The Express.
London, England, 1851-11-04 00:00:00

Vio Court.

WINDSOR, Nov. 3.
The Queen walked in the Home l'ark and in the
Slopes this morning.
the Prince of Wales, the Princess Royal, and younger
members of the Royal Family, took their usual pony and
walking exercise.
I Prince Albert went out shooting this morning, ath ivied
by Colonel lion. C. Grey, Colonel F. 11. Seymour (Elm cry
in Waiting), and Colonel &Adolph (Master of the House-
hold).
The Duke of Norfolk and Lady Adeliza Howard arc ex-
pected at the Castle this evening.
Her Majesty and Prince Albert went to Frozmore, the
residence of the Duchess of Kent, this evening. The Tyro-
lese singers, Helens, Rainer, and troupe, had again the
honour of singing before her Majesty and his Royal High-
ness and the Duchess of Kent, at Frugmore. The Tyro-
lese, who have brought testimonials from several of the
continental crowned heads, Fang their national songs with
great execution and taste. The troupe have performed once
at Windsor Castle before the Queen.

Her Majesty will hold a Chapter 'of the Order of tho
Garter tomorrow (Tuesday), at the Castle,

Sir Henry Lytton Bulvrer had an interview with Lord
John Russell yesterday. The right lion. guidon in also at-
tended at the Foreign-office.
The Marquis of Lansdowne arrive/ in town yesterday to
attend the Cabinet Council, frum his seat, llowood-park,
Wilts. Earl Grey also arrived in I,,sen to attend the council
on Sunday evening, from llowitk-hall, Northumberland.
Despatches were received yesterday at the Colunial-office,
from the governors of the North American Provinces and
the Falkland Islands.

A Cabinet Council was held yesterday afternoon
at the Foreign-office, Downing-street. The ministers
present were—Lord John Russell, the Lord Chan-
cellor, the Marquis of Lansdowne, the Earl of Minto,
Viscount Palmerston, Earl Grey, the Chancellor of
the Exchequer. Sir Francis Baring, Lord Brough-
ton, the Right lion. henry Labouchere, the 'larquis
of Clanricarde, Lord Seymour, and Earl Granville.
The council sat two hours.

MR. NASSAU SENIOR has been appointed to the
Irgal post in India recently vacated by the death of :dr.
Bethune. It is worth ten thouh.uul pounds a year.

THE BISHOP OF ENETEICS SENTENCE ON THE
Ray R. ANTR2OI.—ERETER, MONDAV.—The Right Rev.
Lord Bishop of Exeter, by consent of the defendant, pro-
nounced sentence on the 11ev. Richard Antrum, incumbent
of the parish of Slapton, Devon, this day, at the Chapter-
house. The offences charged were that he had not per-
formed divine service on the morning and evening of Good
Friday, nor on the evening of Easter-day ; that he bad not
resorted, upon notice, to the house of a parishioner, on the
31st of January last, to baptise an infant, then dangerously
ill, by which neglect the child died untiaptised ; and that,
on the 3rd of Dlarch, he had refused or delayed to bury a
corpse of a child brought to the churchyard, after duo
notice given. It appeared that an °Mir of commitment
had issued from the Kingsbridge County Court, in pur-
suance of a judgment in a suit for the recovery of a debt,
in the month of December last, and therefore Mr. Antrim
had closely confined himself to his house every day except
Sundays, and taken very effectual measures to prevent the
entrance of any one who could execute the order. His
Lordship observed that he would forbear considering whe-
ther this general neglect of some of the highest duties of
the clerical charge—the visiting his parishioners in sickness
and health—was or was not au offence against the ecclesi-
astical law, but he noticed it for the purpose of observing
that it deprived Mr. Antrim of all claim to indulgent con-
sideration on account of his fear of arrest. For offending
against the law of the church, by neglecting to perform
divine service on the occasions alleged, the bishop monished
the defendant not to offend again. As to the non-baptism
of the infant, it was too clearly established to ad-
mit of any doubt, and a must grave ease he
was bound to regard it. Who could venture to
say that any child dying unhaptised is in as good
a state in all eternity, as if it had been baptised? Our
church pronounced it certain by God's word that children
who are baptised dying before they commit actual sin are
undoubtedly saved. It not only did not pronounce that
certainty, it abstained from ever intimating any hopes, and
preserved a reverend and becoming silence respecting the
state of a babe dying without baptism. So late as the year
1549, when the Book of Common Prayer was first compiled,
our church, though it ceased to express in plain terms that
the unbaptised child perished everlastingly, yet ssemed to
have implied the same belief. It was impossible to remark
too gravely on the fearful responsibility incurred by tho
defendant, and who, by his neglect, deprived this poor in-
nocent of that assurance of salvation which God's word,
solemnly interpreted by his church, would otherwise have
given. As that was too plain for doubt, ho (the bishop)
was bound to pronounce the full sentence prescribed by
the 69th canon, that the defendant he and wan thereby by
him (the bishop) suspended fur three mouths; and fur.
ther, that before his restitution, lie should acknowledge his
fault Baud promise before him, his ordinary, that he would
not wilfully incur the like again. With regard to refusing
or delaying to bury the child of George Peering, though
proved, his lordship forbore going into detailed remarks or
pronouncing any additional sentence, because the sentence
thereby incurred, of' suspension fur three months, had fiesta
already pronounced for the other offence charged and
proved against him. In conclusion, he condemned Mr.
Antram in the costs of the proceedings.
Tit MESDiEtts of THE ARCTIC COMMITTEE hula
sittings every day (luring bog week, and examined officers
of the recent Arctic expeditions, with the exception of
Saturday, which was devoted by Rear-Admiral Bow less, C. 11.,
and one or two of the other members, to the examination of
papers.

UNIVERSITY COLLEGE, LONDON.—STATUE OF
FLANNIAN, ter WATSON.—The committee fur superintend-
ing the execution of the statue of Floawan by the late Mr.
M. L. Watson having determined that the statue when
completed should be presented to the council of University
College, London, for erection iu the Flaxmau Gallery of
that institution,c it was last week lodged in the college on
being removed from the Exhibition; and the council, at
their session on Saturday, received from the committee, by
a communication in writing from Mr. Peter Cunningham,
their honorary secretary, the formal act of presentation of
the statue to the college. A vote of thanks to the cum-
mittee was passed by the council. ANDREWS SCRULAILSIIIIII
—At the same session the council received the report of the
examiners for the Andrews scholarships for proficiency in
Latin, Greek, mathematics, and natural philosophy, and,
on their recommendation, awarded a scholarship of lOU. to
Mr. John Charles Addycs Scutt, and u scholarship of .All.
to Mr. John lower Hicks. It was also determined to idler
for competition in 1862 an extraordinary scholarship of 6UI.
in addition to the three ordinary scholarships of 70L, Lit.,
and 451. for that year previously announced. The examiners
wcro—ln classics, Mr. Charles I'. Alicsou,;l3.A.,rof Denmark-
hill Grammar School ; in mathematics, Mr. S. It. Young,
late Professor of Mathematics in the Belfast Academical
Institution for the council; and the following prokssurs of
the college—Latin, Mr. Newman; Greek, Mr. Malden;
mathematics, Mr. D. E. Morgan; natural philosophy, Mr.
l'otter.

