The Express.
London, England, 1851-01-13 00:00:00

the erpreoo.

whilst his King profited largely by the more luxurious
habits of the north German populatirm. Prussis, in
fact, seer Seed lee revenue to her political importance,
m thief of the Z 'Uremia.
Austria cannot supply the place of Prussia in this
respect. Her subjects are all poor and of email con-
sumption. Ste has come forward, moreover, with
a great reduction of hgr custom tariff, or a proposed
reduction, bringing tattiest all the duties en colonial
articles very nearly to the level of the Zollverein, and
thereby removing objections on the part of the people
of suck states as may join the customs union. The
revenue and the e xchequer of these states are to be
indemnified however, it would appear, by an increased
excise, and by the institution of tobacco and other
monopolies, after the Austrian fashion. The mono-
roly, to be imposed upon the South Germans, and
the Suabians, and the Hungarians, at the same time,
cannot but give rime to great discontent.
In the tariff project we notice some very ominous
omissions. There is not one word slid of iron,
whilst it is announced that the committee could come
to no resolution on the subject of cotton yarn
or twist. The raw material of manufacture,
such as cotton, is indeed to be admitted at a
nominal duty, but the article manufactured even
in the slightest degree, is to be burdened with duties
far exceeding the tariff of the Zollverein. This, it is
expected, will recompense the Suabian manufacturers
for the additional excise. Should this scheme of an
Austrian customs union succeed, all we con say of
Prussia is, that she is most deservedly punished and
dethroned. But the combination of Austria, of Hun-
gary, of South Germany, including, perhaps,Ssxony ;
of Lombardy, Tuscany, and through influence the
chief portions of Italy, all these countries, and forts,
and rivers, rendered at one fell swoop subservient to
the commercial policy of the cabinet of Vienna, is
likely to be far more detrimental to us than even to,
Prussia.
We have, however, strong faith in the progress
and prevalence of the intellectual and advanced por
Lions of humanity over the laggard and the be-
nighted. And we believe as little in the duration
of an Austrian commercial league, as of a SCIIWAR-
UN BERG despotism for Germany. Both are forging the
fetters in cobweb, which the first move of the German
people would annihilate sod brush away for ever.
But the pusillanimity and treachery of the Prussian
cabinet have rendered any and every scheme of ty-
ranny possible for the moment.

TO CORRESPONDENTS.
daretlarseata intended foe "The Ewen," Larks Vial.' paper,
coat tte at the I tfice, 10, Bourefirstroo4 07 Tim, °V.& 00 Ll.l
day of pub.tcatetu.

111 OR WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE.
Trigs Lha—Moiami, 9b. 44e.. Alterseca, lob. Mu.
To. roasuw —Mania& 1011. Sts Alsersoas, I Id 30n.

LONDON, MONDAY. JANUARY 13.

UNDER is arearwhat incongruous heading, in
large capitals, of " PAPAL AGGRMION—REVIVAL
of CONVOCATION," a meeting of the clergy and laity
of the church of England is summoned for to-morrow
at the Freemasons' Tavern. By whom called it is
not, however, stated; but as reference is made in the
summons to the Metropolitan Church Union, it is not
unreasonable, from the antecedents of that body, to
suppose, by the leaders of that party in the church
which, in the proceedings against Bishop HAMPDEN,
attempted to clip the power of the Crown in the ap-
pointment of bishops, which in the proceedings
spinet Mr. GoRnANt attempted to destroy the com-
prehensive character of the church of England, which
in the proceedings at St. Martin's Hall in the course
of last summer attempted to explain and argue away
the Royal Supremacy in affairs ecclesiastical, and
which by its whole course of plicy is attempt-
leg to confer on the church some inherent
power over faith and discipline, by restoring to
it what, in the episcopal cant of the day, is
called its synodical action—by, in short, the
party who would infuse the spirit of papacy into the
church of England —the tractariane, the Puseyites,
the high churchmen, or by what other name they are
known or designated.
In this, as in all other parties, there are, of course,
various grades rf opinions. There are some that,
with the reverend gentleman who in October last in-
troduced discord into tie Bristol Cteurch Union, by
giving notice of a motion to the effect that the Pore
was the heed of the Christian Church, keep their eyes
steadily fixed on Rome. There are probably a few
who, with Mr. PALMER, prefer the Greek schismatiee'
to the Romish heretics. More who, like Dr. PesiT,
claim for the English church powers akin to that of
Rome without adopting all the corruptions of Rome.
Not a few who, with Mr. SEwELL, actk a new orga-
nisation by which to develop the " freedom" of the
church of Eogland when they get it. Many who are
misled by the pretty picture drawn by Bishop WIL-
BERFORCE of our reformed establishment being a re-
vival of an ecclesiastical will-o'-the-wisp called the
Anglo-Saxon church. The majority, however, pro-
bably consisting of t hat passionate old high church
faction which has irrevocably identified itself with

