The Express.
London, England, 1848-07-24 00:00:00

THE EXPItES, MONDAY EVENING, JULY 24, 1848.

Vie OrpreMS.

measures of relief; but if no other member brought for-
ward such mealures, he would take an early opportunity of
submitting to the house his long-considered convictions as to
a modifiestion of the act of union. Let it not be supposed
by these men who had arms in their hands and pillage on
their li„ a, that he would grant the repeal of the union ; he
would sooner lose his life on the side of order than become
the hanger-on of demagogues, who only incited to plunder
that tut y might tenth themselves. In support of the vote
he should now glop he might quote the precedents of Mr.
Fox and Mr tinividan, when the Habeas Corpus Act was
last suspended ; Iso in the case of this unfortunate Ireland I
in 1503, on occasion of the murder of Lord Kilwarden.
Much the samestate of things prevailed then as now ; he
said that to th- shame of all governments; French influence
was th,n directly alluded to. Mr. Sheriden, on that occa-
sion, said; " L -t us now think only of saving the ship if sh 3
be in danger; and when it is
.past, we can bring the captain
to account. Lot us not talk &hunt who is the tninist. r, but
consider who is the enemy that we have to cope with."
(Hear, hear.) He wo alit not now taunt the noble lord and
his celleaeues with their shortcomioas, but would take a
more fitting opportunity of doing so. (Hear, hear.) When
the house was on tire it wan not a time to refuse to work the
englues. (Hear, hear.) From a letter which he had re-
ceived that morning, he knew that many of the houses in
Tipperary and CI ,nmel had been stripped of their lead to
make ballets. Und,r prosent circumstanceo he should sup-
port the introduction of the measure proposed by the noble
lord. (Hear.)
Mr. Ski/LEIB concurred in the necessity that exi tcal for
the me• sore now professed. In the absence of any effort of
government to realise the profuse professions they made in
opposition, he saw no practical means of preventing blood-
shed, the destruction of property, and the forfeiture of the
claims of industry, but by the proposed suspension of the
Habeas Corpus Act. Sixty-five coercion acts had already
passed for lrelaud, hut not a single remedial measure had
yet emanated Iron this parliament.
Mr. S. CRAWFORD said he had never risen to address
the house with tea ling, so painful. He consid ved that the
connexion of Ireland with this country was is danger; and
as a loyal su'itect, desirous of upholding that connexion, and
maintaining peace, he telt bound to state the measures which
he thought necessary for that purp-,se, and why he thought
the measure now proposed would not have that effect. It
would destroy the principles of liberty without producing
any counterbalancing advantage. Whence came the uni-
wrsal discontent snit disaffection of the pecyle ? It was
owing to their miserable social condition: the lowest
classes were starving ; an enormous taxation wee
fast waking the middle classes ; and the landlord*
would soon be plunged in the same ruin. While such was
the state of Ireland the promised remedial measures, without
which no goal could be done, had been entirely neglected.
During the preaent century insurrection acts had been in
force at various p nods, and the Elabi as Corpus Act had
been thrice suspended. What was now the rosult ? After
47 years of union Ireland was in a more d stressed and dis-
contented condition than ever it was before; and the danger
of rehol.ion was greater. There was c:early no alternative
betweei, hailing Ireland by the sword and governing it to such
a way act to produce content and obedience. The power int this
country might be sufficient to pea down re he hut it co all
not Runic, to preserve peace over the whole face of the country.
In the year '9d there w. re 100,01)0 troops in Ireland ; and
union rem, dial measures were passed for Ireland the swine
lord wouid be obliged to call upon parliament for a great in-
crease of the military force in that country. W;,a Great
Britain prepared for that? (Hear, hear.) Without reme-
dial measure' no coercive policy would be adequate to pacify
the people of Ireland. It was the const ant neglect of such
measures that compelled the people of Ireland to entertain
the desire far separation. He did not think that a suspen-
sion of the Habeas Corpus Act should be asked for until the
government had tried the emcacy rat see eristMg laws.nnit
found them to foil. He thought that the enf:-.'eefuels. oi the
Felony Act would be sefficient. The government, in his
opinion, had not used the means within its power to put
down rebellion. He was old enough to recollect the pro-
ceedingo which had taken place before the rebellion of 'OB :
and he believed that the government of that day had not
taken the proper course to prevent things coming to a
crisis. He did not mean to charge the present government
with adopting a like tr.licy, Int. there was some ground
for suspicion when the law, now existing had not been put
In operation. There wcald be no fear of the peasantry of De-
land listening to toe doctrines that we: e preached to them, if
the tenants wore secured in their just right*. For himself
he would rather vest in the government the power of martial
law than vete for the present measure, and believing that the
measure would not be effective unless accompanied by othL n
of a remedial character, he would propose the following
amendment—" That the present state of Ireland arose front
misgovernment and from the want of remedial measures for
acknowledged prier .nets, without which no coercive policy
could restore order or ensure permanent tranquillity in that
country."
Mr. W. FAGAN seconded the amendment. 11. was es

