The Express.
London, England, 1847-02-04 00:00:00

TO CM RESPONDENTS.

We cannot notice in any way, any cornmuninatien that writ Io
ananyirmi.ly ; but •hocipmee to aJdrers ua in eontl,bnoe
tinwi th,ir omfilieuee n :clot Nk.ITHEUCAF WE tNUEUTAXIii
TJ r, UN ANY WHATEVER.
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must be the Odic,: by wo o'clock um the city of publication.

mcii WATER AT I.ONDON-lERIDGE.
Tots Dor.—Elorning, attn. plot 4; Afternoon, 4 atio. pot 4.
To-liOastot —3lorou.g, :At We. toot 4; A:tooli000, 14 rain. pout h.

LONDON, THURSDAY, FEB. 4.
The House of Commons commenced its morning
sittings for the session yesterday. On the motion of
Mr. STRUT; serious resolutions were adopted with
reference to the proceedings to be observed for ths
future with respect to the progress of railway bill
The Classification Committee was appointed. A Mit..
versation ensued on the subject of Mr. Escon's dis-
sentient report on the Millbank Prison, Mr. F. MAUL=
intimating that if the disventient commissioner bad
appended his separate report to thatof the concurring
cow.mivi,ioners, it would have been, as that now was,
before the public.

We believe there is no longer any doubt that Lord
JOHN RUSSELL has conceded to the real or supposed
wants of the church the appointment of four new
bishops. All religious patties are so much in the
habit of repeating, as a religious duty, the current
cry of the day, without considering how far it ex-
presses their real opinions, that we have always re-
ceived with considerable calmness the representations
of the church party of late years, as to the argent
necessity of the proposed augmentation. It is very
possible that new bishops may be useful; but we can-
not help doubting whetter r those who call mot
earnestly
than their appointment really wish for it more
than they wish for a change of government at Ave or
iehatmandoo. An orthodox churchman, resident in
North Wales, lately confessed to us the decay of his
enthusiasm for the preservation of the see of St.
Asaph. Sharing the indignation which, as be
was assured, was telt by all around him, at
the intended spoliation of the principality, he
attended a county meeting to petition for the main-
tenance of the see. There was the high-sheriff ready
to take the chair, and there was the county member
ready to give expression to the wrath of his constitu-
ents, and lastly, there was, we believe, our informant
himself, to represent the assembled "shire." Whe-
ther resolutions were passed by the three patriot%
and a petition adopted, we do not remember ; but one
at least of them rode home with the reflection that
those who had staid away were not very anxious
about the bishopric, and that, perhaps,c after all, he
was much of the same mind himself..
We give Lord JOHN RUSSELL fall credit for
a sincere wish to promote the efficiency of the eats-
blishment by increasing the number of its dignitaries.
As the requisite endowments will, of course, be
provide d out of the property of the church, the only
question to be considered is, whether any available
surplus might not be better disposed of among the
lower ranks of the clergy. The right of the new
prelates to seats in the I hem of Lords is of little prae-
tical importance, and probably the government has
judged e idly in avoiding any irritation, which might
have been excited by an increase of the number of
spiritual peers. It has generally been assumed on al
bands, that bishops are not to exercise their legislative
power on the same principles as temporal lords.
They:are expected to be silent on important occasions,
and to express strong feelings about trifles. On •
question of war and peace, involving the honour and
conscience of the country and the physical and
moral interests of millions, • bishop is ex-
p‘,.e.d to profess an inability to Judge of
matters so toreign to his profession. It is only
when a form has been neglected, an irreverent
phrase used in a public document, or Juggernaut, or
the Pope mentioned without a protest against their
doctrines, diet the right reverend bench delivers itself
of indignation, which it probably does not feel, for the
benefit of a house, that likes to see harmless morali-
ties protected by the clergy; just as men like in
women a regard for petty scruples and minute deco-
rums, which they do not hesitate to transgi ma them-
selves. The more crafty prelates encourage the dis-
position to regard them as something between legisla-
tors and old women, from the undisturbed authority
which they derive from it in their own department.
As churchmen must have a voice in church matters,
it is highly convenient to them to establish the
role that their own language, and consequently the
language of all ecclesiastical discussions, shall be con-
structed on different rules from those which govern
ordinary controversies—that they may say more
and mean less than statesmen, without offend-
ing. public feeling. When others less bent on
their professional interest!, and more awake to the
degradation of a false position, take • part in public
questions like public men, some peer is always ready
to warn them that they are transgressing the received
conventionalities of the house, that bishops had better