----7
No transient or merely diplomatic triumph, ob-
tained by the despotic, the catholic, the rineic and
retrograde portion of Germany over the more tho-
roughly German, free thooghted, constitutional, and
commercial region of that great country, can make us
swerve from upholding the cause of the latter. If
oonatitutional Germany has succumbed, this has been
owing to its own internal jealousies and divisions, to
those of reigning famili. s and donee, and to the very
Intelligence of the people themselves, who cannot be
led to combat or roused to resistance, except for
a great principle, whilst the hordes of the
South march at their rulers' bidding, scarcely caring
or inquiring to what they are conducted. Yet even
this natural frowardness and divergence of opinion
seed not have so prostrated • great military country
like Prussia, before foes, whom the Hungarians so
boldly resisted and held at bay, had those at the head
el the Prussian government possessed even &moderate
quantity of consistency and courage.
We do not regret having hoped and trusted
till the last moment, that the great national
and constitutional cause would have been sustained
by that dynasty, whose fortune and rank de-
pended ePogether on its success. We should pre-
fer to have seen the German constitutional cause
established by the instrumentality of a king
and his counsellors. This WILLIAM of ORANGE
accomplished in England, and his success did more
for the mrintenanee of 'doily government than all
the acts of the STUMM worked for its destruction.
Germane, however, can henceforth have no faith in
dynasties or in princes. 'their trust must be in them-
selves, in the spirit which resents their wrongs and
cherishes their rights, in the prudence that knows how
to bide its time, and the wisdom that provides in the
silence of indignant suffering and servitude for
avoiding past errors and taking full advantage of
future opportunities.
Fur the final result we entertain no fear whatever.
The flatheads and the Nez Perch, those Indian
tribes that inhabit the great plains at the foot of the
Rocky Mountains, will subject the active and intelli.
gent races of the United States just as soon as the
Bavarian, the Carinthian, and the Selavonian will
tread down and subject the descendants of LUTHER,
of lietenea, and of STeIN. And, indeed, had
those stalwart and savage Bohemians, Count
SCiIwARZEN BERG and Tuttle, made use of their pre-
asst conquest of Germany to forswear their own
barbarism, and adopt for Austria the cowl-
tutimalism, liberties, and self-government indi-
genous to the north, they might then create •
Germany, and permit Austria to be • part of it. But
SCIMAKZENUERG has evidently no such ideas. 'Dui
use that he has made of his triumph has not been to
unite or to conciliate, but to humiliate and insult.
The language of his despatches is degrading to the
Prairies King, ulcerating to the Prussian nation.
And his policy is like his despatches. It amounts to
• proscription of all constitutional independence, a
denial of all popular rights. It is literreaelen's
despotism without his urbanity ; and his contempt for
infant freedom changed to hatred for freedom already
grown to man's estate. The more harsh the policy
of the Austrian megneror, the more insolent his
triumph, the wider has grown the schism, the more
inveterate the hatred between north and south, and
between the German and the non-German element
in central Europe. Scitwartzt• BERG hopes to
crush the Germans by the non-Germans, and to
form a new confederation in which Sclavonic votes
and interests, shall prevail morally and physically
—over the moral desires as well as over the mate-
rial wants of the Germans. This may be done
os paper. It may indeed be drawn out upon parch-
ment and in letters of gold, be enthroned at Frankfort
as the charter of a new era, and have the sanction
of every crowned and mitred head in Europe. And
yet it is but so much empty sheepskin and waste paper.
The Russian and the Schism, notwithstanding their
increosiag military superiority, cannot seriously, and
for any time, make laws for the German race and
country in the middle of the nicetesnth cen-
tury. The Ruseien-Sclavonic invasion may indeed
prevail for a season as the French invasion did. The
confederation of the Rhine, and the infeodation of
Germany to France lasted its few years, and looked
at its ootausencensent as a thing that a century could
sot shake. The yoke of NICIIOLAS and of &Ewen-
Zatterao wants, however, the prestige of NAPOLEON,
and cannot last even so long. No ; not although an
Austrian legion has penetrated to the Eyder.
The political yoke is fast making itself manifest.
Already the Sta.dtholderate of Holstein has sur-
rendered unconditionally, and V.zera. up the rights and
liberties of the duchies to the The Ilessians
are at the mercy of their Reams. And the com-
mission at Dresden, charged with examining the
question of a German executive, have separated on
the impossibility of agreeing. No doubt. The con-
ference of Dresden was but a farce to throw a slight
curtain over the last scene of the drama, till the public
were prepared for it, and that last scene is the re-
storation of the old Diet in all its tyranny and in-
capacity, with Austria, of course, as its fitting head.
But what is more immediately important to us are
the effects upon free trade, and upon our own trade
with Germany likely to result from the partial breaking
up of the Zollverein, and the groat extension of Austrian
commercial and fiscal principles east, math, and north.
It is clearly and truly perceived by the Austrian
minister that what gave power and presumption to
Prussia to compete with the court of Vienna, and
claim precedence over the Sclavonic empire in
Germany, has been its success in the great question
of commercial union. To dethrone Prawn& from this
pee-eminence, as from military and political equality
with Austria, is evidently the present aim; and for
this purpose, the Austrian government has put
forth a project for • new tariff, destined to entice the
amithern and some even of the northern states of Ger-
miey, away from the Zollverein.
What chiefly binds the kings of the south, such as
Bavaria, to the Prussian 'loll • , is the gnat
issreme of revenue that the customs union afforded
, •them. Whilst the amount levied was raised
..'ablefly on the richer and more largely con-
e/ming north, the distribution of the rum
was proportioned to the population, so that the
rade Bavarian,
. who knows scarcely what sugar is,
'attributed little to the revenue by his 000nampiim,

