The Express.
London, England, 1847-04-12 00:00:00

NIEETLNG ON EDUCATION AT
BIRMINGHAM.

On Friday night a meeting, convened by the mayor,
in compliance with a requisition of the opponents of the go-
vernment educational scheme, was held in the Music-hall,
at Birmingham. It was unquestionably the largest held in '
that town for several years; the building was crowded almost
to suffocation, and many persons went away unable to obtain
admission. Unfortunately for the character of the opposition,
care had seemingly been taken to pack the hall with many
uproarious persons, whose only business was apparently to
put down every speaker in favour of the measure. To such
an extent were these disgraceful interruptions carried out,
that Mr. O. Edmonds, an opponent of the measure, felt him-
self constrained to make the public confession that the meet-
ing afforded proof how much education was needed in
Birmingham.
The meeting having been opened by the mayor, the Rev.
J. A.J.sst es, independent minister, said, the first objection
he had to the government education plan was the tap-root
prinoiple out of which the whole grew—that it was the
business of the state to undertake the moral and religious
.location of the people—that it was one of the functions of
the government. This principle would produce less mis-
chief in our free country than in such countries as Prussia,
Austria, and France ; but he maintained it was dangerous
anywhere. If right anywhere, it was right everywhere.
The government, whether popish or protestant, whether
whip or tory, must, if that maxim were true, educate the
people, arid then what would be the consequence ? Educa-
tion was the moulding of the national e ; and he
would trust no state, nor any particular section of the reli-
gious world, with the lasing of the metal and the pouring it
Liao the mould. He objected to the principle of the measure
being introduced on the recommendation of an order in
council. What was that ? The royal prerogative. It
seemed to him that the council had forgotten its
duty. He always looked upon it as an advisory
rather than executive body, and that its duty was to
give the queen advice when parliament was not
sitting. Of its discharge of that duty, Englishmen had
always been jealous; and he regarded the manner in which
the measure was brought forward as one of the greatest in-
novations upon the customs of our country which had been
made in modern times. The rev. gentleman next adverted
to the Archbishop of Canterbury's opposition to the order in
-council on education in 1830, and went on to remark that to
carry the measure out, no less than two millions sterling
would be required, and that there would be 80,000 persons
in the pay of government. Why (he continued) Charles
Fox's India Bill was • joke to that. Let them just picture
to themselves a school of 100 boys, with four government
officers over them—a muter, two pupil teachers, and a
stipendiary monitor. The boys would ne doubt think
it was a very nice thing to have government pay ; and,
although he was no leveller, he was determined to set
has face against this flood of government patronage coming
through the land. It was not merely these 80,000 persons,
bet their families and dependents, who would amount to
some hundreds of thousands. Who could tell the amount
-of government patronage and influence to which this mea-
sure would lead, if not checked ? The measure would aug-
ment the power of the clergy, while it would in the small towns
root out the dissenters The clergy could not blame him for '
being attached to his own denomination as they were to
theirs. It was very painful to him to be obliged thus to
oppose men with whom it was the delight of his life to be on
terms of friendship ; but he felt that the measure under con-
sideration would set up a minor religious establishment in
the schools—a satellite, the light and splendour of which
would be all for the advantage of the primary body round
which it revolved—the Church of England. (n No, no.")
It was said that the dissenters might have grants, too. He
had no doubt hut the government would be very glad to buy
them if they could—(" Oh !")—but if they took the money
for their schoolmasters, they must lose their character ;
if they did not, they were likely to lose their schools.
The Act of Uniformity was so framed that those puri-
tans who accepted it should be bankrupts in character,
while those who refused should be deprived of all the emo-
luments ; and this measure was of a similar nature. He
objected to it because it was a step towards the endowment
of all religious opinions, as being equally true, equally false,
or equally indifferent. Although the committee of council
at present confined their grants to schools which reed the
authorised version of the bible, and that excluded Roman
Catholic schools, that body had intimated that they " did
not pledge themselves not to take into consideration the cue
of the Roman Catholics." (Cries of, "And so they ought!"
" Quite right !") It would be impossible to keep out Roman
Catholics. If he did not now vote against the payment of
Roman Catholic schoolmasters, he could not hereafter
consistently vote against the payment of Roman Catholic
priests. It would be supposed, from reading the public papers,
that the tide of human enlightenment was turning, and that
the night of ignorance was coming on ; but the fact was, that
in the last twenty years the increase of population had been
74 per cent., while that of education had been 211 per cent.