say nothing, but any rate not what they think. In
this state of things we do not greatly regret the
absence from parliament of the four new bishope, nor
should we much-fear their presence. In their dioceses
they may be more efficient for good or harm ; but we
must guard ourselves against any extravagant or un-
mixed hopes of benefit. " The only objection to episco-
pacy," we haveheerd a strong Tory in church and state
observe, " is that it involves biehope." Without going
so far, we mast confess our fear that the ideal
bishop described by SIDNEY SMITH, in his post-
humous pamphlet, has not yet appeared in
England. Some are negligent and many are officious;
some display in their treatment of the clergy a degree
of discontent unknown in other professions, and are,
perhaps, at the same time, unduly submissive to rank
and power. Almost all are timidly anxious to conci-
liate public opinion, and incapable of distinguishing
what that opinion really is. Tile transient dogmas of
a narrow circle command from them a deference
*Melt is intended for the judgment of the world et
large, and to which even that judgment is not impli-
citly entitled. There is no charge against bishops
more unfounded than the complaint that they despise
public opinion. They only respect it too much. That
they do not obey it is a fact which arises from their
mistaking it. Many an accused clergyman has been
wrongfully sentenced for fear the world should think
that his diocesan connived at immorality.
We believe, however, that the episcopal class, like
other classes, is improving. Some of our readers may
recollect the model bishop of 30 years ago, who gave
audiences to his clergyou condition that they knocked
at the back-door of his palace, and manifested a
becoming reverence for his person. At long intetvals
his coach, with its four black long-tailed horse., tra-
versed the diocese, striking awe into the minds of
children who had to undergo confirmation. In festive
moments lie would, perhaps, so far unbend as to show
to sonic admiring vicar the silver trowel with which
the Regent had perhaps condescended to lay the first
stone of some church which he patronised. His first
thought was his own greatness ; his second, a reverence
for all who were still greater ; his third, a condescend-
ing wish for the religious prosperity .of his diocese.
The next generation of bishops is still among us.
The newspapers have made it more active, the reli-
gious controversies of the day have made it far lees
self.contented and determined. When Sir ROBERT
I'EEL determined on breaking up the separate sacred-
ness of benefice', and commencing a re-distribution of
the property of the church, he met with little resist-
ance, because his actual changes and those of his suc-
cessors were moderate, and it was chiefly a principle
that was at stake. The Pueeyite disputes are the
greatest reproach to the present episcopal bench.
Some opposed the innovations on the mere Protestant
hypothesis, which however Pound, could in no way
tend to influence those who had commenced by re-
nouncing it—others far more blameable countenanced
the folhes and fopperies of the Anglo-Catholics,
either because they tended to aggrandise the
hierarchy, or because they enjoyed a partial
and ephemeral popularity. When surplices and
wax-candles were in fashion, they encouraged

it

.:1...

them, but not from any belief in their value,
as appeared when somo squabble about a church in
Berkshire turned the thunder of the Times in one day
upon the heads of the Pusevites, whom it had long
supported with unwonted blindness to the opinions
of the majority. The Trues itself, inured to change,
hardly turned faster than the bishops. Those who
had adopted their recommendations as to the restora-
tion of obsolete trifles were censured, and those who
had justly disregarded their diocesan were rewarded
p
for their prudence by raise. We do not recollect
one bishop who, at the first, boldly said what many
of them must have thought, that the innovations,
whether good or bad, were :rivolous and trivia: ; that
surplices were not idolatrous, and yet not essential to
religion ; that communion-tables would not be much
better for the mine of alum and much the worse if
the consciences of the people were alarmed by the
change. This ::onteov. esy, perhaps, more than any
oth....g,sent, has shown the clergy and the laity how
little guidance they can expect from their spiritual
heads.
The prelates wls6 least deserve our unwilling cri-
ticisms are generally of recent elevation. Some of them
have shown a desire to escape from the prevalent weak-
nesses of their order. IVe hope that the new bishops
will increase their namter, that they will be religious
men, honest men, gentlemen, but above all that they
wilt be men of sense. An English bishop has a noble
position, if he would make use of it. There is no
Tina to the respect which he may receive, if he does
sot claim it; to the influence which he may exert, if
he will use it judiciously. • The new bishops, in their
respective dioceses. may, if they will, persuade us of
what we are at present scarcely convinced, that their
creation was wanted—perhaps almost that it was
wished for.