other, the minister would, in his mind, deserve well of Ms
errantry, and be entitled to the hearty and full coun-
tenance and support of the House of Commons. (Cheers.)
Mr. D. CALLAGHAN was anxious to say a few words
upon this all-important subject. Ile was not one of those
who blamed the government for endeavouring to stop the
progress of insurrection in helmet, but he doubted whether
this bill would effect that object. He whet tamed as much
loyalty to the crown and atiecton for the people of England
as any man in that house, but he could nut consent to sit
, quietly in hi. place and allow Ireland to be made the dupe
of every party in or out of power. Let the house apple
remedial measures to Ir. land, and they would do more to
sow the audio( contentment amongst her people than all tee
coercion acts put together.
Sir D. 0. J. NORILEYS observed that he believed
the effect of the Lill would be either to put down re-
bellion or to ensure its immediate explosion. But if the
meuere was delayed greater evia must be incurred. In-
deed, so strongly did he feel uoon the subject teat
he really thought the noble lord would have been justified
in taking steps to seize the head. of the conspiracy and come
doom to the house for a bill of indeuini y. It was to save
his poor countrymen from the miseries of civil war that he
voted for the bill, to which he should give every possible
support.
Mr. H. DRUMMOND was astonished that the hon. mem-
ber for Core should object to this measure. Civil war was
no child's play : there was nothing in it but victory or it ath.
Neck Rod here summoned the house to attend the Lords
Commissioners in the House of Piers.
On Mr. Speaker's return he infortn«l the house that cer-
tain bills (for which see Lords' report) had received tho royal
assent.
Mr. H. DRUMMOND then continued.— 'Ate ret be-
fore them was a particular remedy for a particular disease.
That disease is rightly described as Jacubinism. The mem-
ber for Nottingham said all this arose n consenuence of the
existence in Begland of a profligate press. What was the
meaning of the word " proflioate ? " lle believed it meant
some one who did something unworthy for his owe advan
tags. Now, he wished to know whether that press could
be called profligate which pubbshed a long list
of blasphemous books, and recommended them to its
readers? (Hear, hear.) Ho left it to the member tor
Nottingham to say whose press hail done that. (Hear,
hear.) What press was it thet declared that all society must
be subverted—that avowed that " civilisation meant ill-re-
quiteo labour, and was a huge lie, end an (lionised hy-
pocrisy ? " (Herr, hear.) It WAR not a profligate press more
than an unruly tongue that injured society in helm .—an
unruly tongue that set on fire the course sat nature, and set
on fire a hell. (Cheers.)
Mr. HUME said Communism rather than Jaeohinirin was
the description which ought to be given of the agitation in
Ireland. lie agrees', that that nun wnoset a country on fire by
blasphemous publication and se lit Mus speaking, ought to be
checked. Such public -aliens reel such language were dan-
-1 gerous in any situation, but e.pecially so in times of
ddH-
culty and distress, and be deprecated them, whether used in
that house or out of it. The position in which he was
placed by this measure was &disagreeable one, but he felt the
emergency of the occasion, sad he was prepared tv support the
g .vernment in the present bill. At the sauce time he protested
against it sea re.medial measure teethe wrongs and Oil,. of Ire-
land. 'foe Church in that country, the religions distinctions
which prevailed there—ought to be dealt with. Parliament,
however, had done nothing towards putting the people of Ire-
land on the same footing as Etigdenmen and Scotchmen.
Their civil privileges were withheld, and no lung as they were
not treated as freemen they could out be expect d to act as
freemen. Irish questions were never treated propiely. They
not only affected Iceland, they affected every parish in Eng-
land, and they ought to he trea.ed aceorlingly. But pro-
mises were made by every parliament, without any attempt
at performance. Each ministry haund it and made it a par: y
;atm-held, and is no other way werethe great interests of the
sister kingtiom ever cot.siderea.....,olng the present session no
one measure had been passed for Ireland exec pt coercion bills,
and the result was that the country we. now in a worse peat-
tion than a twelvemonth back. The present m. mire might
hush and quiet turbulence for a time, but of its permanent
effects he had acme doubt. Prisons might be filled, but as
fast as arrests were made new agitators would scut up, un-
less remedial measures were Roomed. As the government,
therefore, had the p core and telt it, let them not permit fins
parliament to separate without doing eomething. Let them
at once deal with the question of the Irish church. Let them
govern the country by mild, paternal sway; not hold the
land by troops and treat it as a garrison. The house ought
not to separate without passing conciliatory measures.
They ought to sit from day to day to consider the subject.
While giving his zealous support to the measure, he would
1 more earnestly than ever call upon the goes raiment to lose no
time in adopting those remedial measures for Ireland which
had so long been demanded, and which the right hon. mem- 1
bar for Tamworth had so emphatically proclaimed the hetes-
sity of just previous to his relinquishmeet of office.
Mr. NEWDEGATE gave his unqualified sanction to the
.... •