The speaker went on to refer generally to the exertions re-
cently made by his own and other denoniinaions, and quoted
his own school as evidence that in Birmingham education is
improving both in quantity and quality. In this town
scarcely any of the daily schools supported b voluntary
efforts were full. There was at present a supply for more
than the present demand. (" No, no," and cheers.) Look
at the cheap literature, the mechanics' institutes, &c., and
say if they were signs of the English mind going back ; yet
all then had been effected by voluntary efforts. He could
not help expressing hie fears that the measure would pass ;
and if us its working it should produce none of the evils
which its opponents apprehended, he would be among the
first to rejoice that it had been passed, and to confess his
regret that he had ever opposed it. But believing, as he did,

that k weld be attended witk very diesrest Moults. he must
give the measure his determised, his rmeseepremising oppo-
Erase The rev. =tea ermsbeded by sieving
ibet ineselen 111111sikeall ihe peesemeet Men of ed.:o-
aks, of epbria tbsit easermitather laths manner M its in-
traisetlea, milk the dram Merestr to the people in
Me eggiludea et On eraser atur=tillit require; that it
A aimpent„ la • seer Meer degree, tee pacers, Of government;
that its imillery tete disarm an voluntary efforts In favour of free
akeallan. and le interfere with the progress of civil and religious
Iffseelg.
The Rev. 8. Baca', a Unitarian, seconded the resolution.
He condemned the measure on the ground that it was
fraught with danger to civil and religious liberty. He denied
the right of government to interfere with the moral and re-
ligious education of the people. He insisted that it was idle
to increase the means for educating the people when they
would not avail themselves of it, and it had nut (he said) yet
been proved to him that poverty was not more the cause
of crime then the want of education. The rev. gentleman
concluded a long speech, delivered amidst one continued up-
rose, by observing that the best course for government to
pursue was to remove restrictions, revise taxation, relieve the
people from the burthens now east upon them, and they
would be able to educate the poorer classes themselves by
voluntary contributions.
JAMES TAYLOR, Esq., of Moseley Hall, moved the follow-
iag amendment :
That the proposal of her Majesty's government to assist voluntary
efforts for the eduesUnn of the working claws., without any Inter-
ference in the management of the schools, or the religious privilege s of
Use conductors, has on the whole, the approlattion of the meeting,
and it is calculated to effect much good, prevent much evil, sod ooen
a sew path for honourable and useful employment to many deserving
ranamproisoling this amendment, Mr. TAYLOR said he could
not concur io the argument that government ought not to
interfere with the education of the people. In his opinion
there were far more important duties for government to per-
form than mere civil duties: they ought to base civil laws
en religious principles; and that would be effected, to a con-
siderable extent, by the proposition which had been sub-
mitted by the council, and which the House of Commons
was about to be called upon to support by a pecuniary vote.
The main purpose of the measure seemed to be to assist
voluntary efforts to provide better mestere and mistresses for
the schools, and to hold out other inducements to the work-
ing classes: in this he perfectly coincided. He therefore
heartily supported the scheme.
The Rev. J. Geueerr, the rural dean, seconded the
amendment. He supported the government measure (he
said) because he thought that in its operation it was calcu•
latest to promote the welfare, exalt the energies, heighten
the character, and increase the happiness of the people. He
denied that the scheme had been brought forward in any
unconstitutional manner; if he understood the meaning of
the word unconstitutional it meant something opposed to
the practice and principles of the constitution. The British
constitution entrusted to the House of Commons the dis-
posal of the resources of the nation, and from time items-
' aerial that body had been in the habit of voting a sum of
money on all subjects, and placing it in the hands of WM-
miesioners to dispose of in the way the house thought fit;
such was the uniform and constitutional practice. He had
not been an leaf tentive observer of what was going on ' • hr
had read in 1839 the arguments which the Archbishopof
I Canterbury had urged, and that morning he had refreshed his
'memory as to the reply which the Marquis of Lansdowne had
made, and in which be said that there was nothing uncon-
stitutional in the appointment of the committee of the
I council, or inconsistent with the practice on all occasions.
But while he maintained that the proceedings of the govern-
ment were not unconstitutional, he was not prepared to say
that their scheme was the best mode of carrying out their
objects; in fact, he wished to see that object so established
that it should be free from future alteration and control, and
the best way of effecting that would be by act of parliament.