THE unanimous decision of the Court of Exchequer
Chamber, reversing the judgment of the Court of
Queen's Bench for the plaintiff in the case of
" Howard o. Gossett," will Perhaps surprise those, who
have long been accustomed to see the privileges
claimed by the House of Commons successfully dis-
pnted inWestminster-hall. In the case in question,
however, we believe that the judgment delivered by
Baron PARRS is consistent with the general prince,
pies on which the courts have dealt with privilege;
and at the same time that it by no means favours the
more extravagant claims to irresponsibility which
have at different times been put forward by the
House of Commons. The action of " Floweret r. Gos-
sett" arose, as it is well known, oat of the proceed-
ings in " Stockdale e. Hansard," which commenced
ten or eleven years ngo. HOWARD, the attorney of
the
.plaintiff in the former action, brought an action
against the BeTieant-at-Arms for assault and false
imprisonment. The Serjeant justified under the
warrant of the Speaker, commanding him to appre-
hend HOWARD, and keep him till he should be brought
to the bar of the house to answer for a certain con-
tempt, &c. The majority of the Court of Queen's
Bench, against the opinion of the late Mr. Justice
WILLIAMS, held that the warrant set out in the plea
wasinauffleient on various technical grounds; amongst
others, because the time during which HOWARD was
to be detained was left uncertain.
It was never disputtd that the house had in some
way and under some circumstances a power to commit
for contempt. The only dispute which arose was, as
to the mode of exercising it. The pretence that the
mere intimation that the defendant had acted under
the authority of the house, precluded the court from
entering °nem considerationof the question,was justly
repudiated. The arguments and the judgment turned
on the construction of the warrant, and, as a prior
consideration, on the rules by which it was to be con-
strued. The Queen's Bench held that, in favour of
liberty, the warrant must be construed as strictly as
if it had been issued by a justice of the peace or other
inferior authority and, applying such a test to the
warrant, their decision, that it was insufficient, was
probably right. There was, however, little reason for
the acclamations with which some portion of the
public press received this judgment. It was a dry
question of law ; and, as we have shown, it did not
involve the main question, whether the houses of
parliament had or bad not a right to imprison
individuals. It seems that if the warrant, instead of
setting out the offence charged and other parti-
culars, had merely recited a contempt to 5ee....1
terms, the judgment of the Queen's Bench would have
been for the defendant, on the
.ground that the House
of Commons was the sole judge of a contempt ,
against itself. In popular language the warrant
would have been sufficieet if it had given no reason
for the imprisonment ; but, having given a reason,
and a bad one, it was held to be bad.
On the other hand, we cannot agree with those of
cur contemporaries, who hold that the judgment of
the Court oi Error turns on a technical and imma-
terial point. The ground adopted by the Queen's
Bench we have already explained. The Ex- I
chequer Chamber reverses the judgment on the
ground, that the rule of construction in the court '
below was a wrong one, not that it was wrongly
applied. The Queen's Bench held that the warrant
was to be construed as strictly as from an inferior juris-
dicticn. The Court of Error construes it largely,
recognising the House of Commons as a superior
court. The authorities on the subject will be found
collected in the reports of the varicus questions which
have arisen in the actions of " Stockdale r. Hansard,"
and " Howard v. Gossett." The leading case, as is
well known, is that of " Burdett v. Abbott," in the
14th volume of East's Reports. In that case, and in
the equally celebrated case of " Ashby r. White,"
in which Hose made his great stand against parlia-
mentary aggression, it is distinctly admitted
that the House of Commons, as a part of the
High Court of Parliament, is, in respect of power
to commit for contempt, on a level with
a court of record. It is the undoubted right of any
such court to commit for contempt without assigning
on the face of the commitment the particular nature
. of the contempt. The mason is clear. 'fee cause of
commitment is set out on the face of a warrant to
enable the proper tribunal to judge whether the cause
of committal as set out is sufficient. It implies the
existence of a superior court, which may set right
any injustice of the committing jurisdiction. But
in questions of contempt no court of record recognises
a superior. A statement that A. B. committed a
contempt by assaulting the judge in court would
be useless to any other court, because it has no power
to adjudicate on such an offence. The committal
may be unjust, but it is final. Mr. PEMBERTON
Liseir, in a pamphlet published on the privilege
question in 1837, admits that either house of parka
ment may commit for contempt without assigning a I
cause. It is only, as he shows, the counterpart of the
power possessed by other superior courts. If the
serpent-at-arms, he says, were to seize a judge or
counsel while engaged in court, he would un-
doubtedly
be committed by the court for contempt
The house might retaliate by committing the
judge; but it could not release its officer. Both
commitments would be irremediable, except by
the authorities which respectively inflicted them.
To deny the house the power to exercise
this irresponsible authority is to overrule Ford ELLEN-
/IC/ROHM! en " Burdett r. Abbott," Lord Hose, as
well as the other judges, in " Ashby r. White," and to
reduce the House of Commons to a level with a
petty sessions court- The decision, we repeat, of
the Court of Error, is neither more nor less than that
the House of Commons is a superior court.
Mr. PEMBERTON LEIGH, in the pamphlet which
we have quoted, remarks with justice, that whenever
a contest has arisen between law and privilege, the
people have always been on the side of law. We hope
the same tendency to oppose arbitrary power will
always prevail ; but in the present case law and pri-
vilege are quite in harmony. That a discretionary
power of imprisonment is as safely entrusted to the
House of Commons as to the Court of Chancery for
indents*, we certainly do not believe ; but we rem it
cannot be denied that the house is as much entitled to
the power as theeseurt. If it may. commit for con-
tempt, it may do so without assigning reasons, or it
may assign reasons without technical precision. It
has, we believe, recently been held by the Court of
Exchequer, that a verbal commitment for contempt by
that court would be good. If so, the house may
commit without any warrant at all.
After all, the law is not finally settled. The opi-
nions, indeed, of the majority of the judges (mejor et
aeviur pars), are expressed by the present judgment ;
but on error before tee House of Lords, it may happen
Nut the law lords may, as they have in some cases
overrule the oeinicme of the judges. Lord
done, •.4 and Loid DENMAN are both deeply
lveßd in-
ROUGIIin ,
i•
OD lcifitMl to Privilege. Lord Cure-
o
on the see of the house. If the Beer should
Idli;cL t. lE
decide the question, judgment of the Noltequer
Chamber may be reversea

