The Express.
London, England, 1849-06-15 00:00:00

topic at all their mesdagn At the late Wattmeter
meting Mr. Penn Marmon, referring to local
bsation, declared " Weft kaiak.' passes without
mmeething extra being MtMed open as." Mr. Jame
3LasasEr said, " the ihnesre only wanted to be It-
lima fawn taxation end local burdens ea the foreiAm
nountrise with whom they bad to compete." Thie
teen whom the farmers mad to parliament to repe-
llent them—the " farmers' Mends" as they call theol-
ogises—have effected to agree and sympathise with
the agriculturists in their complaints about load
taxation. They persuaded the farmers to vote for
them by pig relief from the burden of excessive
local tamales. ut when a measure is proposed for
that end they defeat it, and that by mean and indirect
trickery; and they laugh aloud at the success of their
own dishooesty in the hearing of the men they have
gulled.
In commoo justice the tenant farmers cannot be
spared one iota of the insult their chosen champions
ban offered them. The bitter draught is of their own
brewing' and they must drain it to the dregs. The
fiertnen friends ham done more than break their
aurvessin ' to obtain a reform in the
system of al expenditure. The check upon
the enormous increase of minty rates proposed
to be established by Mr. Houit's bill, was
by conferring upon the vate-payers a voice in their
sseessment and expenditure. This is the only efficsr
time remedy for the eviL A law may declare that
the utmost economy shall be observed, but without'
trustworthy persons to execute the law it will be a
mere dead letter. Paid agents, subject to a cantrai
government beard, cannot be trusted with the mem
Goa of such a law. Parliament has no time to watch
over and control its application. The rate-payers
themselves, by the irstrumentaliry of elected repre-
sentative+, can alone insure good faith and seaway
in the levying and application of county rates. But
Sir Joan Pcxnerrox' and the rest of the proem-
tioaist squires, will not hear of such a remedy. They
dedus that the rate-payers are such fools that they
cannot bs treated with the management of their own
local affair.lmpartial by-ander% seeing that the
parties thus unceremoniously declared by our Palm°.
move to be ince:able blockheads, are the parties
who sent them PiIINOTONII to parliament may
be pardoned if they suspect that the Ramo-
lows msy know bed ; bat assuredly it is neither
civil nor grateful in the PAXINGTONs thus to repay
by deceit, insult, and derision, the voters who have
made them members of parliament.
Sir JOHN PAKINGTON, as the mouthpiece of the
prometioeists, declares that the authority to impose
and assets 000nty rates, and to disburse them with-
out accounting for their intromissicns, ought to re-
main as at preeent, vested exclusively in the justices
of peace. Sir GEORGE 'GREY, as the mouthpiece of
the coaksing free trade conservatives and coiner-
votive whigs, declares that he is ready to admit a
certain number of representatives of the rate payers,
chosen at second hied by the guardians whom the
rate payers elect, to co-operate with the magistrates
in the administration of the county rates, but he in-
sists upon there being a majority of magistrates at
the county financial boards. The difference between
Sir Jonx end Sir Geonoz is this: Sir Jona would
openly deny to the ratepayers any the slightest control
over me appropriation and disbursement of the rates
they pry; Sir tiMORCHI would consent to an arrange-
ment by which the rate-payers might be deluded into
the bel of that they exercise some control, while, in
reality, they do not. Sir JOHN would rob the rater
payers by brat and laugh at them ' • Sir GEORGE
would slyly pick their pockets, and affect to condole
with th. m fo, their losse•.
