The Express.
London, England, 1853-07-09 00:00:00

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LONDON, SATURDAY, JULY O.

MR. LATARD has again put off his intended
motion about the Russian invasion of Turkey, and

from the tone adopted in the House of Commons last
night, in reference to this second postponement, it
seems clear that the Government do not at present

intend to let the country know anything whatever
about a question so deeply involving their interests.
We are all to be kept in profound ignorance, and

- -
in the meantime wo find the organ of Russia

preaching a sermon on the costliness of war. Such
hints were altogether needless for any honest pur-
pose. Every Englishman knows too painfully the
price this country has had to pay for righting the
battles of Europe. Our huge debt is trumpet-
tongued on that. Nobody wants war, and therefore
it was that there rose in England one loud cry of
disgust and indignation when war was made by Rus-
sia upon an unoffending neighbour—Russia, whose in-
terests have ever been supported by the journal that
now preaches peace. But Russia having made war,
and her cannon being now planted on the soil of
Turkey, the Russian party of course cry out for
peace. Enjoying now the spoils of war, they do not
wish to be disturbed in their possession of them. The
wolf, having seized the lamb, asks everybody to be
very quiet,—that ho may digest his meal at leisure.

Judging from present appearances, wo are to
have peace—the CZAR being left in uninterrupted
possession of his prey. Successful tyranny is
unhappily too common a reality in this world.
The timid, the mean, the selfish, the time-
serving, and the overbearing, win amongst them
a vast number of the prizes in this world; and
the wise, the benevolent, and the honest, have only
their grief as a consolation that it should be so. But
if Russia does have her own way in this case,
one very clear fact is established, in which
our national welfare is deeply involved. By
treaty the Great Powers are bound to preserve
the existing boundaries of European States. In the
same way that Prussian and Belgian frontiers are
defined by treaty, so are Turkish frontiers esta-
blished. The treaties are, it seems, to be nil—to be
broken in the case of Turkey. If so, by the same rule
they must become worthless in other instances, and
in relation to other frontiers. Russia and Austria, and

even Prussia, not standing by the letter of the trea-
i ties in one eabe, cannot claim theprotection of treaties

in others.

If the Ottoman dominions are insecure under the 1
existing international arrangements, then other ,
States—as Belgium and Prussia,—are insecure also. 1
Treaties being waste paper, Russia may absorb
Austria and the small German states when she
pleases, and England is absolved from all future
1 responsibilities on their behalf. It compacts are
to be trodden down as worthless in the East,
the English must be insane before they ever
hereafter permit anything like war to be waged
for the upholding of dynastic or frontier arrangements
in any other part of Europe. Henceforth we have
nothing to do with frontiers in Belgium or on the

broken. France, our neighbour, has
lines' to keep her bargains—all
e done nothing. The deserters,
Rhine, or in any. other country defined by such trea-
of the compact, and left us
ties as that now*
alone shown re&
the other States ita.v
therefore, have gone °us'
free from their encumbelii.*:4 alliances.
Such a solution of the question will have its con.
solutions. Meanwhile the de.nial of information on
the part of the Government is ontamount to a de-
claration that the people of this country are unfit to
be trusted with a knowleege of their own affairs.
Mystery, the ally of Falsehood, and the parent of
Crime, is to be the order of the day, and
when the Cabinet Oracle does condi seen&
to speak, it may perhaps say, that we
are a t war without our knowledge or
have been made parties to another Polish parti-
tion without our consent. Justice and expediency
both require the fullest and most candid explanation
of our present true position—but Cabinet complica
Lions may render silence most convenient. No
silence is to be the order of the day. Mr. DisaxEtr,
with the keenness of an adroit parliamentarian, hit
the Ministry on a tinder point when ho found them
so quietly bottling-up Mr. LAYAUD.
It is only a week (said Mr. DISRAFLI) since the First
Minister of the Crown in this house wished that this sub-
ject should bo brought forward, and himself fixed a day for
its discussion. Very injurious effects upon public opinion
may follow from what has taken place to-night, unhiss they
be removed by her Majesty's ministers ; for if the niible
lord (J. Russell) was anxious that this subject should be
brought forward a week ago, and to bring it forward would
now be injurious to the public service, it would seem that
in one week circumstances have occurred which have
changed the opinion of her Majesty's ministers upon this
subject. Ido not say that such circumstances have really
occurred. I hope that they have not; but the only infe-
rence to be drawn from the fact which I have stated is, that
matters in reference to this question are in a more critical
position than they were a week since. (" No, no," from
the ministerial benches.) I hear a murmur of " No." It is
not by murmuring " No, no" that this impression can be
removed; the house and the country ought to be better in-
formed on the subject. (licar, hear.) We ought to know
what circumstances have occurred of such gravity that her
Majesty's government had altered the resolution which they
expressed such a short time since.