The debate on the address in the Chamber of 1)e-
-puties was continued on Tuesday. The interest of
the discussion on Monday was unexpectedly increased
by a speech from M. Billault, in which he touched
upon the question of the marriage+, and shadowed
out, though somewhat obscurely, the course which
will be taken by the party in the Chamber,
u hose sentiments this deputy is understood
to express. He approved of the marriages, and
argued that the rupture of the English alliance was
no irreparable evil ; that if France wanted an alliance.
Europe could supply one without the sacrifice of in-
terests and honour, which the English alliance snug
cost. This subject, however, was only touched on,
and will be reproduced with more details, and
in a more explicit manner, when the para-
graph of the speech directly referring to it is
brought before the Chamber, which it was expected
might be the case. on Wednesday or Thursday.
The journals of Paris and the provinces continue
to supply the same deplanable accounts of the obstruc-
tion offered by the populace to the circulation of grain.
An alarming report was circulated at the Bourse
on Monday, that assemblages of workmen had taken
place in the Faubourg St Antoine, in consequence
of the high price of bread. These statements, however,
were contradicted by the Journal des Watts
on Tuesday. Indeed, it is not easy to imagine
disturbances from this cause to arise so
long as the people of l'aris are supplied
as at present with bread of the first quality at some-
thing less than 2d. per lb. The surplus of the mar-
ket price being paid by the municipality or the state.
Considering the exciteablc character of the populace
of the faubourgs, this is probably a necessary mea-
sure to maintain the tranquillity of the capital.
MM. Gustave de Beaumont, llethmont, and Leon
de Malleville have proposed an amendment in the last
paragraph of the address, conceived in the following
terms :
" Sire—One common feeling animates us all. Like your
Majesty, we are desirous of establishing in the country an
indissearble alliance between the monarchy and liberty.
You have devoted your life and those et your children to
giving a forcible example of the benefitsof which this alliance
Is the pledge. Let a liberal and moderate policy ensure to
the government that moral authority whicl is so necessary
to the administration, the respect which probity ever cum-
me, de, to our institutions their pac fit and regular develop-
ment, and your Majesty may rely upon our independent and
disinterested concurrence."
It is stated that orders have been sent to the com-
manders of the several military divisions to call in all
the soldiers who are absent on the usual six months
furloughs.
According to the official return published in the
/I/on/tear, the commissioners of the sinking fund
during the last quarter of 1846, purchased 297,007 fr.
Three per Cent. Rentes, which cost 8,117,512 fr. 90c.,
the average price being 81fr. 99e.

