The Express.
London, England, 1848-11-14 00:00:00

echoed by the Mouroise Societe, till they produced,
not a ministerial, but 1 dynastic revolution.
The happiness and halcyon results of 1830 pro-
ceeded from the fact, that the Bonne and the 3fauvoile
(the good and the bad) Socike's of Paris were then quite
in accord, and that the vulgar portion allowed the
more fashionable people to manage matters as they
pleased. In 1848, on the contrary, the Manvoiee
Societe had opinions, views, interests, and energies of
their own. The great result of the reign of LOUIS
PHILIPPE, the Sage, was precisely to create this dif-
ference, to dig this chasm between upper and lower
classes. So wide was it, and so profound was
the mutual ignorance, that when the people rose in
February, and not only proclaimed a republic, but
nominated the chicle, theßmneSociite was in as great
amazement as if it had been transferred to the moon.
Now, Bonne Sociite (we may as well personify at
once an entity so influential) is very difficult to deal
with at any time, but specially in times of revolution.
For Bonne Societi' is far too polite to be sincere, and
fir too timid to commit itself by stating frankly
what are its objects, what its desires. It
is diplomatist by very nature, and almost u difficult
to comprehend as to please. Macraise Societe; after
the revolution of February, showed much tact in se-
lecting a chief, who in manners and in reputation be-
longed to the Bonne Soc.iti. And M. DE LAMAR-
TINE undertook the task of reconciling the two with all
the simple sincerity of a poet. He thought he could
bridge over the7chasm between vulgarity and fashion,
popular ignorance and patrician capacity, and that on
the two he would erect a republican dome, set himself
thereon es a figure of fame, resplendent with gold, and
blowing through the trumpet of eloquence words of
peace to all nations. Poor poet ! Neither Bonne nor
Ma:maim Sociai could forgive him the hopeless im- •
pertinence of endeavouring to make them shake
heath'.
Still, Bonne Socol professed all this time not
merely to have conformed to repablicaniem, but to
have accepted it frankly. Bonne Soci"V vowed
that its sole objection to the republic was its
turbulence, its communism. To a well-be-
haved republic, especially to a republic which
would pay, feed, and embroider the capacitie of the
country, Bonne Saila pronounced an unalterable and
sincere attachment. General CAVAIGNAC, an honest
republican, believed there professions and assevera-
tions of Bonne Societe, and when he found it seriously
menaced by the axes and muskets of the socialists,
he undertook its defence with ardour, skillfully moved
and engaged the military in the fray, and burned out
Mouraise Societe from behied its barricades, with
bomb sheds and grape shot.
The deed done, Bonne Societe was very profuse
in thanks to yarrenn CAVAIGNAC, and was so
gratified that it rewarded him with the office of
policeman and executioner and exiles of his own
friends, the republicans, until such time as he should
no longer be wanting. The simple CAVAIGNAC, -in-
deed, believed this gratitude to be eternal. But,
alas! CAVAIGNAC Pala not of the clique of Bonne
&Mita. He was a soldier, a republican, had neither
wit, nor connexion, nor experience, and was so utterly
unorthodox as to believe that M. BASTIDE would
manage the foreign affairs of the country almost as
well as M. Tutnns.
CATAIGNAC, therefore, could never be the child of
Bonne Socieles adoption. He won indeed from the
moderates, the respectable name of DUPAURE. Bat
DUPAURE resembles CAVAIGNAC himself, in
being a silent and morose man, more ho-
nest than brilliant, mire melancholic than cap-
tivating. And Bonne Societe declared itself not
in the least conciliated by this adhesion. No
sooner, indeed, did M. LOUIS BONAPARTE set
up as candidate for the future chiefdom of the
French empire, than Bonne Societe instantly felt a
preference for the prince, prevented any obstacle be-
ing placed in his way by the National Assembly,
equally prevented any other competitor of rival
dynasties being set up against him, and though prac-
tising its usual dissimulation of affecting indifference,
the re isnot the least doubt that, whilst the ignorant pea-
eantryof manydepartmentsand allthe military classvote
for Louis BONAPARTE, out of respect for the hereditary
glory and claims of his name, Bonne Societe, is
equally zealous for his election, as the candidate most
able to put down the republic, and to restore the
dominion of a court. Court and king are in feet
considered indispensable to the monopoly of political
power, by such capacity as the reigns of the elder
and younger branches of the BOURBONS have created.