TIM GRIEVANCES OF ARMY MEDICAL OFFICERS
have, of late, been prominently before the public ; but the
recent order requiring them to brand deserters is not the
only indication of the unfair tone adopted towards this
valuable class of public servants. Generally the best edu-
cated men in the army, they are usually the least rewanitd.
A letter from a correspondent thus states a portion of their
case :—" It is quite a mistake to suppose that the govern-
ment have taken up any idea of honorary rewards satis-
factory to the army medical department. Mr. Guthrie, it
is known, has rejected the proffered civil C. 8., and others
have declined that honour. Besides, the great body of the
department, the responsible working men, arc of the rank
of captain. Now, captains have the benefit of the brevets,
and why should not we, of the same rink, have the brevet
or an equivalent ? In the Peninsula surgeons got the
brevet. 'the duke, with his usual liberality, took it from
us, and we have nothing in its place. The brevet gives a cap-
tain 2s. a day extra and the army rank of major. Them
arc substantial advantages. We contest for an appropriate
equivalent ; and mind you, fur an equivalent merely us to
acknowledgment of duty loyally done ; wo waive the
2s. a day, at least I have heard none contend
fur that, though it is a consideration not to he
despised. Let a surgeon who has acquitted himself
with credit of a sufficiently responsible duty in action re-
ceive in lieu of the brevet objected to the honorary distinc-
tion of ' field surgeon to the queen,' or ' king,' as the ease
may be. Let this distinction give him the relative army
rank of major, and let him, in token of this distinction,
wear a major's epaulettes, or a piece of ribbon, as in the
legion of honour. We might all be caught with a piece of
red ribbon of this kind, and surely we are worth angling
for with such cheap bait. The question of honours has been
argued and made to turn too much on the point of risk of
life rather than of quality of duty performed. The risk of
the private soldier and of the officer is exactly the same—
returns prove the fact. Ilow then, honourably, on the
score of risk only, can an officer wear a distinction not given
to his comrades who encountered tho same risk with him-
self ? Honours evidently arc fa responsibility or office or
station, and thus it is that the sighed honour justly fulls to
the commander, though perhaps his risk of life has not been
equal to that of a soldier advaucing against a battery.
Honours are for moral and intellectual force, and I look upon
it the duke himself so grounds his claims. What makes
me notice this is that I see a fancy just now amongst
the medicos to claim military honours on the
ground of risk ; but for my part, on such ground only I
should feel ashamed to wear any distinction not given to
the common soldier. No ; I claim on the ground of
moral and intellectual responsibility vested in me; this duly
met under extraordinary difficulties should be duly acknow-
ledged. This acknowledgment is all we ask, and we ask it
in the cheapest form—a piece of ribbon."
FIRE IN TILE WEST-END.—About three o'clock
yesterday morning the residence of Colonel Mitchell, No.
5, Langham-place, Portland-place, was discovered to be on
lire. An alarm was immediately given, and the engines of
the London Fire Brigade, West of England Company,:and
parish, were soon in play. The ere broke out in the first
floor, the rooms of which were completely burned out, and
the upper part id the house considerably ilamagml. Tho
houses adjoining cNo. 4, in the occupation of Mrs. H.
Itamsden, and No. 6, the residence of Mr. Percival
Robins) also received considerable injury from fire and
water.

KOSSUTH.

vention in the domestic concerns of any country, shall, by
England, not be permitted more—(cheers)—by this you
ban anticipated all that I, in my humble quality of • re- i
pmentative of the principles of freedom, in the name of my
enuntry, and in the interests of all oppressed nations,
be,. again and again entreated from the people of England
dime I have been here. And here I meet again another
anble idea of your address, where you say that the name •
of my country is linked in your prayers and in your hopes
with the name of other nations. Men you for that word.
You ennoble my name and my country's by it. (Cheers.)
Yet you speak t uth. The very moment that Russia first in-
terfered in Hungary our struggles grew to European height ;
we struggled no more for our own freedom, our own iude-
pendenoe, but altogether for the freedom and independence
of the European coutinent. Our cause became the cause of
mankind. My nation became the martyr of the cause of
European freedom in the past; of other nation, it will be
the faithful champion of that freedom for the future. I,
for my own humble part, whom my people and the public
opinion of the world took for the personification of my peo-
ple's sentiments, I know where env place is. I know what
duties am entailed upon me. 1 shall ensure the sympathies of
England by my devotion to my country's European cause.
(Hear.) England will find me faithful to that place and to
those duties which my people's confidence having assesned
to me, foreign violence could hinder me from exercising,
but whose legitimate character no violence could de-
stroy. Let me also hope, that whilst Hungary and I
arc aware of the solidarity of our cause with the causes of
European freedom and iudependenee ; and whilst Hungary
is resolved to stand manfully in its place, the other
nations, arid England itself, will nit forget that the
freedom and independence of Hungary arc inaispensalee
to the independence of Europe against Russian en-
croachment and preponderance, and on neither the other
European nations nor England will allow Russia again
to interfere in, or to uphold that detested house of
Hapsburg, with which, eternally alienated, Hungary will
never, through time, have any transactions, unless to ban
it, expel it, or to hurl it in the dust (Loud cheers,)
Amongst the nations linked to say country in your hopes
and prayers, your address especially 1/31110 France, Poland,
Germany, and Italy. To be sure there are some of those
events which may be scented already in the air. As to
France, my sentiments are known; I have declared them
openly. I will be true to those sentiments; and can only
add, that it is a highly important step in mankind's destiny
to see brotherly love 'between nations so substituted for the
unhappy rivalries of uld, as to elicit in England also such
brotherly welcome to the FriAich as was seen at the late
pis Exhibition, and to elicit such sentiments in England.
And so certainly it should ever be. The French nation is
etenough for the pulsation of its heart to be, and to
been always, felt over the greatest part of the
European continent. Till now it is true that the expec-
tations have never liven realised which Europe's
oppressed nations had in France—(hear, hear)—but
it must be remembered that the French nation has
fallen short in the realisation of its own domestic
hopes ales. (Hear, hear.) It would, therefore,
be unjust to make a reproach of that which was
a misfortune, which they themselves deplore must
deeply. I attribute their mischance to the unfortunate
propensity to centralisation which the French nation
during all its trials conserved—centralisation which
leads ever to the oppression of liberty—tentralisetion with
which the guarantees of liberty rest rather upon personali-
ties than upon principle.; and when an omnipotence of
power is centred, be it in one men or in one assembly, that
man must be a Washington, or that assembly be composed
of Washington', not to become ambitious, and, through
ambition, dangerous to liberty. (Rear, hear.) Now
Washington* are not so thickly sown as to be gathered
up everywhere for the reaping. (Cheers.) 1 would,
however, solemnly protest, should ally nation attempt
to meddle in the domestic concerns of my father-
land ; NO, of course, I cannot have the arrogant pre-
tension of mixing with the domestic concerns of any
other nation, and least of all, of the great French oration,
which is powerful enough to come at last triumphantly
out of its trials and sufferings. I have only the warn) wish
and hope that the glorious k rench nation will soon surveys!
in making that which is now but a name—the Republic—
a reality, and will succeed soon in urine:ring that work so as
to sec upon the basis of common liberty established the car.-
tentment of the people, and, secured by that contentment,
a lasting social order ; which CAIIIOO fail to be secured
when it is founded spun liberty, but whicli, without
liberty, is impossible ; and secondly, 1 hope that the great
French nation, in case it realest* the name which it hears,
will not forget that it is for her, for England, and for the
United States tocheck the encroaching spirit of absolutism
wherever it should dare to threaten the independence
of nations and their right to dispose of themselves.
(Hear, hear.? That is what oppressed humanity expects
from the French Republic as well as from England
and the United States. As fur Poland, that sad martyr to
the must sacrilegious of ambitions, it is enough to say time
l'oland and Hungary are neighbours, and have a common
enemy. Though it is utterly false to call our past struggles
a Polish conspiracy, still I can own loudly in the name of
my country that there is no people on the earth which could
feel more interested in the future of Poland than the
Magyars. We feel also gratified to see ourselves united in
your prayers and hope with Germany. We are kindred in
sufferings, united in hopes, united in your sympathies.
Germany and Hungary must feel united in aim and in de-
sign. Now, as to Italy—ltaly, in els many respects dear
to my heart ; I will not dwell upon its terrible woes—
they arc known and appreciated through Nile world,
and elicited, even in those ;quarters where it was least ex-
pected, the strongest indignation of geucrous min, prov-
ing that questions of humanity can, in England, le no
party Tsunami. I will nut dwell upon the honors of
saplev,out of which even your government publicly
foretold that a revolution must arise. 1 a ill not dwell
upon the scaffold which Radculey reared 3,712 tintca in
three short years in Lombardy. I will not dwell upon
the just hatred of Venice, nor upon the intolerable hu-
miliation auil nameless sufferings of Rome. I will only
say that it is not even possible to imagine a stronger iden-
tity of interests between two nations than that existing
between Hungary and Italy. (Hear, hear.) The freedom
and independence of these two nations; have the same ene-
mies. 'they are like two wings of a single army ranged
against one enemy—the victory of one wing is 0 victory
to the other, the defeat of one a misfortune to the other.
One cannot become independent and free without the
other also becoming so, else there would be no security
W their freedom and independence. (Hear.) So it is not
even possible is imagine a stronger lick brother-
hood than that which between the two nations needs
Jima exist. Pconfidently believe that this imperious
necessity must Tie equally felt on both sides; and that
both nations must be penetrated by the conviction of it
as strongly as myself'—the more because there is a
happy incident which must further strengthen the har-
mony, hopes, feelings, and wishes between Ilunpry and
Italy. I will tell it to you. There are new doctrines
agitated in certain countries, which, by what right it
is not mine to investigate, arc considered by many to be
incompatible with social order and with the principle of
security of property. Now, Iluugary has, and will have,
with these doctrines nothing to do, for the most simple
and more decisive reasou,—because in Hungary there
is no occasion—there is not the slightest opportunity—
. •