It had been said that the government was undertaking the
religious education of the country. Now, oa every principle,
he would say that the measure did not meditate any such
thing, nor even attempt to undertake it inasmuch as the
principle of the scheme set forth that the education of the
country was in the hands of parties from whom they had no
desire to remove it. It had been further urged that, whilst
the government recognised clergymen of the established
church, they treated the dissenting ministers with contempt.
The contrary was the fact; for, whilst the parochial minister
had no power, end his certificatei of competency was value.
less, staler approved of by the inspectors, the certificate of
the minister of • diesenters' school was all-sufficient. Was
it to be said that the state, which educated couvicts,
ought to have nothing to do with that education
which prevented their becoming convicts ?—that education
which enlarged their faculties and made them goad and use-
ful members of society ? The rev. gentleman concluded an
eloquent speech (but imperfectly heard amidst the interrup-
tion canoed by the masses in the body of the hall) by re-
marking that the were called upon to approve the minutes
of the council as they now stood that those minutes would
not advance grants to any schools where the authorised ver-
sion of the scriptures was not read ; and on that ground
they had the support of the great body of the Wealeyans.
The Rev. Mr. Bawl ALL, a baptist minister, next delivered
a long harangue against the government scheme. He de-
nounced the measure as "pernicious," " hateful in its ten-
dency," an attempt to " gild the diamond of voluntaryism,"
" to rime crystal streams of civil and religious liberty," to
" bring us back to the despotism of the middle ages, &c.
This political babe had been smuggled into the world and
the sooner it was strangled the better. Let it (he said) be
sent hack to its nurses ; he would say unto it—" Monster,
lie down and die." (Tremendous confusion and uproar.)
The voluntaries regarded religion not as • matter of expe-
diency, but principle; and it WU on that ground that they
refused to consent to allow religion to be endowed at all.
To endow • good religion was like painting the lily ;
it could stand of itself. To endow • bid one was to foster
error. The speaker concluded by observing that this scheme
would find a grave in the repentance of its framers, or in
the contempt a the people.
The Rev. G. S. Bum., of the establishment, supported
the government scheme. He would be glad (he mid) if any
man would *how hint bow, by this measure, the liberty,
either civil or religious, of any man could or would be
abridged by it. He should be glad also to find that any man
could show, from the minutes of the council, that there was
to be a religious education of the people, as they had been
told there was. There was not a single passage in the whole
document which could justify the assertion. Whatever
moral, political, or social evils existed in the state, what
could cure them but the exercise of popular influence?
Hew was that to be exercised properly but by an efficient
education ? Some complained that they were not fairly or
properly represented. Was it ignorance to cure it ? It had
been said that the schools in existence were not full ; the
reason was, that the lac:ruction was not worth having. If
they mended the instruction they would fill the schools. It
was also stated that the Main why the schools were not
well attended was, that in many instances the pareets were
too peer to send their children. But what was the cause of
that weeny 1 Sometimes it was criminality ; but would
ignorance mend that, or would it mend oppression ? Would
it mend loos hours or would it remedy any of the ills under
which they laboured ? In his opinion, the government
measure would give energy to education, and prove benefi-
cial to opening a way for bringing up the children of the
working classes in an honourable profession. It had been
said that nine tenths of the taxes were paid by the working
classes; but it could not be better returned to them than by
opening up .a provision for life for their children, without
interfering in the smallest degree with their civil or reli-
gious liberty. (Hear) It had been averred that this measure
would increase taxation. He advised them, however, to look
narrowly at a statement which went to show that this mea-
sure would cost annually two millions; but when the cri-
minal expenditure of the country cost annually two millions
was it not fair te expect some diminution on that head b
the spread of a sound and efficient education? Mr. Bull
concluded a very powerful appeal in favour of the govern.
meat scheme by rensiuding the meeting that, notwithstand-
ing the opposition offered by the dissenters to this measure,
they had accepted money out of the grant of 1833, made
to this very same council of education.
Mr. J. &restos, in a long speech, declared his opposition
to the government measure ; his main objection appeared
to be thatit was an infringement upon the principle of civil
and religious liberty.
Mr. M. D. HILL, Q.C., the recorder of the borough,
next spoke in favour of the government scheme. Of all the
gentlemen (he rid) who had addressed the meeting in oppo-
sition to the new measure, it seemed to him that none of
them were aware that the measure which they were
seemingly apprehecsive was to be thrust on the people of
England by the authority of the privy council, was not a
measure in action, it was only a measure in proposal ; and
It never could be passed, unless after • full debate in paella-
meet itshould appear to the House of Commons to be for
the benefit of the people. He (Mr. Hill) was not there as
the advocate of the government; it was very ardor the
government seemed to know wether he existed at all,
and when it did him the honour to notice his existence,
it was not in • way peculiarly gratifying to his feelings.
