The Express.
London, England, 1848-06-06 00:00:00

;NINE, JUNE 6, 1848.

-
*tains of the person whom ere otmeldered justly entitled to
at O deown. Altogether, he could not but think that, what-
ever Wants attached totheettberquent conduct of the Spanish
government towards Sir Henry Bulwer—sad he quite agreed
Ye wearing that conducts. highly arbitrary sad Improper—
there Whom in tho tone observed bythe noble lord much that
would naturally irritate and wound the feelings of the
Spanish government and nation, end he therefore trusted
that in the explanation which the noble lord would, he pre-
sumed, that night offer, the noble lord would admit, what
he surely must feel, that he had been injudicious, at all
events In the manner and time of his interposition. Moat
undoubtedly the British nation, while ever prepared to vin-
Welt, its honour, would not hesitee to express its regret, if
ar y hasty expreadon on the part of itsgovernment had wounded
the generous sensibilities of a high.souled and friendly
gee, ple. (Hear, hear.) Such an expression of regret on the
part of the noble lord would at once tend to smooth away the
unfortunate asperities which had arisen. It should not be
forgotten that the noble lord and his noble colleague at the
head of affairs, were members of that same government of
Lord Grey, whose grand pro ession of faith was economy,
reform, and non-interference with foreign states.
Viscount PALMERSTON—Peace, retrenchment, and re-

form.
Mr. BANKES.—Theee were the same things in other
words; peace was non intervention, and non-intervention
peace. This profession of faith had reference to the contrary
policy of former governments—of one or more of which, very
possibly, the noble viscount had himee If formed part. (A
laugh.) And the noble viscount would have done well had
he adhered to it in the present matter. Among the
inap
&Hefted to members that morning, there was one par-
ticular, from Sir H. Bulwareatrhich he would beg to quote.
And here let him observe that he had throughout considered
Sir Ilenry Bulwer's conduct required ro vindication. (Hear.)
Teat functionary hail on no apparent occasion exoestuled or
Sullen short of his filletructions,but had, it would seem. exactly
earth d out the vie res of the noble viscount. 'f here were various
points to which he (Mr. Ranker) desired to direct the noble
viscount's reply .---Ist. Whether any other cause or causes
than those already made known had been assigned by the
Spanish government for dismissing Sir 11. Bitterer ? 2nd,
As to the degree of approbation, whethet more or lees com-
plete, which the British government gave to Sir 11. Bulwer'e
proceedings ? Next, as to the precise nature and extent of the
hold which the British government assumed to have upon
the crown and government of Spain ; for instance, whether
the noble viscount really aseumed that we had placed Donna
Isabella on the throne, not from any claim of right on her
part, but because of the peculiar principles which she and
tier udherente professed, in contradistinction to those advo-
cate.' by other pretenders to the throne ? In the note
of Sir 11. Bulwer to the Duke of Sotomayor, dated
April 16, we find this paseage
There am came Indent In which mere advice from one government
to another would be a yucationab!e act of propriety and interference;
but where It el/ happens that the former government ham remised
particular support from another, and dor on account of particular
prinemlea; and more especially where it no happens that the former
mover nment imp still entertain the hope that if the struggle In which
it has once been victorious were to be 'mewed, it would again receive
Winkler wisit.tance lean its late auxiliary; here exists one of those
peculiar cams in which, without any attempt at dictation, a Mate
whit tins proved as useful any may say to that state which it ha.
served, "Take care, you are in a moment of dancer; beware that
too do not separate yourself from those pi inciples which were the
to lineal feature of your canoe; In this manner you mar lam the
Ca..., you desire to maintain ; in this manner you may forfeit the
• Nasal of your best friends both at home and Maned ; let me be-
et you, even If your intentions are goad, to ael/111 arraying, If
100.11114.,1411111,11Lt1ieen against you."
