The Express.
London, England, 1849-07-12 00:00:00

IMPE4

HOUSE OF COMMONS.—WEDXseOeT, JVLT 11.
Th6B7Ellllll took the chair at 12 o'clock.
PUBLIC BUSINESS.
PETITIONS PRESENTED.
SNORE PROHIBITION BlLL.—lly Mr. BROTHERTON,
from Salford, in favour of Smoke Prohibition Bill.
PUBLIC HEALTH (IRELAND)..-- By Mr. OROGAN,
from Dublin, in tavourof a sanitary bill for Irelvid.
BALE, &E., or BREAD BILL —Lesrd 1). STUART, from
master bakers in Marylebone, against this bill.
ATTORNEY'S CERTIFICATE DUTY.—Sir E. FILMER,
from ii for abolition of this duty.
PROTECTION OF Wouuw Mr. GIBSON,
from Wesleyan methodists of Manchester, praying the house
to adopt means to make the law more effective against
trading in reduction, and in favour of this bill.

ROYAL PAVILION (BRIGHTON) BILL.
Oa the motion of Mr. Harriet the following gentlemen
were appointed a select commit•ee on this bill :—Captain
Pechell, Lord A. Hervey, Lord H. Vane, Mr. Frewen, Mr.
Booths, Mr. Childers, Mr. Stafford, Mr. Hayter, Mr. Fuller,
Mr. Headlsm, and flee members to be added by tke com-
mittee of selection. _ _

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DURATION OF PARLIAMENTS DILL.
Mr. T. D'EYNt..OURT moved the second reading of
this bill. . . . .