.461.., F.. 2.—. Three M Cr. •.. 7t: )7.• pre Cent... 1l6: Relrian Else
psr Cr..., 101 , Few and 6.11311 per Cent., Twor../... N.lt yet
84 14.4454 ltretr., 100 75 : R 0•139 be... 1001 T5....7
4 ; 11.60 tt 00,.3,7.3. Macrae... 0. Lordon,lo 47•, 21171, 20 day., 3510+.
rt 1.14, F. roll. lind 1,1:2 75: Pada .11.1 Ittura, 23..
Reuse and 847., 667 50 , lkats• Viesaoe, 147 30i BordeB63, 157 50,
North. •06 7s.

The Madrid mail of the 27th ult. arrived at Paris
late on Tuesday afternoon. The ministerial crisis
still prevailed ; and the most vague and contradictory
reports were circulated as to the definite formation of
the ministry. El Tiempo pretends that the Queen
had manifested a preference for M. Bravo Murillo to
M. Pacheco ; and that the ministry would consist of
the Duke de Rivas, MM. Bravo Murillo, Seijas Le-
zano, Santillon, Donozo Corttls, and Roca de Togor,:.s.
El Espanol pretends that M. Castro y Orozco has
presented a compltte list to the Queen of the persons
who are to form his ministry.
_ _ .

La Elperanza states that M. Juan de la Pezuela
has sent in his resignation as Captain-General of
Madrid and Inspector-General of cavalry.
Letters from Pampeluna of the 22nd speak of out-
breaks is different points : reinforcements of troops
have been demanded by the local authorities.
News from Lisbon had been received at Madrid to
[ the 20th. The Duke of Saldanha had established
tranquillity in all the Upper Beira.
JA, 27 —Thrre.pr-Cents..3ll. Your.rwr.co,... 201:
, 20 11 !4, rasasv..B,l. Coupons, 161. husk of St. Yerdleand. V 2
Eactuage Lomb" Ill.r.