Now, for our own part, we have no objection to the
dynasty of BONAPARTE, nor to the power of Prince
Louts; nor yet have we any preference for a republic
over a monarchy—above all, in a country that desires
a monarchy. Bat we should much prefer a republic
with libedy, to a monarchy without it, and a govern-
ment founded on a general agreement between all
classes, to &government brought about by the trickery
of one class and the oppreseion of the rest.
Prince LOUIS BONAPARTE is about to be elected
chief of the republic, with the express mission to de-
stroy that republic. With the National Assembly he
must from the very outset be at variance. To dissolve
it, and to change the constitution and government by
means of the army, is a task imposed on him not merely
by ambition, but by the necessities of his position.
And this very necessity also compels him to perform
over again the task of CAVAIGNAC by blowing the
people of Paris once more from behind the barri-
cades with cannon. And this task is put upon him
by followers who scarcely conceal their abhorrence of
his dynasty and their preference of others, and who
put him forward 18 a scapegoat, like CAVAIGNAC, to
do a fearful duty, incur tremendous obloquy, and then
be set aside like the rest.
We must say, that in all these speculations, and all
this conduct, Bonne Societe is neither honest, nor
liberal, nor courageous, nor frank. It is pusming
a policy more Machiavelian than ever monarch
or minister put in practice ; a policy of
dissimulation, a policy of falsehood, a policy
of rancour and cowardice, of servility and restlessness,
of social spite and not of public principle. It has
turned away from every straight path leading to any
known ends. It repudiates and semi:lces the repubho
jut as it repudiated and sacrificed the monarchy in
idle and mare& cting spleen, being equally incapable
of sincere loyalty, or open enmity to either, and
being resolved to destroy every state of things not
compatible with its own illustration. When the
educated and influential classes of any country or so-
ciety adopt such rules of conduct as these, we can
only say that they, at least, richly deserve any diets-
ters,that may follow, and that they are hereafter little
to be pitied, whether crouching under the sword of
military despotism, or overwhelmed by the storms of
popular anarchy.

VIE battle of reform in our colonial administration
is now being fought in British Guiana. The question
at issue between the inhabitants of Guiana on the one
part, and Downing-street, with its mix ions in the
colony, on the other, concerns us of the mother-
country quite as much as the colonists. The object
of the Colonial-office in laying down the law that the
Combined Court of British Guiana has nothing to do
with the civil list but to vote it in the lump, is to
keep at the disposal of the home government &certain
amount of patronage—to preserve to itself the means
of corrupting public men here and misgoverning the
colony there.
The exact number of officials who have had the
good luck to be placed on the civil list of BritishOufana„
and the amount of their respective salaries, it is not
so easy to ascertain. In the estimate of 1848-9, the
item of the civil list has been set down in the lump;
no details were given, and when asked they were re-
fused. But this at least is certain, that the total
amount of the civil list is upwards of 39,0001., and
that the governor's share of it is 5,000 L The whole
population of the colony does not much exceed
100,000, and it is confined to • narrow strip of
land along the sea-:out. The state of
New York has a population of more than
two millions and a half dispersed over its im-
mense territory; yet the Governor's salary is not
quite 1,0001., and the salaries of all the officials cor-
responding to those on the civil list of British
Guiana, do not exceed 5,0001. Tne state of P.nnsyl-
vania hu a population of nearly two millions, and a
territory as extensive as that of New York; its Go-
venor's ralary is about 9001., and its civil list about
3,0001. If men of the highest talent and character can
be found to rule there empire states for such salaries,
certainly the Governor and other officials of British
Gnaw& are enormously overpaid. The inhabitants
of the colony are wantonly over-taxed; and the sur-
charge is laid upon them in order that the home go-
vernment may provide good appointments for subser-
vient politicians who have no connexion with, nor in-
terest in, the colony.
The Governor of British Guiana is paid five times
as much as the governors of New York and Pennsyl-
vania, in order that the appointment may be worth
the acceptance of scions of our aristocratic families.
And the malaria of judges, law officers of the crown,