nanish opposed to the proceedings at present taking place in bill.
Ireland ae any man iu that Minn, tied he b lieved that if Ilr. GRODAN rest, la the name of the loyal and peace.
those who were cennected with them could by say pone. ably-disposed clause of Dublin to express hearty thanks
busty succeed, which he (lid not think war at all likely, it that the government had at length determined to grapple
would involve that country in half a century of the graateas with this monster agitation, this vile incubus, which had so
misery. (Hear, hear.) But il defeat should be the result, long been weighing down Ireland, paralysing her trade and
and defeat he believed to be inevitable, the political and her commerce, and, as a necessary consequence, suspending
social condition of Ireland would be thrown bet k for quite as employment, and involving all interests in poverty, it not in
lone a period. Ile war in favour of a domestic legielature, absidute ruin. (Hear, hear.) The measure was tardy in its
but opposed to atomization between the two countries. He appearance; but better late than never. Its earlier produc.
believed that by moral force all the just demands of the tiou would have been still more merciful towards the poor
people of Ireland could be obtained, and that the exercise of deluded men whom the desperate and designing demagogues,
physical force, which was now apparently in the ascendent, the leaders of rebellion, had been seducing and tntirei-
would retard the prosperity of the country, and ought to be the dating into their toils. He trusted that she house would
last means by which those demands should he maintained. unanimously senetion the measure, and that, once paned,
Those were his opinions, but believing that the suspension of the government would carry it vigorous!, and promptly into
the Hebrew Corpus Act would not have the effect of putting full effect. This was no time for ineecision. (Hear, hear.)
a 'rep to the proceedings that were new taking place iu are The fomenters of rebellion mud be effectually quelled. Ile
land, he felt it his duty to support the amendment had that mornina seen an account in the news.
Mr. DISRAELI wished to take that opportunity ofatating papers of • magietrate presiding over one of the
the single reason why he would give his earnest and unequi- seditious meetings. He had already observed the
vocal support to the proposition of her Mreesty'sgovernraent names of other magistrates—of tome in Kilkenny, in
(Hear, hear.) If he thought that the origin of this impend particular—similarl connected with the rebel movement.
ing insurrection arose from the social and political grievances Ile trusted that on Monday the government would be pre-
of which they heard so much in the sister island—if be pared with an intimation that these magistrates had been
thought that the meerare of her Majesty's government would struck out of the commission_ (Hear, hear.) He saw eo
prove ut obstacle to those remedial Inen ores which were reason why parliament should he kept together from menth
neeeseary to remove thou social and political grievances, he to month, iu the way that had been suggested, but he would
for one should view it with jealousy arid distrust. Its eha- say that if government contemplated any further men.
rnetoT w3.flogrnr.: it was coveredwith no he pocrieical vu sores for 'the effectuatien of tranquillity—and he could
nish ;it was avowedly an assault on the constitutiorad liberties not but think this would be necessary--he hoped
of the subject, and the only justification for such a proposition they would not delay to propose them. Tnia done, he con-
mast be the necessities of the case. (Hear, hear.) He mind that Irish representatives would be doing the state
thought th necessities of the case existed in those eireuru- better service by repairing to their respective estate., and
stances to which the noble lord the first initialer hail re- supporting the cause of order by their presence amongst thole
ferred. (Hear, hear.) It did not indeed require the ex- tenantry. (Hear, hear.) He hoped, further, that the vas
pesition of the noble lord to impress that conviction upon the Tame lieutenants of counties in Jreland would he ordered to
house or tbe country, for the noble lord woe not in the psi- their poets without delay. (Hear.)
lion which ministers in similar circumstances had found Mr. REYNOLDS said that from the loud and general
themselves. The noble lord did not come there with a cheering which had hailed the proposal of this tall by the
green tag filled with anonymous and numerous cum- noble lord, and the speech in support of it by the right hen.
=unlink:ion., or with !statements made to the minister member for Tunworth, he supposed he might prophesy that
under circumstances which could not safely be re. the measure would pass (laughter) —bet he himself
ogled to tee Roue of the country. The noble lord, should oppose it at every stage. The bon. member for Mon.
without affectation, with a frankness and simplicity trove urged the Irish represe. tatims to support the bill, but
which did him honour, referred only to them eireumetan'tes the hon. gentleman's speech was anything but favour:Ml • to
vie .h they were all familiar with, and which were daily and its principle. The hon. member unequivocally admitted
hourly occurring, as his justifiestion for the policy wh.ch he teat the two coercion bills of the past six moist! s had proved
'recommended to be adopted, and the re sponeihility of whim entire failures, and, therefore, urged the hon. member, let
hi. did not shrink from. (Meer, hear.) Ane lee also re- us nave a third. He (Mr. Reynolds) had pruplie sled, on
minded the house that a responsibility attached to them as each occasion, that these two bills would pr Meares, a
the representatives of the people, from which they also could he prophi tied the a .me laths. eto the present measure. To
not escape. (Hear, hear.) If he thought that this impend- use a commercial illustration, the two bins have been pro
ing insurrection was funded upon these emied and political tested on non-acceptance. The government had now drewn
cede, he should have viewed this proposition with great a third bill, including the two former amounts, principal
jielousy end distrust; but he was bound, in giving his tines. and interest; but the third bill would be protested just ea its
fling support to this measure, to state that it was nis "pillion predecessors had been. What he wanted to know was thin:
e• e. :mete ding iesurecti in did not in :oly way por:uk Min, del govermn,nl mina to prin. cd wed tisey hod goi
of that character. It was not an agrarian move. their bill ? Suppose they kith d the gaols with poll.
meat It was not a religions movement. It ti. al offenders, as crowdeilly as the union houses
was, in his opinion, no movement arising from any were filled with able-bodied paupers—what was to bo
sentiment of perverted nationality. It was an mitt real eon. done then ? Suppose that alter these men had been kept in
tine't.l movement. It was neither more nor less than a prison till March, the discontent remained unabate I, the
Jacobin movement, and, lookinz upon Jacobinism to be disease unmitigated in its virulence—what state doctors were
nething mom nor leas than a system of universal reunder and then to be called to physic the complaint ? In his opinion
unmitigated violence, he thought it was their duty to grapple this measure, so far from &baying discontent, would aggra-
with the evils in which they recognised such features with a vate it; so far from lessening the forces of dieconteet,it would
power greater than their violence, and with ade erminetion add to their number, by the adeesion of many woo now kept
to maintain every social principle and every social right with aloof, but who would then say: "We have waited with a
a courage equel to their audacity, which had been so much confi Bence in the British legislature, but we nue abandon
encouraged uy everts which had untortutsately occurred on that confidence." He did not tee the necessity tor the
the continent, but happily not in England nor yet in ire. measure. Why could not the government deal with the other
Lod. (Hear, hear.) It was fur that reason that he thought political criminals of Ireland as effectually as they had dealt
they ought not to hesitate to invest the government with with Mr. Mitchel ? Undeniably • great deal of most culpable
these great end extraordinary powers, and he for language bad been used by agitators in Ireland ; but
one protested against the social end political evils he conscientiously regarded it as equally undeniable
of Ireland being in any way mixed up with this that the enormous preponderance of the Irish natien
the question which was before them. (Hear, hear) was thoroughly loyai, and milieus to preserve the
He protested against its being assumed in argument that connexion with England. He utterly repudia cd the
th, se who had originated this movement had, in fact, any augeestion of the hum mean ter for Nottingham, that the re-
desire to-remedy these social and political grievances in any peelers, as a body. participates in the seditious sentiments of
war welch the common 'sense and feeling of this country the Irish revolt leaders. And even if t .ere were twice as
meld recognise or appease oe. Nor did he believe teat this much dissiniction in Ireland as there redly was, the 45,000
impending ineurrectan was either now, or in its mien), an i troops there, with the 10,000 police, were amply sufficient for
ti
inaurrec.n of the people of Ireland ; and the chief ra• the effectual maintenance of order, not to mention the inti.
son which had induced him to take that opportunity of nice thousands of loyal &ejecta strong armed and stout
making these few observations was to protest against hearted, who were as ready to stand forward in the vindica-
its going forth throughout Europe that the question Lien of order as the special constables in England had been.
before them was a question between the government of There had been made out a case of alarm in some seditious
England and the people of Ireland. (Hear, hear.) He language said to have been uttered at Bray, in Wexford.
did not believe that even numerically the traitors had Why Bray was a little village, wita, at the outside, a popula.
the advantage; for he could not for a moment suppose Lion of 400 ; while, as to Wexford generally, it was as loyal a
—indeed, he had every resent to disbelieve—that the county as Middlesex. And as to Dublin, trade and corn.
Roman catholic priesthood could look with any favour mesa were going on much as usual, and the people walked
upon a Jacobin movement. (Hear, hear.) He believed about the streets without any maniestation of the
that the great body of the peasantry of the south of Ireland alarm that was talked of so much here. All that
at first looked with no favour on this movement, although the Irish people wanted, was some reasonable attention to
the neglect with which it had been treated, and the pitch it their just claims. Re was constantly asked by his coned.
bad now attained, as must always be the cue with an im- tuents: " What is the meaning of your remaining at all
Musionable and eufferinz people, might induce multitudes in that House of Commons; its mere 100 of time; they
easel, yto rally round those who made bold promises calcu- won't do anything for ma ? " and when he has said: " Well,
'feed to produce an effect on the masses. (Hear, hear.) what is it you really went ?" the answer hut always been,
Though this might have occurred, he was still of opinion "We want an emulation of rights as of duties with Eng.
ehat the great body of the peasantry were not heart sad soul land ; we want our municipal institutions to be placed on a
in the movement, which was me menacing. It aeu a move. footing with those of England ; we want a grand jury
relent, he repeated, organised by a party that was etiretulated by law, which shall relieve the people from the peculation, of
foreign example and inspired by foreign successes—(hear)— their masters; we want a landlord and tenant law, which
who on preview occasions, in the history of Irelued, had shall give the farmer some protection in the outlay of his
11..a°Pfed the same coarse, and met with the same results. capital and his labour ; we want an extension of the suffrage,
Their plans and machinations must, under any ntimlLM- which shall enable us to be really represented in parliament.
nsncell meet with complete and overwhelming discomfituM; These things, and such things se these, are what we
Dot he, for one, was anxious that their overthrow this time' want." And it appeared to him that these were
b....stetted not be attended with the terrible expenditure which very reasonable and just claims. As to the representation in
ee•t'elelialised their previous defeats—not an expenditure of parliament, the parliament he desired for Ireland was an hide.
eMeremere of this country only—not an expenditure merely pendent legislature, the country itself remaining firmly con-
°f the lie
es of Englishmen, but of the destruction of all that nested with England by that golden link, tee crown, which
,euenng and good feling between the two countries had neaintained the connexion for 600 years befote the legis-
ed taken now half a century to cherish and foster, hative netion was thought of. Before he went out of office
mod welch a discomfiture obtained by such means would re- the right ;eon. member for Tamworth admitted emphatically
‘Ve with . all the old feelings of prejudice, misconception, that Ireland could not he governed by coercion. If the right
sea titterneu. And If the government could quell this im- hon. baronet still retained this opinion let him seriously
peorliem insurrection that bloodshed, without them consider within ilinuelf whether he was not bouetel, even at
seine, neoliation, ravage, and disorder, Ana 'without oz. this eleventh hour, te; lend his powerful assistance in earri!ng
Citing the feefings and penions of one people whist the • bete practical operation that Principle so declared by .sedu=m, 1