For our pie we have fom the first declared that
we looked upon Mr. 111111e8 bill as a compromise ;
that e e regawled •he Elbowing magistrates to nomi-
nate say of their number to sit at the county financial
board. as a concession to the power of that illiberal
class. The Justices of the Peace are a bcdy of
men selected by the arbitrary choice of the ministers
of the day to act as local judges and as administrators
of local finance. They are chosen principally from
among the supporters of the ministers who appoint
them, and with a view to extend and confirm the poli-
tical influence of the ministers at whose pleasure
they hold their appointments. Both in their judicial
dud adniinistrative capacity they are objectionable as
being p litical tools. In their judicial capecity they
are further objectionable am being almost to a man in-
veterate game preservers, and accustomed to pervert
their power into the metre cf oppressing all whom
they suspect of beirg or being Direly to become
poaohen. In their administrative capacity they are
object'orable as having either no interest in enforcing
leconomical expenditure of the local rates (a man may
be a justice of peace in a county where he is not liable
to pay rate.), or a positive interest in laying them
more heavily upon other classes of ratepayers to the
comparative exemption of their own. Itis impossible
that we can have au equitable and efficient local Judi-
esture, or local financial administration, until the Judi-
tied functions of tie justices of peace are devolved spas
resident stjp.ntliary magistrates, and their adman-
battier) functions upon local boards entirely and
directly elected by the ratepayers.
For such an effective measure of reform it is utterly '
• hopeless to look to protectionists, free trade conserver
lives, or ario!Onalic whigs. ll the agricultural WWI
Mituenc:ei really wish to get rid of exceesive and
improperly applied local rates, and of the nuisance of
game preserves, they must join with the terrible
"Manchester school"—the parliamentary and finan-
cial reformers. And though they may not believe
as now, we tell them confidently that they will seek
this alliance before many years have passed over
their heads.

LAST night Mr. GLADSTONE drew the attention of
the house to the Rebellion Losses Bill, recently
pissed by the Canadian legislature, and now awaiting
the final action of the imperial government. The
question being one involved is mach misconception,
and one on the decision of which very important
fines will depend, we deem it advisable once more to
group together the main points connected with it.
During the rebellion of 1837-8, a considerable
amount of property was both neceassrily and wan-
) tmly destroyed in both province:. Immediately
' after the suppression of the insurrection the right of
those who had thus suffered to compensation was both
ecoognised and acted upon in the two provinces.
In Lower Canada, where the constitution was sus-
pended, this was done to a limited extent by oat-
mins ci the Governor and coanciL In Upper
Canada, ea set was submitted, in 1838, to the provin-
cial raiment, making provision for indemnity is
memories. la 1840, additional property having
In the asentime been destroyed by American invaders,
anodise set wee peened, embracing within the pro-
paid 'imdsmaity those who had thus suffered from
the invade& Bath this and the other act however,
- having bets deemed of too partial application, an-
other sit was passed in 1841, by the united parliament
of Carlo (the two prosiness having by this time been
mated), with a view to extend tte benefits of the
former acts to many who wonli have been excluded
from ompsesation but for the enlargement of
tit=ef these acts. But for this last-
est, the soi-eksent loyalists would have
%A do 'admiralty mshnholy to themisivee, whilst
nosy, wimps only crime was that they belonged to
Jabal puiV, a mess fraction of which only
Rebelled, sad w nee preperty was wantonly destroyed
. by parties eating, or sminek assuming .to act, in the
• vents, of the sown, nimbi have been shut ant from
cespmesties. The set of 11141 thus gave a more
walergad cad liberal epistles to the two former
acts, and in 16411 the mums wee provided for paying
the clam whisk hed hem made good under tbne

Kb.
it is extremely important here to observe that,
although the legislation which resulted in the pay-
ment of "jest loose in Upper Canada extended
over sevenyaars, net ass ward was emend against it
as nooessl Wheal, illegal, pwilons to the empire, or
to the interests or the honour of the
aergamitwa. was both originated and:brought to a
does doring.tbo pvemment and under the sus oos
of the pronemi take now in opposition. There
,vas then no M'Nris to denounce it as providing for
the payment of rebels ; 110 OLADSTONI to propose to
isteehes with it es an imperial negation. it was °H-
eaded, promoted, and ccoeituled ass local matter,
lies ' end was left massively to kcal motion. Providing,
as it simply did, fee the appropriation of local fue
ihr a keel perms, it is &Malt to see how it Geed
ham bees otherwise dealt with.
