The Express.
London, England, 1848-06-28 00:00:00

NOTICE TO ADVERTISERS.

The number of STAMPS issued by the authorities of the
!hemp-office, during 1847, to the
DAILY NEWS was 3.447.009
•

This, we believe, is within eight percent, of the number
hued to the Morning Herala, Morning Chronicle, and
Morning Post, ALL PUT TOCIETFIBR.
In addition to the above, issued to the DAILY NEWS,
Morning Paper, there were issued for the Evemn7 Edition,
THE EXPRESS 778.714
Which wu more, we believe, than were issued either to
the Globe or Standard, Evening Papers.

BIGII WATIIR AT LOPDON 1111101.
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LONDOXIVEDNESDAY,JUNE2B.
Tue supreme and deadly struggle between the
working classes of Paris and those above them has
terminated, as we confidently announced from the
first, and as even the friends of these very working
classes must have hoped, in the discomfiture of the
insurrection. Fearful as has been the slaughter and
destruction, even more fearful would have been the
triumph of the people, as all industry and earning
must have been annihilated by that triumph, leaving
the victors no means of livelihood save that of public
tyranny and private spoliation. Even this they would
have been incapable of organising; and France would
have presented the melancholy picture of a country
in the highest state of development and civilisation
flung back at once into a state of worse than savage
nature, with every man's knife at his neighbour's
throat.
But however lively the sense of the dangers and
horrors which the French have paned through, and
of those which they have escaped, it is not just to
throw the blame of all that has happened upon any
one class or any one opinion. The Parisian opera-
tives were quiet and orderly in the month of January
list; and from this state of tranquil industry they
acre called to insurrection and political visions and
civil war by the grossest faults, if not crimes, of those
Shove them,—of the King, the governing powers, and
even the middle classes.
On the 26th of February the Parisian workpeople
found themselves masters of the city. They insisted on
the ejection of the royal family, and the total change of
the constitution from a monarchy to a republic. Nei-
ther the middle classes, nor the national guard, nor the
eminent men of the governing rank showed any re-
sistance. The chamber shrunk before the first ap-
Pea:mice of some of the armed populace, and &govern-
ment was appointed of the few declared republicans
end ultra liberals of the chamber, joined to those more
thorough republicans intimately known to, and per-
smelly trusted 1w the people.
We by no means join in the universal condemna-
I ~tion Passed on the )provisional Government, or upon
'ae men thrown out of power by the late emeute.
The destruction of all property founded upm credit,
and of revenue founded on trade and on consumption,
,he subversion of finance, and the disorder in every
department of government, were inevitable conse-
quences of the revolution. All classes by their blun-
° their pusillanimity, or their rashness, contri-
buted to that Rvolution, and all must benr an rqua!
"tale 01 tha tivne. rravisawai Cioverameat

however, and especially its leading spirit, LAMARTINE,
preserved the peace of the capital. This was done,
no doubt, by promises to the people, by cajolery
towards the chiefs, and by interesting one portion
of revolutionists to keep the remaining portion in awe
and in quiet. By this management the inevitable
and final collision and combat between the working
eb.ss and those above them was put off until the
latter were organised and armed, and were duly sup-
ported by the military. Had the collision taken place
in March or in April, the citizens would have been
decimated and defeated. But by allowing time
for the National Assembly to meet, for a garde mobile
of staunch soldiers to be formed, and for the military
itself to recover confidence in themselves and in
their leaders, M. LAMARTINE and hie friends really
and effectually contributed to the seisfactory triumph
of order over disorder, of intelligence and common
sense over brute force or visioaary claims, and of
property over spoliation.
The Provisional Government brought things to
this result through a disturbed and transitory state
of four months, during which, however, there was no
blood shed, no persons killed, no guillotine erected;
during which the press was maintained in its free-
dom, and enabled to combat the subve, sive doctrines
of communism with an efficacy that has altogether
discredited them. Moreover, during this semi-
anarchic time, the spirit of the French populace
was never excited to war. No hatred was sown be-
tween them and their neighbours. No appeal was
made to rancorous, vain-glorious, or rapacious passions
to precipitate the country into war, nor was the
common-place mode of providing for unquiet spirits
and satisfying turbulent passions adopted by men
who, like LAMARTINE, are accused of having made
a compromise with insurrection.
We only trust that we shall have to praise General
CAVAIGNAC, and those echo now succeed to power in
France, for the same virtue of forbearance, the same
respect for the peace of the world and the rights of
neighbouring nations, which marked the administra-
tion of M. LAMARTINE. Gen. CAVAIGNAC bears a very
high character. His whole conduct, since February, his
refusal to accept office till he was allowed the means of
making government be respected, all bear testimony
to his prudence and firmness. His military operations
in putting down the insurrection display great deter-
mination. He has solved the problem of resisting a
populace bent on holding out in the narrow streets of
a thickly-built city, although he has shown that the
moat ruthless destruction, both of property and life,
was the inevitable condition of , success. General
CAVAIGNAC has performed but his duty ; and yet, we
fear, he will have earned thereby a deep-rooted un-
popularity, and that lie will have created amongst
the lower classes, especially, of PaTie, remembrances
of the blood spilt in June which will render
his government no easy one, and his career
not enviable. BONAPARTE dispersed the Sections
by cannon, but these were ratherof the bourgeois class.
The repression. too, was brief and the slaughter not
great. In the present case there is,probably, not one
individual of the working class in Paris, who
has not lost a son, a father, a husband, or a brother
Heaven defend us front the feelings which such fields
f battle in a civil war engender.
The National Assembly will now, of course, pro-
ceed to the voting of the constitution, and to the
election of a president. Will they risk all that
has been already won, by entrusting that election to
the people at large, and thus incur the chance
of having a Louis NAPOLEON thrust upon them
as master? Or will they take advantage of the late
insurrection to transfer at once, or at least for this
first time, the choice of a president to themselves?
If so, Gen. CAVAIGNAC stands certainty the best
chance. The presidency of Gen. CAVAIONAC will,
however, have two potent signification!. The name
of the victor of Paris will be the emblem of repression,
and of the victory of one class over another. It will
also signify that the army, its ideas and its interests,
again assume the lead in the policy of France.
A cotemporary announces that one of the first acts
of Gen. CAVAIONAC was to send for M. TIMERS. It
is true that the general and M. Tomas had a
lengthened interview ; but we believe it to be equally
true, that the interview by no means led to an agree-
ment, or was marked by unison of policy. Oa the
contrary, subsequent to that interview, Gen. CAVAIG-
NAC begged of the ministers to keep their places ad
interim, with the exception of M. BASTIDE, who was
requested to keep his portfolio permanently. This is
a very good sign. M. BASTIDE has given every sa-
tisfaction, and continues the foreign policy of M. LA-
MARTINE, a policy of dignity and peace. But, at the
same time, the accession of M. Tutees to power, and
the aid of his great experience and abilities, would be
a most desirable event.