Such were some of the pint. to which he desired to direct
the noble viscount's reply. There was yet another: It
Kippered very singular that among the papers already
produced there were no instructions from the noble lord
subs. quent to the 20th of April. 11. should wish to
know whether there had been any instructions issued poste-
rior to that eltite ? Probably, and it might be at no distant
period, when this matter should be settl. dl, as he trusted it
would lie in an amicable way between the two countries, the
noble lord, in making a statement to that effect to the house,
would feel it necessary to call upon the haute for an opinion
as to the whole of these proceedings. Meanwhile, he would
remark, that he hail braught forward the present resolution
because he had heard from the noble lord that its diacuesion
would in no degree embarrass the existing negotiations. Hid
the noble lord given any other intimation, he should of
course have delay. d the pros coition. Should the resolution
he was now about to submit to the house give to the noble
lord an opportunity fir making any explanatory or concilia-
tory statement, ti ruling to heal the wound which haul been
iiititeted on the honest pride of the Spanish nation, he should
rejoice in this part he had taken towards removing the sure
feeling which bad arisen between two countries hitherto so
friendly.
The resolution having been put from the chair,
Mr. SIILIL said—Tne hon. gentli man, on the 10th May,
g•st.. notice of a motion, in relation to a paragraph in one of
Sir H. Bulwer's letters, for the purpose of hiforatietion. He
has now changed his ground, and prop 'bell for the adoption
of the house a resolution of censure on my noble frien.t. I
am very far from saying that this change in his tactics is
we dee. eying of commendation. lily notes friend is clearly
re sj °risible f tar all that has b. en said or done y Sir 11.
Bulwer, and I therefore think the hon. gentleman quite
right in saying that by his motion he is conferring an
obligation on my noble friend ; my noble friend is equally
indebted to the hen. gentlemen fir his motion and for
his speech, for both will serve him. (Hear, hear.)
The true question is—l purposely avoid any prefatory pro-
lixity—the true question is, whether the noble lord the Sec-
retary of State for Foreign Affairs was justified in interfering
in the internal affairs of Spain, by the peculiar relations in
which we stand towards that country? (Hear, hear.) What
are those relations? It will be necessary to take a retro-
sista, which I promise you shall be a rapid one. In 1834,
the Spanish government solicited the assistance of England—
a special negotiator, the Marquis Miraflores, was sent to
England. That nobleman has published an account of his
mite-ion, which I think I see in the hands of the hon. mem-
her for Pontefract. (A laugh.) The marquis states that
Lord Palmerston had very great difficulues to contend
against, but his earnestness in the rause of SpaM and of
Spanish liberty overt ime every obstacle that stood in his
way, and on the 22nd of April, 1834, the preliminary
articles of a treaty of quadruple alliance were signed.
At that period the Duke of Richmond, Sir J. Greham, the
Earl of Ripon, and the nobleman who has recently taken so
active a part in the questien in another house (Lord Stanley)
had not retired from the cabinet. (Hear, hear.) The marquis
states that the effect of even these preliminary articles was
signal and immediate. Don Carlos assent. d, and it was sup-
posed that the pacificstion of Spain would be the result of
the mile'. a. This anticipation was not carried oat. Don
Carlos retired into the provinces, end the entire of the
Basque population arise for him; the court of Spain was
filled with dismay, aud the Marquis Miraflores, instructed
by his government, again waited upon Lord Palmerston,
and, to use his own language, " implored his aid with adju-
rations, ardent and unremitted." Lord Palmerston redeemed I
the pledge he had given, by aid, naval, military, and moral,
and there cannot he a doubt, that but for the interposition of
England, Don Carlos would have been King of Spain.
(Loud cries of " Hear, hear," from Mr. Baillie Cochrane.)
The whole population of the Basque provinces, the church,
the monastic orders, the nobility, and the still nobler pea-
santry of Spain, were all of the Cellist party. (Renewed
cheers from the same quarter.) It is raid by the Duke of
S oomayor, in very sonorous Castilian, that England inter-
fered from selfish motives. From what selfish motives I can-
not conjecture. (Hear, hear.) The people of this country,
tilled with an ardent love of liberty, which I trust will ever
inspire them, gave energetic aid to a nation struggling for
freedom ; but England, all Sir H. Bulwer well pointed out,
had nothing to gain in the matter hot the lofty con-
sciousness of having assisted the Spanish people in the asser-
tion of their right to free institutions. These institutions
were established, end they remained stable till the fall of
Espartero. The late minister of this country, I well remem-
ber, expressed deep regret for that fall, and in his regret
Lord Aberdeen fuUy concurred. lam far from disapproving
of the policy of Lord Aberdeen toward. Spain. It was Lord
Aberdeen who appointed Sir H. Bulwer to the post he
'Attie occupied, and in this appointment Lord Aberdeen
manifested a just and most sound appreciation of the valua-
ble services which Sir H. Bulwer hat rendered to his country
at Constantinople and in other quarters. (Hear, hear.) It
is said that Lord Aberdeen never interfered in the affairs of
Spain. 1 will show the contrary ; I will show that Lord
Alo Hien did interfere in the affairs of Spain, end this in a
manner which reflected upon him thelgreatesthonour. Sir H.