These thrusts at the Ministerial benches had re-
ference of course to the rumoured differences in the
Cabinet and tho possibility of their being cultivated
into something profitable to the Opposition. But
the truth is still the same—that Ministers are sud-
denly desirous of being dumb on the vital ques-
tion of the hour, and that this Ministerial silence
deprives the public of information which they are
fully entitled to demand when their interests are so
deeply at stake, and which it is unconstitutional to
refuse to give.

THE India Bill came again before the House of
Commons last night. " There is "—said Sir JAMES
GRAILCM in concluding his speech against Lord
STANLEY'S amendment—" there is, on the part of
Government, erery disposition to meet any objections
with rfference to details in a spirit 41 the utmost
candour." Let us then accept this spirit, and, laying
aside all thoughts but the improvement of the con-
dition of India, examine the details of the Govern-
ment Bill, with the simple and disinterested view of
consolidating and perpetuating the counexion be-
tween India and England by those best of all ties—
the reciprocal and mutual interests of both. In that
way we shall put the professions of the Cabinet to a
proof that will best try the sincerity of their pro-
fessions.

Though the double Government of India has at
present escaped formal condemnation, and may, in
consequence, last some years longer, even its warmest
friends and advocates have admitted that it cannot

remain permanent; and, if it fall not sooner by tho
weight of its own vices, the operation of the Security
Fund will in 1874 bring it to a stand still by paying
off the capital stock,—by virtue and possession of
which only a constituency is formed. With
such a prospect before us, it is above all things desir-
able to make timely preparations for the change that,
sooner or later, is inevitable—to pave the way tor its
future occurrence, and make the needful approaches
for the facile and easy absorption of the India House
in the Board of Control. Now, in this point of
view, the Bill is defective. It continues the two dis-
tinct bodies; it keeps just as wide apart and as se-
parate and distinct the old corporation that first won

us India, and the modern Board which directs and
iontroLs its proceedings, as if they were to endure to
the end of the Indian Episode in British history. It
prolongs that jealousy and antagonism between them
which will always be proportionate to their
separation; and it does nothing to diminish—on the
contrary, it will probably considerably increase—the
present enormous cost of the Home Government.
Sir JAMES GRAHAM, having then undertaken that
the Cabinet will receive suggestions in a candid and
liberal spirit, the most obvious, perhaps the most im-
portant, of all that can be mode, is to bring the Eost
India Company and the Board of Control under the
one and the same roof. The prolonged maintenance
of two great establishments is a flagrant absurdity ;
it involves far worse consequences than waste of time
and waste of money ; it begets waste of power, want of
unanimity, want of cordial co-operation, and general
ignorance in each establishment not merely of what
the other is doing, but of what the other is thinking
about. At present, the " Chairs" of the Court of
Directors pay a visit once or twice a week to the
PRESIDENT of the BOARD of CONTROL, and talk over
the subjects of the day. With the other directors, how-
ever superior in information, the President has no
official intercourse; all the rest of the business, that
is, all the real business, is carried on in writing. The
" minds" of Leadenhall•street prepare elaborate de-
spatches which the " minds" of Cannon-row criticise
and alter, but the " minds" rarely meet except in
literary conflicts. Three miles of streets divi3e them
almost as effectually as oceans ; and the greatest
of all probable impro‘taneulb would be, if not their
union, at least their greater vicinity to each other.
So little of ordinary business is there to do at tho
Board of Control, that Lord BROUGHTON told the
Committee on Official Salaries the clerks there came
in the morning and left in the afternoon at whatever
hour they pleased; "they did the work that was all
he cared about." Now, it is quite clear that, though
there is to be no amalgamation of " minds" at pre-
sent, there might very usefully be a union of
0 pens," and that the gentlemen who don't think,
might very advantageously and economically be all
brought together to work. By this means, too, the
"minds" would be more accessible, become better
acquainted with each other, work more cordially and
efficiently. The President and Secretaries of the
Board of Control would have opportunities of being
in constant communication with the Court of Direc-
tors, the committees, the chairs, and individual direr•
tors. There would be co-operation, concentration,
time and money, all gained by all working under one
roof ; and, when the time for the great change ar-
rived, it would be smoothly, fairly, and almost si-
lently made. Nor ought the expense of providing ono
great establishment to be in the way, for the com•
puted value of the India-house is about 300,0001.,
—a sum exceeding the cost of any now buildings
reasonably required at Whitehall.
To ono part of the qualification of the Crown
Directors there is, we think, a strong objection.
They are, first, to have beer, for ten years at least
in the service of the Crown or of the Company in
India—s requirement that is full of promise and
hope. But, next, they are to have the same quaiiti•