that Ireland is to be governed by conciliation and not by
coercion. (Hear, hear.)
Mr. MUNTZ said that, however reluctantly, he felt him
self necessitated, by the imperative circunistanca a of the cast,
to Import the gong rnment proposal, though with ample be.
lief that the measure would fail, as all coercion must fail.
when applied to a nation desperate from utter and universal
misery. There was no alter Wive, however, but to make
the attempt contemplated in this bill.
Sir W. BARRON could not omit to lend his testimony to
the absolute necessity of some measure et this kind being
adopted by the British parliament with the leant possib'e
delay and the greatest possible unanimity. (Hear, hear.)
lie only regretted that the measure had been delayed so
long, fur the letters he received from Ireland had become,
day after day, more and more alarming. (Hear, bear.)
People of all persuseimas there, et all political opinions, he
might say, were well nigh tan animous in condemning the
government for not having produced this measure earlier,
though, at the same time, it was felt that the delay had
been in great measure owing to the aenerous and gentle
nature of Lord Clara ndon inducing him to attempt every
other means ere he had recourse to the more strin-
gent mine now contemplated. It was generally con-
aid, red that this delay had given the reckless and unprin-
cipled men who were fomenting rebellion the oppor unity of
augmenting their apparent numeers by the intimidation of
many thousands of poor men, who would have resisted the it
threats alike with their persuasions had they seen any s'eps
taken by the authorities to protect them in that resistance.
(Hear, hear.) However, the meuure so long needed was
now forthcoming, and joyfully would it be hailed throughout
Ireland: aye, and not less joyfully than by others by nutty
of the leaders of the movement themselves, who, felt
that from one heedless step to another they had at last gone
too far, and having some stake in the country, would be
very glad 10 receive the aid of the very government they had
conspired against in quellin! the monster their Frankenstein
efforts had created. (Hear, hear.) He believed in his con-
science that not a few of the prominent insurrectionary chiefs
would bedelighted at the passing of the bill, and at their being
placed in sac keeping under its provisions. He was convinced
the clueing of the prison doors upon them would be grateful
music in the ears al' men who thought and felt, as these men
did, the utter hopelea suss of the project in which they had
engaged; who knew peraectly well that rebellion, even if for
a few hours, a taw days, successful in a few localities, must
inevitably end, alter the destruction of thousands noon thou-
sands of insurgents, and of, perhaps, millions of Irish pro-
perty, in the utter discomfiture of the attempt to overturn
the institutions of the empire. (Hear, hear.)
Col. DUNNE felt called upon to support the measure,
though he agreed, abstractedly, in much that had fallen
from the hen. member for Rochdale. The state of Ireland,
at this moment, was quite apart from the consideration of
remedial measures, however essential the earliest portable
coutideration of such measures clearly was. The conuuct
and the emirate's of the fomenters of rebellion in Ireland—
those urgent advocates for tne parti ion of property and the
'pilling of blood—had certainly no relation to remedial mea-
sures, but, on the contrary, tended to retard such measures.
air. SCULLY supported the amendment. lie denied
than there existed in Tipperary anything lake the disloyalty
and disaffection which haat bcen charged against that
county, and what discontent there did exist w.es mainly
attributable to the injustice which had characterised the late
government prarsocutions in Ireland.
The house divided—For the original motion 271
For Mr. S. Grawford's amendment B-263
The bill was then brought iu by Lord %Ulla Russell nod
read a first time. . . _

