The Express.
London, England, 1848-04-28 00:00:00

THE EXPRESS, FRIDAY EVENING, APRIL 28, 1848.

....„ sao hat was the superior intelligence of the
them to the game
tin 'or-ii-war:ich which entitled
'barat members as the electors of Finsbury. (Cheers.)
- Thetford with 3,814 inhabitants, and
_.. spionere was . . i
neteee. Thetford, with its ...mall population, sent the
..,' apps beret members to parliament as Meryl. bone with
";fl7 inhabitants and 11,600 voters. Tate wee an ab-
,.s'e-Sa anomalous state of thifne. and enabled these small
gighs, ander the influence o the aristocracy, completely
-iStealise the Minna of the large and populous con-
ey such as Manchester, Birmingham, and Leicester.
...."-- its were obvious, and were petitioned against, but
...,"-se-.;roperfict electoral machinery the comlaints were
7"ggea to, and the petitions were merely) aid on the,
i"--They should first then reform the elecooral
oil so as to allow no number of men in one part of the
°Yogi' to return • greater number of
.members to p_arlise
than the same number of meet in another. (Hear,
There w, re alsotford and TanstockGattnn , places of
sr)
be knew little, except th e, like and old
their only manufacture was members of parliament.
~,iiesee was Liverpool, with its 282,000 inhabitants and
in elector:, which also returned two members to parlia-
..a ; Cbippeahain, wit while inhabitants and 264 electors,
7.:Jog two member', ; Manchester, with 210,000 in-
Stants and 1'2,000 electors, returned two members only.
~,,,1 It would take2nstituencies like Harwich to
~ up one equal to that of Liv, rpool, and yet each town
;used the same number of members to parliament. (Hear,
sr.) FOOT English counties, havino together a population of
00 iiihabitants,sent al members to parliament, while all
mod, with four times that number of inhabitants, sent
~33. Now what reason was there why Scotland, whose
t it
e were remarkable for their ligence, their
and their moraly, should, withintel a population so
3: greater, return a smaller number of members to
omit th-ra than Hasse train counties ; It was high time
ein soomalous condition in the stave of the represents-
,.,s( the country should be changed, and that the bun.
na of thoueands of those who had now non votes should be
;end within the electoral community. (Cheers.)
0 they saw the gigantic Aruba making by
countries in liberaheing their institutions, it
sot to be expected that the great b- dy of the
ale of England would rest contented with
did not their
them ask present
,acrd political rights. (Chet cs.) He
ogler the example which hail been set by various conti-
:olitates. There was no excuse tor that. The people
&island now possessed privilege, the want of %which,
2, occasioned revolutions elsewhere. The poorest man
the community here eajoyt it a greater degree
lserty than, make the ola system, did a German or
A prince or nobleman. We had the right of public
rilt, the want of which had blown up the French m0....by
....by ; we had also trial by jury, and the right to petition,
an of which they had abroad. Thin we had a
imitative system, iovulving, at all events, some
alsr control, which was also wanted abroad ;
lee could tell them, from what he had himself seen, that
ore countries which had been the scenes of suth great
;and convulsiens, the state of society was
livea
d. disgrace to
&anon and to the century in which wo (Hear.)
go was not • prince, noaleman, mt rchant, or
spite, whose life or property was sate for a
The people there were living under what
A be here called a perpetual suspension o
Habeas Corpus Act, and a dungeon, or perhaps death,
-.Abe the punishment of the man who dared to make a
eh sigaimt the government. It was to free themselves
smell • system of tyranny, and to secure for themselveses
a tights which Englishmen had long enjoyed,
tie sOroad had risen against their rulers. (Cheers.)
seed net say that he hail no sympathy for
tyrants by whom the just demands of the people
l been refused, and who were now expiating their
as in exile; on the contrary, he rejoiced to live in
.nwtten the world was becoming freer, and he hoped hap-
:. than he found it. He rejoiced, too, at this commence-
-I of& new agitation in this country ' • hut on this subject
eta anxious to give them, as Enalishenen, as friends, and
noocrats—(cheers) —a few words of parting advice. They
.before them the experience of three successful agitations
ethical objects—that of Mr. O'Connell for catholic emanci
AS., that of Mr. Attwood for parliamentary reform, and
.t, that of Mr. Cobden for free trade. (Hear.) These
. succeeded for two reasons—first, that the principles
asded for were just ; and seconely, that the mode o•
aging them, and bringing them Wore the public mind,
aoristitutional. (Hear, hear.) The advocates of those
goons did not resort to intimidation—to declamatory mi-
sts and threats ' • they did nothing to excite
:or alarm, but they went into the question,
fed eat the evil, anti endeavoured by argument
rove its existence, and to combine and invite all men in
;Ittempt to remove it. (Cheers.) Mr. O'Connell cora-
and the agitation far emancipation at a meeting of twelve
we in Dublin. That number was ere long increased
millions, who by united action so influenced the
6sas and made such appeals to government that their
mid could no longer be resisted ; and thus, bye constithe
tu-
sl means, emancipation was wrested from, pehaps,
vest government in the world. (Hear, hear
ll had before them examples of great political.)
