The Express.
London, England, 1848-05-09 00:00:00

Ehe re .

MAILS.
The Malls kw British North atomics, and the Gaited Slates,
Mlll be Maas IS the fermis( et **ISM May.
timp Wag upMale, maim:MK Bermuda, Niteroi, llamas;
Bytes', New Orleans, Vera Cruz, Tenspico, and Porto Rim, and
bitdadian those for Madeira, Jame], Cartharens, violin Martha,
chapes, Panama, Meet Oast of tiouth MierlCA, and St. maale-
Niserassia. will be elate up on the =salad ot the I:th May.
mails for Vigo, Oporto, Lisbon, Madeira, Cadiz, mal Gibraltar
will be made up on the martins of the 17th May.
The ostniand mails ice Gibraltar, Malta, Groom, the balsa Islands,
Aden, Ceylon, 7alia, lions-ports, and China, eta Southaress.
be made up on the momma of the 2oth May.
*lite °missal closed made, no Marseilles, to the Media:madman,
WS
ie, Aden. (*Jim, India, lions-Katie, he., will be made up on the
etilag of Me 2.
Ile mails forith New nyouth Wales, Vas Diemen's Lead, and New
'tabula will be made up on the *Teals, of the net May.
The malls for the Wear l.`anist
Moot Africa sad Madeira will be made
wal ea thermals' of the ilst y.
lise mails foe the Brazils, Ms Weer Plate, Bloats Video, Perms.
!MON Bahia, Madeira, and Buena. Area, will 00 made up on the
esteited h
at the Srd June.

NOTICE TO ADVERTISERS.
The number of STAMPS issued by the authorities of the
Stamp-office, during 11347, to the
DAILY NEWS was 3,447,009
This, we believe, is within eight per cent of the number
bawd to the Morning Herl'M, Morning Chronicle, and
Morning Post, ALL PUT TOOETHMIL
In addition to the above, issued to the DAILY NEWS,
Morning Paper, there were issued for the horning Edition,
THE EXPRESS 778,714
Which was more, we believe, than were Issued either to
the Abbe or Standard, Evraino Pspera.