THE WORKLNO CLASS DEMONSTRATION.

The following reply of M. Kossuth to the address
(given in yesterday's paper) presented by the working
those., at Copenhagen-house, appeared in a Second Edition
of the Express last evening:

Gentlemen, I most warmly thank you for your generous
sentiments of active and operative symnathy with the free-
dom end independence of my native land, so closely con-
nected—as you have rightly judged—with the freedom
and indeptudenee of other nations on the Euro-
pean Continent. It is to me highly gratifying to know
that a large party of the present meeting belongs to the
working classes. It is gratifying to me, because,
if to belong to the working classes implies a man whose
livelihood depends on his own honest and industrious
labour, then none amongst you has more right to call
himself a working man than I so to call myself. I in-
herited nothing from my dear father, and I have lived
my whole life by my own honest and industrious labour.
This, my condition, I consider to have been my first
claim to my people's confidence, because well they knew
that being in that condition I must intimately know the
wants, the sufferings, and the necessities of the people.
(Loud cheers) And PO assuredly it was. It is, there-
fore, that I so practically devoted my life to procure
and to secure political and social freedom to my people ;
not to a race, not to a class, but to the whole people.
Besides, 1 devoted all my life for many years by the
practical means of associations to extend the benefit of public
instruction to the working elasees, and to forward the mate-
rial welfare of the agriculturists, of the manufacturers, and
of the trading men. (Hear, hear.) Amongst all the
enterprises to that effect, at that time of my life, when.)
was yet in no public office, but a private man, there
is none to which I look back with more satisfaction paid
pride than to the association fur the eucouragemeut of ma-
nufacturing industry—to its free schools, to its exhibi-
tions, to its press, and to its affiliations. Besides
conferring immense material benefits, it proved also poli-
tically bent ticial, by bringing in closer contact and more
friendly eclat ier the different classes of my dear native
land, by interesting the working classes in the public poli-
tical concerns of our nation, and by so developing a strongly
united public opinion to support me iu my chief aim, which
was conserving the municipal and eenstitutional institutions
of my country—to substitute fur the privileges of single
climes the political emancipation of the whole people,
and substituting freedom to ciao privileges— tu impart to
the people the faculty of making the constitution a common
benefit to all, fur all—in a surd, to transflorm the closed
ball of chess privileges into an open temple of the people's
liberty. (Cheers.) This being my early connection with
the wurking classes, I had at Southampton already occasion
to say, that amongst all the generous testimonials of Englial
sympathy which honour me, and my nation's past struggles,
which console our present sufferings and assure our future,
there is none dearer to my heart than when I bet that thew
classes% whose only capital is their honest labour and their
time, stop in their work and earritice that valuable time fur
the purpose, openly and resolutely, of expreising that the
great principles of freedom can reckon upon the gym.
ethics, the co-operation, and the support of the people
of Englund. In the streets of London, a few days ago,
and hi re ou the present occasion, this great phenumenun
presents itielt on a still large r teak, in a still higher degree;
itis therefore the more gratifying to me, and consoling to
my country, the more have I the pleasurable duty to
acknowledge the high value of it, and to thank you the
more fe eve iitly for it. (Cheers.) I said at Southampton
that iu the se demonstrutimn of the operative chases
I re cogiiise that natural instinct of the people, before which
every individual greatness must bow down with respect. The
same acknowledgment I have to make on this occasion,
only on a larger stale, cool in a higher degree. .Allow me,
firstly, to congratulate you on the attention which you have
hereby proved that you devote to public matters,
to the glory as well as to the interests of your
country, and to the freedom and interests of humanity.
May this public spirit never decrease, may every English-
man fur ever feel that it is the Isms of all constitutional
organisation, be it under a republican or a mouarchical
form, that it is the public opinion of the people which
must give direction to the policy of the country, and that
it is therefore not only the right, but also the duty of
every honest citixeu to contribute to the development and
expreseiuu of that public opinion, of which the legislative, as
well as the executive authorities are, and must be, faithful
icpmentatirce. (Loud cheers.) Allow me, secondly, to
congratulate you on the just and happy instinct with
which, bestowing your attention on public concerns, you
have seised the very point which really is the mint
important amongst all in which the mind and the
heart of Englishmen can be interested. That point is
the freedom of the European Continent. I said it in the
Common Cuuneil of the City of London, I repeat it here;
there is none amongst your tuternal questions which out-
weighs iu importance the external. And how may be summed
up the external interest of the British empire on the European
Continent? (Hear, hear.) It is to be summed up in this
question by which principle shall the Continent of Europe
be ruled, by the principle of freedom or by the principle of
absolutism i Can England, or con it not, remain indifferent
to the approaching struggle and tiled decision of chi, question ?
And if it cannot remain inelitkrent, without losing its
position in the world, endangering its own freedom and
hurt i ug its own interests, with which principle shall
Ragland elide? With the ~ i ~ eiple of freedom or
with lice principle of uggression ? Shall it support
the rights, freedom, and happiness of menials, or
the oppressive combinatiuns of arbitrary governments ?
That is the question ; a question the more urgent and the
more important, that no ran of ohalsociver party can dissi-
mulate, still less deny, that the situation of France, of Italy,
of Germany, of Austria, of Hungary, of l'oland, and of
Russia is PO unnatural, SO coutr,iry to the human and na-
Ronal interests of the respective people' that it is utterly len•
possible it can i ndure. hear.) Yes; no moue= dis-
simulate the conviction that France, Italy, Germeny, Aus•
tria, and Hungary are already on the eve of those days,
when the great, and, I hope, final battle of these adverse
principles will be fought out. (Hear, hear.) Now, the
people of Great Britain, by its loudly proclaimed sympathy
with the cause of the freedom and independence ui Ilun-
pry, has pronounced itself willing nut to remain iudiffereut,
and to side not with absolutism but with liberty, by sup-
porting and protecting against all interference or foreign
governments the sovereign right of every nation to dispose
°reboil. (loud cheers.) You yourself have pronounced by
the demonstration, and by your generous address, in
favour of this principle; so thanking you most fervently for
it, I beg leave to congratulate you on the sound judgment
and on the comprehensive views you give, and that you en-
tertain, on the duties of England towards Europe, and on
the proper interests of England itself. You have rightfully
commit red that the freedom of England, and that happy
condition which you feel unwed that your institutions,
your freedom, and your public spirit, will go on peace-
fully developing—morally, materially, and politically—
that all this is intimately tonne reed with the victory of the
pnneiple of freedom on the European Continent. (Cheers.)
In a wont, you have pronounced for that truth I, since