Lord J. RUSSELL said that as the house bad ao un-
equivocally pronounced its opinion in favour of the bill, and
u it ergs of the utmost importance that no delay in pa,sing
it into a law should intervene, he hoped they would all
agree that it was far better to do ai immediately, than to fol
low the ordinary course. He begged therefore to move Unst
the bill be now read a 'Mad
Mr. F. O'CONNOR got up amidst cries of "Oh !" He
only rose to do justice to the Lord Advocate, in respect to
the assertion made by him on aformer evening, that it was not
usual for a select committee to report immediately to the
house when its sittings wore concluded. He found he was
wrong, and he begged the right hon. gentleman's pardon.
Sir L. O'BRIEN rose and said that he felt himself to be in
a delicate position. (lieu.) When he heard the noble lord
opposite state bis intention to bring in the bill before the
house, his tint improtion was that he ought not to vote fur
it, considering the present situation of a very near relation of
his. But other considerations had induced him to deviate
from his original intention; and he owed it to the noble lord
to say that the manly declaration which he had made had
contributed to thin change. (Hear, hear.)
Mr. HOME said that as very great power was to be given
to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, whoever that personage
might be, he wished to ask whether any record of the
arrests effected under the Sill would bu kept, so as to afford
mi 61111 fur inquiry in future times ? He wanted to kaow
what the rule was in these Extraordinary circumstances.
Sir G. GREY said that the objc et sought to be attained by
tin lion. member bad been provided for. Every warrant
would be lodged with t.:e clerk of the peace fur the county
where an arrest was made.

Mr. REYNOLDS said that the bill having been read a first
time, he must put it to the house whether it was fair' in the
ab.ence of the majority of the representatives of Ireland, to
call for a second reading without having given them due notice.
Mr. MONSELL said the state sat Ireland was that of im-
minent danger. He entreat d the house and the noble lord,
if they valued human life, to press the bill forward and to
11
pass it at once.
Mr. D. CALLAGHAN felt bound to say " ne" to the
question that the bill be read a second time at on.. De
did so out of consistency to his character and position, and,
if necess.ry, he would divide the house upon the principle f
the bill.
Mr. FOX said that the sooner the bill was passed into a
law the better. He would do all in his power to aid the
government in'carrying it at once.
Lord J. RUSSELL s.id that the house would not feel
surprised if he declined giving way to the proposals for de.
iat sag the bill.
Lord INOESTRE was understood to ask whether the
bill would ..• printed and laid on the table of the house
forthwith.
Lord J. RUSSELL had no objection to promise that it
should. .

MAILS.
The overland closed mails, rio Marseilles, to the Mediterranean,
Egypt, Aden, Ceylon, India, Hong-Kong, Ste., will be made up on the
evening of the 24th July.
The mails for Vigo, Oporto, Lisbon, Madeira, Wig, and Gibraltar
will be made up on the incoming of the 27th July.
The mails for British North America, and the United States,
will be made up on the evening of the 29th July.
The mails for New South Wales, Van Dieman's Land, and New
! Zealand will be made up on the evening of the 3lst July.
The Mae for the West Cuent of Africa and Mudeirn will be made
up on theevening of the 31st July.
The West India Mails, Including Bermuda, Noma; Havana,
' Honduras, New Orleans, Vera Cruz., Tampico, and Porto Rico, and
exclodutg time for Madeira, Jacmel, I, Banta Martha,
(Ingres, Panama, West Coast of South Am and St. Juan-de.
Nicaragua. will be made up on the morning of the 2nd August.
The mails for the Bnisits, the River Plate, Monte Video, Pernam-
buco. Bahia, Madeira, and Buenos Ayres, will be made op on the
evening of the 4lh August.
The overhead mail tot Gibraltar, Malta, Grua, the lonian Islands,
Egypt, Aden, Ceylon, India, Hong-Kong, and China, via bouthamp.
ton, will be made up on the evening of the 19th Anvil.

TO CORRESPONDENTS
Advesisevssots InteaW4 be •TM Swim," Lowden towaloT Parr...ft
bat• 'kcal.. t 4 Wwwlowawl, W Two oirelowo on IN du ae .pasheatbos

U I OH TS*. AT N 81910C/T.
Tut Mt —3l.ormag,W A 3
' Cropu LOt
DUN
Murano, 9 Pal. past 4.
Tu••usztow—lhealsg, 43 mla. pat 1, iltaT3oa. 21 •Lia.P•IN 1.

