The Express.
London, England, 1851-06-07 00:00:00

Mr. REYNOLDS rimed that the chairman leave the

Lord J. RUSSELL (who was addressing the committee
when the reporters were re-admitted) said, having thus
ascertained the opinion of the house, having been desirous
that the hon. gentleman (Kr. Reynolds) and those who acted
with him should stand well with the house, not wishing to ,
produce a contrary implosion, being asked a few nights ago
by the hon. member for Limerick not to bring on the
bill this evening, he could not, the public business haling ,
been previously arnal,goonsigy with that request; but '
being desirous of eem ag with it as far as possible, he
instead of the day for the bill originally
rtenTeat, it should be postponed to this day fortnight, in
order to give time fee bon. gentlemen who intended to be
absent daring the holidays to return; but he must say that
the return he had met with—(cheers)—the taunts and sar-
casms of the hen. member for Dublin—(cheers)—he really
scaldnot avoid ming that a more unfair return he could
not have expand. (Cheers.)
After a few words from Mr. P. BrrLaa and Sir R.
Ixo•te
Mr.REYNOLDS begged the committee to understand
this—(groans)—[Mr. Reynolds attempted to make some
krther observations, but every attempt to articulate was the
signal for a general groan.]
After a few words from Mr. DIJINAILT,
Admiral BERKELEY, apparently with mime degree of
warmth, observed that he had sever known a more for-
bearing majority, or a more feeders eggedtka than that
led by Mr. Reynolds ; adding, dot the subs of the hew
were made by gentlemen for the giddier of geethers,
and if any had come among them who era' net be guided
by these rides it was high time to alter them.
After a few wards from Mr. Dtenazu,
, Mr. KZOOII and Colonel Evox protested against such
• language as that used by Admiral Berkeley, as insulting.
t Admiral BERKELEY disclaimed any intention to offer

TIIe committee then divided—
For the motion 29
Agawt it
Mr. SCULLY said, ea the clause had been passed, It
would be better to defer the provisos to a future day.
Alter a few words from Mr. Lawasss

Mr. REYNOLDS said he had detenitined to agree to
the request made by the Prime Minister, but having been
met by a shout of impatience when he rose, he was com-
pelled to sit down. The hon. and gallant member for
Gloucester (Admiral Berkeley) had risen and addressed
the committee in a most scolding tone, and had been
listened to patiently and cheered to the echo when he said
that " the rules of this house were made for gentlemen."
He would, however, remind the hon. sad gallant member
and the house that they, the Irish members, though
few in numbers-36, or 29, by the last division—
they represented ten millions of people. (Hear, hear.)
They were there to defend their creed' and though their
conduct might render the position of such subordinate mem-
bers of the government as the honourable and gallant
admiral unsafe' they were determined to do their
duty. It was only owing to the impatience of the
committee, and the conduct of the hon. and gallant admiral,
that the committee had been put to the trouble of a second i
division. He hoped that no further progress would now be
attempted with the bill. (Hear, hoar.)
Lord J. RUSSELL said he certainly did not under-
stand the hon. gentleman (Mr. Reynolds) to express any
intention of withdrawing his motion. (Hear, hear.)
It was perfectly obvious that the observations which
had been addressed to the committee by his boa.
friend Admiral Berkeley) were made without any concert
with him (Lord J. Russell), and were made entirely from
his own impression. Ho (Lord John) could only be re-
sponsible for what he said himself. (Hear, hear.) As the
matter now stood, he really could not think it advisable to
postpone the consideration of the proviso moved by the
hon. and learned gentleman (Sir F. Thesiger). lie did not
wish to finish the clause by considering the other provisos.
But as the proviso had been moved, and as they had had
the discussion thereon, he thought it advisable that they
should divide on the proviso, and not go on to finish the
discussion.
The committee then divided on Sir F. Thesiger's proviso :
For the proviso
Against 166-36
SUR% EY OF GREAT BRITAIN, &c., BILL.

Thu bill was read a second time.
lIONE MADE SPIRITS IN BOND.