in England, on no occasion have omitted to expreo,
that there is a community in the principle of freedom as
there is an identity in the destinies of humanity. Besides,
you hare duly considered that the material welfare of Great
Britain is also in the highest degree dependent on and con-
nected with the victory of the principle of freedom in
Europe. And truly it is so. On several occasions 1 have
discussed already this important topic, anal will do
so more amply yet on another occasion. Here I beg only
leave to state briefly a few plain facts. You live by honest
labour. You have your manufactured products to dispose
of, for which you want large free markets and free trade.
(Hear, hear) Now, it is as obvious as that two
and two make four, that without Europe becoming free,
England ean have no free trade with Europe. I will show
you by facts that the amount of trade with absolutist
Russia and Austria is 7d. per head, whereas the amount
of the trade of England with a free countr2'—with the
republic of the United States of America, is as. per head.
'What a difference! Absolutism gives to your trade and
industry a market of 7d. per head, freedom gives a
market of 7s. per head. (Loud cheers.) Is nut the
freedom of Europe, then, a question of vital interest to you ?
Let us look to consequences. Suppose the price of the bread
which one of you consumes be three or four pounds ;
upon this price you have, by the repeal of the corn
laws, probably not gained more than from fifteen shillings
to a pond. Certainly • great benefit. But suppose the
120 millions who inhabit Russia, Austria, Italy, and
Hungary, to become free, and, being free, to con-
sume as much of your manufactures as the United States
(though in part highly manufacturing themselves) coil-
sume per heed that would give a market of at least 60 mil-
liens sterling to England, which would prove a benefit of
two or three pounds a year per head to you. (Hear.) I
will not with my aching chest dwell farther upon this sub-
ject now, but will cheerfully acknowledge that you were
animated is this noble demonstration by higher mo-
tives—by such generous sentiments is betoken the noblest
helinge, and by that moral dignity of man which is the
'revelation of mankind's divine origin. You say in your
kind address, that it is the brotherhood of the people in
which rests the hope of civilisation, of our progress mu the
peaceful arts, and of the free development of man's
noblest faculties. (Hear, hear.) Now, these are noble
sentiments, told in noble words. I thank you that you
have emote*. d so nobly what I feel so warmly. It is my
heartfelt creed. You say that in the tirotherho'od of people
la the certainty of success in resisting the encroachment&
of despotic power. (Hear, bear.) Truly, it is so ; take
the interference of Ilusaia in Hungary, of the French
government in Rome, of Austria in Ili/magma and Schleswig
Holstein, and of Austria and Russia in Hew Cassel, which
made only the most loyal, the most moderate, the most
lawful opposition to the absolutist encroachments of its
petty tyrant, and yet was crushed by Austro-Ruoi.in arm—
like all this together, and the fact is clear that the despotisms
are leagued against the freedom of the world, so that
there is no hope against them but in the brotherhood
of people headed and protected by England and the
States of America, uniting in the principle of ac-
knowledgment of the natural rights of every neon to the-
re* of itself, and uniting in the principle not to admit any
interference of whatever foreign power in the domestic coo-
lers' of any nation against its own will. (Hear.) By taking
melt a view of the brotherhood of people, sou are the
interpreters of my most warm desires; and, by essuriug me
to hope and to be resolved for the future that hussies' inter-

for them. We have not the diecase, so we want
no medical speculations about the remedy. We want
freedom and independence, and we will be rescued
from the evil—the Austrian dynasty. But we wont no
theoretical speculations about property—we want them as
little as the citizens of the United States, whose institutions
we wish to have established in our country, with the dif-
ference that Hungary is and will not be divided ;in states,
but will be one country, composed of free muni-
cipalities. (Hear, hear.) And I am confidently as-
sured that all this is the very case also with Italy.
(Hear, hear.) Italy has also no occasion to share those
doctrines, therefore neither its people nor its popular
leaders have anything to do with them; and I
am therefore glad by my own feelings to know
that this happy coincidence of circumstances can
only strengthen the harmony, brotherly love, and
union which between these two nations must
exist, In consequence of the identity of their interests. So
in response to your wishes, hopes, and sympathies, I will
only my that my restoration to personal freedom I value
chiefly on account of seeing myself restored to activity and
to my country's service. I have the full conviction of my
Mrlf • freedom and independence being intimately
with the freedom and independence of Europe,
sad even with some very important intere-ts of England in-
tuit Resolutely I accept in my position all duties as well
as all dangers of this persuasion ; and my country, u well
as all other peoples who share this identity, will always
Illgd me faithful to them. (Hear.) I wish only to see them
bating some confidence not only in my frankness but
mho in my mind, which, though feeble in faculties, will
be ever conserve the merit of unwavering consistency
owl of disinterested resignation. I unite with you
y in the fraternal sentiments which you
Mtics your address towards Turkey, and I deci-
liedille that I never will join any combination,
lowever gremising, which might do that country in-
jury. (Cheers.) I will rather promote its interests, fully aware
that Turkey is not in contradiction with the interests of
Europe, as the Czar and the Hapsburgs are, but rather
in several respects necessary to Europe, and chiefly to
England and to Ilungary. Turkey is a neighbouring
country to my fatherland. We have enemies enough.
I am no impractical theorist, to make of a neighbour •
new enemy, instead of respecting his interests, but
would have him, if not an ally, at least a friend for his own
interest's sake. As to the glorious republic of the United
States, which has thrown its protecting flag around me, let
me hope that the common sympathy which these two
nations, England and the United States, bear to
the cause of my country and to myself, will be the first link
of a closer union of the polities of the two countries in re-
spect to Europe, which union, convenient as it is both to your
great, glorious, and free countries, would make
a happy turning point in the destinies of humanity.
(Load cheers.) I should nut have lived in van
should I have lived to be the instrument of such a
consummation. And here I would not, were it not my
duty to reflect upon certain circum.tances which I consider
so extraordinary as to feel obliged to avail myself of this
first opportunity which offers itself to meet openly. The
circumstance to that I considered, and consider it still, to be
my duty not to mix with any great party question of Eng-
land, or of any other country. I wish the nun-admission of
foreign intervention in my own country, so I must have
clean hands myself in respect to other countries. Toot
is my position, to which I will conscientiously adhere.
I consider, therefore, that my duty, as well as the
respect to your laws, honesty as well as prudence,
oblige me oat to play here the passionate part of an
agitator, not to coquet with the reputation of being a
revolutionist. In fact, I came hither not to get
this reputation, but rather I declare my conviction to be
that England wants no revolution at all; because, firstly,
it wishes but • progressive development; and, secondly,