Balwer wrote to Lord Aberdeen that ne had heard from per-
sons of good authority that it was in contemplation to plight
the Queen first, and then communicate the fact to the Cortes,
when it should be too late to revoke the betrothal. Thereupon
Lord Aberdeen at once sent directions to Sir It Bulwer to
call upon General Narvaez without delay, and to say to him
that he could not, indeed, believe the report in question, but
that if any such illicit and discreditable proceeding were in-
tended, the British government would protest against it as
an infringement on the Spanish etnetitetion, as exposing
the Queen to danger, and as calculated to spread confusion
and peril throughout the country. Here, surely, was a case
of interference—(bear, beer) ; and, rut such, if Lord Aber-
deen was warranted—and warranted he was—in interfering,
Lord Palmerston was called upon to da so when he raw the
Cortes about to be abolished, and every vestige of freedom
about to be swept away. In 1846 Lord Aberdeen
retired from office, and Lord Palmerston, upon acceding to
it, naturally directed his attention to the affairs of Spain. I
have read the remarkable despatch of July, 1846, to which
reference has been made by the greatest journal of this
country, which, in relation to it, speaks of the despatch as
having proceeded front my noble friend, when baffled on the
great liontpensier machination. Now, it was not till Sep-
tember that the Spanish marriages took place, and at the
time of the despatch in July there was no sort of quarrel
with Spain on that subject. Bat the Cortes had been ren-
dered a passive instrument in the bands of the government,
the liberty of the press was a nullity, the pro-
perty and the liberty of the subject were outraged
with impunity, and men were daily put to death
without a shadow of trial ; the name of freedom had, in •
word, become a mockery. Lord Palmerston, struck with
this spectacle, did what a British minister was bound to do
under the circumstances : he intimated to the Spanish go-
vernment that it was not for the purpose of establishing a
grinding tyranny in Spain that the English government had
interfered to settle the crown of Spain on its present basis.
(Hear, hear.) The circumstances of 1848 are different, be
it remembered, from those of 1846. In 1846 there was no
European convulsion ; the authority of Louis Philippe was
ostensibly stable. In 1848 occurred those mighty events at
whose aspect contemporaries stand appalled, and at which
history will look back with amazement. The noble lord
was earned by Sir H. Bulwer that revolution threatened
Spain, that the Carlista were in motion, and that, it
they were encouraged to come forward, a disastrous
civil war would be the inevitable result, involving the coun-
try and its throne in the utmost misfortune and peril. His
noble friend hereupon transmitted that despatch which has
been so repeatedly referred to. But when this despatch
was given to Sir H. Bulwer,did he at once rush to the_palace
and deliver it up in the abrupt manner suggested ? 1%; be
kept it by him for 20 days, reserving it as a last expedient—

as a final resource. EGA the dates : the despatch was re-
ceived by Sir H. Bulwer ea Ile 21st March ; on the 23rd the
Cortes were dissolved; ea the 31st an insurrection
took place at Madrid. Oa these occasions Sir H.
Buller offered counsel to the Spanish govern-
ment in the most amicable spirit ; but, as yet, he did
not produce the despatch. His preliminary efforts were of no
avail •, he went to the Queen-Mother with as little effect;
and, at length, on the 9th April, Sir IT. Bulwer, finding that
every other expedient had been exhausted, and thinking
that Lord Palmerston 's despatch might produce an effect
whir him own verbal communicatiena had failed to do, sent
in the despatch, and it is but an act of justice to Sir H.