CONSTAN, INOPLE, Jas. 13.
Resehid Pasha, the Grand Vizier, has been
seriously unwell for some days past, and the doctors I
have not hesitated to declare that they believed his
illness to have been caused by anxiety of mind.
Seldom has the leader of a government found himself
in a position so unenviable as that of Reschid Pasha.
Surrounded, with the exception, of Ali Effendi, the I
Minister of Foreign Affairs, by jealous rivals, who
are constantly. plotting his downfal, unsupported: by
a single foreign representative, he is bullied by
Russia and France, thwarted by Austria, and treated
with passive indifference by England; unsympathised
with by the people, and at the head of a party so
small that its existence is almost problematical. The
Sultan is too nerveless, too vacillating, to give any
efficient support. Such is Reschid Pasha's precept
position—a position which it would be as fatal to him
to abandon, as it is onerous for him to hold. If the
Grand Vizier were to retire from office, the opposite
party would immediatelysucceedtopower; liiza Pasha
would be placed at the head of the government, and his
first official act would most certainly be to remove
so dangerous a rival as Reschid, and his want of suc-
cess in past attempts of the kind would teach him to
adopt measures by which his object would be more
surely effected. All the world knows what the result
would be, should Riza succeed in placing himself at
the head of the government. Avarice is his ruling
passion. His only rules of conduct are the two
primary ones of arithmetic—addition and subtrac-
tion. By these he testa every measure, which he
adopts or rejects as it leans to the former or the latter.
His morality is like the mercury, which, thrown
upon the ore, amalgamates only with the gold, which
it at once discovers, and to which it alone adheres.
Russia knows well the character of Riza Pasha, and
in adopting the means by which alone his adhesion
can be secured, she has placed herself far beyond
the mach of all other competitors. What a contrast
to this picture is Reechid Pasha; how nobly he
has stood by the opinion which be at first
expressed on the incorporation of Cracow, and
this in spite of the united attacks of Rus-
sia and Austria. As if to take advantage of
the dilemma in which Resehid Pasha is placed,
France has struck a fatal blow at the principles of
which the Grand Vizier is the great representative
and support in the Ottoman empire. M. Guizot has
just sent, through his ambassador, M. de Bourqueney,
a note to the Reis Effendi, in answer to the remon-
strancea made by Soleyman Pasha on the reception
given to the Bey of Tunis at Paris. Nothing more
insolent than the style of this note can be conceived.
M. Guizot scoffs at the idea of the Sultan calling the
Bey of Tunis his vassal. He says that France had
always treated the Bey as an independent prince,
and that she was determined to treat him as
such, and concludes by advising the Porte to
reflect before it adopts any measure which might be
productive to itself of most disagreeable conse-
quences. Is this the chivalrous friendship that
France so loudly professes for Turkey? Is it by this
cowardly bullying of a fallen state that M. Guiaot
wishes to givo a proof of the vaunted generosity of
the country of whose government he is the chief ?
Has the monarchy of the barricades thrown off the
mask—and is this blow at the integrity of Turkey
the sequel of the Spanish marriages, and of the
mean truckling in the affair of Cracow? Things
seem well en train for an alliance between France
and the despotic powers. "A fellow-feeling" in this
part of the world at least, cannot fail to make them
• wondrous kind " towards each other.

MR. COBDEN AT GENOA.—On the 16th ult., a grand
banquet was given at Genoa, to Mr. Cobden, at the Hotel
Feder. The Marquis d'Azeglio presided, and moot of the
foreign consuls, principal merchants, and nobility were
present. The Marquis d'Areglio, alter the health of the
King of Sardinia, proposed the health of the Queen of
England and free trade. M. Alla; the French consul-
, fp nerul, propcseed the health of Mr. Richard Cobden; peace
tween tritium,. M. Alletz made a long speech in honour
of the illustrious guest, to which Mr. Cobden made an
appropriate reply.

We read in a Leghorn letter of the 20th :—" The
Grand Duke, who left on the Ilth with his daughter (the
wife of Princs Luitpold, of Bavaria), has returned. lie did
not go to Naples, as it was said he intended to do, but merely
conducted the princes as far as San Stefano, near Orbitello.
Thera is some excitement in Tuscany, and the minister Bal-
d's...afoul has issued a circular to the authorities, calling upon
them to repress with vigour every attempt at disturbance.
Ceoeval Tr:els has been appo:nted to the command in chief
place of iricoceal Fortnd,
of ull the fre^, of Ttsran,
deceased."

