally so ; and on that score, therefore, nothing
is due on either side. In the matter of the invita-
tion to the ball, M. Guizot considers that there is a
balance of offensiveness against Lord Normai.by,
which can only be settled by suitable apology. As
Lord Normanby will not listen to this, there is no
apparent solution to the present difficulty.
It is circulated in the salons that, in a private letter
sent by Lord Normanby to Lord Palmerston, the
former declares that " he does not allow M. Guizot
the right of reading lessons of politeness and gram-
mar to him."

The communications with Madrid, which had for a
considerable time been obstructed by the state of the
roads, produced by the inclemency of the weather,
have at length been renewed, and the mails arrived
in Paris for the first time in due coarse on Thursday,
when letters and journals of the 19th and 20th were
received.
The session of the Chamber of Deputies was con-
tinued without any discussion of general interest
Advice. were received at Madrid, on the 19th, of a
successful incursion of a band of Carliste, 200 in
Inumber under the command of the Cabecillas and
other leaders, on the city of Cervera, in Catalonia.
They surprised and dispersed the garrison, and killed
one and wounded another of the civic guard, making
the remainder prisoners. The authorities saved them-
selves by flight After remaining five hours in the
city they evacuated it, carrying off the treasure. It
was reported that cries of , Long live Charles VI.
and the constitution of 1812" were heard.
El Espanol says that Cabrera and Forcadell are
still in Spain, and are preparing an insurrection on a
large smle for the spring. That journal recommends
the government to raise two armies of observation, of
20,000 men each, to guard the frontiers by sea and
land.
The Marquis de Viluma has resigned the presi-
dency of the senate; his successor has not been ap-
pointed, but the names of General Serrano and M.
Armero have been mentioned for that high post.
El Espanol of the 20th says that letters of the 14th
from Grease say that the troops of Donna Maria had
an affair with the Miguelites near Melguzo, in which
the latter were completely, defeated.
The removal of General Breton from the Captain-
Generalship of Catalonia was spoken of; it was said
that he would be replaced by General Mauro.

Advice' from the frontier of Poland, dated 13th
inst., say that a mercantile deputation from Warsaw,
which had been sent to St. Peteraburgh to ascertain
if the inoorporation of Poland with Russia had been
really intended, returned with an answer that such a
measure had been contemplated, but had been ad-
journed until certain administrative preparations
would be made. It is forbidden in Russian Poland,
under the penalty of death, to obstruct the propaga-
tion of the religion of the Greek Church, and the study
of the Russian language is rendered compulsory.
These measures are considered as preparatory to the
absorption of Poland by Russia.
Adviees from Vienna of the 16th say that the
Austrian cabinet was engaged in deliberations re-
specting the condition of Switzerland. Conimuni-