ions being carried by the people withoo: bloodshed,
Pmt one clam being set in hostility against another, but
le union of all classes. No ministry could for any
ra of time resist the voice of the people when united for
.ommon object, and if all classes were united, no minister
-A long be able to maintain the present defective state of
elective franchise. (Hear.) If they followed the te-
aks he had quoted—if they entered upon the question
at determination to conciliate and unite, the time would
se, and that ere long, when they would succeed in
2 object. He would not tell them that they
-:a secure all the social advantages which the young and
oat amongst them expected would result from political
,:eel, hut be had no doubt that they would secure all
amoral benefits which regenerated political institutions
A confer. The resolution which he had to propose was
to the fundamental principle of the British constitution being
the people shall be fully and fairly represented in the Commons'
'ot Parliament, this meeting feel. bound to express its delibe-
aninction that the House of Commons, as at present constituted,
ism meet this most important and essential requirement.
fr. Geezer (a chartist) commenced by expressing a hope
the good temper and good feeling which bad been ex.
act on both sides would enable them to come to a happy
peaceful conclusion. The chartists of Leicester who
i been consulted on the question which was to
opt. that meeting, had, at a meeting of their
: body, almost as large as the present, una
ximoudy resolved their concurrence in the mo-
-lof which Mr. Hume had given notice to bring
3! the House of Commons (Loud cheers) —in
euce to the representation of the country, believing
it would aid them in their objects ; but
id Mr. Hume and the party acting with him
.justified in proposing or supporting any measure short of
peoples charter, they would then consider themselves at
ay to give to such measure their most decided opposi-
1. There could now, therefore, be no misunderstand.
ss to the course the chartists would take.
:mover of the resolution whip be was now called upon
second had called attention to the opinion of one '
the greatest authorities that ever lived in this
airy. Ho would direct their attention to some 1
aka whic were of very ancient date, and which ,
e a part h of the constitution of the country.
a speaker here proceeded to read clauses from various
401 passed in the reign of Edward 11., Henry 111., ,
end 111., and other sovereigns, declaring that it was the
tof tbe sovereign to heal the wounds of the state ; that 1
prerogative of the crown was rested in the sovereign for
rood of the people ; that the House of Commons should
boson by the uncontrolled will of the people; that
y male of full age bad the right to exercise the (ran-
:, and that the laws of the country derived their
forte from being enacted by a parliament chosen by
,rneral voice of the people. From this it would appear
siasteati of advancing we, as &nation, had been retrograd-
, Mai MI Charts, which all dunes of politicians lauded to the
le, tut the principal guarantee and bulwark of British
sty, he found, shut out the great body of the people from
sat all the legitimate rights which it should have se-
nd to them. He referred to this to show that all previous
.ital revolutions had been of a one sided character, and
.the people had been losers by them. It was true their
ras bad been acknowledged, but that amounted to
hag, loathe experience of all that had passed proved that
a class legislation the people could hope for nothing.
-these promises had failed, and the Reform Bill had been
otter failure. (Hear.) So much for the mottoes by
'..eh the working chases had been lured to further its
0001. Another great change which had taken place
'din the last few years was the repeal of the corn laws,
4the working classes had taken no part in that agitation.
141011 were again used, such as " Cheap Bread," " High
`lea- and " Plenty of Work." The meeting would
.4le how those mottoes bad been fulfilled. (Hear, hear.)
"did ant say these things for the purpose of producing
la einatisfaction in the meeting; he merely wished the
' classes to understand that the people would not be
erred by mottoes or passwords from the assertion of their
, 045. (Hear, Lear.) Neither did he wish to say a word
. . the prin iples of free trade. Free trade with all the
WU his maxim—freedom for those who sold
'. lbws who bought. (Cries of "Hear, hear.")
• Ina sound chartist doctrine. But free trade ha I not
it
f earned by a movement of the people: it had been car-
. :',lby the long purses and great influence of the rejddle
,aies. The middle classes were now making advances to the
"ele, and he for one was not inclined to repel those ad.
''''Ate. Their long purses would save the pockets of the
''l4e, and the two bodies united would carry dismay into
reeks of clan legislation. After a Blight allusion to
- '. 4
repeal of the union question, the speaker proceeded to
• -di to the connexion between church and state. The
''mesa of the church were set down at somewhere about
4,0e0001. sterling. Now, he wanted to know whether,
-tie people succeeded in saving this sum, they were to have
4 beuetit of it ? (Hear.) What was to be done with it in
..ulna separation of church and state should be procured
ilt support and assistance of the people ? (Hear, hear.)
"°TetPeet to the charter, if they had commenced its
',nation with any fine mottoes, such as liberty, equality, and
. 4twaity, he believed that they would not be in their pre-
ft favourable petition. '1)1. y did better, they pursued their
4;63 with undeviating perseverance, and they had but one
tedtword, which was, " The charter, and no surrender."
vo-re sou one erroneous and mischievous opinion abroad
IVatting chartist doctrines, to which he wished to give a
7
.40t1I and unqualified denial. It had been asserted that
ts sought for a. redistribution of property. He
uNdtedboldlttits...tthere was not one amongst the chartists
.h. ~..ti Is . .... man a farthing of hie reoP,l3',;

had no clue legislators amongst them. (Loud ehesrrs.)