But what was individual interest, compared with the great
question of national education He was olaced in a posi-
tion in which he had to make acquaintance, and had made
acquaintance, with a large, too large, a class in this great
country, who were net included in any congregation—wend
to God they were. They were not included in the congre-
gations of the dissenting friends be law around him on the
one side, nor in that of the pastors of the Church of Eng-
land whom lts slaw en the other. Could they be ignorant
of the fact? He was confident many of them were not.
There were vest mares of their fellow-countrymen, of their
fellow-neen, in all the towns of the country, aye, and in the
rural districts too, who never in their whole life had been
inside of • pia* of worship—who had me admonition, no
mligiceose retraction, and to whoa the uses of the Great
Being to
him
whim they owed their =Mum had n been
mentioned ezmmtly those who used It der the purposes of bias-
pbemy. He nod beam them r the advendesigitrinerend
miser able el sea. Be knew what the Beelety whisk
was well represented by the gentlemen who spoke , did
within their SIR pale and to de than jerlies be would say
they even west fitorthir ; but with!. their eine pals they did
take sosapiery nee of their own poor etenbere. This was
egoelly toes drib, smothers of the Church efingland. But
there was a trail shim who were neither dionden nor church-
men, wile belenned to no religion, whit wen not known by
any deriednatke. because they, wife not connected with
any. For them he begged to be allowed to ray one word.
It had been said the government ought not to educate the
people. Now it was his painful duty very frequently in the
course of the year to consign to punishment children whom
they knew ought to receive education. Was it to be and
that the child was not to be instructed before he became
tainted with crime? When he committed a rime, was it
then only that his education was to begin ? When the
child had qualified himself by crime it was only then they
conferred the privilege of education upon him. He
said, begin beforehand. ("Hear," and thews.) The
present plan did not propose to do everything ; but it did not
possess the disadvantage, as it had been said—and he fully
admitted it would be a great disadvantage—of drying up the
source of voluntary contribution.. Voluntary contribution
was the exercise of a great charity, whether it came in the

shape of donation of a sum of money, Si in the eill better
and higher shape of cowributing personal exertion day by
day for the education of the people. (Hear, hear.) He had
the highest respect for all who were engaged in this laudable
employment, and he would not wish that any measure
should interfere in the slightest degree to injure the opera-
Cons of this excellent system. (Hear, hear.) But he ap-
prehended that many who were listening to him were la-
bouring under a misconception with regard to the effects of
this measure, (Hear, hear.) Recollect it is not proposed
to put down those schools which are already established. I
Recollect that it is not proposed to have at the expense of
the state alone • set of state schools and schoolmasters. They
had bren told that evening that the voluntary system would
be dried up by the proposed government scheme being car-
ried into effect. They had been told, too, that for twenty
years the voluntary system had been increasing with ra-
pidity, and that, consequently, no assistance on the part of
the Norrroment was wanted. But was it not a fact that this
increase had been goin; on coincidently for eighteen or I
twenty years, with an snows! grant of money from the go- I
seamen ? Why did not that annual grant dry up I
the source of the volu,,tary system ? What did it
do? Why, it most assuredly gave a stimulus to the
voluntary system because it was in aid of it. Was not the
present scheme only the same principle carried to a greater
extent? They had heard what was proposed to be done. It
was proposed to pay out of the treasury • certain proportion
of the salary of the schoo'muters; but there were to be no
schoolmasters unless there were schools, and there would be
no schools unless they were supported by voluatary contri-
bution. And what was to be done ? That which was done
before, by supplying a portion of brick and mortar, by which
the building itself was made fit for use, and now supply ing
better minters. If they got • good school-house, why not
have good masters? Talking as they all undoubtedly did on
the subject of pounds, shillings, and pence, let the question
he would put be answered, if they did not pay their school-
masters well, how could they expect to have good ones ? The
great object of the proposed system was effective education. lie
was sure that it could not be supposed by those who knew him
in his early youth to have laboured aa • Sunday-school
teacher, that he would undervalue the exertions of those
excellent men; but notwithstanding, he would, as an honest
man, tell them that from the result of his inquiries, he was
of opinion that the education of the country was not in an
effective state. It hod been asked, why they did not refer to
statistical tables ? He had referred to them on more occa-
sions than one, but he had little confidence in them. The
statistics of education might give the number of schools,
they might give the number of scholars, but could any sta-
tistics give what was learned by those scholars ? He (Mr.