The house having gone into committee on this resolution,
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER moved that
the chairman leave the chair, and, in doing so, said that he
bad received a deputation from the distillers of England,
complaining of the injustice which would be done them if
this measure was paired. He observed that if his motion
were carried it would, of course, have the effect of dispos-
ing of the resolution at once.
The committee divided—
For the motion

Against it
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said he
would take the acme of the house upon every stage of this

The resolution was put and agreed to, and the chairman
reported progress.
Ihe Lodging-houses Bill, and the Common Lodging-
houses Bill, went through committee. The other orders
and motions were postponed. The house adjourned at half-
past two o'clock.

Pares.—Hr.Fitawilliam, with Colonel Hill, till after the
holidays.

PARLIAMENTARY DIVISION.

Zhe erprego.

TO CORRESPONDENTS.

A Second Edition d" The Express," costatanst •be some eveslag's
0 Gaulle," be pablishad *very Tesslay sal Vriday night, la time
kr pre.
Adratiosesestalatended ter "The Express," Landon Erasing passe,
not to at the Odleo, 10, Boaverisareet. by Two o'clock co the
day at plaited's.

HIGH WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE.
Thu D.l—Morslai. 7b. 4110 An M. 16m.
Toiloasow—ker•lng, Mu &Sta. Altersoca. 9b. $066

LONDON, SATURDAY, JUNG 7.

WE had resolved not to utter another word on the
subject of the division in the National Society, deem-
ing ourselves somewhat scurvily treated by what we
were induced to consider the lay and the liberal
church party. The triumph of that party contented
us ; and we liked that triumph, perhaps, the better
for its being achieved in a magnanimous way, and
with a gentlemanly forbearance very strongly con-
trasted with the tone and temper of Mr. DENISON.
But we see the triumph is contested. The vote is
stigmatised as doubtful, though notoriously adhered
to by three-fourths of those present. And the pre-
late who presided is denounced, as all prelates are
who object to tractarianism. We thought the high
church sect upheld the doctrine of the apostolical
succession of bishops, and of Anglican bishops; yet
hear how one of its doctors treats our bench of
bishops :
- • . _

You have not yet forgotten the paper of the twenty-four
bishops, though I suspect that many persons have done so.
The capital mischief of that document was that it was the
crystallisation of an existing compromise of principle—the
action of an irresponsible confabulation of bishops, ap-
pointed, without check, by the fortuitous representative of
a House of Commons majority. So framed, and without a
view to a better state of things, it could not have failed to
be what it was. Precisely such are the evils of that emana-
tion of our actual ecclesiastical polity, the committee of the
National Society—a close-packed corporation—traceable as
its ultimate source to the appointments of ministerial in-
fluence.

Every institution and person, not of sacerdotal ex-
clusiveness or papal nomination, whether for the
purposes of education or religion, is spurned. Why,
their pretensions go to the total repeal of the Refor-
mation, and the restoration of popery as it existed
over Europe in the age of its greatest abuse.
The National Society has, indeed, had a lucky
escape. The result of the meeting shows how in-
herently weak is the noisiest party in the church of
England when resolutely opposed; and how re-
pulsive to the feelings, traditions, and principles
of English gentlemen, and of the great body of
the English clergy also, arc the strange pretentious
advanced for that church by those, who, whilst
claiming what they call educational freedom, would
exercise it to narrow and restrict church member-