Bulwer that I should here read an extract from one of his
letters in vindication of the conduct he had pursued, and
which, I submit, perfectly justify that conduct. In the letter
dated April 22, 1848, Sir H. Bulwer says:—
In tide Mate el circumstances I consulted my instructions; had
already soled upon them by giving friendly and Intimate advice with-
out say Whet being produced. It began to be very probable that
Omit llonteruolin might chow himself, supported by the literal
party, and with the cry of the constitution of 1512: this was here
enanweed on one side, a republic on the other. Now, if the Pre-
tender raked his banner, proclaiming constitutional principles, and
we were called upon to support Queen Isabella, her catholic: Majesty
upholding military government, it would be difficult for la to imprint t
the military government sgainet the constitut onel one, or
to desert Queen Isabella suddenly, on the ground that we
disapproved of the course she had pursued, soiree there was
some proof that we had so dimpproved. My unofficial con-
nienatiiiial had no authority. keen if her catholic ?dainty
fell without exposing us to this dillicult and particular question, it
might be Milt, Why did not Mr. Bulw.r warn the Spanish govern-
ment of the dangerous ooune they were pursuing! Why did he not
do so with all Um weight that a formal communication of the views
of Great Britain would have afforded!" It was, my land, In view of
all theme various probabilities :hut I gave the 'amnion of your lord-
ship's name, and of my opinion o the advice 1 presumedto offer.
It woollen, that I am aware of, couched in improper term",; I did not
tbeirehre expect • voluntary hostile reply, or that the present govern.
meet of Span wonid Involve amongst Queen Imbelbihs enemies her
Meiwity's government, with Minn than the precipitancy with 'itch
it bad Included in this category distinguished and loyal Spinniftla.
The result shows I was miotaken.
And the result does show this. (Hear, hear.) The hon.
member has read paragraphs from the Spanish newspaper.
the Herald°. The Herald° was edited at one period by
Sartorius, and is still wholly under his influence, or, as the
French express it, inspired by him. It may, in a word, be
considered the organ of the opinions, feelings, and vi wee of
the Spanish government. The hon, gentleman ha+ read an
extract from this paper, whence it appears that the editor
and the government expected a revolution in England, mis-
taking a chartist procession for • national march. (Hear,
hear.) Not knowing that in England liberty and order
have entered into mutual guarantees—(hear, hear)—not
knowing that our institutions are built on a rack, and bound
together with an imperishable cement—(hear)—imagining,
in short, that our polity was as frail as the weak, loose
structures which continental architects are pleased to call
constitutions. (Rear, hear.) Under this impression it wan
that the Spanish government thought it could put contumely
upon my noble friend and upon the English nation, forgetting
the services conferred by us upon Spain—(her, hear) ; or
rather, perhaps, I may say, resenting the obligations we had
conferred upon her. (lieu, hear.) The Spanish govern•
ment thought, under such circumstances, to put au insult
upon my noble friend ; and the hon. gentleman over the
way says that the government of England has been humi-
liated. It would be strange, indeed, if the government of
this great and powerful country—a country which had the
power to revenge an insult, but could afford to despise one
—it would be strange, indeed, if the government of
England could be humiliated by anything that
could be done by the Spanish government, that,
in its need, fell down on its knees before
us. '(Hear, hear.) But instead of relying on this, I prefer
to insist that with truth, with right, with reason, and with
honour, humiliation cannot coo list. (Hear. hear.) The
hon. gentleman spoke of the quarrels of individuals and of
nations, and said they were the same thing. It is, I admit,
with actions as with men, and I will put this case to the
hon. and learned gentleman. If a man calling himself his
friend had lied to him for aid, if the required assistance had
been given, and he had not only raised th; suppliant from
the earth, but elevated him into prosperity, and become his
surety and pledge t, other*, and, if then, seeing this man
rushing on to ruin, he were to interfere to save him, and, in-
stead of gratif'ude, was to meet with contumely, would nut
the hon. end learned gentleman feel that the insult re-
coiled, and that the intended insult fell full upon the de-
graded ingrate himself and not upon his benefactor? This
point of view applied to the whole of the present transaction.
From the first report of Sir H. Bulwer down to the letter
dismissing Sir li Bulwer from Spain, on grounds of which
the annals of diplomacy afforded no parallel—(hear, hear)—
Sir Bulwer had been assailed with every species of ;adurnay,
with every threat, assassination included, and with the de-
claration that he was abandoned here. But he is not aban-
doned hire. (Cheers.) Ile is not abandoned by parliament,
he is nut abandoned by the government, he is not abandoned
by ray noble friend at the heed of the department in which
Sir 11. Bulwer has so' aely served, and who, I am
will assured, will rather throw his office to the
winds than desert the man who has so devotedly,
under his direction, served our common country.