Hill) recollected hearing the late Mr. Cobbett say in the
House of Commons that he would prefer having a I
labourer who knew how to make a hurdle, than one who
could talk Greek. And what was the answer made by
Lord Althorp ? He said, " and so would I, because the
labourer who can make a hurdle is n better-educated
labourer than the one who talked Greek." He remembered
reading an observation of an old Greek king, who being
asked what a youth should learn, replied, " that which will
be useful to him when he is • man." This was the dis-
covery that had lain quietly and silently for thousands of
years, that was now dragged to light, and was about to be
acted upon ; and for the future boys would be taught what
would be useful to them in after-life, and for that purpose
the government offered its assistance.--(At this point in the
learned gentleman's speech a tremendous uproar arose, and
he was compelled to resume his met without proceeding
further.]
Mr. G. EDMONDS, clerk of the peace, next delivered a
long speech against the government scheme and in favour of
the resolution ; after which, the mayor put the amendment
and the original motion to the meeting; amidst much
tumult he declared the latter to be carried, but the meeting
seemed nearly equally divided ; and the majority could not
have been • very considerable one. A petition against the
measure was subsequently adopted. Another resolution ap-
pointed a deputation to wait upon the borough member*,
and request their co-operation in parliament in opposing the
measure. Mr. Spooner was present at this time, but he did
not offer any observations, he is known, however, to be
favourable to the measure.

It wu nearly eleven o'clock at night when the proceedings
terminated ; they having commenced shortly after six. "It
is well known," says a correspondent, " that the great ma-
jority of the people of Birmingham are in favour of the mea-
sure ; and, had the matter been fairly discussed, it is probable
that out of the eight or nine thousand persons in the hall, at
least two-thirds would have held up their hands in favour of
the amendment; perhaps, there never was witnessed, how-
ever, at a meeting assembled for a deliberative discussion on
a grave question, racmseitilimultuous proceedings. Every
speaker in f sour of the ore wassystematically clamoured
down." It iv said the the friends of the government mea-
sure contemplate another meeting.

We have received the following letter and enclosure on
the subject of this meeting :
Sta,—The meeting at Birmingham last evening on
the education question was professedly a town's meeting,
but really a very snug well managed dissenter's meeting,
and its history ought to be known, that its value may be
appreciated. Early in last week the moving parties were
first observed in 1111 effort togat up a.mm-sided meeting, not
open to the discussion of, but to " oppose," the government
plan of assisting voluntary education. They got about 300
signatures, and went to the mayor, whs is a unitarian, and
supposed to be a fervent opponent of the minutes, to call this
meeting, which he properly refused to do, unless the words
"in opposition to" were altered to "in relation to." So
much for the intent of the moven in this sgitation, and so
much for their wish to have fair play. My information is
from the mayor himself, and from the secretary to the
parties, Mr. Morgan. The requisition, thus altered, then
went forward, but in so snug and quiet a way that no one
of the clergy, who were known to be is favour of the
minutes, was presented with the requisition, nor was it ever
made known as being left at any public place where it might
be signed. The impression of those who heard of it was,
that it was a one-sided affair, got up by the dissenters,
and the resolution of the clergy tip to last
Tuesday was not to go to the meeting at all.
The requisition was not published till Monday,
nor sent to the newspaper office for that purpose till a
very late hour on Saturday evening. The dissenters,
however, were all the while at work, organising their
troops—working by means of their Sunday-school teachers,
&c., and the lateness of the hour at which the requisition
appeared, prevented any clergymen who might have
esteemed the subject not unsuited to be mentioned in the
Sunday schools, from giving any sufficient notice to their
people, whilst many others would have declined to divert
Sunday thought, into such a channel. The clergy, in five
of the parishes. called parochial meetings, and explained the
subject, but did not generally urge their people to attend
till Wednesday. They saw that their liberal neighbours
had completely out-gensealled them, and had resorted, as
they too often do, to expedients which none but the un-
scrupulous can follow. The utmost they could hope for,
was, that by the attendance of • few of their friends they
might gain a hearing at the meeting, and, by a fair state. ,
went, expose the misrepresentations of the opponents. But
this was also provided against by the dimenten, whs issued '
a number of tickets, 400 at the least, to admit their ad-
herents to the orchestra, from which the speakers at the
Town-hall address the assembly, and which completely com-
mands the meeting. The clergy and their friends having,
on Wednesday, determined to be at the meeting, and sup-
posing that a few tickets would be issued to secure places in
front of the orchestra for speakers, applied to the mayor,
who sent fifty tickets, to which twenty-five were afterwards
added, and thus whilst the opponents had iasued to their
friends 325, they allowed the supporters of the minutes but
75, or at the most they allowed us 1 to three. This was their
" fair play ;" and thus do our liberal men in Birmingham
pack their town's meetings. I went yesterday with the
rural dean to the mayor, and to Mr. Morgan, the secretary.