Purreyisen.
The complaint of all the various grades in this
strange and heterogeneous mixture of learning ran ccad
and ecelesiastical ambition over the traces, of priestly
folly and lay stupidity,is that the church wants power;
that being crippled ehe cannot withstand Rome. Give
her freedom, they add, and she will do. They do not say,
indeed, what she will ao—that we are to imagine. Power
—power—power is what they want and ask for ; and
how churchmen use power when they have it, all
hiatory testifies. They want power for the church of
England, OA claiming divine authority ; they want
power for themselves, as having sacerdotal functions
in that church ; they want power over us. the laity of
England, as being bound, they say, to conform and
yield obedience to that divine church placed in this
oar land, and to them its appointed sacrificial priest-
hood ; they want power to give their decrees as to
faith, order, and discipline, the force of laws of this
land; they want power to restrict the prerogatives
of the sovereign, and to coerce the consciences
tithe people of this realm. They may clothe their
designs in gentle sounds and in mild phraseology ;
they may addresses in the language of liberty and in
the words of peace; they may produce texts from
Scripture, praises from the fathers, and reecripts of
the lower empire to delude us ; but this is what is
I meant ; this is the legitimate consequence of their
pretensions.
" I fear for the English," said Father Petm, writ-
ing under not very dissimilar circumstances in 1609 ;
" I hold in suspicion that great power of the bishops,
though in subjection to the sovereign. I seem to see
the horse saddled in England, and think that before
keg, the old rider soiU mount. But all things are
under Providence." And the " old rider" would
assuredly mount if these men could have their way.
Let it then be our duty to do battle for every inch of
the country that lies between them and victory ; we
shall then keep the " old rider " out of the saddle
they have ready for him.
The freedom which they claim for the Church of
England is based on two assumptions ; first, that she
is a divinely appointed church; secondly, that by the
old constitutions of this realm, she is a church pos-
sessing synodical authority. Both are, however,
gratuitous assumptions: the one as devoid of scrip-
tural, as the other is legal authority.
That there is a church of divine appointment, no
one denies. But it is the Church, or Kingdom of
Christ; and for any human church to substitute
itself for that church is little short of blasphemy.
The object of a human church is to gain admittance
for its members into that divine church ; and the
latter consists of all the units coctributed to it by
human churches. The people in this country
have adopted the Church of England as the
moat likely organisation by which to be led
into the higher and holier church ; but in doing so
they have not claimed for the church of England any
of its attributes. On the contrary, they have ex-
primly laid down in its articles that it may "err.'
" the grossest mistakes," says Bishop HOADLET, in
that noble sermon which in 1717 produced the Ban-
goriest Controversy," in judgment about the nature
of Crater's kingdom or church have arisen from
hence, that men have argued from other visible
societies and other visible kingdoms of this earth what
ought to be visible and sensible in Hie kingdom : con-
stantly leaving out of their notion the most essential
part of it, that Caller is King in his own king-
dom: forgetting this King himself, because he is
not now seen by mortal eyes : and substituting
others in his place as lawgivers and judges on the
sense point, in which he mast either be alone, or not
at all, • lawgiver and king." Now this detect is
exactly what the people going to assemble in Free-
masons' Hall are about to display: they wish to
occupy the place of lawgivers in a church or kingdom
in which there is and can be no lawgiver but ONE ;
for, as HOADLET remarks in the same sermon, to im-
pose a sense upon old laws is the same thing as
making new ones.
. As little doubt is there that there was once in actl-
hefty tn the church of Ecgland a convocation. But
that convocation wee never such an organisation ae
these men now seek to establish. Prior to the Refor-
,aaatlen it we/14101y a body by which the clergy oat.