LONDON, MONDA Y. JULY 24.
THE „proceedings of the House of Commons upon
Saturday last will be read by all classes of the peope
throughout the United Kingdom with deep and pain-
ful interest. Summoned together on an anusual day,
to take counsel with the responsible ministers of the
crown upon the best means of providing for a perilous
and unexpected exigency, the crowded bencies of
the representative chamber of the legislature wore an
unwonted aspect of solemnity and theughtful care. It is
due to all who took part in the discussions of the day
toobserve the peculiar freedom from party recrimination
and the almost unbroken unanimity of feeling that
characterised both aid.e oh the house, and all sections
of the representative body. English and Irish—
conservative and radical—united in deploring the
miserable necessity with which they were called
upon to deal. Of the cabinet, Lord Jona RUSSELL
only spoke. Oo the part of their predecessors, Sir
ROBERT PEEL expressed in terms the most unquali-
fied, and even urgent, his assent and approval of the
course recommended by them. Mr. DlsitsELl and
Messrs. OSBORNE and Hume tendered the sup-
port of their respective parties. Among the Irish
members, ten only recorded their formal opposition to
the measure, by which additional powers of arrest and
detention are to be conferred for a short time on the
executive in Ireland. But the great majority of the
Irish representatives, both liberal and tory, did not
shrink from the discharge of the painful duty imposed
upon them by the madness of a certain portkn of
their countrymen—a much more inconsiderable por-
tion, however, than clamorous boaatings or pusilla-
nimous credulity would lead men to believe.
In a speech which occupied nearly two hours in
the f.;.;:ivery Lord JOHN stated with great precision
and distinctness the rapid rise and growth of anti-
social conspiracy in certain counties and towns,
having at its head the prominent leaders of
the young Ireland party—having for its object, not
the repeal of the union, but a species of agrarian
communism,—and for its means a sanguinary revolt
and the " establishment in Ireland of a Red Repub-
lic." Vague menaces of such a design had for some
weeks been circulated through a portion of the Dub-
lin and provincial press; but the incoherency of the
projects that were put forward, and the apparent
absence of any means of realising them, disarmed
the apprehension of government, though not its
vigilance ; and thus when on the arrest of Mr. Duffy,
Mr. Meagher, and otters, symptoms of a more serious
I description began to appear,the authorities found them-
selves already in possession of information leaving no
doubt of the identity and searet connexion of armed
clubs throughout a large portion of Leinster and
Munster. The public ascemblages of these bodies at'
Cork, Waterford, and Clonmel, and the open promul-
gation, by their chiefs in Dublin, of the most ruthless
and rapacious schemes, roused still further the anxiety
of government To wait until these unprincipled
men should have lured additional thousands of the
excitable and misguided peasantry into their
iniquitous plot would have a forbearance as culpable
as cruel. War with the Queen's troops, and to over-
turn the Queen's authority, was undisguisedly and
ostentatiously proclaimed; and had the infatuated
dupes of the conspirators beeu allowed much longer
to imagine that their array was regarded as formid-
able or their cause one of possible success, no man
could feel secure that a casual spark might not fire
the ignitable mass, and originate a disastrous confla-
gration, in which multitudes of innocent and defence-
less homes would infallibly have been laid desolate.
As to the stability of the royal authority, no doubt
could for a moment be entertained. Beside the
amount of troops actually in Ireland, or capable of
being in a few hours transported thither from this coun-
try, the extent to which the I:yalty of the upper and
middle classes universally had been attested, and the
instinctive repugnance with which they must regard
the doctrines of spoliation and violence preached by
the incendiaries, rendered from the outset all anxiety
on the part of the vice regal government for its own
defence superfluous. But for the safety of the people
of every class and opinion, grave apprehensions ne-
cessarily arose. It was clearly the duty of Lord CLA-
RENDON, and those by whom he was advised, to fore-
stall insurrection, and to prevent at all hazards the
effusion of blood. It was manifest that delay would
give the determination of this awful question to the_
open enemies of property and order. The existing
law did not enable persons, however notoriously be-
lieved to be engaged in conspiracy against their
neighbours and the state, to be detained in custody
until a fair and dispassionate trial could be obtained.
The LoRD CHANCELLOR of Ireland, therefore, and
the other law advisers of the crown recommended an
immediate application to parliament for such tem-
porary additional powers as the urgency of the cue
demanded; and parliament has done wisely and mer-
cifully in losing not an hour in conceding them.
It Is a total misconception to suppose that the bill
adopted by the House of Commons upon Saturday
last is a suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act in Ire-
land, or in any portion of that kingdom. All the
rights of the subject remain precisely as they stood be-
fore,
with the single exception of complicity in treason.
For every other offence a party when arrested can
still offer bail, or, if in error committed to prison, he
can claim his release by writ of habeas corpus. But
if to the LORD LIEUTENANT of Ireland and to six
members of the Privy Council, and whose signatures
are indispensable, it shall appear reasonable to sus-
pect that any person is engaged in treasonable prae-
ti,cs, a warrant may be issued for his apprehension, and
he shallnot be entitled to claim as of right his liberation
or trial before the Ist March next. Thus the mildest
and most limited form has (seen t hewn for interposing
with the strong arm of extra-constitutional authority
between the insane and worthless disturbers of the
public safety and their meditated prey. If it be pas-
sible to avert a sanguinary collision, the means are
thus pros-id: d. Policy, justice, mercy, alike commend
the moderation and decision of the course now taken ;
and public opinion, both in England and Ireland, will
doubtless approve and affirm it.
It is obvious that the bill is not aimed spinal
opinions openly and legitimately discussed, but
against acts of violence and rapine, whether secretly
or openly planned. It is not against repealer, or
repeal that its provisions are framed or will be pot
in force, but against rebels plotting anarchy, plunder,
and desolation. Mr. MEAGHER ended one of hie
latest harangues with the exclamation—" God save
the people," not the Queen :—we say, God enable
the servants of the Queen to save the lives of her
people!

