The Express.
London, England, 1847-04-19 00:00:00

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LONDON. MONDAY, APRIL 19.
'fun Estimation Cleestica has at length reached its
preps: sten% the Mese of the House of Commons, and
mast be dimmed baits relations to imperial exigen-
eine, and set is it seal or supposed bearin on the
of seiorknises ar this suspicions of gs faction.
reilall xparisees of Mesa years has shown that one of
the snit peiaiii of social evils has been the aliens- 1
ties oldie wedging dotes from the middle climes,
the jealemey that keg spssg up between the operative
awl the mamelhohmer. ielween the employer and the
Vfloe hes ken, however unreasonably, a
AIWA emmeg the working classes that
.immesdirile eqemies in the middle class are
enziseste robin tip in datemidenne, to stand be-
twee& them ad the elska, emit to exereim in their
eingsha ease smeleive et ellisenship. We fear
wet Me deageeele way to mach strengthened
hy the relent to the ministerial
ossuary of $ tee her that the work-
ing damn; may be lel to suppose that this
reeinkince orizieellei be a desire of the employing
cam to keep flit prompely of the instruction of the 1

operative classes in their own hand, to keep the em-
ployed dependent on their employers for that, as a
boon, which, as citizens of en intelligent and free
state, they ought to be able to claim from their
country u a right. The operatives are not likely to
accept the BAINES definition of " manly independ-
ence," which in his view means " the dependence of
the operatives for education on the capricious charity
of their immediate superiors ; " neither are they likely
to fail in love with voluntaryism, when it means
absolute dependence on the irresponsible will of a
committee elected by their employers, instead of
a responsible committee appointed by the government.
Such a feeling is very likely to be strengthened by
the proceedings at the late Conference. The great
strength of dissent is in the middle classes, and the
array of an exclusive body of dissenters in oppo-
sition to a scheme designed for the moral ele-
vation of the working classes has too much the
semblance of an attempt to promote class interests at
the general expense of the community. Many little
incidents in the conference are not unlikely to
strengthen this suspicion ; the homage paid to money I
power by the grave threat of withholding advertise-
ments
from obnoxious journals, was an actual adop-
tion
of the worst of the vulgar calumnies which the
discontented operatives in the manufacturing districts
are accustomed to direct against their employers ;
the strange determination to blockade the lobby of
the House of Commons, and increase the arduous
duties of the police in that locality, will lead to doubts
whether the suffrage has been restricted entirely
through fear of vulgar violence; and the menace to
start dissenting and middle-class candidates in all jeos-
sible contingencies, may infuse a suspicion that there
are men in possession of the elective franchise who
regard advocacy of the rights of the working classes
as a disqualification for the post of their representa-
tives.

—.7Such a suspicion imposes an arduous drty on those
members of the House of Commons who have
more immediate relations with the great dissenting
body. They have to guard against that alienation of
the working class from the class immediately above it,
which would prove the ruin of that large portion of
the liberal interest which is intimately connected with
the dissenting body. An eminent historian attributes
the overthrow of religious reform in France to the
adoption of the principles of theocratic aristocracy by
the Huguenots, and their indulgence in that
spiritual pride which renders men rebels to
those above them, and tyrants to those below. The
struggle of the Reformation is not yet concluded; the
ideas which were at issue in the last days of the
House of VALOIS, are dominant, though in a milder
type, at the present hour. History was written for
those who have a capacity to profit by its lessons and
its warnings. It may be rejected by scoffers at
christian ordinances, and by men who substitute
platform speeches for calm and deliberate discussion ;
but its teachings cannot be loft on such men es
Doctors BINNET and VAUGHAN and on that large
portion of the nonconformist body which has held
itself aloof from contact with faction. That, indeed,
such motives have not been lost sight of by such men,
we have a prominent proof in the publication of Mr.
DuN:l, Secretary of the 2:!*2.±. and Fore* School I
Society, giving a frank and manly adhesion tt the
government scheme, and to the minutes of council.
In another of our columim will be found a notice,
with extracts, from this important pamphlet.
We suppose the opponents of the scheme will get
up another story, and indulge in more fantastic con-
jectures as to the mode in which this adhesion has
been brought about : as if a strong conviction of the
expediency and necessity of education, and of the
present plan as the only one feasible, were not the
almost infallible result of a calm and dispassionate
consideration of it.