Isdeesnity baying been thus gives; to the starers
YU ()mots, rearms Indio° required that unser
skims el a aim diameter in the lower ,
. Should sleek merlegeed. In 1846,the present
being thus Is pover, NA boss m fiat:
wand pillimmality isigartediumplei to si

the Lower Canadian habitant, by initiating a measure
Tar indemnity to the sufferers in the lower province.
They voted an address to the Governor, praying him
ea-uppoint a commission to inquire into the extent of
the losses suffered. The commission was appointed ;
hat, as afterwards appeared, it had no power to ateiu-
diode aria the nature of the claims. It had to con-
fine itself' both as to the nature end extent of the
claims, to the allegations of the claimants themselves.
It was thus that claims to the extent of 241,0001. were
to it. In its report the commission divided
CerilinuOnto different clemes,charecterising &large
peportisa of them as, in its opinion, inadmiasible,aad
the sum of 100,0001. as a "general esti-
'Zitritfthe extent of the claims which it considered
admissible. Now, this " general estimate" was all that
the samodeekm was author;sed to make, taring
hew eillelally informed by the government that its
"gemenl estimate," when given, " would afterwards
term the subject of more minute legislative limitary."
As this " more minute legislative inquiry" could only
be instituted ender an act of parliament. A pledge was
thus given by the government that a legislative
measure was in contemplation as the result ot the to,
port of the commission. But, although the tories re-
mained for two years longer in power, no steps were
taken towards the redemption of this pledge. They
had failed in the party object which they had involve,
ant abandoned the prosecution of a measure demanded
by justice and sanctioned by precedent.
Early fa 1848 the tories were ejected from office,
and the liberals succeeded to power. They had no alter-
native but to take up the measure where their peed,-
ammo had left it; nor had they any desire to evade it,
bad the alternative been within their reach. Bat no
Ilsoosier did they take a step towards redeeming the
=oldish predecessors, than they encountered
Set *het opposition from those who, by logical
leesesfordee seemed to be most committed to their
support. Ties factioconess of such a course was only
equalled by its selfishness, the sole object of the oppo-
sitioa brig be regain the power which they had lost.
That gonad taken by the opposition was, that the
bill was iele for the compensation of rebels. Even
were the ..negation true, it comes with bat an ill
gnostical those who had themselves originated It
was not only their own measure with respect to
Lower Oisaft, but was in exact accordance with the
precedent set by them in their legislation for the
per Province. In this particular the bill
differed from the Upper Canada acts, that, in
order to avert cavil and disarm suspicion, it was
made more stringent in its exclusion of the claims of
acteal rebels than were these acts. Yet, notwith-
standing this accordance, with this difference, the
measure was violently opposed, on the ground alluded
to. Nowit follows that, if this ground were well
taken, the whole of the legislation for Upper Canada
was equally objectionable. But if this legislation was
legal and constitutional, and the cpposttion contend
that it was, it follows that this measure is the same.
The opponents of the bill must either admit or deny
that the precedent was unexceptionable. If they
admit it, they are, in the last degree, inconsistent in
contending that the present measure is objectionable;
if they deny it they may be consistent in tilting excep-
tion to this measure, but nothing more.
For, after all, the principal point to be considered
is the character of the bill itself. Without reference
to precedent, or the position of parties in respect to
the bill, is it or is it not a measure which contemplates
the payment of rebels?
To allege that it is so is simply to misconceive or to
misinterpret the terms and scope of the bill. The
losses suffered by rebels cannot be termed "just
loans." Yet it is to the payment of just lows that
this measure is confined. It specifically excludes
from the benefit of its operation such as either by con-
viction or confession are ascertained to have been
rebel.. The claims of such parties cannot form the
subject of that " more minute legislative inquiry" into
the "general estimate" of the commission to institute
which the bill has been submitted. Such claims are
too obviously untenable to be even inquired into. Of
the remaining claims, that is to say the great mom of
them, some maybe as untenable as those just referred
to, but they are not to be treated as such, on the mere
suspicion entertained, or affected to be entertained,
by the " loyalists," that the claimants were rebels.