GENERAL NARVAEZ ought to have had more respect
for his character and position as the minister of a great
nation than to have allowed such a puerile and petti-
fogging document to have emanated from his govern-
ment, as that which has just sneaked into light. We
are strongly opposed to General NARVAEZ as an unfit
ruler of a constitutional and free country, bat at
least he has the character of a bold and manly
though cruel and despotic soldier.
His long manifesto against England and its envoy,
however, seems dictated rather by feminine spite and
puerile susceptibility than by manly reason. Some of
the charges made in it are so incompatible with
English ideas of Castilian prido and Spanish honour,
that in our land no gentleman who made them could
ever hold up his head again. We have no name for
such baseness, and, consequently, no mode of express-
ing disgust. And we are right sure that no English
politician could bring himself to dip his tongue or
fingers in such dirt.
Let it be remarked that this tissue of accusations
against our envoy in:Madrid is not that original series
of complaints, on which the Spanish government took
its resolve to send Sir H. BULWER out of the country.
That series of complaints were despatched to this
country with Count MIRASOL, who did not think fit to
communicate them through Senor IsiTairr. This is a
second edition of complaints, which were after:
thoughts, and of which the grounds and proofs were
gleaned and gathered after wards, and which were
not the causes of Sir H. BULwER'S dismissal, but the
excu-es and arguments sought for and elicited from
the agents of the Spanish government to afford some
plea and colour to its precipitate and unwarrantable
step.
The first complaint of the Spanish government is
gathered from the despatches of the British envoy to
his government, which the Spanish minister found
unfaithful and untrue. But what minister is likely
to be satisfied with the accounts of an agent sent to
observe him, and highly disapproving such policy as
a military dictatorship, and such conduct as that dis-
played in the Spanish marriages?
The second complaintrelates to a letter of General
SERRANO, in which that general says that Sir HENRY
BULWER advised him to keep himself at the head or
in front of the liberal party.
The third grief is founded on* police report, in which
NARVAEZ'S police-agent accuses the British embassy
of being the centre of all intrigues ; on those of other
agents, who utter small facts in support of their very
indefinite assertions; on a list found in the pocket-book
of somebody in which the name of BULWER is written
down in conjunction with those of OLozAG.t and
SALAMANCA ; and finally, on the wonderful fact, that
in one of his despatches Sir H. BULWER informs his
principal that the conspirators were divided in
opinion. The chief duty of a diplomatist is to keep
his government well and fully informed. His doing
so, however, is a crime in the new code of General
NARVAEZ.
The fourth and fifth griefs are that Sir H. Bun-
WER did what every ambassador in Madrid has done,
screened the lives of certain public men menaced by
the persecution of the government.
The sixth is a cock and bull story of insurrection
fermented in the provinces by the appearance of
English vessels on the coast, with whose movements
Sir H. BULWER could have had nothing to do. In
fact, if the column of accusation contained in this
grief be true, it was the English Admiralty and the
governor of Malta who were conspiring against Queen
ISABELLA.
The only other accusation is, that PORTAL, who
headed the Seville insurrection, was known to Sir H.
BuLwea, and had received letters from him, which
the captain-general, who saw them, admitted to be
insignificant.
What can we make of all this mass of absurdity
and puerility? There is'not a diplomatic envoy in
any troubled country, against whom a similar or a
worse case might not be made out. We will be bound
to say, that we could concoct as good a one against
Lord NORMANDY in Paris, or Lord PoNsoNnl at
Vienna. If a government were to rake up the private
life of the envoys at its court, make arrests to se's°
correspondence, suborn agents, male and female,