It is passing strange, and singularly unfair, that the
very persons who have thrown most difficulties in
the way of government are the loudest to accuse them
for stooping to some of these difficulties, and labouring
to remove others. The Chronicle, which has raised the
standard of dissent against the measure, twits govern-
ment for not carrying a full measure, with a provision
in it for Roman Catholic schools, against its own
opposition. This is rather hard—to raise and head an
army of objection and foes, and then taunt oppo-
nents with not rioting over them.
The Chronicle has raised a strange phantasmagoria
on another subject. It supposes minutes of council
winch never existed. There are no other relative to
the subject than those of Dec. 3, 1839. And it gives
to Lord JOHN ItUsSELL'S words in the House of
Commons a meaning which they were never intended
to convey.
The minute of the 3rd of December, 1839, requires
that the daily reading of a portion of the scriptures
shall form part of the instruction in the school. It
indicates its meaning in this particular by a preceding
inquiry whether the Bible or Testament is used in
I the school, and by that part of the concluding resolu-
tion which states that a preference will be given to
those schools in which the religious instruction resem-
bles in character that given in the two known descrip-
tions of schools.
The whole tenor of the minutes chews that it refers
solely to protestant schools, and those, if exceptional,
were to be specially Considered. Not more than two
or three schools, all of them protestant, were admitted
under such special consideration.
As the committee of education removed the strin-
gency of the preamble of the minute requiring the
statement of special circumstances, it became import-
ant that the interpretation of the whole minute should
not be liable to doubt. Such a doubt having been
expressed, the committee removed it by declaring
that the authorised version of the scriptures would be
required to be used in all schools aided by public
grants.
The Chronicle imagines and asserts that an education
bill could be carried, which regarded protestant and
catholic schools in precisely the same light, and
subject to the same conditions. We not only doubt
this, but deny it. We are u anxious as the Chronicle
for the education of the Raman Catholic poor; but
we doubt the possibility of framing any one set of
minutes as conditions to regulate the grant of public
money at once to catholic and protestant schools in
this country.

TUE account given by the Express on Saturday
of British intervention in the affairs of Portugal,
was the reverse of that published by the Times aid
the other London journals. The Times announced
That the British admiral and envoy had placed the
squadron at the Queen's orders, and promised that the men
should land immediately she desired it, to protect herself
and throne. This interference will decide the question.
Our correspondent on the contrary said, that the
only succour held out by the admiral, was, protection
to her Majesty's person, and her reception on board
his own vessel in case of peril.
It is not for the mere sake of being more correct
in information than our brethren, that we sincerely
desire to find the latter account the true one. Were
it otherwise, we should find much to animadvert
upon in the conduct of the British government. For
many months two parties have been contending in
Portugal. The Queen having set up a dictatorial
power, and avowed it, was opposed by a party who
appealed to the constitution, and in tins appeal was
supported by all the middle classes, a large portion of
the army, by the chief notabilities, and by the second
city of the kingdom.
Many months back, the insurgent party advanced
towards Lisbon, threatening it from both sides of the
Tagus. At this critical moment arrived a British
commissioner, who sincerely endeavoured to effect a
compromise between the contending parties ; but, as
he could not but admit that the defence of the
Queen's person and the throne was incumbent on the
British commander and force in the Tagus, it'
was evident that the Queen's party might
risk anything, and be sure of succour in
the last extremity. Such a state of things
of course emboldened the Queen and her general, dis-
heartened and disarmed the liberals, and led finally to
their defeat and retreat. In this discomfiture, several
chiefs of the liberals were made prisoners, and were
inhumanly treated. The British representative, feel-
ing how much their defeat and capture were owing to
English support of the Queen, besought her Majesty
that her prisoners might at least be humanely
treated. Her Majesty, for all reply, thrust those
chiefs into the narrow hold of a vessel of war,
and despatched them, thus fettered, to the most pes-
tilential climate and prison on the coast of Africa.
Her Majesty was then triumphant, in a great mea-
sure owing to British intervention ; and, as usual
wizen triumphant, she showed herself most despotic
and cruel to her subjects, and most insultanttober Eng-
liah ally. Victory is, however, short-lived in Por-
tugal. The insurgent liberals, beaten in the hills
north of Lisbon, and driven from the Tagus, took
refuge behind the Dare, and there recruited coati-