One word more, and he had done. lie hoped the press
:
would record that which he was going to say, and it was
this: Labour was the source of wealth,
but while wealth
was represented in the House of Commons labour
was not ; and that being the case, it was impos-
sible for labour to obtain its rights. For that state
of things there was, in his opinion, no remedy but
the charter. (Loud cheers.) It was impossible for
those who lived by the profits of labour to be the fair re-
presentatives of labour, and therefore it was that
the charter was Imperatively demanded. (Hear, hear.)
In what he said upon this subject he begged to be under-
stood as making no allusion whatever to local matters. He
thought that on that occasion all present should unite in a
hearty effort for the emancipation of their countrymen.
(Loud cheers.) Mr. Green concluded by seconding tbe re-
',elution, which was put and carried unanimously.
The Rev. C. Bantry rose to move the second resolution,
which he read as follows
That Ibis meeting being of opinion that the time is now fully come
when decided and energetic efforts should be made by all dames
throughout the country for the accomplishment of the object set forth
in the preceding resolution, hears with great satisfaction that Mr.
flume has given notice of motion for inquiry into the present state of
the representation of the people.
The object of this meeting was by moderation and unity o
action to accomplish that which would tend most to the hap-
piness of the largest number of the people. (Hear.) He were
a decided friend to the ballot, without which it was vain to
expect that operatives, farmers, and tradesmen, could in all
cases give honest votes. The opposition to the ballot arose from
an impression on the part of the aristocracy that to influence
elections was a portion of the rights legitimately accruing to
them from the possession of property. He was also favour.
able to the establishment of electoral districts and triennial
parliaments. It was neither desirable or necessary that the
excitement and inconvenience of a general election should
be undergone every year ; but he saw no reason
fur continuing the Septennial Act, the object for which it
was passed having lung ceased to exist. With regard to the
cetension of the suffrage, he would in the first instance dis-
franchise the freemen, whom he believed to be the most cor-
rupt class of voters in the country. But though he would
abolish the right of voting on the part of tho free-
men, he would continue it to the better class of
them by establishing household suffrage. Ile would limit
that suffrage however to householders of not less than 2-3
years of age. (Symptoms of disapprobation.) Ile was an
enemy to great and violent changes, but he thought some
alteration was bsol tit yo necessary in the present constitu-
tion of the House of Commons. Universal suffrage he
looked upon as wholly impracticable in the present state of
affairs.
Mr. J. ELLIS, deputy-chairman of the Midland
Counties Railway, in supporting the resolution, said the
time had arrived when it was necessary that the suffrage
and the political rights of the people should be extended
much further than they at present went. He was proud to
stand before so magnificent, so noble, a meeting.
When ho heard the other day of Mr. Hume's
notice of motion, he felt inclined at once to call
a public meeting of all classes in the Men on the
subject, but he had been told that it might be dangerous
to bring such ameeting together at such a time; he, how-
ever had no fears in that respect, for it was by means of
public meetings lige the present that, in England, the cause
of truth and liberty progressed. (Hear, hear.) Though lie
was as ardent a reformer as any one whom he addressed, he
did not go the same length that some of them did. He was
an advocate for the ballot and for triennial parliaments. He
objected to annual parliaments, the result of which would
be to take a men from parliament as soon as he was fit to do
his duiy.—(A. Voice, s' But he might be sent again." j—That
was, if they did not imbibe some prejudice against him in
the meantime. But let them have triennial parliaments,
presets tey would haec every necessary control over the re-
ation., while they would enable those they returned
to become efficient members of the legislature. (Hear.) He
went somewhat further than his [dead who last spoke on
the subject of the suffrage. He was in favour of household
suffrage, and he would give the right to vote to every house-
holder of 21 years of age. Univerial suffrage they would not
get, and therefore he hoped that the working classes a ould aid
the middle classes in obtaining that which was rational and
practicable. It had been said that they had gained nothing by
the Reform Bill. Why, the Reform Bill had given to the
people of Leicester the power of returning suck men as Sir
.1. Widmsley and Mr. Gardner. (Hear.) The Reform Bill
hod given members to such towns as Sheffield, Birmingham,
and Manchester, and it hail given to the people the power of
meeting together, which they had not before. Let them
avail themselves of that power, and let the middle
and working classes unite together, and they
would ere long obtain everythg which they had
a right to demand. (Cheers.) Hem was an aovocate also
for equal electoral districts, for he could not see the jus-
tice of large towns, like Manchester or Liverpool,
returning only the same number of members as
boroughs that had not one-sixth of their popu-
lation. As far as be individually was e mcerned, the
Reform Bill hail given him more than be wanted. It had
given him the right to vote for six members which he bad
not before; and he held it to be unfair that men perhaps
more intelligent than himself should be refused the fran-
chise altogether because they happened to occupy a
house of 01. 15s. a year, while he rented one over 101.