because England. has sufficient political freedom to be
insured that whatever England may still need it will
not only carry out, but will carry it out peaceably.
(Cheers.) Now, this being my duty and my Tao-
lotion, I act consistently—my ground was, is, and will be,
in England, this—such and such are the true facts of the
past struggles of Hungary. These facts, I confidently
hope, are certain to secure the generous sentiments of
England to my country's cause. I stated that, in my
opinion, the form of government con be different in ditto-
' rent countries, according to their circumstances, their
wishes, and their wants ; England loves her Queen, and
has fell motive to do so; England feels great, glorious,
and free, and has full motive to feel so; but England
being a monarchy, that can be no sufficient
reason to her to hate and discredit republican
forms of government in other countries, differing in circum-
stances, in wishes, and in wants. (Cheers.) On thecontrary,
the United States of America, being likewise a great, glo-
rious, and free country, under republican government,
the circumstance of being republicans cannot give them
sufficient motive to hate and discredit monarchical govern.
ment in England. (Ileac) It must be entirely left to the
right of every nation to dispose of its domest c concerns.
Therefore, all I claim for my country also is, that
England, seeing out of our past that our cause is
just, should acknowledge the sovereign right of every
nation to disuse of itself, and, by acknowledging this, Erg-
land should not. only not interfere, hut also not allow any
power whatever to interfere with the domestic matters of my
country, or of any other nation. The rest should be
left to the respective nations themselves, the more because
it is worthy of that independence and freedom for
which we struggled. I therefore thought that this was
not the place for me to speak about the future organisa-
tion and form of government of my country, be-
cause that is a helot question of ours, with which
nobody ought to interfere. But my behaviour
was not everywhere appreciated as I hoped. I
met rather in certain quarters the remarks that I am slip-
pery, and evade the question. Now, on the question
of sincerity, I am Particularly susceptible. I have
the sentiment of be De a plain, honest man, and I would
not be charged with having entered by stealth into the
sympathies of England without displaying my true
colours. Therefore, I must state clearly that in
our past struggle we made no revolution. We began
to transform, in a peaceful, legislative manner, the MG.
narchice-aristocratical constitution of Hungary into
a monarchico-democratied constitution; we con •
served our municipal institutions as our most valuable
treasure, but gave to them as well as to the legislative
power, fur basis, the common liberty of the people ; instead
of the class privileges of old, we established the personal
responsibility of miuisters ; instead of the Board of
Council of old, which, being a nominal body, was of course
a mockery of that responsibility uf the executive, which
was our chartered rights on paper, but he reality.
However we but conserved that which was due to us by
ceinseitution, by treaties, by the coronation oath of every
king, to be governed us a sell-onssistent, independent
country by our own native institutiune, according to our
' laws. I%e eetablislied tne freedom of thought, of the
word and pen, and secured the freedom of conscience.
We introduced with the abolition of exemptions
equality in duties and rights before the law. We
obliged all to contribute to the public necessity, every
man according to his faculties ; we emancipated the
peeeants, or rather gave them the lend they tilled, to be
their free property. We made the sail free, the la-
bourer free, the industry free, tree's: free ; but
we spared all existing material interests of every
class, and awarded full indemnification for every nu
terial leos. We established trial by jury, pro-
vided fur the independent administration of justice, cared
for cheap government, and took care that the national
army should not become a tool of ambition atusinzst our.
selves, or an instrument of oppression against foreign nations.
(Loud cheering.) All this we slid peacefully by careful
legislation, which the king sanctioned and swore to maintain.
But this very dynasty iu the most perjurious manner attacked
these laws, this freedom, this constitution, and our national
existence by arms. We defended ourselves by arms view-
riously, and after the perjurious dynasty called in the armies
of }tussle to beat us down, we resolved to defend our-
selves against this tyrannical invader also, but of
course declared the perjurious Ilapeburgs not to lie
more our Sovereigns—deposed them, banished, and
declared ourselves a free and independent nation, but
fixed no definite forte of government—ueither monar-
chical nor republican—declaring rather to be willing to
follow the advice of the European powers. (Hear.) These
are facts which cannot be altered, because they are facts.
By this you see that in the iniet we made no resolution
at all as to the future. Every just man must ac-
knowledge that Hungary has fairly exhausted
every peaceful means of self preservation ; it is
out under the rule of the King, but under
the iron oppression of a tyrant who conquered
Hungary by calling in sacrilegiously to his aid the arrnies
of the Czar. So Hungary is not oinkr government, but
under a foreign intruder, who is nut King of Hun-
gary, hying neither acknowledged by the nation, nor
sanctioned by law. Hungary is, in a word, in a state of
war against the Hapsburg dynasty. Hungary can in
no other way regain its independence and freestone
but in that way in which it was deprived
of it—by war—as every nation which is free
and independent conquered its deliverance from its
oppress:ors, like Switzerland, Belgium, Spain, Portugal,
}mace' Sweden, Norway, Greece, the United States,
and England itself—(cheers)—that is by a revolution,
as some would cull it—by a war of legitimate defence, as I
call it. I will ever respect the laws of England, and do
nothing here contrary to them ; but so much I can state
as a matter of fact that my nation will never accept
and acknowledge the perjured house of Hapsburg
to become again lawful sovereigns of Hungary—
never will it enter into any transactions whatever
with that penurious family, but will avail it-
self of every opportunity to shake off its yoke.
Secondly, that though the people of Hungary were mo-
narchical for a thousand years yet the continued perjury
of the Hapsburgs during 3(10 years —the sacrilegious
faithlessness by which it destroyed its own historical
existence with the historical existence of my nation,
as also my country's present intolerable oppres-
sion—have so entirely plucked out of the heart of my
nation every faith, belief, and attachment to monarchy,
that there is no power on earth to knit the bro-
ken tie again; and, therefore, Hungary wills and
wishes to be a free and independent republic ;
but a republic founded on the rule of law, securing
social order, security to person and to pro-
perty, and the mural development as well as the ma-
terial welfare of the people—(cheers)—in a word, a re-
public like that uf the United States, founded on institw
tions inherited from England itself. This is the conviction
of my people, which I share in the very heart of my
heart. I confidently hope that the people of England will
appreciate the justice of these remarks, and appreciate
the honest convictions of my heart; neither will it falter
in its sympathy to that cause which it honoured
with its sympathy, which it judged to be righteous
and true, and which it consoled by its wishes and
hopes. All I entreat is that the people of England may
not give a charter to the User to dispose of the world,
but rather make reapected, by its powerful position, the
right of every nation to dispose of itself. With this hope
I thank you once more fur your sympathy. I beg leave,
fatigued as I am, to retire, confidently trusting your
noble-minded feelings cannot have the will to divert this
demonstration of your sympathy into say party dis-
cussions in which I consequently could not participate
but which still could not fail to increase the difficulties,,
and do harm to my country's cause, which you honour
by your sympathy. (Cheers.)
The procession was re-formed after Kossuth had retired,
and those who joined in it proceeded to Highbury-barn,
where the occasion was to be celebrated by. a public dinner.
M. Kossuth, after a few minutes spent in his apartment,
in conversation with the committee, proceeded to his car-
riage, which drove oil at a very rapid pace, amid the enthu-
siastic cheering of the crowd, which dispersed soon after in
the most tranquil and orderly manner.