ship.
At its anniversaries for two years successively Mr.
G. A. DemsoN, by means of a little organisation
through the combinations known as Church Unions,
was able to carry, by large majorities, violent
and offensive resolutions condemning the prin-
ciples on which tho Privy Council adminis-
tered the parliamentary grant as inimical to the
education of the poor in the doctrines of the
established church; and so precious was this
libellous imputation adopted by the society last year,
deemed by his clique, that they actually appointed a
committee to watch, to guard, and protect it. Like
all outrages on truth and fair dealing, this charge
roused the indi
,gnation of many sincere and excellent
churchmen, who were astounded by the extent to
which Mr. DExisos's extreme views of church autho-
rity had apparently prevailed in the National So-
ciety and by inference amongst the clergy. One of
these persons, the Rev. EDWARD GIRDLEBTONE,
the Vicar of Deane, in Lancashire, fully per-
suaded that such were not the real opi-
nions of a majority either in the society
or in the church, resolved that at the forthcoming
meeting that question should be properly tested;
and, for many months past, with unwearied in-
dustry, zeal, and earnestness, Mr. GIRDLESTONE col-
lected the sentiments of the clergy as to the ma-
nagement clauses of the Privy Council, and obtained
from upwards of 2,000 of them their general appro-
bation of their introduction into the trust deeds of
church schools, and their assent to the proceedings
of the Privy Council in its administration of the
parliamentary grant. Mr. GIRDLESTONE'S prelimi-
nary investigations led to an organisation in London,
and the result of its deliberations was that the ques-
tion should be brought to issue.
The effect of this determination on Mr. DENISON
and his friends was amusing. Whilst yet it
was only forming, he had announced his intention
of again repeating his slanderous resolution. This
intention, however, thawed and thawed as the
counter-movement grew in strength and importance;
and by degrees the words of Mr. DENISON'S pro-
posed motion grew softer and softer, milder and
milder ; until at last in the proposition of 1851 the
sound and fury of the resolution of 1819 and 1850
had wholly disappeared ; and it was almost impos-
sible to detect in the motion he actually 'brought
forward the virus of that original offence which had
excited the resistance before which he bent and
yielded.
What the resolution itself wanted, the speeches of
himself and his friend Mr. HOPE, however, amply
supplied; and these left Sir JOHN PAKINOTON no
alternative but to oppose by an amendment their
spirit. At episcopal entreaty the amendment was
withdrawn ; but by an immense majority of the
largest anniversary meeting of the National Society
over held, Mr. DENISON'S resolution, and what is
much more important, his views and opinions, were
rejected and dismissed.
By this decision the tractarian spirit which for
awhile prevailed in the National Society, has at least
been humbled for awhile; the great principle of lay
participation in the management of church schools
has been asserted; and what Mr. DENISON calls
"catholic truth" has been rejected. This is in every
respect important, considering the parties who joinedin
the debate, and the power of those who remained
silent, and might have defeated the amendment, had
Sir JOHN PAKINOTON pushed it to a division. To us, we
must confess, notwithstanding the observations made
on the form in which we had put the alternative, it
is something very like " purging the society of the
offensive principles adopted at the last two meet-
ings;' something very like a refusal "to leave the
society in the hands of priesteraft." And this view
of the matter is very strongly confirmed by the
manner in which the vacancy by death was supplied
in the committee; for in the Rev. C. Dstrox, the
new member, the opinions of Mr. HUBBARD will,
we apprehend, find a very determined opponent
The result is very fortunate for the National So-
t catty cow dm tbat next year it again becomes
; entitled, in the ordi course of events, to a
mt Queen's Letter in its For had Mr. Dataisox
once more prevailed, the pecuniary profits of the

royal appeal must again have exhibited a further
falling off. But the dissolution of the National So-
ciety, from went of funds, would not have been the
most serious circumstance. Moro serious would
have been the proof of the deep schism in the Church,
I which incapacitates it from action in its most prac-
tical and sacred duties.

LOUIS NAPOLEON is a weaver of PENELOPE'S web.
He generally employs his ministers to announce and
carry out a certain system of policy, and this has no
sooner advanced a good way towards completion than
LOUIS NAPOLEON gets tired of the ezpenment, and
knocks the whole concern to pieces with a kick of
his boot.

We have often thought it a
_pity, that Loris
PHILIPPE were not now in Louts NAPOLEON'S place,
as we have thought it a pity that Louis NAPOLEON
had not been in 1830 in Lot Is PHILIPPE'S. In 18301
the nation was confiding, generous, liberal, and not
only the nation but its statesmen. There is a dash,
an impulse about Loris NAPOLEON, which would
shave made him successful in 1830 both with
the French people and with French statesmen. He
would have popularised his dynasty ; contented
the French with some glory, or something that
would pass for it. He would not have haggled for
millions for his daughter, nor cheated the Queen of
SPAIN of a husband, nor set ODILON BARROT and
reform at defiance out of love for the beaux yeux of
M. GUIZOT.