111014 VI AMR AT LAYI DON Mil DOZ.
1...• 44-14..111.4. IS gob. pant g 4.•
Ts —11•44148, 14 .lid 7g 45 W.I 7.

LONDON, TUESDAY. MAY 9.
Tue reform movement gains gradually in visible
strength. It is in the manufacturing districts that it
animatesmen 'peaks out boldly and urgently,
and assumes more or less the semblance of organisation.
In the rural districts men come into less close and fre-
quent contact—opinion is less uniform—and also, from
the proximity and watchful superintendence ot power-
ful individuals, less prompt of utterance. Bat while the
populations of Birmingham, Manchester, Leeds, and
numerous other towns in the great and busy region
between Trent and Tyne expo as themselves ardently
and unanimously, numerous expre.sious of sympathy
and adhesion are audible from towns or from indivi-
duals as far south as Devonshire, and as far north as
Aberdeen. In the House of Commons, too, the
estimate of the number of members likely to go along
with the movement increases ; it is now said to be
not less than a hundred.
Of still more consequence than the increase in
the numbers of avowed supporters of the move-
- went is the growing distinctness and precision
with which their plan of reform is declared. As
expressed in private correspondeuce, as might have
been anticipated, there were many shades of dif-
ference in the plans which met with individual accept-
ance. But the views which have found favour at
public meetings have been uniform throughout, and
the discordant voices have been lost in this louder sad
firmer mound. Men have wisely kept silence about 11
their private speculations rather than give rise to
unprofitable controversies; seeing that the general
opinion pointed in the direction of a comprehensive
and efficient measure, little niceties of adjustment and
theoretical precision have not been insisted upon.
The changes in the electoral system contemplated
by the parties who have undertaken to re-unite the
reformers of the enfranchised and the unenfranchised
classes are :—Triennial parliaments ; household suf-
frage; electoral districts bases upon population; vote
by ballot ; abolition of the property qualification at
present required in members of parliament for Eng-
land and Ireland; and perhaps we might add, remu-
neratioa to representatives. With respect to the first
four the expression of opinion is unanimous and
decided. The fifth has only been adverted to
at some meetings, but no dissentient voices
have been raised against it. The last is rather
diffidently hinted at than explicitly demanded.
It is easy to account for some of these items being
more peremptorily clai mdthan ot hers. Triennial parlia-
ments have been a cherished object with a large por-
tion of the community ever since the passing of the
Septennial Act; household suffrage has long besa a
familiar idea with the people of England. The utility
and importance of secret voting had attracted com-
paratively little attention at the time the Reform Bill
of 1831 was brought in ; it was at that time a car-
dinal point with none but the limited. though intelli-
gent and active, class of reformers, of whose opinions
the Westminster Itertem was the exponent ; but the
experience of every election that has since taken
place has added largely to the adherents of
the principle. To ensure 'terreey in the voting of
eleetors the ballot is not sufficient; the constituencies
most be numerous. And this consideration, more thar
any abstract idea of proportioning representation ex-
actly to population, has made the notion of equal and
pretty extensive electoral districts find favour in the
eyes of the public. On these four points the public
mind is made up. By dwelling upon these objects
even those who at first recoiled from them as innova-
tions of too bold a character have become familiarised
with and reconciled to them. Nor is it probable that
much serious opposition will be encountered among the
ranks of reform to the proposal to dispense with the
property qualification of members of parliament.
\Vint is wanted—at all events, what there
is any chance of obtaining—is not a constitution
of strict logical consequence, but a constitu-
tion that will ensure good government. The men
who ask for reform are nu bookish theorists, but
citizens who, having felt the pressure of listless and
selfish administrators, seek the means of obtaining
administrators who will find it their interest to
work mainly with an eye to the public good. A
House of Commons properly constitute d is an
apt instrument to obtain this end. The
House of Commons as at present constituted
has been approved an unfit instrument to obtain
this end. In demonstrating its unfitness too exclusive
attention is apt to be paid to the corrupt practices
which prevail at elections. That they are dangerous
and demoralising is certain ; but r here are defects in
the constitution of the existing House of Commons
which would render it unavailing as the means of
obtaining good government even though b; ibery, in-
toxication, and fraudulent devices at elections
were not had recourse to. Owing to the
very limited electoral body of the empire,
and still more to the unequal distribution of the
constituencies and apportionment of representatives
to them, the )louse of COl/1131311b is de facto a repre-
sentation of the governing, not of the governed, body.
There is in this country a monopoly of office in the
class composed of the titled aristeeracy, the large
landowners, arid the accessions to their number which
are constantly being made from those of the mercan-
tile, clerical, legal, naval, and military profes-ions
whom ability or good luck have raised to wealth
and distinction; and the peculiar distribu-
tion of our far from numerous electoral
body into constituencies, enables this governing class,
sometimes by bribery and intimidation, but sometimes
also by more venial means of influence to ensure at all
general elections the return of a working majority of
is own members to the Howe! of Commons. It is
against this abuse that reformers have now risen. up ;
and the value or worthlessness of any proposed plan
of reform depends upon its efficiency to destroy this
abase.
The first question then which those who approve
of the theory of universal suffrage ought to ask them-
selves, at present is, whether household suffrage
is likely to give thins a House of Commons that will
represent the governed instead of merely representing
the governing body? Referring to the census of
Isl4l, we find that there were in that year in Great
Britain and Ireland, exclusive of the Channel blends,
6,752,113 males of 20 years of age and upwards,
and 4,775,630 inhabited houses. Some deduction
must be made from the number of inhabited houses
for those that are owned or tenanted by females, but
in return, some deduction must also be made from the
number of adult males for those who are under 21
years of age, which public feeling appears to
recognise as the epoch ref political majority. Allow-
ance must also be made for houses that contain more
than one independent tanage. These considerations
leave little doubt that the household qualification
would give us an electoral body comprising two-thirds
of the whole male population of 21 years of age and
upwards. This electoral body would be composed of
all classes in pretty nearly the same proportions
as they beat to each ether in the total pop!dae
Lion of the country. And the seeresy of voting,
ensured by the ballot and electoral districts at
adequate extent, would render the opinion of
this electoral body n feir cerement of the opinions
;eel wishes of the g,.:•,e rat !midi.- It e‘ ebvi-