In the evening a public dinner was given at the High-
bury Barn Tavern, Mr. THOUNTON Herr inthechair. Pro-
bably not fewer than 800 persons sat down to the substantial
repast which was provided fur them. Must of the banners
which had figured in the procession were now displayed on
the walls, and a powerful brass band was in attendance,
which played a number of popular airs during the evening;
of these the " Marseillaise," " The Itarast Beef of Old
England," " Yankee Doodle," and "Kossuth** March"
appeared to be the favourites, and were received with several
rounds of applause.—The tables having been cleared,
' The CHAIRMAN said it was usual to begin the list of
toasts with one of a purely formal character, and that ex-
pressed generally the feeling which animated the whole as-
sembly. In that sense he would propose the following—
" The People "—(vociferous cheering)—the enthusiasm of
the meeting had prevented him from finishing even the
fiat word. The whole toast was " The l'eople : may they
ever be allied in the defence of liberty." (Three times three.)
The Marseillaise was again played, and was rapturously
applauded. At its conclusion a temporary platform was
erected fur the convenience of the ch urinal), and whilst the
arrangements were in progress Mr. leargus O'Connor
mounted the table. This incident caused some confusion.
The hon. member for Nottingham was greeted with hisses
and loud cries of "off, off," mingled with some cheers
but the hon. gentleman was apparently unconscious that
his behaviour was exciting any particular attention. When,
however, the platform was finished, Mr. O'Connor shifted
his chair on to it, and quiet was restored.
Several persons having spoken,
Mr. W. CUNNINGHAM, of Brighton, next proposed
Italy and Long Life to Joseph Mazzini." (Loud cheers.)
Mr. DAVID MASSON, secretary of the Society of the
Friends of Italy, in ably replying to the toast, do tit at
some length on the merits of Mazzini and his efforts to es-
tablish a free government in Italy. He believed that the
first great thing that should be done for the benefit of the
world would be to knock down the Popcdons„ for it was an
incarnation of the worst and most reactionary policy in the
world. There were great evil. in all countries, but in the
Popidom they were concentrated and tied in a knot. He
hoped that Maxrini would come forward like Kossuth, and
reduce to powder all the calumnies heaped upon his name.
Mr. PETTY then proposed " France," coupling with
the toast the name of M. Louis Blanc, who replied in an
eloquent speech in French.
The CILAIIMAN having read letters of excuse from Mr.
B. Owen, Mr. Mazzini, and Mr. Debratiano,
Mr. Bronterro O'Brien, M. Geg, Mr. Walker, Mr. Ho-
lyoke, and other gentlemen, addressed the meeting in pro-
posing and responding to the toast of " Germany,"
" Italy," the " United States," &c. ; and the meeting was
not concluded till a late hour.

pimbls rcof of Mr. Xsaingberd, at Eaton- place, at the
arrival of Sir James Clark, on Saturday, with the offer of
his valuable professional services, should the illustrious exile
wish to avail himself thereof. The country will sppreciste
the kindness as well as delicacy which suggested this visit,
not without its significance.

A meeting of gentlemen assembled from West-
minster, Nlarylebone, and Lambeth, was held lust night at
Charing Cross, to co.operate for the purpose of presenting
simultaneously the addresses to M. Kossuth from the me-
tropolitan boroughs. A committee has been appointed for
the purpose of communicating with M. Kosnuth and the
other boroughs which have already adopted addresses, or
are about to hold meetings fur this purpose. The meeting
at Lambeth takes place on Friday, at the Horns, Kenning-
ton, but it is not yet stated when the meetings for the
boroughs of Finsbury and the Tower Hamlets are to be
held.

It now appears that M. Kossuth has refused to
accept the general invitation sent to him from Birmingham,
and the mayor has declined to invite officially, because his
year of office is so near its termination.

-
The following communication has been received by
the American consul at Southampton:
30, E.don-olace, Oct. 30, 113.11.
My dear Sir,--I have seen the telegraph desatch ad-
dressed by you yesterday to Lord Dudley Stuart; I write
to say that I will certainly proceed to New York on board
the Washington, if you can make arrangements for that
ship to sail from Southampton ou the 14th of November
nest, in the afternoon.

I tun, my dear air, yours truly,
J. It Croskey, Esq. L. KOSSUTII.

M. KOSSUTH AND WALTER SAVAGE LANDOR.—
Winchester, October'..
is with peculiar satisfaction that I accept
the address front the citizens of Bath, at the head of whose
names I find ono so distinguished, and so long familiar to
me, as your own. Be assured that the sentiments you ex-
press are those which have ever animated me in all my
efforts, and in every trust which my countrymen have coo-
filled to me. " Social order" I believe to be consistent
alone with constitutional freedom. I have sought to ensure
the one by 'strengthening and enlarging, in peaceful and
legal methods, the other. In this I have been consistently
I supported by my countrymen ;it has liven all we aimed at.
Your allusion to the potentate to whose firm and
upright demeanour I owe so much, touches feelings
of respect and gratitude which can never be effaced.
I have the honour to be, sir, with feelings of the highest
esteem, your obedient servaid, L. KOSSUTH.
Walter Savage Landor, Esq.
Bath, Oct. 28.
Sir,—Tho chief glory of my life is that I wits the first in
sulocribing for the itssiAtance of the Hungarians at the
commencement of their struggle ; the next in that I have
received the approbation of their illustrious leader. I, who
have held the timid of Kosciusko, now kiss with veneration
the signature of Kossuth. No other man alive could con-
fer au honour I would accept.
Believe me, sir, ever yours most faithfully,
WALTER SAVAGE LA•NDOR.

A DEEP SENSE OF GRATITUDE (says the Gkle of
lea night) is felt by the bunny now resident under the hos-

COUNTY RATES EXPENDITURE MEETING,

LANCASHIRE.

