The Express.
London, England, 1856-06-24 00:00:00

ITALY.

PIEDMONT.
(MX 09* SPECIAL COPABSPONDI3I2.)
TURIN, Jens 20.
I have been endeavouring to analyse the political
wiles here, and to that end have sought information
from those whose present position in the political world
or former connexions with it ought to render them
competent judges. It ie not, however, easy to convey
correct and definite notions of the composition and
objrcts of these parties to English readers. The most
prominent may be designated :—The clerical or
church party, the aristocratic or ultra conservative
party, the despotic monarchical party, the republican
party,
sod the constitutional party.
The principles of the clerical party are pertinaciously
asserted by a number of journals supported by church
funds. Of these the ablest and most widely circu-
lated is the Harmonic. In it is inculcated, iu strong
and energetic language, submission to the priesthood
in all civil and ecclesiastical matters. Threats of ex-
communication are fulminated against all who dissent
from this doctrine. Glowing descriptions are pub-
; liehtd of the happy condition of the populations
under the Austrian Concordat; and much ingenious
argument is wasted on attempts to prove that religion
and morality will deny unless the Inquisition is re•
established. The death of a liberal minis'er, or any
misfortune that may be'al his family, is boldly de-
clared to be a judgment sent by 031 for his impiety.
The English methodists never took greater liberties
in interpre.ing the judgments of Providence than do
the clerical journals of Piedmont. The followers of
the party of which these journals nre the organs are
numerous. They consist of all officials connected
with churches, cathedrals, and convents, of a consi-
derable proportion of the more aged of the aristocracy'
of both sexes, and of the least in,elligent of the lower
orders. However, the civil influence and power of
the clergy are daily decreasing; and u they continue
to decrease, the numbers of this fanatical party will

Ths aristocratical or ultra-conservative party is
also numerous, and its leading members possess mach
local influence, not only on account of their wealth
bat of their generally excellent private characters. It
is impossible not to sympathise with them. Formerly
their birth and wealth placed them at the head of
affairs without any exertion on their part. To attain
high positions they did not require to chow that they
possessed high abilities. Their ambition is now as
great as ever. But since the establishment of the
Senate end the Chamber of Deputies they find them-
selves unable to keep their ground against men who
have studied and had their characters formed in
active life. Comparatively few of them take part in
the business of the Senate or of the Chamber. 'they
withdraw from public business, and surround them-
selves on their estates with dependents, in town with
coteries of congenial sentiments. When emergencies
compel them to take an active part in politics, they nett
tralise their influence by want of oonsis'ent action. At
one time they throw their weight into the scale of the
clerical party, from a dread of the innovations of the
constitutionalists ; at another they ally themselves
with the coestitutienalists under some momentary
panic inspired by visions of republican anarchy.
They allow themselves to be bandied about like shut-
tleoocks from party to party. They have no con-
sistent will or policy of their own. They are as in-
capable of originating anything, and as squeezible,
as our own House of Lord,.

The despotic monarchical party affect to be great
admirers of King Bombs. Though sufficiently
prononces, they are few in number, and I thould say
entirely without influence.
The ultra-liberals of Piedmont are called republi-
cans, bat I am inclined to doubt the exact accuracy
of the designation. Many of them, no doubt, in
youth—especially the ()entree—did entertain a belief
in the possibility of organising an ideal democratic
republic in Italy ; but experience of public affairs
has rendered them in general sceptical on
this point. As far as my opportunities of
observation have yet gone, I would sty that
thinkers of this class are anxious to uphold the con-
stitutional money:l.y of Piedmont as a great gain—
s., perhaps, all that can be gained in the present
state of society; though they reserve to themselves
the right of freely criticising its policy, and of en-
deavouring to urge twos otatemaco the adoption of a
higher political morality, and of a bolder policy than
those of the present generation are prepared for.
They remind me of the Westminster Review school of
politicians—or, an Blackwood used to call them," the
educated radicals" of the Reform Bill eta. They
have shown themselves, in the chambers, a amities,
talented, and compact body of men, always anxious
to extend the popular liberties.
The constitutional party is composed of the elite
of the educated classes, and the ablest administrators.
So far so I am yet able to judge, its political creed is
embraced by a great majority of the inhabitant. of
Piedmont. Personal rivalry of lead. is and other
causes may at time. weaken this party by internal
dissensions, end enable combinations of other parties
to gain a temporary ascendarcy; but the marked
respect shown, at the late great demonstrations here
and in Genoa, not only to the King but to the senators
and deputies, convinces mo that the constitutional
system has struck deep root in the hearts of the
people.
GENOA, JUNE 20.
There is no longer any word of General La Mar-
mora's being seat on a mission to Paris and London.
As the story now goes, General I)abormida, with all
the prestige he has acquired at St. Petersburg and
Berlin, is to be the envoy.
Mr. Jenne Puy, of Geneva, President of the
Federal Council, is here at present, hsviog dined with
Count Cavour in his passage through Turin. His busi-
ness is to complete the negotiations for connecting the
railways of Piedmont with those of Swi.rerland, by
a tunnel under the Simplon. Were tbis great work
oompleted, Genoa would become the commercial port
of .Switterland. Two deputies from the Canton of
the Valais are here on the same business.

The Austrians increased the garrison of Piacense,l
of which they held possession in virtue of a treaty, on
the night of the 10th inst. A bridge of boats
had been thrown across the Po a few days before, to
facilitate this movement. The fortress has been
stored with provisions, and munitions of war, as it
for a siege. Field-Marshal Rsde•aky arrived at
Monza, near Milan, on the 18th ; he has since in-
spected the camp at Bacteria& The report that the
political prisoners in the hands of the Austrians had
been liberated is contradicted; but it is understood
that none of them will be executed except the
murderers of Bordi and Magawli.
From Rome we learn that Antonelli has been un-
able to parry Count Colloredo's representations in
behalf of Vials Preis, who is expec•ed to arrive forth-
with in the Holy City. The case of the Cardinal will
be hopeless unless he can conciliate tho goodwill of
Femme ; but it is understood that M. de lisyneval
acts in concert with Lord Normanby's deputy, Mr.
Lyons, and inedible upon reforms to which Antonelli
will never consent.
In the States of the Church, as in Lombardy and in
Piedmont, railways are uppermost in men's thoughts.
Cardinal Antonelli is lavish with his concessions, io
the hope to obtain by this means the character of a
friend of progress. The Frascati Company has ob-
tained permission to continue its line to Ceprauo, on
the Neapolitan frontier. As soon 118 the negotiation
was concluded M. Miran set cut for 'Paris, to COm.
meow his financial operations. This gentleman has
a treat project is polio, which he seeks to combine
with his railway : it is to make of Anzio& first-class
harbour, and attract thither the trade of Leghorn
and Ancona.