The bill was then read a second time.
Lord J. ItUSSELL moved that the bill be forthwith com-
mitted.
Mr. REYNOLDS explained that by the speech which he
had just made, his object was to throw the whole of the re-
sponsibility or the summary proceedings, with respect to the
bill, on the government. (Hear.)
The house then went into committee on the bill.
Lori J. RUSSELL said that he wished to state to the
h use that the present bill was altered in one respect only
from the bill of 1821, by which the Habeas Corpus Act was
suspended in Ireland. The clause contained in that bill
exempting member* of parliament from being arrested under
its operatiin was omitted in the present bill. (Hear, hear.)
The preamble of the bill was then postponed.
On the question being put that the operation of the bill be
extended to March 1, 1849,
Mr. B. OSBORNE rose and denied that he had ever
voted against the application of remedial measures to Ire.
land. It would set a very bad example if the present hill '
were to be passed in a hasty and inconsiderate manner. In-
stead of intending its operation to March, 1849, he would
suggest that the act be limited to the Ist September, 1848.
He begged to move, as an amt ndment, that the words " Sep.
tember Ist, 1848," he inserted instead of "March Ist, 1849."
Mr. REYNOLDS said it was of little importance whether
they restricted the operation of his unconstitutional measure
to the lilt September nest or the let March. If even it was
proposed to extend it to si.ren years he should not teal it his
uuty to tilvAe the i u:... lie Lerciore advistd the .1; po-
, Dents to the bill not to give the house the trouble of again
divining, but to have the government to bear the whole
responsibility of it.
Mr. F. O'CONNOR asked what was 'ho difference
between the present hill and the act of 1822, in point of
duration?
Lord J. RUSSELL said that the art of 1822 had operation
from February to August. The present hill would extend
from July to March, very nearly the same period of time.
With respect to the remedial measures which the hon. mem-
ber for Middlesex war desirous to Circe from the government,
he would recollect that the su,.plies fur the year were for the
moat part unvoted, and he could at any time oppose them if
be thought fit, on a motion fer remedial measures for Irelmid.
Mr. HUME recommended his hon. friend to leave the
wii le responsibility tine present proceeding with the go-
vernment, and to offer his opposition on the motion for goine
Lito committee of supply on the estimates yet unvoted.
Mr. P. HOWARD thought the government course was
the wisest under existing circumstances.
Mr. S. CRAW FORD took the same view of the question
ma his hon. friend near him (Mr. Reynolds).
Mr. B. OSBORNE, under these circumstances, and as the
Irish member* were almost unanimous in their sentiments as
to his amendment would not persist in pressing i!.
The amendment was then, by leave, withdrawn; the
blank being tided up with the words " from the 22nd day of
July, 1848, to the let day of March, 1849."
Mr. B. OSBORNE said that he had not heard any ques-
tion put that the standing order be suspended in favour of
the present bill.
Mr. BERNAL (chairman) said that there existed no
standing t rders •ihich prevented the course now adopted
from being followed. The clauses and preamble being then
age. ed to, the house resumed.
Mr. BERNAL reported the bill to the house. The report
was forthwith received, and the amendments in committee
agreed to.
welraeordJ. RUSSELL moved that the bill be now read a
third time; which being done, the question that "this bill
do pass" was put and carried.
Mr. Batoret, was then ordered to take the bill to the
House of Lords forthwith. The hon. member accordingly
took charge of the bill, and proceeded to the upper house.
He returned in a few minutes, and reported that the
House of Lords was not then sitting.

METROPOLITAN SEWERS (COMMISSIONS).
Lord MORPETH brought in a bill to consolidate the
Metropolitan Commissions of Sewers, which was read •
tint time.

The holm ►djourned at a quarter to seven o'clock.

NEW RECORDERS.—Mr. J. Greenwood, now Re-
corder of Portsmouth, is appointed Recorder of Devonport,
being the first recorder of that borough on the grant of quar-
ter sessions there. Mr. T. Phinn, of the western circuit, is
to awned Kr. Greenwood as Recorder of Portsmouth,--06-
server.

ArrACREs.--Mr. Wombwell, the second paid at-
tube ache British Embassy at St. fetersburgh, is appointed
lint paid attache at that court, in place of Mr. Elliott, ap-
pointed of legation at the liigue.i. Mr. Tod, un-
paid attache at atmover.. is appointed second pied attach{ at
St peteysburgh, in place 01". W. Wombwell.—Observer.

Tins meddling with the sugar duties has been from
first to last a most unlucky affair for ministers. In
all shapes, in all stages of its progress, it hu brought
them nothing bat discredit and discomfort.
The proposal to move new resolutions about the
strange duties, of itself indicated levity and instability
of purpose. In the course of the session ministers had
repeatedly declared that they did not intend to alter
those duties. The Last declaration to this effect was
made only a week or two before notice was given of
the resolutions. No one expected anything of the
kind—everybody was taken by surprise. It was as
if a sudden impulse had seised the First Lord of the
Treasury while picking his teeth after dinner—.
4, Hang it! I'll alter these sugar duties alter aIL"
.And the career of the measure throughout has had
smog marks of after-dinner legislation about it.
In the first place, the idea of tampering with the
rates of they en emu, settled in 1846, betrayed a
' jolly forgettable"; of principle. The gradually