A respectable meeting of the deputations of boards
of guardians from various parts of Lancashire was held at
Newton•in-the-Willows, yesterday afternoon, to consider
what steps should be further taken to promote the move-
ment in favour of a better control of coenty rate espendi•
tore. A number of members of the legislature had been
invited, and amongst those present were Mr. W. Brown,
Mr. Jas. Heywood. M.P., Mr. Alex. Henry• and Mr. J.
Wilson Patten, members for North and South Lancashire;
Mr. Bright, M.P. for Manchester; Mr. Barrow, M.P. for
South Nottinghamshire; Mr. Brotherton, M.P. for Salford;
and Mr. Jas. Kershaw, M.P. fur Stockport.
Mr. H. T. PARKER, magistrate, having taken the
chair,

kr. J. LIVESEY of Preston, read the report of the
committee, which, alter alluding to the alterations made by
the select committee of the House of Commons in tho
County Rates and Expenditure Bill, states that the
"committee's objections to these alterations are, first,
that they will consi lerably diminish the powers
originally proposed to be vested in county
tinun-
cial boards, and render the representation of the
ratepayers little more than nominal ; secondly, that
they will bring the county, financial boards into frequent
entanglement or collision with the justices; and thirdly,
that by these alterations government officials will acquire
a dangerous increase of power in the management of
county affairs. Entertaining these objections, your coin-
mince fear the bill in its present shape would neither con-
duce to the better management of county business nor to
the protection of the ratepayers. lf, notwithstanding this
expression of your committee's opinion, this meeting should
determine upon accepting the bill, your committee would
at least suggest that an attempt be yet made to amend the
constitution of the county financial hoards, by reducing the
high qualification proposed to be required ut its member*,
and, as a counterpoise to the excessive p wers proposed to
he retained in the hands of the magistracy, by requiring
that county financial boards should be wholly of a represen-
tative character, the elected members of boards of guardians
having the power of electing, from among the magistrates
or the ratepayers at large, all the members of such county
financial boards, in lieu of one-half us hitherto proposed.
While regretting the conduct of government in this matter,
your committee would by no means, on that account, advise
the abandonment or relaxation of the movement,but "recom-
mend" a continual and still more vigorous prosecution of
the movement. To effect this, however, it will be requisite
fur your committee's successors to be supplied with a material
increase of funds, the subscriptions of the last year having
fallen conederably short of the sum which your committee,
in the discharge of the duties entrusted to them, have been
compelled to expend. Up to the present time, the amount
expended in connexion with this movement has been
1,690/. Rs. ail., and the amount of subscriptions
1,21 U. 1.14. M., leaving a balance clue to the treasurer of
323/. Its. &I. Your contiiiith e cannot but urge the fume-
diate liquidation of these liabilities, and the raising of such'
a further sum as will enable your committee's suceessors to
bring the important object.' of this association to a success-
ful issue."

Mr. BARROW, M.P., then moved, "That the pro-
ceedinga of the committee be approved, and that the report
which has been read to this meeting he printed and circu-
lated under the direction of the committee."

—...„ .
Mr. J. KERSHAW, M.l'., seconded the resolution,
v/MAI was agreed to unanimously.
' Mr. JOHN BRIGHT, M.P., moved—" That the irre-
sponsible power of the magistrates to raise large sinus of
money, by way of county rate, and expend the Mole,
uncontrolled by the ratepayer*, is a principle so un-
just as to require forthwith the interference
of the legislature, in order that the ratepayers
may obtain some direction of the funds that are ex-
pended; and this meeting, still sensible of the continued
pressure of local taxation—of whieli county expenditure now
constitutes one of the most important items—llsis it impera-
tive that renewed and decided ideas should he taken fur
effecting a reduction of such expenditure ; at the same time
providing a more economical administration in future."
He said he was one of those who had watched with conside-
rable interest the progress which had been made on this
question; but he had nut hero connected with it, either in
the House of Commons or out of it, so fur as to have paid very
minute attention at all times to its details. But he was not
disposed to take a desponding view of the position iu which
the matter was which had brought them together. (Hear,
bear.) It was a very great point that on the principle of the
bill they had no opponents, he believed, whatever. There
were those who did not like the principle—(laughter)—and
a good many, ton, but it did nut follow that they
were outwardly opponents of the measure. He
thought a qualification unnecessary, because gentlemen
who were rated at less than 1001. a year were not likely
to be appointed. But there were counties where a different
state of things wuuld arise. 'There were many men in
Lancashire, for instance, who were rated under 1001. a year,
who were yet fully qualified to serve the public in these
situations. But there was another question. Why, the
Prime Minister himself had stated that he intended to
propose that all members of the Howe of Commons
should be elected without any qualification save the
requisite number of votes. Therefore it was the greatest
absurdity to my that the member of a county financial
board, for Rutland or fur Lancashire, as the ease might he,
should have 1001. a year qualification. Hu did not like
such mischievous provisions to be introduced iuto an set
of parliament, because people were apt to think they were
absolutely binding, and that they were breaking down the
constitution if they were the least infringed. As to
the prospects of the question, he urged them by all means
to proceed with it. (( beers.)
Mr. JAMES W. GARNETT, of Bleasilale Tower, chair-
man of the Garstang Union, secuuded the motion, and it
was carried unanimously.
After a few words from Mr. W. Brown, M.P.; Mr. Alex-
ander Henry, M.P.; and the Chairman,
Mr. JAMES HEYWOOD, M.P., moved: "That the
Committee of Management, whose report has been this day
adopted, be and are hereby reappointed to prosecute, on
behalf of this meeting, the furtherance of the objects of
this movement, with power to such committee to con-
vene another general meeting, or meetings, of de-
putations, when and where they may see fit,
and with power to add to their number." He
(Mr. Heywood) thought that though the bill as altered
would not do, yet that there were many features of it that
should be kept before the country and parliament. It
would he well if the committee were to draw up a report on
this bill, proposing the alterations in it that were desirable.
Mr. J. B. JOHNSON, of Wickham Brook, Suffolk,
seconded the motion, which was carried.
Mr. BENTLEY, of Oldham, moved : " That it be an
instruction to the committee to appoint a deputation to
wait upon government and urge upon them the introduc-
tion of a bill early in next session for the establishment of
county financial and administrative boards in order to give
to the ratepayers control over county funds by the adoption
of the representative principle in the formation of such
boards."

The resolution having been passed, votes of thanks closed
the proceedings soon after four o'clock.

BRITISII HUSBANDRY.-PRICES AND

PROSPECTS.

(Concluded from the E.rpreas of Nor. 1.)