(Cheers.) That was neither fair nor just, and he wished to
see it altered. (Cheers.) The present meeting -and he had
never seen such lone in Leicester before—he hoped would not
be thelatt, but that it would be the commencement of a aeries
of similar meetings for the same purpose, and induce other
towns to follow their example. In conclusion he would say,
let both classes unite and demand together from parliament
those political rights to which they were entitled, and they
would without doubt obtain them. He had much pleasure
in seconding the resolution.
Mr. WHETSTONE had an sympathy with the chartist
agitation, though he admitted the abstract right of every man
to a voice in framing the laws by which he was governed, but
he did not think the time had arrived for the carrying out of
that object to its full extent. The last two centuries
bad witnessed a gradual advance of liberal principle, but
three who talked about " the charter and no surrender "
(cheers)—were throwing obstacles in the way of
practical reform. It could not be denied that the
House of Commons as now constituted did not repre-
sent the mass of the people. The aristocratic element
entered so much into its constitution, that a further
infusion of the popular principle was absolutely necessary.
lie was prepared to go the length of household suffrage,
and many others of the middle classes were prepared to do
the same. Were they (the Chartists) prepared to throw
away that offer of aid from the middle classes for the
sake of that which they could not get? (Yes.) If
so they would make no advance. (Hear.) The aristocracy
would take advantage of their discussions, and they would
obtain no social amelioration—no improvement in the con-
dition of the people whatever. (Hear, hear.) The interests
of the working classes and the middle classes were insepara-
ble. United they were all powerful, but divided they were
both weak and at the mercy of the aristocracy. (Hear.)
They could not get universal suffrage, because the middle
classes would never consent to give it to three who were re-
ceiving parochial rilief. (Hear, hear.) lie was not giving
them merely his owa opinion, he was making a statement
supported by facts ; anti from that they might conclude that
of the charter in its entirety they had not the slightest
chance. (General symptoms of dissent.) Ile did not mean
to contend against its abstract fitness ; all he contended for
was, that in the present state of society it would
be impossible to obtain it. (Hisses.) Still they
might get good and efficient reforms, which, were
they obtained, would form stepping stones for further
changes. (Hear, hear.) lie was ready to admit that our
present government was far too retrograde and expensive,
and he must add that the Reform Bill had disappointed
the
him
in not enabling the people more successfully to urb
national expenditure. (Hear, hear.) Since that bill passed
the expenses of the country tad increased by about
12,000,0001. ; while be believed that, with proper economy,
10,000,0001, might have been saved. That, however, he
believed would never be done without another Reform Bill—
(loud cheers)—a thing which could never be obtained un-
less the middle and working classes worked heartily toge-
ther. (Loud cheering.) In some quarters allusion had
been made to physical force. For his part he hoped never to
see the day when there would be civil war in England.
(Hear, hear.) "He who striketh with the sword shall
perish by the sword ;" but there was a great moral power
in the people, when united, which would enable them gra-
dually and fely to obtain all their rightful privileges.
(Hear, hear.) Before he sat down, he would inform the
meeting that the middle classes were prepared to ge with
them for household suffrage, triennial parliaments, vote by
ballot, and electoral districts. Those boons, by co-opera-
tion, they might obtain ; but farther be did not
think it would be expedient to go at present.
Their friend Mr. Green bad said that his watchword was
"The charter and no surrender." They had now heard
what he had to say, and it was for them to decide whether
they would nail their colours to the mr st, or accept what
they could obtain, like sensible and unpri judicedmen. (Hear.)
Mr. Gamey explained that he had not introduced the
watchword of " No surrender ; " it had been used since the
commencement of chartirn.
The Rev. J. F. Mensitee rose to move the third resolu-

tiOnT--
That the following petition to the House of Common, founded on
go iwolutions fa copy of which has now been read), be
prepared, signed by the chairman on behalf of this meeting, and for-
warded to the members of the borough; and that they be requeded
to present it and support the prayer therenf.
The TOT. gentleman then proceeded to read the following

ißeiiiion :
TO TM: 00:40VR.OLV Tor COW/WO Or VTR P
entNlTEDamembled, 1if,000,1
the
Or
Gar.sr BILITAIN ONO IlletANO, in Parliam
humble Petition of the Inhabitants of the Borough of Leicester in
public meeting assembled,
Momene,—That your petitioners, believing it to be of the greatest
importance, that the representatives of the people in your honour-
able house should be elected in Fuch manner as to re-
present, as far as passible, the whole community in
accordance with the fundamental principle of the British constitu-
tion—that the people shall be fully and fairly reprt-sented in the Com-
MOM' gouge of he
penes themselves imperatively called upon
to declare that the present constitution of your hmourable house is
not in accordance with this most important and essential require-
ment.. That your petitioner, are of opinion that great dissatisfaction
prevails, not only amongst three who are at present excluded from
the elective franchise, but also amongst a large portion of the electoral
body at the present state of the representation of the people ; and
your petitioners believe it to be noxmary for the welfare of the state
and the stability of Its institutions that means shou:d be forthwith
adopted for the remedy of this grievance, and that the Stiffing.
should be placed on a more just and equal taisis. That your peti-
tioners have beard with great satisfaction, that notice of mouori has
been given in your honourable home for inquiry into this important 1
subject ; and your petitioners earnestly pray your honourable home
to grant such uiguiry without delay. And your petitioners will ever
_ ...__, 1... h.... •rlelrett.