triboted to the support of the state from the general
taxation of which they were supposed to be free. At the
Reformation its power to enact w hat S lethal AELFOIIB-
- in exatnioing,tit LerdHennwlext'e request, the
monstrous pretensions contained in Bishop Giesori's
Codes, expressively terms " bye-laws" foe the church,
was, by the Statute of Submission, confined within
very narrow limits; s 3 narrow, that real power it
had none left, and even in popish times it required a
royal license to deliberate on any subject even of
discipline. The use of Convocation expired in 166.5,
when the clergy gave up the right of self taxation,
receiving in exchange the (privilege of plinked. suf-
frage. Since then it has occasional,/ flickered; but
the sparks always threatening danger to the church,
it has long since practically ceased to exist.
And its revival now would not achieve the object
aimed at by the Pussyites. To achieve that object
the Convocation would have to be remodelled, and
power could only be infused into it by diminishing
the power of the Crown and Parliament. Are the
people of England prepared for that? Are they pre-
pared to see the royal supremacy frittered away in
order to place power in the hands of churchmen!
Are they prepared to see Par•liament exempt the
church from the sphere of its authority? These are
questions that must be answered affirmatively before
any men can give his support to any proposal to re-
vive Convocation.
The Convocation that Puseyites want is a Convo-
cation possessing power such as general c3uncils of
the Romish church claim to have—power such as the
papacy in modern times exercises—power professing
to have its origin in divine right. And of it may be
said what Sir MICHAEL FORSTER in 1736 said of
such pretensions generally :-
1 would not be undercood to insinuate that the supremacy
of the Pope is a necessary coneequence from the divine right
of episcopal jurisdiction. But I believe I may venture to
affirm that the divine right appropriated by ecciesimtics is
the cursed root of bitterness whence the papal supremacy
sprung. And if the principle of a right of jurisdiction wide-
rived from the civil magistrate doth not always lead to the
popery of the church of Rome, it leads to a state of things
equal 4 mischievous and more absurd—l mean a popery at
our mos doors. Our ancestors, at or about the time of the
Reformation. had plainly this notion of the matter; and
therefore they did not content themselves with bravely abo-
lishing the usurped power of the Bi'hop of Rome, but went
to the root of the evil, and declared that ell jurisdiction, as
well ecclesiastical as civil, is vested in, and exercised by,
delegation from the crown.
What they then wisely did, let it be our duty care-
fully to protect and perpetuate.

