The Express.
London, England, 1851-11-13 00:00:00

eases possible—the one is, that the crisis of approaching
events will place the established governments one against
another on Europe's continent. In chi, case England can-
not rest indifferent. &mild the fate of Europe happen to
be decided without England's rote, England would be a
European power no more. And should, iu this crisis, re-
action and despotism be the victors an the continent, it were
not necessary to see the Cossacks watering their
homes in the Thames in order that England should
no more be great, glorious, and free. You arc
aware, I trust, that there is a solidarity in freedom now-
a-days, because that struggle will not turn about
particular points. The question will he, what principle
shall rule over Europe—liberty or despotism ? I kai..w
that in that case the people of England will not side with
despotism, but that it will side with liberty. But then the
people of England, I humbly trust, will pronounce their
will in time, that her silence might not he taken
for irresolution or indifference. The second case
is, that in the approaching crisis there will not
stand states against states, nations against nations; but
that the nations will make up accounts with their (own
rulers, and settle their own domestic affairs. What is it
humanity expects in that case from Britannia? It expects
that the people of England may not only respect (that is out
I of doubt), but shall make respected the natural rights of na-
I lions ; and should the Czar—requested or not requested, that
cannot alter the matter—should the Czar once more threaten
oppressed humanity, should he once more be willing to
violate the sovereign independence of nations—should he
...• • .

once more be willing to take any pretence to put his loot on
whatever people in the world he chooses, and to drown
Europe's liberty in blood—humanity expects Eremitic people
of Englund that it will shake its mighty trident, and shout
out a powerful " Stop !" like yonder Pertilius of old. Be
sure, gentlemen, this single word—spoken with the resolu-
tion to be as good as your word—this single word
will suffice. It will cost you neither money nor blood.
Yea, by that single word, by the will to speak
so, made known in time, you will have saved
the lives of myriads, averted much bloodshed, and given
liberty to the world. A glorious power! A glorious call-
ing!—nearly divine! The short moral of my long speech,
gentlemen—there it is. The Russian intervention:in Hun-
gary has put the foot of the Czar upuu Europe. As long as
Hungary shall not be restored to its sovereign liberty and
independence, as long as Italy shall not become free, that
foot of Russia will rest on Europe's neck--yea, it will step
from the neck upon the head, and there will be in Europe
neither peace nor tranquillity, but a continual boiling-up
volcano, and Europe a great barrack and a great bloodfield.
The cause of Hungary is the cause of civil and religious
liberty. (Cheers.) I say of religious liberty, and there-
' fore not religious exclusion or seeturiinism—(hear, hear)—
but free liberty to all—common liberty and protection to
every religion alike. (Renewed cheers.) I, as you know,
am a protestant—(hear, hear)—and not only a protestant
by birth and education, but a protestant by conviction
—(cheers)—but 1 here declare that I would struggle with
equal enthusiasm to obtain religious liberty for catholics as
for protestant', and for the protection of all men in the
exercise of their religious convictions. (Cheers.) My opi-
nion is that the clinrch should not meddle with politics,
and that government should not meddle with religion.
That is my creed. (Great cheering, waving of handker-
chiefs, and cries of Bravo.") I wish nut to be misunder-
stood. It is possible that, with my inadequate command of
the English language, I may so express myself as to
convey an impression different from that I intend.
Yesterday, and on previous occasions, I have said that
the papal priestly government of Rome is the worst of hu-
man institutions, and I am led to fear that I may have given
some offence to some well-meaning persons, who may have
understood these words in a different sense from that in
which they were intended. What I meant to say was, that
the church should not meddle with politics, and that as a
political government, a government for secular purposes,
a priestly government was the worst government ever in-
vented. (Hear.) But I say, on the subject of religion, I
object to any one interferring with mine, and I wish not to
interfere with that of any other man. (Hear, hear.) I
differ in my view with many us to church property. To me
the principle of property is sacred. When I was in power
in Hungary there was no confication, no meddling with
church property, but an autonomy of the whole church. I
would have the church to dispose of its own property by
means of its own dignitaries and its own offices, but I
would have them:dispose of it so as to promote the efficiency
of the church, and not leave the working curates on 30f.,
which it is clear no man can live on, while bishops are re-
ceiving thousands. (Cheers.) Some have questioned the
capabilities of Hungary to maintain herself as an inde-
pendent nation. But she has all the elements of inde-
pendence. She has 4,000 German square miles. She
has a population brave and industrious. (Hear, hear.)
She has no debt of her own—and Hungary is
not liable for the debts of Austria. True we
created a debt during our recent struggle, but the
House of Austria burnt the greater part of it, so (thanks to
them) we are free from that. (Cheers and loud laughter.)
Then Hungary is, in consequence of her municipal institu-
tions, accustomed to cheap government. Municipal go-
vernment is always cheap, while centralised governments
are always dear. Again, she has great resources ; she is
rich in mines, so much so that she could supply the whole
world with the purest salt for ten thousand years. Then
she has large national estates which might he distributed
so as to increase the revenues materially. The principle of
self-government is so strongly implanted in the Hungarian
that nothing wall eradicate it. I would impress on Eng-
lishmen that the freedom of Hungary is intimately con-
nected with the question of freedom en Europe and the
principle of self-government, and I hope that Englishmen,
while they will not interfere in the self-government of
foreign nations, will determine not to allow other countries
to interfere. (Cheers.) To this extent I wish to see the
people of this country turn their attention to foreign affairs,
and that they may exercise their influence to spread the
principles of freedom and self-government. Mind that
with every down-beaten nation ono rampart ut liberty falls.
(Cheers.) The people of Birmingham have ever been the
champions of freedom. In Binningham the political union
which carried the Reform Bill emanated ; and in olden
time, when the principle of liberty was threatened by
Charles 1., Birmingham made a successful stand against
Prince Rupert. I rely, then, on the sympathy—
the active sympathy—of the men of Birmingham. (Cheers.)
I rely upon it confidently. I rely upon it in the name of
all who suffer oppression, and languish for freedom, like my
people and myself. All they are my brethren whatever
tongue they speak, whatever country: they call their home.
Members of the great family of mankind, the tic of
blood is strengthened between us by common sufferings.
To be sure I have not the pretension to play
the part of Anacharsis Klotz before the court of France.
You are not the court of France, and myself also, humble
as I am, still I am no Anacharsis Klotz ; but my sufferings,
sir, and the nameless woes of my native land, as well as the
generous reception I enjoy, may perhaps entitle me to
entreat you, gentlemen, to take the feeble words I raise to
you out of the bottom of my own desolation,—take
at for the cry of oppressed humanity crying out
to you by my stuttering tongue. People of Eng-
land I do not forget in thy happiness our sufferings;
mind in thy freedom those who are oppressed; mind in
thy proud security the indignity we endure ; remember
the fickleness of human fate—remember that thaw wounds
with which our nations bleed, they are so many wounds
inflicted on that principle of liberty which makes thy glory
and thy happiness; mind that there is a tie iu mankind's
destiny; I thank youfor the tear of compassion you
shed for our mournful past, but have something more
than a tear, have a brother's hand to our pressure to
give !