On the other hand, LOUIS PHILIPPE, as President
of the French republic in 1849, would have been the
most profound, the most patient, the most admirable
of MACHIAVELLIS. He would have adopted all the
conservative fervour of the Assembly, cajoled its
notables, prayed withits devotees, and even reasoned
with its reds. He would have taken up every thread
of that ravelled skein of 1848 with a patience such as
no man had, save himself. He would have studied the
Assembly, its prejudices and its weaknesses, and made
himself a party out of it. He would have appointed
MOLE his chamberlain and THIERS his valet, instead
of trusting to the PERSIGNYS and the ABATTUCCIS.
He would have passed no reviews, and given no
champagne to the soldiers. But he would have made
CHANGARNIER a marshal, and covered him with
commands and gold lace.
It is ordained, however, that every man, and every
thing, and every idea, shall all come at the wrong
time, and in their wrong places in France. So
LOUIS-PHILIPPE was sent to let a great monarchy
down with his meanness and cunning ; and Louts-
NAPOLEON has been sent to strut, like a tambour-
major, before the mighty republic, wearing the in-
signia of something more than generalissimo, and
with really less rank and power than a sergeant.
What Louts PHILIPPE understood, was the manage-
ment of men; what lie did not understand, was the
management of a people. What LOUIS NAPOLEON
evidently does not understand, is the management of
men. Left to himself, however, we do not think
Louts NAPOLEON incapable of captivating a nation.
He has courage, adventure, liberal impulses. His
letter to Colonel OUDINOT on Boman affairs ; his
desire the other day to amend the law of the 31st of
May ; his bold, though impudent, speech at
Dijon, show that he has that within hum which
would please the French, were ho not tied
to that most incomprehensible and unmanageable
of bodies, the National Assembly. The constitution
has placed him completely at its mercy. It has been
reactionary in France, bigotted at Rome, envious and
vexatious in England, jealous of Prussia, servile to
Austria. It has delivered education to the priest-
hood, the public liberties to the armies; it has made
a deity of the police, and for its sole idol, has bowed
down to the one thought, the one anxiety, fear of
the popular and industrious classes. To be Prince or
President, or in any wise sovereign of a state,
governed upon such principles or such views
as these, would, in truth, be to accept a post
of odium and unpopularity. It mi"ht be useful, nay,
high-minded, for an individual lire CAVAIGNAC to
devote himself to be the executioner and repressor of
popular development; but that a prince should have
consented to play such a part, and that he should
have even sought such a position, with the hope of
raising himself thereby to the throne, was indeed the
greatest of miscalculations. The wonder is that
LOUIS NAPOLEON, in his position, has preserved, as
much as he has done, the attachment of the French
generally, and that there is still left au.; cient want
of discernment, or sufficient respect for his name, to
render probable his re-election.
His only hope lies or lay in a more liberal
National Assembly; and whether he has not de-
stroyed that by the law of the 31st of May, may well
be doubted. But a renewal of the President's power
in the person. of Louts NAPOLEON with the re-elec-
tion of the present Assembly, or of any body of
men rescmbhng it in spirit, would merely prolong
the present state of uncertainty and crisis, re-
new the inevitable antagonism between Assembly
and President, and leave everything unsettled, re-
public, monarchy, liberty, and what is more serious
than all, the relative predominance of classes. As
to continuing France in the condition of two
camps, with one-third of the population banded to-
gether as communists, armed and entrenched and for
ever meditating attack, whilst the citizens, and the
army, and the government on the other, are com-
pelled to remain arms an bras on the alert against in-
surrection—this cannot endure without thrusting
back France into the condition of those barbarous
lands, where tribe still wars on tribe, subjugating
and tyraunising over each other by turn, with no
law save violence, and no sentiment nobler than
hatred, contempt, and revenge.