The hon. and learned gentleman asked whether any other
charges have been made against Sir IL Bulwer ? 1 know
not what further allegatious may be adduced by the Spanish
government, but I know that calumnies of the vilest sort
have been put in circelat:on against him, derived from the
vile source of inquisitorial espionage. One example will
suffice it was said, when Fulgosio wee put to death, that
Mr. Bulwer paid for his death in gold. Calumnies such r
these will be treated by the people of this country simply
with di-gust and scoen. (Cheers.) This is not the tirst time
that my noble friend has been made the object
of fierce and calumnious attack. Many a time
have I heard him usaiLd in this house with vehement
vituperation; but my noble friend has ever, when
arraigned before the great tribunal, where the public men of
England are tried by the gentlemen of England, has ever
vindicated himself with triumph from each attack, and has
prosed himself the conscientious. as he is the aisle, champion
of liberty all over the world. ( Hear, hear.) He will, I. am
sure, do so now. (Hear, hear.) My noble friend, like the
rest of us, has his faults; but these are not times in which
such faults as his are to be made subjects of party strife
(hear, hear) ; the tremendous crisis of European affairs will
not admit of our making experiments heedlessly upon public
men. (Hear, hear.) My noble friend has his faults; but
among these faults his enemies will not reckon the want of
sagacity to divern danger, or the want of firm tranquil
courage, and of indomitable constancy to encounter it.
Lord MAHON said that in the first place he was
ready to concede to the fullest extent that the noble
lord had a perfect right to tender advice to the Spanish
government—(hear)—provided that advice was couched in
suitable and proper language. But then came the question,
what are the suitable terms in which to convey such advice;
and here he must at once assert that lie did not concur in the
opinion that had been expressed, that the despatch of the
noble lord of the 16th of March was suitable either in
'aspect to the advice that was tendered. or as to the terms in
which that despatch was couched. The titbit: lord not only
gives his aavice as to the policy that the government of
Spain ought to pursue, but also recommends in that despatch
a change in the administration, and advises the Queen of
Spain to call other men to her councils than those who
already were her ministers. He (Lord Mahon) could not
hut think that in so doing the noble lord h d stepped out of
his way, and that the language of the despstch in question
ought not to have been employed. When he looked at the
terms in which the despatch of March 16th was conceived, he
also was of opinion there was some room for regret. The
noble lord should have prefaced his recommendations
with a statement of the grounds on which they were mode ;
such, for instance, as the assistance that Spain hall received
from England, and the sympathy with which this country
regarded everything that tended to shake the stability of
Queen Isabella's throne—and upon those grounds the noble
lord might have justified the advice which he offered. Bat
it had been stated that the despatch of March 16 was not
intended to be communicated directly to the Spanish go-
vernment. He therefore begged to ask the noble lord whe-
ther that was the case?—whether the despatch in rotation
was intended for Sir H. Bulwer's private information and
guidance, or was it intended to be communicated to the Spa-
nish ministry? If it was only intended for the instruction of
Sir 11. Bulwer, then tot doubt could be entertained that the
noble lord was justified in writing it. (Hear.) Ilea Sir H.
Bulwer, by an error of judgment, to which the ablest men
were occasionally liable, communicated the despatch of
March 16 by mistake to the Spanish government, ntll he
(Lord Mahon) did not think that the noble lord ought to
have sanctioned that error by the distinct and reiterated
approval which he had transmitted. He, therefore, again
asked the noble lord whether he did mean the despatch of
March 16 to be communicated in its actual form to the
Spanish minister, and if that question was affirmatis elv
anawered,:then he must ask again, why slid the noble lora
adopt a tone that was certain to give offence. Now, with
respect to the general question which was involved in the
motion before the house, the present information as to the
position in which the government stood with respect to Spain
was altogether incomplete. (Hear.) In the absence, there-
fore, of any justifiable groan& for the proceedings of the
Spanish government towards Sir 11. Bulwer, and ignorant as
ha at present was of the facts of the case, he should most
carefully abstain from pronouncing any opinion on that part
tithe case. But, judging from the papers that had been
hitherto produced, he must say at once that he saw ne
ground whatever fur the proceeding of the Spanish govern-
ment towards Sir 11. Bulwer. (Loud cheers on all sides.)