church association eonatdered that if the connection between
church and state were dissolved, the property of the former
should become the property of the state, and be made avail-
able for the general expenditure of the country. (Hear,
hear.) He congratulated that meeting and the working
chromes generally on the advances they were making is the
path of political truth. Aristocratic pride and sophisti-
eel expediency were throwing every possible ob-
stacle in their way, but still they were making
preferment, still they were approaching nearer to the goal of
political freedom. (Hear, hear.) It was some years since
hi had before met them in that place, to discuss with them
the propriety. of abolishing Oaten and old Sarum,
and of forcing a reluctant legislature to adopt the
Reform Bill. To the passing of that bill there
were two parties, one of which looked upon
it as en end and a finality, and the other, which considered
it only to be a means to a greater and more important end.
Of the latter he had been one, and the working of the bill
had only convinced him how imperfect it was as a piece I
of legislation, and how many were its defects. They
did not forget the abominable Chandos clause, or the
preservation of the old freemen by that polite renegade Lord
Lyndhurst. Then it had left out of the pale of the constitu-
tion • vast proportion of the British public. In fact, if
they were to judge of the Reform Bill by these farts,
the best thing they could do for it would be to attend
its funeral, and at once set about tutting a better
measure in its place. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) Then
there was the Municipal Bill, the working of which had
driven merry. of the meet useful and intelligent citizens out of
the corporations, and thus thrown the working population of
our towns into the arras of any leader who might choose to
undertake the direction. He believed it was a high,
an important, a religious mission to stand forward
and endeavour to reunite the labouring and middle classes,
to heal the wounds which for so long bed separated the two
most important sections of the community. (Loud cheers.)
The interest of one was the interest of both, and on
both was the interest of the aristocracy dependent.
The latter were the gilded capitals of the social structure,
but the working cluees were the toundations ; and, if destruc-
tion come upon the foundations of an edifice, he should like
to know what would become of gilded capital or airy cupola.
Ile now came to the question of the evening, viz., the for-
mation of that union of dames which he believed to be es-
sential to the power of the empire, the welfare and Tempi-
nem of the people, and the security of property (lice'.)
the union in one Leary and cordial phalanx of the middle
and lower elegies. ( Loud cheering ) To effect this
there must be confidence and truthfulness on both
sides—the middle class must not suppose their opt-
nions were more popular than they really were.
They must not endeavour to exaggerate those points
in the conduct of the working class of which they did not
approve. Looking at the sufferings of that class and their
long and unjust expulsion from popular rights, he could not
sufficiently admire their patience and forbearance.
(Hear, hear.) Starving men must be entered to
complain. (Hear.) Nor was it any reason that because
• man could not grasp wealth as they of the middle c`asses
could, that he was to be excluded from their councils. They
should remember that
A man's a man for a' that.
(Hear, hear.) Let them discard the conventionalisms of
society, and look at things in the light of reason. He by no
means went with his friend, Mr. Barry, who he was sorry to
find in precisely the same place in which he left him 16 yearn
ago. (Cheers, and a laugh.) It had been stated that
evening by Mr. Greene, that the cry of the working classes
must be, "The chance, and no surrender!" (Cheers.)
Now he wanted to know what the working classes, who
pledged themselves to that cry, really meant by it. (Hear.)
Did they mean, supposing that a large proportion of the
middle classes of society were to say, we perfectly agree
with every part of your charter, but we cannot concede
annual parliaments—he wanted to ask that assembly—the
principle of the charter and all the most important consider-
ations being conceded did they mean that they
would throw ep and abandon an the rest if annual
parliaments were not given at the same time?
(.` Noe' from the whole body of the meeting.) Then
it was not " the charter and no surrender" that they meant
(Loud cheers.) Let not the chartists, then, at • time like
this, in a great crisis of the nation's history, inscribe on their
banners something which did not corr.ctly convey their
meaning. (Hearhear.) There was another pint he
would impression them not to be impatieont for
success—not to 'expect all they wished for would come in a
day. They must not hope that the middle Ouse' would
come over to their views at once—they must convince them
by reason and argument that their views were correct.
There was many an enlightened end patriotic man who
entertained strong objections to universal suffrage, an.lothers
agnin believed that the transference of power from the
aristocracy to the working classes, which they contended
would be the consequence of the success of chartist
principles would be unsafe. Those objections must be re-
moved by argument and reason, expectt by coercion. He
would further warn them not to too much, should
they soccer A. They must net suppose that political changes
necessarily brought shout immediately vast social advan-
tages. (Hear.) If they obtained the charter to-morrow
all the social evils under which they labaured
would not necessarily cease. The great evil in
France now was that the people expected too much as the
immediate consequence of their rcvolut ion, and who while they
were layieg the foundation of what he hoped and believed
would be a free and a noble constitution, were mixing up
with it matters which had no legitimate connexion with it.