It will be the business of the commission to be ap-
pointed under the bill to separate the claims which
are tenable from those which are not so—in other
words, to discriminate between "just losses," and
those which are not so. They only will share in the
100,0001. set apart for the payment of the claims who
=wisp succeed in tting their claims classed within the
category ofJust losses. But it may be objected that
the co otters will act partially and dishonestly—
that is to say, that they will award compensation to
rebels. This is merely wumed, not proved. The
conduct cf the commonroom will greatly depend
upon the instructions issued to them. It is quite
clear that they will not be instructed to indemnify
the traitor. R:sides, no valid objection to the bill it-
self can be based upon the groundless assumption that
its administration will act corruptly.
Such, then, is the measure which has been de-
nounced in the province, by those who originated it
and who established the precedent on which it is
founded, ea a measure designed for the payment of
rebels, and which is sought to be interfered with in
this country by those who did not interfere with the
precedent, or object to the course of the present Cana-
dian opposition when they originated the measure it-
self. There can be no difference of opinion as to the
inconsistency and groundlemess of the opposition
manifested against the bill in the province. But Mr.
GLADSTONE and others seek to interfere with it here
lin Its passage through its final stage, that of imperial
allowance. they seek to do this on the ground of its
being an imperial question. Bat what makes it so?
It is not for Mr. GLADSTONE, who took no exception
to the Upper Canada Acts as such—although under
them not only many suspected, but some also who
were convicted of treason, were indemnified—to
except to it as an imperial question. Indepei!.
deafly, however, of this consideration, there is
nothing in the bill which brings it within
the category of imperial questions. If it proposed
to reward treason the case would be different. But
it does not propose to do so. It simply proposes to
appal/nth* finch of the province to the indemnification
of " uat losses" suffered during the insurrection in the
pr cs. In other words, it is a local money bill,
and nothing more. Its allowance by the imperial
authorities, therefore, is a matter of course, unless they
are prepared to violate the constitution of the pro-
vince. It is one of those measures over which, on
inferring responsible government upon the Canadian
people, we have once and for ever abdicated jurisdic-
tion.
Mr:Memnon' did not make a substantive
mottos on the subject, merely asking for au assurance
that rebels should not be compensated under the bill
as it stood, or it rebels might be compensated under
it, that its adios would be suspended until it might
be so altered by the Canadian brgish.ture es to etc
elude rebels from the benefit of its operation. Lord
JOHN ROWELL, in reply, indicated that it was the
intention of the gomement to support Lord Elam
by leaving the bill to its operation. The final sane-
tion`of the Qum; could not be given to it until the
instracdons issued to the commission had arrived.
Thiel's' in accordance with Lord ELGIN'S own wish.
The worse thus taken by the government is that for
which we have all along contended. Ulterior =m-
emo are theestiosi * Mr. OLADSTONg and his
at n, bee tbe sale lord has given them fairly
to unisealamd That anal nearness cannot Moo him
from his wpm

SOUTH AMERICA.

FALMOUTH, 3 a. m., TIMRSDAT.
Her Majesty's demur Alecto, Acting Commander
Ballard, arrived here this moment from Monte Video,
April 9, Rio Janeiro 26, Bahia May 2, and Pernam-
buco 8. She beings important despatches, (*Deistic
of th• French treaty, signed by Roses end the French
minister, and transmitted to the French government
for ratification. She has also despatches from Mr.
Southern and Mr. Hamm, her Majesty's ministers at
the River Plate sad Rio, with a very large
mad.
At Banos Area
_remained the Harpy ; at
Monte Video the Raleigh (expecting to go up to
RIo ea the settlement a matters, about the be-
ginning of June), and a large French squadron,
far that of the British.
Ar lir it
Ile Hydra was watching for a slave
steamer ; the Crescent and the Crane packet were
also tb
Nothing now from Rio, Bahia, or
Pernsaihneo. The Tweed wae at the latter port,
expecting shortly, at the end of May, or beginning
at Jon% do be relieved by the eiffeo.