The next question he Ilan to consider was, whether he could
concur in the resolution before the house. Now, he must at
car declare that he could not concur in it. The resolution
was a distinct vote of aensure upon the government. (No.)
Yes,
._there was an expression of regret ; but that regret con-
veyed a direct censure upon the government, and he
could not but think that in the absence of fuller
and more satisfactory information upon all the
points in question, the House of Commons would
best consult its dignity by withholding its sanction
from the resolution.
Lord .1. RUSSELL said : Sir, the noble lord who has just
set down has spoken so fairly—(hear)—and expressed his
doubts, where he entertains doubts, and his approbation
where he approves, as well as his reluctance to express cen-
sure, in terms so manly and so fair that I cannot refrain
from endeavouring to satisfy the noble lord upon those
points on which he is, as he observes, yet uninformed. The
noble lord admits, as I believe the house will be willing to
admit, that setting aside the peculiar relations which exists;
between this country and Spain it is competent for a
government to give advice to a foreign power with whom it
is on friendly terms, and that it is even bound to offer such
advice, provided it be couched in friendly language, and that
its object is a legitimate one. I believe there are few who
hear me, who are prepared to deny that there may arise
occasions on which counsels such as I refer to may with pro-
priety be offered. Indeed, without referring to the innume-
able instances which might be adduced in support of this
assertion, I may mention one case of this description, which
I read of two or three days ago, and which occurred in Italy'.
A personage in a very high station at Naples, stated that he
informed the foreign ministers that tranpilay was restored.

One of them spoke to the Secretary for Foreign Affairs, sad
said that the time was come when clemency might very
properly be shown to the people. Now, who was that
foreign minister ? It was the representative of her Moat
Catholic Msjesty. (Hear, hear.) I find that same minister
represented subsequently counselling the King of
Naples, in conjunction with the Engli.h ambassador,
as to the propriety of preserving the chambers, but I do not
find that it ever occurred to the minister of the King of
Naples to regard such a proceeding as offensive or insulting.
or that he badd the Spanish envoy wait till he asked him for
his advice on the internal concerns of the kingdom. Bat
the noble lord truly admits that there are resume why Easg_
land, of all other countrii.s, should be entitled to offer adTlott
to the ministers of the Spanish crown. When the Marquis
of Miralfores came to this country to supplicate for the aid of
England, our wsistance was too readily and effectually
given for us not to consider that when the throne
of Queen Isabella was in danger our advice, if
tendered, would not be considered as off. nsive or
officious. The events which have recently occurred in Europa
are of the most extraordinary description. My right hon,
friend the Mast. rof the Mint, who has made s +surly a
speech, referred to the despatch of my noble friend, dated in
1846, wherein my noble friend states what hil sentiments are
to the ambassador at Madrid, who informs the Spanish minister
of them when the occasion serves, but does not intrude
them upon him. But, as I have already observed, the
events of the early part of this year have been of the most
extraordinary character, and there has been no country which
could be considered safe from those convulsions which have
overthrown constitutions and thrones on the continent of
Europe. It is impossible for the house not to think that the
state of Spain during these convulsions in ether states must
have powerfully attracted the attention of my noble friend at
the head of the Foreign office. My noble friend, acting
upon these impressions, wrote the despatch of March
The noble lord opposite (Lord Mahon) asks—and I ad-
mit his question is perfectly justifiable —whether thtt
despatch was intended to be communicated to the Spanish
governmint, or whether it was meant only to verve as a
guide to Sir H. llulwer. The answer I shall give to the
noble lord will be heat conveyed in a relation of the events
as they. have occurred. My noble friend wrote that despatch,
not as it is termed in the form of a note to be rodeo:untested
. .

