The Express.
London, England, 1847-10-05 00:00:00

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MAILS,

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LONDON, TUESDAY, OCT. 5.

Mr. Cmsnotst ANSTEY makes a mistake not un-
common with those who pursue the histrionic art.
Nothing seems so easy as to mimic the Irish accent,
and assume the Irish swagger. A hundred are ac-
cordingly to be met with, on and off the stage, quite
confident and ready to enact the Hibernian. And yet
we never find any, save the real Irishman, do the
thing to the life, as it ought to be done. The reason
is, that there is something mere in the Irish character
than brogue or swagger. There is heart, humour,
genuine warmth—so that, to play the Irishman, it
requires at least a substratum of the true Irish
qualities.
The great niNIEL played the political Irishman
as Irish Joutorrome or Powaa did the dramatic one.
However scenic the exterior, exaggerated the tone
and the gesture, and, above all, the unreason,
there was one thing at least true, and that
was, his Irish nature and his Irish feeling.
We have seen English actors imitating hisli
JOHNSTONE. Mr. CHISHOLM ANSTEY enacting
O'CONNELL strongly reminds us of the miserable
attempt. There is the bluster and the brogue, and
the falsehood and the sophism. but the great and ho-
nest cause, the Irish nature beneath, is wanting. Mr.
ANSTEY is all a player, and an English player enact-
ing the Irishman. He is not a champion fighting for
a cause intrinsically his own. He is an advocate that
has conned his brief, and thinks it necessary to
stamp and rave over it in order to prove that
he is zealous. Ireland and repeal are in a bad way
when they are reduced to such factitious representatives
se these. We do not know how far the Irish may
believe in the English voluntary; but if they knew
the opinion that Mr. CHISHOLM ANSTEY and his
political adorers excite in England, they would select
the veriest bogtrotter from amongst themselves, and
might claim for him one thousand times the ratio of
respect
The repealers of Ireland were, we think, very wrong
to assign each a part to Mr. CHISHOLM Asortar. A
liberal Englishman, in or out of parliament, might do
some good to the repeal cause. But surely he is not
the man into whose hands is to be entrusted the duty
of not merely begging for Ireland, but begging with
a blunderbuss. r. ANSTEY writes a letter to Lord
JoHN RUSSELL, which devotes one line to asking
alms, and then explodes in thirty of abuse. Liberal
men may make allowance for the justly-excited and
long-nurtured rancour of the genuine Irishman. They
can comprehend, but cannot admire such in an
amateur. The brief contempt of Lord JOHN RUS-
SELL'S reply to Mr. ANSTEY is, we will be bound to
say, shared by every reader in England and in Ire-
land. The Irish who pplead their own cause, do not,
at least, provoke-such disparaging sentiments—they
should not allow any of their political chiefs to pro-
voke it for them.

We sincerely hope that the prognostications of
Irish distress may prove untrue. For be they ever
so true, we see no longer that hope and that relief
for them in England for which we were the first to
clamour last year.
In the Irish subscription hat of last year we see
the names of English merchants down for a thousand
pounds who this year have been usable to meet their
creditors. Irish famine has sorely crippled not only
the public resources of England, but has rendered
bankrupt in its consequence some of those whose
charity was, like their dealings and their former for-
tunes, colossal. In the face of commercial distress,
the English merchant did not put forth the maxim,
that charity begins at home. One thing, however,
is certain, which is, that charity must end there.
It is no longer in the power of English capitalists,
nor of English ministers, to draw further upon the
resources of England. And were it rendered possible
by a refiux of confidence and sudden prosperity, Irish
agitators, and even Irish gentlemen who are not
agitators, have laboured bat too successfully in de-
terring Englishmen from rushing to the rumour
. of Irish distress. For the money advanced

by individuals England has been told that
she deserved no thanks. Whilst the gifts of
the Americans were hailed as those of foes to
England, those of England itself were t►ken as the
poor instalments of an old and imaginary debt.
Moneys advanced in public aid have been openly re-
pudiated, even by those who pledged their words and
estates to have it, and who on such terms accepted it.
The ravings of Conciliation Hall, instead of being
disavowed, were re-echoed by Irish landlord..
With reminiscences of this kind fresh in Eng-
land's ears, we regret to say that an English min-
ister durst not come before parliament or the
country with any fresh demands, at least of important
amount. _ _

There is no use in Mr. ANErrEv appealing to Lord
JOHN RUSSELL. It is not in Lord JOHN RUSSELL'S
power to promise what parliament most certainly
would not give him. It is useless, therefore, to dun
the minister, or accuse his hard-heartednees. The
appeals of Mr. ANSTEY and Mr. JOHN O'CONNELL
must be to the English people. And instead of the
insult and ingratitude offered to them, it will be
necessary to use a language more becoming those
who plead for famine and destitution.
Some of these gentlemen are coming to England,
to preach to what they call their confederates. We
really do not know where these are to be found, since
the confederacy sought is one for taxing, not merely
English industry, but English distress, in order to
spare the upper and middle classes of Ireland from
sustaining their indigent fellow-countrymen.