Mr. S. ADAIR recommended his right hon. friend not to
persevere with this bill at the present etcl period of the ses-
sion, more especially an it had already been under the consi-
deration of the house in conjunctisa with other measures,
and had been negatived by implication. Subsequently
to the passieg of the Reform Bill many measures
were brought forward to improve the representation.
Thoee measures were invariably poetpen d, but, though
postponed, their importance had not been forgotten. Last
year a measure for extending the franchise was mein
brought forward by the bon. member for Montrose, and
upon that occasion many liberal members, and himself
amongst the number, refu-ed it their support, en the ground
that the time for it bad not then arrived. He believed now,
however, that circumstances had altered, and that it was
their duty to press en such a measure upon the consideration
of parliament, more especially since the principle of extend-
ing the franchise had been sanctioned by the noble lord at
the head of the government. The motion now before the
house affected the duration of parliaments; and here he
must observe that they were attempting no novelty, and
that he thought a bill of that nature might be poised with
much advantage. He telt bound to express to the government
the strong dissatisfaction ft It by the people at the rejection of
every ensnare calculated to extend the franchise and
im-
prove the representation. He trusted that tee noble lord
would not persevere in such a course, and that next session
tome measures would be adopted to give ifft ct to the very
natural though long-postponed desires of the people for the
extension of their political rights. The right hon. gentleman
the Secretary for Ireland had in the present anion brought
in a bill to extend the franchise in Ireland. That bill had
been silently withdrawn ; but he hoped that next maims a
measure comprehending both countries would be introduced
by the government, and pass that house. (Hear.)
Sir G. GREY entirely agreed with what bad been said by
his noble friend at the head of the government when the
motion was made for leave to bring in this bill, th.t
there did not exist in the country any practical
discontent or dissatisfaction with regard to the
duration of parliaments. The right honouraLle gentlemen
bed been praised for having left 'et blank in his bill, but
though such a course might be prudent he did think that it
would be vary desirable that they shouldlearn what the pro
rwas to be. It was notorious that the average
rl altion of parliaments had net exceeded six years.
From 1826 to 1811 there were no less than six parlia-
ments, the average duration being only two years
and a half. lie thought it was pretty evident, from
the amanitas of the numbers oa the division when the bill
was brought in, as well as from the present thin ettendence,
that there was not very much interest on this subject
throughout the country, and that public opinion did act
wholesomely and beneficially upon members under the pre-
sent system. Believing that the arguments of his noble
friend hid not been answered upon the introduction of the
bill, he should not row say more than move that the bill be
read a third time that day three months.
Mr. GIBSON said the real answer to the noble lord's
speech was the division that followed upon it; because, not-
withstanding the arguments which he used and the appeal
made to the house, the house decided that the bill should be
brought in; and he contended that it would not be treating
the past proceedings of the house with respect if they
were to decline now to discuss this measure calmly
and in a manner becoming the importance of the subject.
(Hem, hear.) Let him observe, too, that these divi-
sions were not quite accidental. Last session there was a
majority in favour of the ballot—oh, quite an accident.
This session, • majority for shortening the duration of
parliaments—agaio, it was said, • mere accident.
(Hear.) With regard to the question itself, he certainly
did think that a seerter period of time far the duration of
parliaments would be a very wholesome check on the pro-
smedings of that house ; and he thought that it had become
more necessary now than It had ever been. Let
them look at the greet ineteme of power possessed by the
executive government. Look at the taxation of 60,000,0001.
which they now levied, the patronage incidental to it, and
at the large amount of patronage in crown lands and church
livings, East Indies and colonial, all of which were means of
corrupting and influencing members of the legislature,
at least of raising the :r expectations. Ile said that as the
power of influencing increased the case became stronger and
stronger, that there should be more frequent appeals to the
constituency, and a more wholesome control over members
of pareament. He called upon the house, if they were sincere
in their desire to prevent bribery and corruption at elec-
tions, not to lose eight of that comparative fixity of tenure
by which they held their seats in that house. (Hear, hear.)
He believed, moreover, that they would raise the enned
character of members by such a measure as was now pro-
posed. It would be no logger necessary to make all those
definite pledges which constituencies now called for; because
they would know that their members must return to them
in a comparatively short period, and again solicit their votes.
But when a member was returned for six or seven years, it
became necessary to look far into the distance, and to obtain
pledges from gentlemen on measures not then, perhaps,
before the country. He should support the second reading
of the bill.
Mr. BERNAL protested against the manner in which the
right hon. gentleman attempted to bring the members of
that house into contempt with the people, by imputing to
them that they regula-ed their conduct with reference to the
distribution of Treasury patrnage. lie denied meet em-
phatically that there was any justice in this charge.
Mr. HUME apprehended that the Secretary to the Trea-
sury might, if he thought fit, tell a very dsfterent story from
the hon. member for Rochester as to the nature and extent
of treasury influence upon members of that house. Ills
hon. friend might very well feel himself exempt from the
imputation, and the great body of the house might be an ex-
ception to the principle, but no one who had sat any length
of time in that assembly could be otherwise than aware that
resistance to treasury seductions had been very far from an
universal rule there. ar, hear.) He would make
an earnest appeal to her Majesty's musters ; they had over
and over again, rot only when in opposition, but in office,
declared themselves the advocates of progressive reform of
parliament, and more especially so the noble lord the occa-
sion of whose absence he much regretted ; but as to practical
measures, they were standing still—neither introducing
any such measures themselves., nor accepting the proposals
of others. He for one must be distinctly understood as de-
claring that he could not continue to support a government
which thus refused to effect all kinds of refirrtn—(laughter
and cheers from the opposition benches)-1 government
which would not advance one step towards thine great ob-
jects which so mein • preportion of their supporters de-
manded. Any other government would be preferable to
such • set of men, even the most tory that could he got
together—for then there would be a good chance of a large,
united opposition, exacting those sound reform measures
which the country required—whereas, cut up into all arts of
sections, as the pious now was, the friends of reform were
actually supporting a no-reform government. (Hear, hear.)
This was the conviction to which facts had forced him, that
until the friends of reform seceded from the present govern-
ment, and took up a position of their own, and voted wholly
as they thought fit, no distinct movement in the right direc-
tion would be made. (Hear, hear.) The noble lord at the
head of the government had admitted on • recent occasion
that it was desirable that the suffrage should be 'wended
to the working classes. If such was the noble
lord's real opinion, why did he not act upon
it ? (Hear, bear.) There were millions of men in
this country upon whom the strength and prosperity of the
state depended, but who were contumeliously excluded from
any share in the representation, who were practically put
beyond the pale of the constitution. This oppression he
warned the government might be acted upon teo long.
(Hear, hear.) Either the prevent government or tome
other must go onward in the direction which the ge-
neral sense of the country indicated; he centred
that in the course of the recess, the pressure of the people
would be such as to convince the government of this
necessity, for he would gladly see the men wno had effected
the great reform of 1833 carry nut that measure to its com-
plete fulfilment. Let not England, ones the pioneer of
freedom, be seen to stand still while all the rest of the world
was advancing. (Hear, hear.)
Mr. H. DRUMMOND—Oh, oh, here's mutiny in Oct
asap. (Laughter.) Hon. gentlem-n over the way ars reedy
to take office. But let hon. gentlemen be sure that the
readiness to undertake the burden of government
was almost always in inverse proportion to the
capacity to sustain it—(hear, hear)—the capacity to
rule was one of the rarest gifts of God to man.
(Hear, bear.) As to the motion before the house, he was
going to take an opposite coulee to that which he had here-
tofore taken. Before the Reform Bill he ad/meted the pro-
priety of returning to triennial parliaments, but having
taken the liberty of exerci-ing his own eyes and oars, he
had WWI to the opinion, looking at th t etre the house had
been brought to since the pas ing of the Re form Bill, that it
would be Impossible to conduct the pulite Nisi- es* ;Toped,
if parliaments were reduced to three years ire duration.
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