to the Spanish government. It was intended for the in-
formation of the minister wh i had been chosen to represent

this country at the court of Madrid on account of brie mai.
rent abilities, and who being thoroughly acquainted with
the state of Spain has conducted the diplomacy of tt.is coup.
try there with great wi.dom and skill. Sir H. Bulwer per.
tectly well understood my noble friend's despatch of March
16 as it was meant—nem, ly, for his guidance alone. But
there occurred soon after he received it • state of things
which roused in his mind a great degree of rearm for the
safety of the throne, and Sir 11. Bulwer d: scribes that state
of thing. to my noble friend in his despatch of the 22nd of
April. He then states:
The Cortes itself nos Prorogued, and on a tumult (.leel tied by the
government statement to be the act of an isodgodieset mob) occur.
ring, almost every ottoer of note in the progredvta party ea. arrested
or banished, unit 10111 e of the meet dki.,frubbed deputies were
wired and Imprisoned with an apparent intent to U. port them, and
all this w.thout the penis, thus treated being told of their offence, or
submitted to any sort of trial.

I believe it to be Sir Iknryßulwer's opinion that the best
policy for the Queen of Spain to follow would be to unite in
her councils all the most eminent men of those various
opinions who had contributed to assert and maintain her
title to the throne, whether they were styled moderalos,
progresistas, or exaltados. It is Sir Henry Bulwer', op uion
that the Queen of Spain's interest is to unite these parties,
and to form by their means a rampart against toe pest:foie=
of any other prince. This is the opinion of Sir Henry
Bulwer, formed not in consequence of any predi-
lections on his part, but from an honest survey
of the situation of affairs in Spain. Under these
circumstances, he saw with great alarm all the mai.
tutional guarantees suspended or taken away from the people
and their liberties threatened, as well as the highest men in
the kingdom seized and threatened with impiisonment or
deportation. Sir Henry Bulwer feared the pretensions of
the Count Montemolin might be advanced by a emitter-
revolution, and with these apprehensions in his mind, he
states in his despatch to which I have a't (-Rely slurred that
he consulted again his instructions. That course of pro-
ceeding, as well as the expressions which he use, sufficiently
show that he rightly undemood those instructions as
entitling him to offer his friendly advice to the Spanish
minister, without producing the despatch on which they
were founded. But at the same time it occurred to Sit
Henry Bulwer that if he did not produce Vie despatch of my
noble friend of March 16, there would lie no record left of
the fact of his having offered the advice which he had done •,
and consequently that no trace of any into rference on the
part of England, in defence of the Queen of Spain, would
hereafter be found in the archives of the British Chancel-
lerie at Madrid; and acting upon these impressions
he wrote the letter of April 7 to the Duke
of Sotomayor inclosing the despatch of my liable friend of
March 16. These are the facts of the csse. The despatch
of March 16 certainly is couched in more abrupt language
than if it bad been iut.wied to have ben transaii tad to the
Spanish government. But the circumstance, account for
the course taken by Sir H. Bulwer in se :ding it to the Duke
of Sotomayor. It never was intended that the despatch
should be transmitted to the Spanish minister. At the same
time we were hound to consider whether Sir 11. Bulwer had
acted property in so sending it. We thought
that he had acted properly, and that he de-
served our support and approbation (cheer.), sad
I think we should have pursued a very bad c curse indeed if
taking advantage of a technical point, we had turned round
upon Sir H. Bulwer, who has satisfactorily fulfilled for years
the functions of ambassador at Madrid, and said to him
", you were not instructed to deliver in the note of March 16,
and we disavow your proceeding." We should have very
much lowered the government had we so acted, and we con-
sider we were right in taking upon oursalvas the reeponsibi•
lity or rather let us say the greater part of the responsibility,
for the hon. member for Dorsetahire is right in saying that if
there is cause for censure, the censure must rest on the ge-
cerement at home, and not on the agent. (Hear.) We,
therefore, do take the greater share of that responsibility,
and we stand here to be acquitted of all blame, or to be
censured, if it should please the house to censure our con-
duct in this proceeding. But, at all events, not denying or
seeking to evade the responsibility which properly rests upon
us, my noble friend's subsequent despatches to Sir H.