For Account.
PAIL'S, lA.+. 11. I For
Money. Opening Ililehrot.l Lowest.' Closing

pate whose rule is indispensable to them, the leadingl ceedings of this oommiesion than to those of either of
men of the Chamber would have taken a mach I the others. The states represented in it are Austria,
wiser and more dignified course in not retaliatiog Prussia, Saxony, Hanover, Wirtemburg, Baden, Saxe
tit on the Elysee, but in demonstrating to the Prat- Coburg, Hamburg, and Oldenburg. The sitting yes-
dent the impracticability of his governing the country terday lasted but a very short time. The represents.-
without regarding the sentiments of the parliamen- tive s of Saxony and Bavaria handed in memorials
tary majority. As it is, they have east stone for whichin many points are understood to be ahkel;
stone, and the government can, in deference to its they are precisely the same as those whir
own honour, only defy them until they change their the governments of the two countries caused
mood. What earthly goad can result from raking to be presented to the Congress of the
up the old stories of Satory, Neumayer, and the Dix Zollverein at Cassel. The proceedings of this con-
Deeembre ? All that they can prove by such gives have not been made public, but it is well known
a course is, that the man who must govern that the memorials then presented by the Saxon and
them is unfit to govern them. Id. Thiers Bavarian representatives contained proposals for
and his compeers may, with the minutes paving the way for a customs union with Austria, a
of the Permanent Committee in their hands, measure whi.:h both documents recommended in the
step forward and say, "Here are the reasons why we strongest possible manner. The Saxon memorial,
object to the removal of a pledge for the maintenance moreover, was understood to have been very consi-
ot order like General Changarnier ; here are the derably biassed by the leaning of the government
reasons why we will not become the ministry of Louis towards Austria, and the desire to escape from the
Napoleon. Who is secure against his coups d'etat f influence of Prussia. In Magdeburg, also, the Saxon
May he not dismiss us, as he did MM. Barret and Dm government supported a highly beneficial measure
faure, to make a fresh experiment of personal policy ? proposed by Aostria, which would have equally facili-
You talk to us of the President's message, of his toted the customs union with the latter empire : that
well-meaning intentions, but can we forget the im- measure was the total abolition of the Elbe dues.
perialiet intrigues in which he has tampered, and of The government of Prussia, however, opposed the
which the proof lie here? As well treat a lunatic total abolition, and recommended a reduction of one
because be has lucid intervals." It is well to weigh half. On every other point convected with the
both sides; and both are so much in the wrong that it question of a customs union with Austria, the
were rash to say on which side lies the right. government of Saxony is prepared to give an
Meanwhile one important symptom is disclosed in unqualified assent, but I am not certain
the debates which took place on M. de itemusat'e whether the memorial presented this morning
motion in the bureaux. All the Orleanists, and contains any direct allusion to the Austrian places or
Thiers among the chief, were profuse in protestations any direct promise to support them. It recommends
of attachment to the republic. If the present in @trot g language a customs union, and deals at
situation of conflict is prolonged, a clear premium great length with the question of the Elbe dues.
is held out for the outbreak of a legitimist plot. The Bavarian memorial is, as I have said before, very
The bureaux of the Assembly met yesterday, to similar to the Saxon, but I understand that while
appoint the committee for examining the several recommending a customs union with Austria, as
propositions relative to the exercise of arrest for debt necessary to the prosperity of Germany, it also
against the representatives. The majority of the ba- alludes to the existing Zollverein, and expresses the
reaux appeared to prefer the proposition of M. Pou- desire that some kind of representation of the in-
geard, whose principle was borrowed from that of terests of each state belonging to it should be
England, having for its object to consider as having admitted into its constitution. I hope to procure the
forteited his seat every member who, after three documents themselves.
months from notice given to the qaestors of the The Saxon government are about to make a new
Assembly, should not have satisfied his creditor. M. loan of 13 millions of dialers.
Berryer thought that the report of the committee I see the Berlin papers state that the congress of
should support the decision of the Assembly, and con- the Zollverein is to be resumed at Wiesbaden.
sidered that in the affair of Ni. Mauguin there had A letter of the same date, in the Constitutionnelk
been an encroachment by the judicial authorities. 70, thing, says :
The Duke de Broglie thought that the inviolability "Little transpires of what passes in the Conferences.
of the representatives extended only to the opinions In the first committee a proposal for the organisation
expreesed at the tribune, and not to his private per- of the highest Diet authorities was made to the
see. He required that in civil matters, when the following effect .• The central power to consist of
proceedings are legal, an authorisation should not be seven factors (fictoren) and nine votes. Two of
refused. As to the compulsory vacating the seat, M. these factors, with two votes, to be Austria and
de Broglie objected to it, and thought such a provi- Prussia. The remaining five votes to be divided
Mon could only take place in the electoral law. M. among the remaining states. This council of states
Datum said it was necessary to settle the question, to possess the executive—in exceptional cases, the
and to put an end to the uncertainty in which it legislative power also. The legislative body, con-
placed the law officers. He did not admit the aim- sieting of thy plenum of the princes and free states of
lute inviolability. If the constitution did not speak of Germany, to assemble once a year," Oa this proposi-
arrest for debt, it was that a decree had *us; ended its tion being set forth Bavaria, we are informed, claimed
exercise. With this fact beforethem, and with thedonbt an entire vote, which claim was neither contested by
which (xi/red as to the maintenance of the arrest for Austris nor by Prussia. Wurtemburg claimed a fourth
debt, it was not possible to mention it in an article vote. Saxony and Hanover made a similar demand;
of the constitution. It was understood that in a po- so that one vote only remained for the rest of
litical matter the representative would not be rm Germany. The first committee has, as already
spooeible, but the same reason did not prevail as to stated, come to no resolution,"
civil matters. In criminal matters all was arranged.
The most reasonable manner of settling the question
is to make a decree, which leaves to the Assembly
the right of examining the authorisation ch mended
as to arrest for debt, which could not be exercised
without previous authorisation. Public opinion
would be satisfied by making a rule so sim-
ple that the representatives are, like all other
citizens, liable to arrest in civil matter-, pro-
vided the authorisation of the Assembly be ob-
tained. M. Lequien thought the cases of vacating
the seat for debt and on bankruptcy might be made
analogous. Amongst many members, and particu-
larly among those of the Mountain, there prevailed
an opinion that the representatives should be ob.°.
lutely inviolable. M. Dupont (de Bussac) thought
no trader should have the right to deprive a hundred
thousand electors of their representation for a cause
of private interest. M. Michel (de Bourges) saw in
the provision tending to a compulsory vacating of the
seat the restoration of the privilege of the rich.
Several other members of the Mountain and par-
ticularly M. Madier de Montjau, opposed the
proposition as illogical, unconstitutional, and opposed
to the dignity of the Assembly. He reminded the
bureau that preceding charters, less liberal than the
constitution, had established the:principle:ot the invio-
lability of the representatives. M. Morellet insisted
on the abolition of arrest for debt. M.M. Emile,
Leroux, Garnon, and Vavin, spoke in favour of the
application of the ordinary law to the representatives,
but this opinion met with but little support. The
bureaux finally named as a committee, M. Odilon
Barret, President ; M. Houle, Secretary; and as
members, MM. Martel, Garnon Cretan, Ternaux,
De Charency,Grimsult,Moulin,Sauvaire-Barthelemy,
Heurtier, Lamm, Lequien, Thomine Desmasures,
Leon de Malleville, Vitet,
BOURSE.