they look up. In this class there arc no doubt many
active and intelligent men, and these are generally
land agents in ease or in posse, but the majority of
them arc mere servile imitators of another class, and
thcyform bud copies of by no means good models.
Of such men, with of course sonic exceptions, tho
staff of the noisy protectionist societies we area
heard so much is made up. They feel the fall of
prices severely, for they often want the means, and
commonly the steady perseverance and self-denial
requisite to overcome the difficulties a farmer who is
somewhat short of capital has to surmount at this
juncture. Let me not be misunderstood : no one is
more anxious than I am to see the farmer taking a
better social position, but he must make a sure hied-
ing—hemust have the firm basis of pecuniary inde-
pendence only as a rule to be secured by success in
business. Such success is only obtained by steady
attention, not merely to routine cultivation, but to
all the various modifications and improvements the
exigencies of modern husbandry demand. Above
all, too, the farmer who would improve his own
status and that of his family should keep himself up
to the current knowledge of the day by reading and
inquiry, and should take special care to educate his
children highly but usefully. A farmer's family of
genteel aspirations is just in the position to be
harmed by the evil example of the small squires they
see around them : the sons arc easily led to indulge
in idle sports, and the daughters in the not less dan-
gerous luxury of doing nothing; while protectionist
politics, which to the country squire—atter hunting
is over, and before the shooting season dying of
ennui—form a pleasurable excitement, become to the
farmer not simply a dissipation of time and atten-
tion, but a serious misdirection of his hopes and
exertions. Let me illustrate this by an example
accidentally falling in may way, showing that though
farming is commonly reputed to be a business
yielding smaller returns for capital than most
other businesses, yet many farmers, and chiefly of
the class I have last referred to, seem to consider
that they should be secured by act of parliament
an amount of remuneration more than other
traders calculate on obtaining. A fea' weeks since,
there was published in the Ottnheielye Independent
the bulance-sheet of a farm "of .199 acres of useful
light land, farmed on the four-course system,"
which gave a total expenditure of 2,811/., and a total
income of 2,587/. 10s.; showing, therefore, a loss of
253/. 10s. on the year's operations. This of course
was published to prove the depressed condition of
the farmer, and the wrong which had been done to
him by taking his fingers out of his neighbours'
pockets. The balance-sheet was to represent the
affairs of an agricultural victim to "our present com-
mercial policy." lam not going to upply the criti-
cism to this production to which many of its items
are open, but I will advert to a few of those placed
under the head of expenditure. The first is " losses
of every kind, including wear and tear, 100/." Now,
a sweeping charge of more than 31. per tent. on the
capital employed—stated to be 3,01/0/.—does ACM a
full allowance, unless the farmer is very careless or
very unfortunate (and the terms are not unfrequently
synonyinous), more particularly when I notice that
there are ample charges for keeping all the farming
implements in repair. The next nein of expenditure I
shall notice is " interest on 3,000/. at 5/. per eent.,lso/."
I may note, in passing, that the capital is not suffi-
cient to carry on the farm in the best manner, and 1
may add, that the amount charged for labour seems
hardly justified by the produce. but, at all events,
here is as high a rate of interest charged as tho
owner of the capital could obtain by lending it ; in
fact, he could not get so much. Next, there is a
charge "keep of two riding horses, 50/." It iwelear
that as a farmer, and for business-purposes, two
riding horses cannot be required for the management
of 400 acres of land, and if the fanner is supposed
to keep a young horse, besides his own, to grow into
money, that is plainly stock on the farm and should
be so treated. But probably a smart occupier of 4110
acres would think himself grievously ill-used if told
that two horses kept up in hunting-like style, must be
treated as a pleasurcable expenditure of SO/. which
must, in any fair account be added to the farmer's
profit. Most likely there would be a rough puny
besides, for which no charge is made, and by which
the actual farming riding-horse work of the farm has
been done. This account I observe charges 151. a-
year for the keep of each fanning horse, and why,
let me ask, is a riding-horse used for the farm to
cost more? Chaff and hay are not charged, it is obvi-
ous, as none of those articles are sold, or charged as
sold, in the balance sheet. Oats are charged at 2s. per
bushel, and us one quarter of oats jar month is
an ample allowance for a farm riding horse—
much more than nine out of ten humers riding
horses used for farming purposes ree.ive—the cost of
one horse should be 91. 45.-12. quarters of oats, at
16s. per quarter. Here then there is a pleasure ex-
penditure of 401. 16s. to be added as pnitit to the
interest on capital already charged. Then there is
"housekeeping, including two female servants
wages, and board, 300/." This is in no way con-
nected with the expenditure of the farm, fur no
cows are kept, except two for the family, and this
sum, which amounts to ten per cent, on the capital
employed, is in fact wholly profit, or what other
persons pay out of their profits. True it is tho
farmer must have maintenance for himself and
family, but so must other traders, and, like the
farmer in bad years, they may be obliged to pay for
it out of previous savings, or out of capital, instead
of out of profit; and if, instead of entering into
farming, or any other business, the farmer had in-
vested his 3,0001. in the funds, or lent it at interest,
he must have paid for his maintenance out of the
interest. Besides, 08 occupier of a farm, he has a
good house, which is included in the farm rent, and
for which he would pay at least 201. a year. Now
let me recapitulate the sums, the real profit obtained
by this ill-used fanner of Cambridgeshire, by the use
of a capital of 3,11(1(11, in certainly the most health-
giving and agreeable business in the world.

Charge fur wear and tear
Pleasure hone expenditure
iii. per cent. on capital l4O 0 0
House rent 2O 0 0
Iluusekeeping and servants

TO THE EDITOR OP THE DAILY NEWS.
Other farmers there are who have farmed well,
and invested much of their capital in the soil, and
these find some difficulty in dealing with their land-
lords, because they know that if such tenants quit,
from the state of their farms there will be no diffi-
culty in supplying their places. Applications from
such farmers for reductions of rent are commonly
met, as the Duke of Rutland met similar applications
from his own tenants by offers to take their farms off
their hands. This of course is no more than coolly
asking the tenant to make a present to his landlord
of the ten or fifteen hundred pounds sunk in the land,
which the tenant on quitting cannot take away with
him. I have reason to know that some farmers in
this position are quietly taking out of their land
as much of their capital as they San, attributing all the
alterations in their system to the loss of protection,
and when they have reduced their farms to the
lowest point, they arc then prepared either to quit,
or, by a threat of so doing, to secure from their land-
lords better terms than they could obtain while the
landlords felt they were in their power. All this
sort of thing, which may be heard discussed at half
the market tables, indicates a sad want of discretion
and business talent—not a few farmers bluntly say a
want of honesty—on the part of landed proprietors.
Your readers will, perhaps, recollect the case of Mr.
Bennett, of Lewsey, in Bedfordshire, who having
' taken his landlord, the Duke of Bedford, at his word,
when he offered to take his farm off his hands, and
pay for all unexhausted improvements, obtained by
the award of the valuers, a sum of upwards of six
thousand pounds, on a farm of less than four hundred
acres. But usually these offers to take Lack the
tenants' farms aro unaccompanied by any such offer
as that of the Duke of Bedford's, to pay for improve-
ments, and I refer to the case as illustrating the
complete fetter to the farm which such an invest-
ment by a tenant farmer must create.
There is a third class of farmers who find it diffi-
cult to deal with their kuullords, or to give up their
farms, at the present time, and who, nevertheless, do FREEHOLD LAND NlovEmEsr.—A meeting of the
not see their way to get on with existing prices ; of friends of thin movement was held last night, at the oces
I mean men whose habits and private expenses have 11;.)fuitihLIV.esjminslerfr,Fchold LandfSocati7,
04,,r.illecainutrast-
been adapted to a somewhat larger income than the
profits of their farm afford, or, I may add, than the B. Vine in the chair. Mr. James Taylor, jun., of Bir-
for a conference-n el' for
the
societies,rur to' be 3 making
iiii London,g Mr.
capital they employ in farming, or their methods of mingham, Mr. Iluggett, and Mr. Heal attended, and several
employing it would entitle them to expect. Such I gentlemen from the various societies in London were pre-
men aim at a sort of rural gentility, and too often sent, including
FllLeslrs;, olrrt. knancdrasWlL"nigitsenniti of rho
tre
imitate the squires by their fondness for shooting i,„,bury ; and Messrs. Shirley, Cox, 'and Barnes,'of the
and junkettmg, and in neglect of a close business-like Wextmiuster Societies. It was re,ohid that the conference
attention to their own affairs. They are mightily be held at the King's Arms, Pulacc-yard, on the 24th in-
pleased to hob nob with great men ; and be it in
wheat-sowing or hay-making season, or harvest,
could always find time to fetch and carry, shout and
bellow at the bidding of the lords or squires to whom malifug
stout, and that a public meeting shall take place at the
iklui
ris ice Ball,
sLong-acre, on the evening of the same day.
uu
etdteN,ta.eilro having been arranged, 3lessrs. Beal and
appointed secretaries to the committee for
arrangements for the conference and mooting.