Bulwer have been censured ou another ground; and it has
been said that after such en affront had been
offered him as that of sending back his deep itch, he ought
to have fallen into a passion, and in pompous terms, and by
some acts of an extreme nature, he ought to have resented
the indignity put upon him. I think my noble friend took
a much better and wiser course in explaining that his
motives were friendly, and that if the Spanish ministers
were angry, we should not be offended with them. I re-
collect a sory which Lord Holland told me, of a dinner
at which he was invited ; and when he arrived, he found
there Lord Archibald Hamilton, and a gentleman
who was not known to him. Lord Archibald Came
up to him and said that the gentleman had been saying each
things to him that he must either laugh at him or knock him
down, upon which, said Lord Holland, I advised my friend
to laugh, and not to think of knocking down. So, I think, is
the case with my noble friend (Lord Palmerston), the question
isnot one which involves a grave national quarrel. Then there
has been another species of criticism passed upon the
used in the notes addle seed to the minister of Spain higaffrH.
Bulwer. Bulwer. It his been said that we ought not to remind Spain
of the obligations she is under to this country. New, I
differ in opinion with those who think thus. Ido not think
that if the Spanish government had really consulted the in-
terests of their mistress they would have returned such
an answer as that of the Duke of Sotomayor to Sir IL Bul-
wer. They ought to have been too mindful of their Queen's
interests to indulge in such sarcasms as ware vented in their
reply to Sir H. Bulwer'e note of April 7. But
as they had chosen tai do so, they fairly drew
upon themselves the retort that the Qeeen of
England had received no such obligations as had been be-
stowed upon the Queen of Spain. The hon. member for
Dorsetshire has chosen to bring forward his motion, and be
thinks it both wise and becoming to do so whits negotiations
are yet pending on the very subject under discussion. He
professes only t ) ask far information, and doing ao, he pro-
poses to the house to wee tea vote of censure on our con-
duct. I endeavoured to justify the discretion of the hon.mem-
her ; for whilst it was not proper for us to ask him
to put off his motion, I cannot agree with him in his asser-
tion that it was highly proper to bring such a resolution
forward whi:st the matters involved in it were yet being
discussed ; and if the House of Commons adopts that reso-
lution the effect cannot but he to weaken—l will not say
the present government—but her Majesty's representatives
wherever they may be stationed. (Hear.) As to our relations
with Spain they are alike peculiar and delicate ; hut whilst the
existing state of them demands that we preserve the honour
of England, we must alao act with the greatest forbearance.
Perhaps, it the forces of the two kingdoms were more equal,
it would be mare difficult than it now is to observe that for-
bearance. But, knowing the power of England and that of
Split', we are not only justified in so acting, but we are abso-
lutely bound to show the utmost forbearance and cons der-
ation for the latter country. I trust we shall be able to take
care that no stain remains on the honour of England whilst
we endeavour to preserve the friendly relations which exist
between the two countries. If, as I confess lam unable, I
cannot find any reasonable excuse for the violence which
has been committed, yet I must consider that there is the
Queen of Spain, whose throne demands the utmost support
we an give it, and whow country requires all our best and
most friendly efforts. There is the Spanish nation, as gallant
and highly endowed a people as any in Europe ; and whilst
I think that the Queen of Spain has, unfortunately,
placed the affairs of the nation in hands wanting
in discretion, wanting in temper, and wanting in demeanour
to a faithful, a warm, ands generous ally ; and whilst, more-
over, I thank that the Spanish nation possesses only very
imperfect organs in the Dukes of Valencia and of Sotomayor,
yet at the same time, sir, I think that in all we do, in all we
say, and in all we write on this subject, we ought
never to forget that whilst those persons whom I have
named are only the temporary representatives of Spain, the
interests of the Queen of that nation, and also the character
of that high-spirited and noble race of men, demand to be
regarded by us with the utmost degree of consideration.
Mr. D'ISRAELI said it would he difficult, in following*
debate conducted as that had been, fur any one who had not
been previously acquainted with the public affairs which hid
recently occurred between this country and Spain to antici-
pate what really had happened. Was it easy to imagine that
sagroe of se. publichadunpmeedenoutragetedflagrancy been andncy7mm poiuttedn, under circum-
stances individual,
who, both from the position he held and the estimation with
which he was regarded, was one in whose treatment this
country must take the deepest interest. (Hear, hear.)
Would any one have imagined that the government of a
foreign country had dismissed the representative of the
Queen of Great Britain almost ignominiously from their
capital ? That he had arrived in London in
baste, and that the circumstances which had led
to such an outrage had only transpired to the