M. Kossuth resumed his seat amid loud arid protracted
applause.

M. Pumice responded to the toast, "The future of
Hungary," and effectually dispo..ed of all the accusations
made against Koesuth by the Timm. "To the memory of
the brave who fell in Hungary" was proposed by Mr.
Ononost Dawsort. "The borough members" was re-
sponded to by Mr. Murrz, who declared, amidst much
cheering, that we were disgraced as a country by our go-
vernment not having declared war against Russia when the
armies of the Czar marched into Hungary. The conduct
of Koseuth had been perfect throughout, and had displayed
every virtue and high principle. The MIMI newspaper he
denounced as a pounds, shillings, and pence money-grub-
bing bcastiality. (The whole company instantly rose and
cheered the sentiment). Lord DVDLItY STUART condemned
all interference with the particular form of government
which any nation adopted. The voice of the English na-
tion had, however, been heard, and he was hopeful that it
would not be without due influence for the future. He be-
lieved no other government was possible in Hungary but a
republic. Mr. WESTON proposed " Our municipal institu-
tions;" and at half an hour after midnight, amidst the en-
thusiastic plaudits of the crowded hall, the illustrious Hun-
garian took his leave.

The following is an extract of a letter from Lord Har-
rington, which was read by Lord Dudley Stuart, M.P.
After expressing his lordship's regret at his inability to be
present, which (said bis lordship) " I deeply regret, be-
cause it is the proud duty of a Untish peer to support the
oppressed, and to advocate the liberties of men of all sects,
colours, end nations. In so doing he should look far into
futurity, and endeavour to avoid all measures which lead
to dangerous extremes. • • • Had the Emperor of
Austria ruled according to the ancient constitution of Hun-
gary—legally
reformed by the representatives of the people
—as he bad sworn to do, he would have been firmly en-
throned in the beans of his subjects. Instead of this, he
has made the most loyal and ancient people of Hungary,
and the friends of liberty all over the world, his most dire
enemies. It is for these reasons that the people of Eng-
land are devoted to the cause of Hungary, and to that
mighty spirit of light, Kossuth, who directed the reforms
and the victories gained by that renowned people, Sand who
was ea great in defeat or in banishment as he was
when he directed the destinies of his country, or as he now
is, in pleading with matchless eloquence in a foreign tongue
for the rights of humanity."

Thus terminated, after midnight, one of the most enthu-
idiotic demonstrations of any kind ever held in Birming-

In the course of last evening, Mr. Robert Wright, the
vice chairman of the committee, presented to M. Kossuth a
medal, which had been struck in honour of his visit to Biz-
mingham. The manufacturers were Messrs. Ryder and
English ; on the one side are the words, " Kossuth is
free—Hungary has hope." On the reverse are the arms of
Turkey, Hungary, and England, surrounded by a shield,
with the words, .. Liberty, Equality, Fraternity."

In connexion with the visit of M. Kossuth to Birming-
ham and the north, it is proper to state that the London
and North Western Railway Company placed a royal car-
riage at the disposal of M. K.ossuth, free, throughout his
entire journey through the provinces, and hank to the me-