and stated these facts, and protested against such one-sided
proceedings at a town's meeting, but was very coolly and
civilly told, that we ought to have been requiattionists, and
then we should have had a voice in the arrangements. The
liberal secretary and the mayor both impressed upon us that
the requisitionists who bore the expenses, possessed. a sort of
property qualification to play these tricks, to point tickets
without any signature or authorisation, which might be
multiplied ad hbitesm, and to give them in three to one cases
to their friends. The effect of all this fair and impartial ex-
clusiveness, was, that neither Mr. Taylor, the rural dean,
nor the recorder himself, were allowed to be heard oat ; and
Mr. Edmonds himself, one of the requisitore, declared, that
the conduct of the meeting was such as painfully to show the
want of education. The recorder also rebuked some of the
chief opponents who stood near him for their ungentlemanly
! interruptions. It would have been easy enough to have
' retorted at the meeting, and to have interposed in a way
that would have kept the assembly in one con.
tinned confusion, but this is a course in which
we cannot follow our antagonists ; and my counsel is, that,
after the unfair and discourteous treatmeat we have thus
andon previous occasions received, we refrain altogether, in
future, from joining our unscrupulous dissenting brethren in
any enterprise whatever; that we keep entirely aloof; that
for peace-sake, and for our own and our people's respects-
Miley, we leave these gentlemen to themselves, quietly take
our own course, and leave them to theirs. If last evening is
a specimen el the peace-working effects of the evangelical
alliance, there is no great encouragement for a clergyman to
join it. And if the government are told that this Birming-
ham meeting is • fair representation of the feelings of the
people of Birmingham, they need not believe it. The oppo-
nents of the minutes have declined to go to the poll ; they
have their misgivings as to petitions, and not without reason.
—G. 8. BoiA.—Birminghem, April 10.

TO ROBERT MARTI/MD, EMI.. MAYOR Of BIRMINGHAM.
Si., —As • burger of this borough, attending a
Ocervis sesstbzkimder maw authority, I her to add the Mowing
I am psemitdM Is meetly rem, isid mlldt an be
preds""re be Ina It , la order QM saran ai
seetlag. be= at mid gernatert pra kr Waft
W.
nerd rely eagrediaL re rearle.
etryill:7-, .1, madam= aloe dodos rte.
Privy Ceara get up • ht • swift ftithisall=
same, sad aid le ant uselbg. Tel dls arb
ad very 1 dried ad waif as ages railiatzzx
end Mr Ihredier druid bed year tlid
dabindmilen d yeamilnadtheeares at lbeartgladrateigraid.
ad dry gmaterd r malavar task Moab Mr egsa art au
twat dr erred that ragaldilsayen amplid adaderd. It,
11=,&Sr hat ruaddlra ler es era Idallf. de Pled
Sada pie as wiestemill I•• tbe Oaf ur tans se Jed
laliXey env as metre &at It we rabid, god lbw elgreares
ray Mg sot edruirle dr the rant am re the bid al the bad
airgy, sr be. ad rosy alba* arab' bad *Pad B. ad=
as be printed ad paallabel to
Mrtir as Ms • isy hr the roe. bet sot take M
to that olio lal • dry late hear, se est no aeries at =a
as tatareetrg algra aid be gbal r Ibrt •ahratry trim
of earsdaser. or leokibm dee awe art MeV ft Id • deep Ir.
lead in aid • id se ire ad Id le aped la Ihe
pude thews* the pod dl tee ley him re
I ales call( yam attention the bat, that tbeimmesillmeil jig=
deride I. thelr agent) have aimed fall liebal• aidnke le
be printed, to seture Macs cc the platform sr srebsim kmc
the commuid of the meellorri, for their bid* ad altrad, aid
that but SO of these bane been cent to the Sillrgy. ad IBM ad use
they had applied for tickets—that MOM err Ma by 'OMSK Ml=