CASSEL, JAN. 0.

For the last eight days a permaorrt military
tribunal has bren established here. It consists of an
upper tribunal, an under tribunal, and a committee of
inquiry. The first is composed of three Austrian
and two Bavarian officers. The under tribunal cm-
sista of three Bavarian and two Austrian offi.ers, and
the court of inquiry is comprised of one Bavarian and
one Austrian officer. _ - .

—The City Council being assured by Count Lein-
ingen, both verbally and by writing, that the
" severest measures' were in contemplation it
and -

they should continue to hold out, that on
their submission compulsive measures would
cease altogether, sent in yesterday their submission.
The " executive" now should be c moldered as over,
and now is the time for General Peucker to act his
part, which has been hitherto only that of a spectator
of Count Leiningen's proceedings.
Count Leiniugen published yesterday a permi,-
Bien for the re-appearance of the late forbidden
journals in Cassel. They are still forbidden through-
out the rest of the electorate.

MUNICH, JAN. 6.—ln the course of this month the
Augsburg-Ulm telegraphic line will be opened, and
the oft-mentioned ambulant post be at last estab-
lished. _ _ .

•
CARLSRIME, JAN. B.—By the arrival of the Aus-
trian-Venice regiment in the fortress of Radstadt, the
garrison for the time is settled, but not definitively
established. For Prussia we heat has not yet spoken
out upon the subject ; probably she will not do so till
the conferences are over; and it is not unlikely that
Radstadt may eventually be garrisoned like Mayne.
by Austrians and Prussians jointly.
TREWS, JAN. B.—Yesterday the former member of
the Reichstag, Louis Simon, received sentence of death
for high treason.
Stumm, Jam. 11.—Volun.ary Loan, 1061 ; New Loan,
Four and a-Half per Cent..., 994; Natioaal Debt, 844; Com-
mercial Marisa Society's Premium,l2o; Bank 88aree, 954.
VINNNA, ,JAN. 10.—Five par Cent. Idstalliques, 95;
Four-and-a-Half per Cents., ditto, 821. Bunk Shares,
1136. litchange on London, 12.44.