LOUD

THE ANNEXATION OF CRACOW_
The official correspondence on the occupation of I
Cracow, laid before the house last night, furnishes
some important additions to the information already ,
published on that subject.
In a report made by Col. Duplat, our consul at
Warsaw, the importance of Cracow as a trading '
station is significantly pointed out, with reference to
the net of railroads with which the eastern states of
Europe are covering their territories. Cracow has
long been the best customer for English goods at the
Leipzic fair, and possesses, in its steady mercantile
houses and the credit of its bankers, the means of
being a useful ally.
The first information received at Berlin was of dis-
turbances in the neiyh&ourhood of Cracow. 'the Aus-
trians had already occupied the city, according to
their account, in consequence of an invitation from
the senate. We may remark that this is one of the
points of which the Austrian version differs from that
of the Poles, who have publicly denied that such an
invitation was ever addressed to the Austrian general.
On the 22d the Austrian troops evacuated the city,
and, although in strong force, allowed themselves to
be attacked by a small body on their own territory,
retreating and leaving in the hands of this small in-
surgent force the important salt mines of Wielizka.
On the 3rd March the Russian troops summoned the
I city which surrendered without defence and without
making terms. The Austrians entered the mine
livening ; and, on the sth, the Prussians joined the
met. 'Chia distinction of dates is important, because
the pretence cannot be set up that the present occu-
pation is the consequence of a deed of arms, and that
the Austrians merely keep what they won in open
fight.
Both France and England have all along insisted
on the observance of the stipulations of the treaty of
Vienna. Lord Palmerston's clear and decided protest
will be read with interest- On perusing the lengthened
statements of Prince Metternich, which have, in
4rest part, been already before the public, it is
impossible not to agree with Lord Palmerston
that the Austrians possessed ample means of
paralysing any attack that might be medi-
tated from so small a city without raising a distur-
bance of questionable origin into a justification of
military operations on a large scale. There is a link
wanting in the history of the state of the town be-
tween the first week in March, when General Collin
reinstated the senate in the government of the city,
and the 30th March, when Lord Westmoreland
writes that the senate is dispersed, and that many of
its members had resigned. it would be interesting
to know why those gentlemen were disgusted with
their offices, and who had ill-treated them. The last
document shows that Austria proposes to allow of the
establishment of an entrep -4, or bonded warehouse,
at Cracow, if she is permitted to remain in undis-
turbed possession.
GENERAL COLLIN'S PRO,'

ITION.