But, worm all, ho would urge upon them to repudi-
ate physical force, (Loud cheers.) Of all possible
evils into which the people could fall, especially at
a crisis like this the most fatal was the adoption of the doc-
trine of physical force. (Hear, hear.) Let them repudiate
the man, be he whom he might, who recnmmenled them to
employ physical force for the attainment of moral results.
While others were making pikes let them make arguments ;
while others were sharpening their bayonets let them
sharpen their wits. Let them unite with the middle classes
and go together to parliament to demand the charter, and
the charter would be granted. (Hear.) With regard to
the ministry, he thought Lord J. Russell had committed
himself, especially in having thrown the deficiency in the
revenue on the national debt, and in his conduct towards
Ireland, which he feared wouid have the effect of
deluging that country in blood. The conduct of
the government and the manner in which such men
as Mr. Cobden, Mr. Bright, and others, were met when
they opposed ministers, allowed that some change in the
constitution of the House of Commons was necessary. After
referring to the various revolutions which had recently
occurred in Europe, and expressingl p
a hope that ere bon
she
Emperor Nicholas would be comp. ed to follow the example of
Louis Philippe, Metternich, and others, and seekthe friendly
asylum this country offered to foreign refugees, the rev.
gentleman observed that if the middle and working classes
would cordially -.mite, and wait to take advantage, in a
peaceful and constitutional manner, of that reaction which
the events of the Continent must produce in this coun
tryt
there was nothing mighty, glorious, or peosperous
history of this great nation which they might not achieve.
(Cheese.)
Mr. J. Mutotteet (another chartist) said the body with
which he was connected, while they desired to pay the
erown its dues, demanded from the crown in return their
rights. (Hear.) And in the timely concession of those
rights only safety. was to be found. With regard to the
proposed union with the middle classes, he was not unfis
vourable to it, as he hoped that, if they failed in reasoning
the chartists into the adoption of their principles, the charting
would be able to reason the middle classes into the
adoption of the charter. speaker, feared regard to the
question put by the last he it had not been
uuderstood by the meeting when they answered. lie be-
lieved that what the chartists meant to say was, that they
would not abandon the charter ; but that while demanding ,
all the points in it, if they could obtain all but annual
parliaments they would take what was offered as
an instalment of what was due to them. (Hear.)
The gentlemen of the middle classes objected to them, that
they would have nothing but the charter ; but had the
middle classes anything better to propose ? (Heat, hear.)
They would give triennial parliaments, but why not am.
nual ? Against that it was alleged that a member took
some time to learn his business; but in his (Mr. I
Markham's) opinion, if a man lid not know it before
be wet, it would e better for im not to go at all. Hear.)
I There nwas no great art, after all,h hi law-making. If( justice '
and the interests of the people were the guiding princi-
ples, an efficient act of parliament might be framed; without
seven years' preparatory study. (Cheers, and " Hear,
hear.") As to the suffrage, it was the right of
every man; and if some poor freemen had proved
unworthy, the fault lay not so much with them as with the
rich, who had bribed and tempted their poverty, and caused
them to abuse their franchise. (Hear.) Neither could the
old freemen be taken as a sample of the working classes, who
despised bribes and all temilarmodesof corruption. ;Cheers.)
The ballot was also a bugbear with some people, but he saw
no danger in it if properly managed; and as to the payment
of members, if a man devoted his time and talents
to the service of his country, he saw no reason
why his country should not pay him for them.
Many handsome allusions had been made to the late Daniel
O'Connell. He did not wish to detract from the memory of
that truly great man, but as a chartist he (Mr. Markham)
could not forget that it was this same Defile' 0•Con-
nell who once offered the whigs to bring over &MOM men
to put down the chartists. (Hear, hear.) He hoped that
this was not the last reform meeting they would
have in Leicester. He hoped that all parties would
meet and discuss their mutual opinions, and he
pledged all his influence as an individual to procure for
every one—whether lukewarm tory or rampant tory—a
fair and patient hearing. (Hear.) He must confees that he had
had fears of Joseph Hume. He had feared that:there was some
" dodge" under his late move, intended for the bensfit of
I the finality government. Now, however, he was willing to
I,loth him in the furtherance of reform; but he warned his
friends not to relax thir efforts, for they would certainly
have a struggle for their rights, and that sooner than they

ex
rchetelv. Mr. SCUDINSORS proposed tbe next resolution
Thin this meeting bas great satisfJetion in believing that the repre-
sentative* for bh, Sir Joshua Walny,ley and Richard Gard-
ner, Er.q., prep
aredpep earnestly as promote further parliamentary
reform, and dr
egdainis that copies of the resolutions now passed be for-
warded to them with the respectful request that they will support the
motion of Mr. aurae by every means in their power.
The ability and faithfulness with which Sir J.Walmsley and
Mr. Gardner bad performed their duties in parliament war-
ranted their constituents in believing that they would
willingly support any =MT* for the extrusion of
political rights. (Cheers.) The speeches and votes of
those two hen. gentlemen in parliament not only justified
ible th atltt etyn
but glorified the thealthough heir
.
independeece might maks them obnoxious to the maajori

forward and pass alien bills and gagging bills. (Cheers.)
