The Express.
London, England, 1849-11-10 00:00:00

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Ws have refrained far some time from doing more
than chronicling the daily meats of Germany. Them
events, indeed, speak for tbsniselme, aid need no
oommeat. Crntinued execatiom, raw 'theme of taxa-
tion, denunciation of unity sem by the prlsoes who
swore ta it, petty equabblesbetwesn kings and dynes-
tiee, on the score of their private interests or reshe
pec-
tive supremacy, ledierous attempts on the part of t
great powers to establish the name and semblance
without an atom of the reality or essence of a coned-
tation—this is the history of Germany in 1849.
We feel the more reluctance in denouncing the
criminality and folly of these doinp of German
princes,e because we were of those who put trodpular
in
We were of those who deprecadeprecatedthe po
ineunections of Dresden, of the Palatinate, and Baden
.--whoregretted the obstinacy of the Left of the Freels-
fbit prhaneset in refusing to come to terms with
Prussia ; and who pet faith in the wise and politic
determination of Fame= Wthusx to found the
unity and et of the German nation on the free
iTand federal etions of the German people.
We must cosies' ourselves to have been cruelly
deceived, and yet it surely was not too mach to hope
that some one prince oat of the multitude of that
rank in fiertnany could have displayed common ta-
lon* liberalism, patriotism, and courage. Out of the
whole of that princely herd, however, there is but
one—the elder brother of Prniv ince ALBERT—Who has
saved himself from the uersal condemnation of
popular contempt.
A worm, result than even the degradation and con-
tempt of princes has been echieved in Germany; this
is, the u•ter discredit cf the moderate and coastitutional
party. We need not describe the preseigs that sur-
rounded the name of °tumor, the hopes that were
built by all rational and quiet lovers of liberty on
names such as his, and AUERSWALD and CAMP-
EAU-EN. Their obs;quioneness to Prussia, however,
followed by the treacherous conduct of the King to
every liberal principle and promise, has overwhelmed
their hor:tnrable names in the same oblcquyand dis-
gust with which the royal acts are now universally
regurd-
It is aed
fatal symptom, when thinking, and industri-
ow, and practical men, citizens, and thceo of the
middle rank cf life, turn away, not merely from offi-
cials and courtiers, but from moderate constitutional-
ists, to pl .re their sole faith and hope in the enthu-
siasts and fanatics of the liberal party. This recd.
Mon, however, has taken place in Germany, and may
take place in France. It is impoesible to
look upon the latter without seeing that as the
BARMOTs and the TOCQUEVILLES sink in the male,
the LEDRU RoLitres are rising. The Germane espe-
cially were decidedly anti-republican, except a small
part of the population of the south-west. The present
state of thiop is, however, fist converting all Ger-
many into republicanism. We record the fact with
regret, not exultation, well aware how greatly such
extreme sentiments render more difficult the es'a-
blishuitct of liberty, more sanguinary and destructive
that inevitablesecoud revolutioo,to which every soul in
Germany now turns not only his expectations but him
V; had some thoughts cf publishing an account of
the dinner given the other day to HENRY VON
GAOERN, at Bremen, with the speeches of the ex-
Presldent, and of his friends MATH!' and MOUE ;
the exhibition was, however, too aid, the speeches too
empty, the hopefulness too hypocritical. We won-
der, ind.ed, that oAonns could have consented to
open his mouth, at a time when bitter-
ness and despair mast be in his heart,
to sce all those fine promisee of German
liberty and a (lumen parliament reduced to a ren-
dezvous of a score of representatives of small and
scattered states, calculated to represent disunity, not
unity. The politicians of the Prussian court, indeed,
have summoned a parliament from those parts of
Germany true to its league, rather as a commence-
ment, as an example, as a standard about which
therstate s may subsequently rally. It was thus Prussia
began with the Zollverein, extend the principle and
gaining new adhesions to the league, as the proofs of
Its utility, concord and strength became evident.
The Ulcerous, however, advanced by taking advan-
tage of the current of public opinion towards unity.
Neither prince nor people made any sacrifice to
Prussia in accepting the community of tariff. But
the pilitical annexation that Prussia demands is very
much the contrary. It derogates from princely sove-
reignty, and promises no'hing to popular freedom.
What septet does the Prussianparliament
at this moment present, when ministers and
the majority ars actually decreeing that this parliament
shall no have the power to restrict the crown in
levying what taxes it may platy? A constitutional
edifice without the foundation atone, a form without
life, a summary of the English constitution without
the only clams that would give value to any coned-
tatkin—seth is the Prussian constitution.
How can any honest or rational German citizen
propose to trust the freedom, the organisation, or the
prospects of his fatherland to such guidance or
supremacy as this! He might better, with Goimize,
trust hi. allegiance to the Czar at once. For if people
are to be subject to the arbitrary will of a raise,
it is better that he should be a powerful one, knowing
his own mind, able to
.persevere in his own policy,
and protect his people in such rights and such peace
as it suits him to guarantee. Bat to lave that the Ger-
mans should rally round any standard held aloft by
a HANTEOPPIL end a BRANDENBERO, is to expect
them to lick the feet of a shoeblack, and voluntarily
to place thenmelms under the drill of a political cor-
pol.
Yet the King of Faustus knows, or once knew,
what is the future of Germany. Let us hasten, said
he, in his one of his diplomatic notes to Austria, to
satisfy in a reasonable and liberal way the demands
of the Germans for unity ; for if we baulk them, the
partisans of unity will throw themselves into dime
cagey, and instead of a divided Germany, with middle
clam and lower class apart, such as we have now te
deal with, we shall have the Germans rise as one man
with a determination and with arms, that will sweep
every German monarch from his throne.
Had the King of Paeans acted apt° his own saga.
city and prevision, he would have saved his throne
and his country. Bat after having first endeavoured
to establish a German empire on popular
tepeeadon,
and failed front want of courage and sincerihe
then tried to establish the same empire by a system of
half-bullying, half-diplomatisiog princes. Baulked
there, too, he has now set up a kind of spectral and
paper parliament and constitution for Germany,
which the conservatives and liberals heartily join in
mocking and despising.
The King of 'Pausata and all his brother kings
have let pass the golden opportunities. The sybil
came to each,. bat not one would take her books or
profit by her offer. They may sow do what they
please, for recover the confidence or respect of their
people they can never. The world has ceased to
respect, the Germans to hope in them. And when the
day of their doom comes, which must come, their
tall will excite in not one breast a sentiment of pity,
nor their treacherous and pusillanimous lives one feel-

THE " clothing colonels" have turned up spin.
After having been Kindly exposed in the publications
of the Liverpool Financial Reran Association, and
in the rejoinders which the Thews and other papers
though, fit to favour them with, Wee worthies of
the go ea sad gridiron have been coupling them-
selves in the quiet contemplation of their gams. A
contemporary has thus lugged them forth again.
This contemponrybas been industriouslyrxkinefainentiliie,
filth and poverty of the London "labouring 11
and in the horrid heaps of starved* and misery
what should be food astnally lin at the bottom of
them but the "clothing esisssisr
It mune, that et the seed wsoldral sad ill-paid of