MERE is something almost affecting in the efforts
at self-education which working men are making in
so many directions. The instinct of their want is
much stronger, of course, than their insight into the
means of supplying it. The struggle upwards is
often a blind one, and may appear ludicrous to the
more instructed and leas thoughtful of the lookers on.
But even the wildest and worst-aimed plunge in the
right direction should provoke sympathy rather than
criticism. What may be absurd in it is inevitable at
a time when matured, though ignorant, men are be-
coming sensible of the good and necessity of instruc-
tion. It will be our faults if the children err as the
fathers are erring. This generation cannot look for
a well-instructed race of artisans. But it has be-
fore it the spectacle, almost more inspiriting, of
a race of artisans which feels its own ignorance
and wrestles with it, in blindness and weakness it
may be, but yet with a noble and hopeful courage,
and most commendable effort. In our journal of
Thursday is a programme of lectures set on foot by
the Vauxhall and Lambeth branch of the Society for
the Promotion of the Religious, Moral, and Intellec-
tual Improvement of the Men employed in Manufac-
tories. The subjects are the strangest jumble, in-
cluding electricity, chemistry, ♦ocal music, poetry,
astronomy, Joan of Arc, and London as it is and as
it was ! If this farrago does not effectually confuse
the working-men who follow the several courses,
they must have marvellous intellectual digestion. To
talk of any possible education to come oat of this chaos
is abasing words. No training of the individual pro-
bably is even contemplated by the framers of such a
programme. It is simply setting outs feast of scraps for
a set of famished guests and bidding them fall to. Order
in such an entertainment is a secondary considers-
.

the. The pudding may precede the fish., and porter
is cheerfully accepted as an accompaniment to apple-
feet. This miscellaneous bill of fare is probably
devised by persons very few removes above the guests
Ila cultivation. But incongruous as such a furnishing
at the intellectual table must appear to thoughtful and
really educated men, the hotch-potch of it is no pro-
per theme for ridicule or contempt. This is an
attempt of the poor, the lowly, and the neglected to
do for themselves what others should have helped and
guided them to the doing of. A bellyful of such
scraps of knowledge is (as common-place persona are
never tired of repeating) somewhat apt to fill the
guest with the wind of self-importance. But his self-
importance may be very closely allied to self-respect,
and we will answer for it that a man will not be the
worse handicraftsman for bringing to his loom, forge,
or work-bench, a rather indistinct impression that
alkalis are poaitivo and negative, that galvanism is
produced by a mixture of oxygen and hydrogen, or
that JOAN of ARC was imprisoned by the Inquisition
for maintaining the system of COPERNICUS. Such a
man is certainly not wiser in any real sense of the
ward than his less lettered comrades ; but he has
more intellectual occupation for his brain, such as it
is, and is so far removed from the necessity of more
pernicious occupation and more degrading stimulus.
It would be well if such societies would attempt to
be a little more systematic in the instruction they offer.
Let them, wherever they can, engage, not a lecturer
merely, but a teacher in some useful and interesting
branch of study—a natural science, for example, like
botany, with reference, especially, to our commoner
weeds and flowers ; or geology, with attention to the
features of the surrounding country. A great deal
might be done by intelligent working men in getting
up such courses of real instruction, whether in lan-
guages or science. They could command the first and
indispensable requisite. The means of tuition, at the
present day, are almost everywhere within reach.
By such improvements, the ridicule which finds so
provocative a food in their present heterogeneoaa
efforts would be disarmed, while working men who
attended such courses would not only have their cars
tickled, and their intellectual palate stimulated,
but would carry off real instruction, elevating as well
as amusing them. In truth, the education of the men
employed in manufactories goes on in manufactories.
Labour is their great schoolmistress; and a noble one
she is, when not thwarted by low and impure influ-
ences from without By improving the home of the
working man we shall take the first step to help for-
ward his true education. By attending, in the edu-
cation of girls, to the arts of household life especially,
and the duties of wife and motherhood, we shall be
securing that first step which a comfortable dwelling
place affords.

• It is idle to hope for anything like a general intel-
lectual training of the present race of working men.
We may see mach done to eke out the wretched im-
perfection of the past, but if we find in our workmen
such a recognition of the importance of education as
will induce them to send their boys and girls to
school, and to do their utmost that that school be a
good one, we obtain from them all we have any right
to expect. At the same time, whenever we do find a
society like that which has suggested these remarks,
striving to supply the intellectual hunger which pre-
vails extensively among working men, it is entitled to
our sympathy and advice, although the latter may be
more sincere than palatable.
Those persons flatter, and most injuriously flatter,
the working man, who tell him that he is edu-
cating himself when he subscribes to and attends
kin lecture or his reading-room. He is amus-
ing himself profitably and worthily, and this is much.
For education a different machinery is required. We
should hail with pleasure any attempt on the part of
working men to set such machinery in motion. But
this is no easy task. It is one which governments
fail in, and individuals look forward to despairingly.
In the processes of his labour, and the duties of his
home, in the necessities and temptations of his lot,
the poor man has a harsh but invaluable schooling
already at his command. It is to this that we owe
the gradually extending recognition by the labouring
class of the value of that other and snore regular
training, which it is the problem of our own day now
to furnish to the rising generation of poverty and toil.

Ws publish in another Column the ukase of the
Emperor of RUSSIA of 31st March last, in conjunction
with some remarks which the editor of the Circular
for Bankers has appended to it. Were we to rake
up the history of government interference in banking
in Russia, we should find abundant confirmation of
the danger which, we are enabled to show from the
experience of Prussia and Austria, attaches to such
interference.

The document to which wenowcall attention preens
another feature of banking experience on our noties—••
the power which a judicious system of paw ism
infallibly confers. Idp to a very realise ewe •
I was no order in the Russian finances. The apt 111
issue government notes irrespective of the demands of
trade, had amassed an unfunded debt in round mows;
of nine hundred millions of roubles. Under other cir-
cumstances this amount (14,000,0001. sterling) would •
not have appeared large, but with the reputation
recklessness which the imperial treasury en
this sum was not tolerated by the traders of • •
Its value sank in 1833 to one-third bel
and the crown was obliged to
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