Mr. Cutest, in support of the monition, said he fully
concurred ia the eulogium which had been passed on Sir J.
Walmsley and Mr. Gardner.
Mr. J. F. WINKS also spoke in favour of the resolution,
which was also carried unanimously.
A vete of thanks to the Chairman having been passed and
acknowledged the meeting separated.

IRELAND.
APRIL 26.
EX OFFICIO INFORMATIONS AGAINST MR.
MITCHELL.
At the sitting of the Court of Queen's Bench to-
day, the Attorney-General entered, and mentioned
Mr. Mitchell's plea in abatement. The Chief Justice
turned an attentive ear to the law officer, and bench
and bar were alike hushed while he developed the
course to be pursued by the crown.
The Attorney-General stated that the plea could
not be sustained on demurrer, but for obvious reasons
which the court could understand, he preferred to
allow the plea, and direct a 'wile prosequi to be en-
tered on both indictments.
Immediately after, Mr. Monahan informed their
lordships that the crown had filed an ox tyfifitl in-
formation against Mr. Mtehell—an announcement
which created some surprise, as no ex qffiPio had been
filed by any law officer in Ireland since the Attorney-
Generalship of Lord Plunkct. He next requested
that Mr. Mitchell should be called to plead in person
to the information. Mr. Mitchell having proceeded
on Monday evening to Manchester to attend a char-
tist meeting was not present, whereupon the Attor-
nev-General demanded that his recognieances should
be estrcated. Mr. llolmes and Sir Colman O'Loghlen
argued in behalf of Mr. Mitchell that the
Attorney-General misconstrued the true intent
and meaning of the recognisances which required
that the traverser should attend on such
days "as the court should appoint," but
no day having been appointed for that purpose,
of course he was not expected to attend. At all
events, Mr. Mitchell was absent, and the notice of
appearance baying only been served on Monday, one
hour after the sailing of the Liverpool packet, and a
special messenger having been despatched the follow-
ing morning to recall Mr. Mitchell, and his presence in
Dublin being expected to-morrow, it was not seeking
too much from the crown to defer the motion until the
sitting of the court to-morrow. when Mr. Mitchell
would appear to the information. Mr. Monahan
still persisted, but the court deeming the request of
Mr. Mitchell's conneel very reasonable, and the
crown not receiving any prejudice, allowed Mr.
Mitchell until the following day to appear. In fact,
Mr. Mitchell was in Dublin while the contest raged
in the Queen's Bench, and, in half an hour after the
matter was settled, apeared at the side bar. The
Attorney-General having been sent for at the request
of the Chief Justice he soon arrived, and spplied to
the court that Mr. Mitchell should be at once charged
with the information. Sir C. O'Loghlen objected
that, by a rule of the court, he was bound to attend
only to-morrow ; but tho Chief Justice set aside
the objection, and ordered Mr. Mitchell to be imme-
diately charged with the information. Mr. Mitchell
then received a copy of the indictment from the clerk
of the crown, to which he must plead in four days.) I
A very remarkable occurrence took place to-day
at the Irish bar. Only two candidates were called,
instead of the usual twelves and twenties. Mr.
Holmes, will happened to he in court, regarded the
singular phenomenon as indicative of the growth of
good sense among the people.
Mr. John O'Connell has addressed a long letter to
the Lord Lieutenant through the Pilot, of this even-
ing, informing him that he withdrew his signature
from the Downshire declaration, in consequence of
the presentation of that document to his excellency
and not to her Majesty in person. How that chant's-
stance can justify the withdrawal of Mr. John
O'Connell's signature does not clearly appear. The
hon. gentleman also says, that if his excellency will
arm the protestants, he, Mr. O'Connell, will recom-
mend the eatholies to arm.
Last night the Kildare-street Club gave a grand
ball at the Rotunda, which was attended by about
900 persons. The Lord-Lieutenant and Countess of
Clarendon, Prince George of Cambridge, the Duke
and Duchess of Leinater, the Earl of Erne, and seve-
ral other eminent personage.,' honoured the ball with
their presence. The Earl of Clarendon appeared in
better health and spirits than he has exhibited for
some time past.

Toe HIXKINOTIAM ESTATEN.—The property in the
county of Clare was put up for auction this day, in separate
iota, but not sold. After the auction, the entire property,
containing over 7,870 acres, was sold by private contract, at
a fair rate of purchase, to one geatkman. The Queen's
County estates will be for sale tomorrow.
A HINT TO THE. COUNCIL OF TIIREZ HI:NDILED.—The
Notion recommends the council of three hundred to meet
at Kilkenny of the Confederates," ter a variety of reasons.
" Should they resolve to adopt this advice," says the
Moderator," we understand that the governor of the city
gaol will forward them a memorial to postpone their meet.
lags, at all events till such time as a suitable addition to the
prison can be effected. The gaol is at present much over.
crowded, and, indeed, was at no time calculated to give
accommodation to 300. It is almost needless to remark also
that our district lunatic asylum has not yet been erected."
WICKLOW ELECTION.—SECOND DAY'S POLL (Tuesday.)