evaniahing scale of differential duties on sugar was a
plagiarism from Sir It. Pest's gradually evanishing
se of duties on foreign corn. The reasons on
which an evanishing scale of protective duties are ad-
vocated are these ; The necessity of reverting to a
natural state of unprotected trade in the article on
which the duties are imposed is admitted. The gra-
dual diminution of the protecive duties, leading to
their exterminati n within a limited period, is dictated
as the mode of reverting to free trade by two consider-
ations. The first ie, the danger of exciting a panic
among the protected parties by the prospect of a sud-
den transition from a state of protection to a state of
unrestricted competition. The second is, the danger
of exciting distrust in the minds of the parties inte-
rested in fret: trade. To satisfy the lat-
ter a precise time is fixed by law for
the introduction of a perfectly free trade ; to
re-assure the former, their protection is allowed to
disappear by regular, almost insensible, degrees. We
are not defending this theory—we neither affirm nor
deny that it may ba a piece of excessive refinement—
we are simply stating it as the theory upon which Sir
ROBERT PEEL and Lord Jon RUSSELL after him
devised what seemed to them a plan of introducing
free trade in corn and sugar with the least passible
injury to any interest. Good faith and sound policy
alike require tha: measures framed tyon these views
shall be held to be irrevocable. Good faith to all
parties consemed requires that the part of the csm-
promise favourable to each shall be religiously
observed. Good policy requires that the expediency
of reverting to a state of free trade having
once been solemnly reco,mised, no doubt shall
be allowed to arise as to the unchangeableness
of the decision, through any tampering with
the arrangements by which it is to be en-
forced. Good faith and good policy were there-
fore alike disregarded by ministers, when by
tampering with the Sugar Duties Act they broke faith
with the people who were promised free trade in
sugar within a fixed period, and revived the hopes of
the protectionists that the advent of free trade may
yet be indefinitely postponed.
The manner in which the ministers proposed to
alter the rates of duty imposed upon sugar in 1816,
had still more the appearance of impromptu after-
dinner legielati n. They indulged ad libitum in non
sequiturs. The speeches of Sir C. Wool) and Mr.
Hawes proved, if they proved any thing, not tha.
the British sugar growers required a more liberal al-
lowance of protection cud a larger continuance of it,
but that all protection might at once and safely be
dispensed with on their part.
But the climcx of the discredit earned by the whole
history of the measure was reserved for its final
appearance in the shape of a bill. The bill has been
prepared alter such a slovenly fashion that ministers,
after a fruitless attempt to avail themselves of the
criticisms of opposition in committee, have been
obliged to withdraw it ; in order, according to their
own phraseology, that it may be reprinted, but, in
fact, that it may be revised an'.l corrected.
The important blundera of the bill are of two kinds
—inaccuracy of language, and gross arithmetical
blunders. Ministers attempt to defend the former—
the mistake to which we adverted on a former
occasion as leaving the West Indians uncertain
whether the duty on their sugars is to be
raised or lowered—by maintaining that it
leaves no uncertainty. They are obliged, how-
ever, to establish the meaning of the disputed words
by a legal argument. The question has been raised
in reference to their bill, whether in the British West
Indies the importation of sugar is or is not prohibited.
And as the local acts of the West India colonies per-
mit the importation of foreign sugar, ministers con-
tend that the British Possessions Act renders such
local legislation invalid. But this argument, if tenable,
places ministers in a still worse position ; inasmuch
as it fastens upon them a charge of insincerity in
taking credit with the colonies for having passed an
act to enable them to emancipate themselves from the
local pressure of a restrictive policy. It is sufficient
condemi ation of a bill that it requires a complicated
legal argument to show that it may possibly effect the
intentions of those who introduced it ; and it is a
further condemnation of its framers, when they can
only prove this by assuming that an earlier measure
of their o-rn does not mint what they at first pre-
tended it did. As the arithmetical blunders are con-
fessed by ministers, it is unnecessary to enlarge on
that head.

It is nothing new to hear complaints of the slovenly
and inneritrate condition in which bills are passed
through the House of Commons. Not a session
occurs but some bill passes through the house, which
has either to be translated into intelligible English
by the clerks of tee House of Lords, or, passing
through that house with its errors undetected, requins
a supplementary and explanatory act to g.ve it effect.
But the most uncalled for, precipitately introduced,
and bunglingly framed bill on the records of the
House of Commons, is that emanation of the wisdom
of the "great arithmetician" the member for West-
bury, introduced this session under the auspices of
the CHANCELLOR OF TILE EXCHEQUER, to alter the
Sugar Duties.

FRANC.

PARIS, SATURDAY, 6 P.M.

There exists independently of the regular com-
mittee of finances, as I have already announced, a
secret committee, consisting of MM. Lion Faucher,
Berryer, Jules de Leeteyrie, and one or two others,
which has been appointed to confer with the Minister
of Finances to examine the financial state of the
country since February, and its present condition,
and to consider, in conjunction with the minister,
what measures it may be most prudent to adopt to
extricate the government and the country from the
present terrible crisis. 1t is understood to be agreed
upon all hands that a loan, whatever be
the terms on which it can be obtained,
is indispensable. The weekly drain upon the
treasury will speedily sponge up all the existing
resources, including the loan of 150 millions which
has been extorted from the bank. Business does not
revive, and the indirect contributions fall off more
and more tv, ry clay. The dit..ct tuxes arc hot paid
from sheer exhaustion on the part of the public, and
it is certain that nothing but a loan can enable the
gov rnment to be prepared for the September divi-
dends. In., accordance with this view the govern-
ment has presented to the assembly a pr...ject of a
loan, preceded by an expose of the financial situation.
It appears that the receipts for 1848, instead of show-
ine, as M. I)uclerc affirmed, an excess of 5 millions,
will show a deficit of 135 millions. Under these cir-
cumstances it was announced that the taxes on
salt and liquors will be continued. It was also an-
nounced that a credit would be demanded for a sum of
175 to 200 millions. It is also proposed that the
decree should annul the last loan, and should author-
ise the inscription of a sum of 13,131,500 francs of
Renter', ut 3 per cent., in the " Grand Livre," to be
negotiated at a rate for which a blank is left. This
project will be discussed on Monday.
A project was also introduced by the government
to transfer six millions from the grant made for the
railways to the ews, ruction of common roads.
The spirit of reaction is apparent everywhere in
Paris, but still more so in the provinces. The pa-
triotic cries in favour of the republic, and the hymn
of the Marseillaise are now never heard. In the
theatres of the capital burlettas are produced and re-
ceived with shouts of applause, in which the doc-
trines, symbols, and phrases of democracy are held up
to ridicule. In a case of this kind the other evening
one individual in the theatre of the Valais Royal ven-
tured to hiss something of the kind, in a " piece de
circonstance" called "La Statue de la Republique,"
and was unanimously brought to silence by the
audience who applauded to the echo.
The Bien Public, the acknowledged organ of M.
de Lamartine, has the following remarks to-day on
M. Ledru-Rollin, which have put a still sharper edge
on the curiosity of the public to discover the real
solution of that intimate union between these two
members of the late government which has produced
and still produces so much astonishment.
The Sieele desires to know our opinion on M. Ledru Rol-
lin. The day alter the barricades M. Loins Rollin, still
thrilling with the revolutionary tradition of the Montagne,
appeared to as a republican a great deal too crimson. M.
Ledrn Rollin gravely deceived himself in his calendar. He
for an instant dreamed of a government of intimidation.
That was tearing France in two—and there was his error.
And this error we do not fear to say enormously contributed
to disaffect the country ; the 45 centimes especially clench-
ing the prose of the bulletins. And now, es we are anxious
above all things to be just, we think it right to declare that
M. Ledru Rollin allored himself to be led away, in those
eirciimstanote, by two bad genii who held the pen by his
side. His speeches are evidnitly better than his circulars.
He is only a tribune on the surfact, and we believe there is
in him the stuff of a man of government.
The question of the right to employment declared