Whereas the rebels have abandoned Cracow, and the
burghers of thst city, in which all government is in reality
at an end, have demanded the protection of the three high
powers, Is r the safety of their property and persons, I hereby
grant the city in request, but only as a provisional measure,
until the three high protecting powers come to a further
determination, and under the following conditions:--
let. That the city of Cracow delivers all the known leaders
of the rebels who may still be th re, into my hands, or that
It makes known to me their place of refuge. 2nd. That a
general surrender of arms shall take place in the following
manner, vie., that by twelve o'clock on the sth of this
month, all weapons of every description shall be deposited
in the citadel, where a committee aepointsd for the pur-
pose will take charge of them. 3rd. That it during our stay
an the toss n any one shall be found with arms in his hands,
or if arms shag be found in any person's hou,, that person
hall be tried by martial law within twenty-four hours.
4th. That the existing senate, consisting of the senators pre
sent, and tenter the presidency of Senator Kepf, shall be
appointed to undertake the direction of the internal govern-
ment of the city and its territory, until further dispositions
are made by the three high powers.
COLONEL DU FLAT TO THE EARL OF ABERDEEN.
(lteeeived March 24. )—(EXTReeT.)
WARSAW, MARCH 10, 1840.—Cracow, since its elevation
to an independent state, has always been the depot of very
considerable quantities of English merchandne sent thither
hy.the Wreck St a, Moldavia, and Galicia, and even rei
'I rteste; and which afterwards find their way to the sur-
rounding countries. Before the current year elapses, Cracow
will be in a direct railway communication with the great
lines of Prussian Silesia, and of 13ohcmia and Austria ; and
probably in the next year it will constitute the central point
of the important tine of railway communication between the
Adriatic anti the Danis. Larly in the ensuing youl, d.o, it
will be in direct communication of the same description with
Warsaw; and the project of connecting this capital by rail-
way with Moscow has long been entertained, and is now
said to be considerably advanced in the preliminaries. From
Moscow to St. Petersburg a railway is already in rapid
propeller and so soon as it may be tinishrd the line from
thence to Odessa is to be commenced. From the same
point, eastwards, a line to the river Oka—one of the princi-
pal affluents of the Volga, has already been sanctioned, and
is to be commenced immediately, with permission to extend
the same hereafter to Saratof, on the Louver Volga itself,
and at no great distance from the Caspian Sea. Looking,
therefore, to the almost certainty of a vary great part of the
trade of the Levant, and even of India arid China, finding
its way up the Adriatic, it cannot be denied that it must be
of the greatest commercial importance, even to England, to
have such a station as Cracow, in the centre of the great
net of railways connecting the western and eastern
continent.
MR. MAGENNIS TO THE EARL OF ABERDEEN.—(Received
March 2t.)—(Extract.]
VIENNA, March 16, 1816.—Official accounts from Cracow
to the 12th inst. have brought the intelligence that by the
common consent of the generals-in-chief and residents of the
three protecting powers, a provisional militate government
has been established under the presidency of Count Wrbna,
the Austrian commanding officer. The Russian and l'rue-
Min contingents bad rsacuated the town and taken up can-
tonment, in the territory of the republic adjoining their
respective frontiers, and the Austrian troops alone remained
to garrison the town and castle. Measures were agreed upon
for the support of the troops, and for the re-establishment of
civil authority under the direction of the military govern-
ment; for handing over the subjects of the three powers
who might be among the prisoners, to the authorities
of their respective countries ; and fur the future trial
of those prisoners who were either inhabitants of Cracow or
strangers. Tranquillity appears to be completely re-esta-
blished at Cracow. It may not be uninteresting to your
lordship to know, that although the Missile resident and
his family left Cracow on the 23rd ult. with precipitation, he
found upon his return his house exactly as he had left it
and as his house would have probably been the first to be
pillaged, a fair inference may be drawn that little disorder of
that nature prevailed. An embarrassment uhieh presses
heavily on the government is the number of prisoners, and
the difficulty of disposing of those whose sentence may be
various periods of confinement. This difficulty is further
increased by the number of priests who have been made
prisoners. At Podgorze alone, seven were killed anti twenty-
nine made prisoners while leading or inciting the insurgents
from Cracow.
THE EARL OF WESTMORELAND TO THE EARL OF ABERDEEN.
(Received April 6.)
BERLIN March 30, 1846.—My Lord,—Lieut.-General de
Berg, aide-de-camp to the Emperor of Russia sad chief of
the staff of the Russian army in Poland, arrived here yester-
day, and veal remain for some data. To-morrow, Count
Ficquelmont is expected here from N terina. General Canitz
has informed me that these persons, high in the confidence
of their respective sovereigns, are sent here for the purpose
of taking into consideration, with the Prussian govern.
ment, the present state of affairs in Poland, and
of coming to same common resolution as to the measures
to be adopted in each respective state with regard to them,
and also to come to a decision as to the conduct it will be
necessary to panne with regard to the establishment of a
government in the free state of Cracow. The government
of that state is now dissolved. The senate has no longer an
exietence; the members who composed it are dispersed, some
of them compromised in the late events, and others refusing
any longer to belong to it. Under these circumstances, it
is necessary that some determination as to the form of go-
vernment to he established should be come to ; and General
Can:tx expects that he shall receive from Count Ficquelmout
some propositions upon this subject. I have, dc.
(Signed) WYSTMOREL \ ND
-mt.') TO VISCOUNT PALMEILEITON.—(Received
Dcc. 7.)—(Extract.)
ST. I'ISTERSBURCH, Nov. 19, 1846.—At an interview
which I had a few days ago with Count Neeselrode. I asked
hits excellency if he had any thing to communicate to me
concerning the negotiations which have been carried on at
Vienna upon the subject of Cracow. He replied that they
woe closed, and that at the moment we were speaking, the
decision of the three powers was known to your lordship;
which was, that Cracow was to return to its former condi-
tion, the same in which it was before 1809, and be incorporated
with the Austrian empire. I expressed my astonishment at
this intelligence, observing that I was of course aware that
a question had be: n entertained by the three protecting powers,
of introducing some changes into the constitution of Cracow,
for the purpose of preventing that country becoming a source
of trouble to its neighbours; but I said I was quite un-
prepared to hear of a sweeping measure of this kind—the
blotting out the free stole of Cracow from the map of
Europe--because I considered that the prnceeding was not
reconeileable with the final act of the Congress of Vine
to which England is as a party. Count Nesselrode then said
that communications had been eent from Vienna to the repre-
sentative. of the Three Powers in London, detailing the
reasons which led to this decision, and that the incorporation
of Cracow with the Austrian empire was by this time a " fait
accompli." 1 once more expressed my re,ret at thin news,
and feared that it would cause much surprise end dissatisfac-
tion in England. Count Nesselrode has just sent for my
perusal copies of the above-mentioned papers, which have
been forwarded from Vienna for communication to your
lordehip. I have returned them to his excellence.
MIL U.tNSUL-GRVERILSTARD TO VitCOUNT 14LMERSFON