Howard (Id)
Monck (C) 316

Majority for Howard 6
SPECIAL CONSTAnLEB.—The following important cir-
cular has been addressed by the executive to the mayors
and borough magistrates of Ireland, inviting their attention
to the general creation of a special constabulary force, with-
out religious distinction:—
Dublin castle, April 21, laift—Centlemen, —ln the present ex-
cited state of many challis& of Ireland, arising from the attempts
made to create diaturbunee and encourage resistance to the law, the
ford lieutenant is desirous of calling the attention of tar magistracy
to the imillattaire of organising a force of specal constables in each
parish, under 2 in 3 Win. IT., c. 10S, who will be enabled to act in
support of the constabulery, should the public peace be violated by
any evitiliaposed persons. His exrellenc7 feels moored that such an
urganeation might readily be effected in each district, and that all
those who value a peaceful home, and thrive by honest Industry,
would, if called upon willingly associate for the preser.
ration of order and the protection of life and property.
It is, however, of the greatest importanee that the special comatables
should be selected from the inhabitants of the district generally,
without reference to religious opinions. The cause of order and the
maintenance of tranngicts are equally dear to those who have any.
thing to lose; and all men, whatever their relgious creed, lava
a juet and natural motive for resisting revolution and maintalaim
the principles of loyalty against rebellion. The Lord Liestamemgs
therefore, desirea to state that he considens it essential to the ensiiMa
of this organisation, that all sectarian differences abould be
toasty avoided, and that the special constables should be selected
out reference to their religiom opinions. By 2 & 3 William IV.,
e. leg, any two magistrates, on being satisfied by the oath of
credible Intners, that any tumult, efersay, riot, or felony, has taken
place, or may be reasonably apprehended. are empowered to swear la
special constables. It will be desirable, where such a course may up.
pear requisite, that the magistrates should fix the number Mb, Mims
in for each pariah, and make arrangements with the e nistabuaory se.
cer of the district relative to the manner in which their renter meg
be rendered available should oecasion require. For this pDe a
person ebould be appointed to take the direction of the co
each district, and a place of rendezvous arranged where they s&saki
assemble when called upon. The officers of the constabulary lon
been directed to communicate with the magistrates for this MOM.
—I am, he., T. N. REDINGION.
CITY oFIKILKEENT ADORTES.—TO WILLIAM FREDERiciT,
EARL On CIAILENDOK, Uian IJECTI.CIANT OWILSAL AND OICRIZAL
GOVKIKNOIL or IBILAND, &C.
We, the tindersigned inhabitants of the city of Kilkenny and tta
vicinity, viewing with deep concern the present aspect of affairs la
this country, and repudiating wholly the IR/IFlligt used and proceed.
lags adopted at the public meetings lately held both here and else.
where, do hereby declare that we feel it to be our imperative duty to
offer our services in support of the crown and the laws of the land;
and we do hereby declare our firm determination to maintiin to the
utmost of our power the peace and good ceder of this city.
The above address was signed by the Marquis
Ormonde and &numerous body of citizens.
Cons ADDRESS.—The following is her Majesty's reply to
the address of the Cork grand jury :
Whi ehall, April 22.—Sir,-1 hare had the honour to lay before t.e
Queen the loyal attclress of the grand jury of the city of Cork, assem-
bled at the late spring moires, tnannuitted to me with your letter
of the 15th instant. Ilex Majeaty. has received with great satis-
faction the assurances conveyed in this address of attachment
to her Majesty's throne, of abhorrence of oitrage and lawless
violence, and of a determination to aid in the preservation
of peace and good order. Iler Majesty deeply smoothie... wth the
sufferings which have been occasion.' by the failure of the food of a
large portion of the people of Ireland. It in her Majesty's earnest
desire to promote the permanent welfare and interest of all classes of
her subjects; and I em command./ to assure you that it Ls her con-
stant aim to attain this important object by the mesas and in accord.
with the principles expressed in this addict's. I have the honour
to be, sir, your obedient servant, O. Grey, To N. Ludlow Beamish,
East., Foreman City of Cork Orand Jury.
Ilia PARISH PaiEST or BoaRITOTAITE, the Rev. Mr.
Bermingham, appeared at a meeting in that parish on Mon-
day last, and acted as chairman, when it was decided to sub-
scribe to the " defence fund," and elect persons to the
council of 300. What this " defence fund" may be needed
for will receive some elucidation from the recommendation
of Mr. Mitchell not to subscribe to defend the partiesto be
prosecuted, but to " keep their money to buy pikes."—The
Rev. Mr. Kenyon app: need at this meeting, and said," We
are now under the oyeration of what is called the Gagging
Bill,' and thus, if any man in Ireland, looking at the condi-
tion of Inland, shall dare to express his sentiments upon that
condition, he is liable to be sent to break stones for seven
Tears to Norfolk Island. That, my friends, is the condition
in which Ireland is placed at present. Scenes of desolation
to which we in vain look for a parallel in the rest of the world
are passing before our eyes, and yet we cannot give expression
to the feelings they excite in our hearts. We are gagged.
We cannot, my friends, legally excite you to discontent by
asking you are you content with your condition ; because if
vent stores' a dislike to