The Express.
London, England, 1847-02-08 00:00:00

THE EXPRESS, MONDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 8, 1847.

to take from him the power of negotiating seven days'
bills.
The demand for transfers of credit having re-
cently increased beyond the power of note circu-
lation to supply, the bankers have substituted,
bills at seven days' date, and for other short
terms, drawn upon themselves, which, in consequence
of the good credit of the parties issuing them,
have obtained a large circulation. It is now
proposed to consider these bills as notes, and conse-
quently to limit their circulation to the extent that
license is given to issue notes. As no limita-
tion can be imposed upon the banker from
which the trader is exempted, without mani-
fest injustice, it will be necessary to include
correeponding exertions of credit by traders
to similar restrictions. If this is not done, traders'
cheques will, under the pressure of increasing trade
and demand for gold, soon be at a premium, and the
office of banker will be transferred to the trader. He
can sell cheques and short bills drawn on his banker
to all who seek them, while the banker cannot issue
cheques drawn upon himself. Now, will any cur-
rency innovator attempt to limit the trader's legiti-
mate exercise of his credit, obliged as he is for every
exertion of it to pay a severe tax ? We think that
none will venture to propose any such plan.
Why then, we may risk, draw an invidious distinc-
tion between the banker and the trader ?

ROME, Jas. 28.
Our latest lion here is Richard Cobden, fresh from
a banquet given him by the merchants of Genoa. I
fear he will find little scope in these parts for the deve-
lopment of free-trade propagandism; unless, indeed,
he apply his ingenious mind to the effecting of a free
intercourse with Great Britain in the matter of diplo-
matic relations, a topic of more vital consequence to
the future prospects of the empire than seems to
be generally understood among men of reputed fore-
sight. The disaffected portion of our Irish fellow-sub-
jects are fully alive to the importance of free trade
between England and the Vatican; and hence the
violent howl from that quarter at the very mention of
this " delicate " question. As to mere commercial
interchange, until the Romans have something be-
sides beads and cameos to barter with us, there must
be a pause of some duration ; a few statues of modern
make, with some old " noseless blocks" of antique pro-
duce, will scarce make up a return cargo. The little
town of Massa di Carers, in the Lucchese territory,
exports more sculpture, as well as unwrought marble,
than the whole Roman states ; but as you re-
ceived from me, last year, and published in your
paper of the 24th or 25th of • March, a complete
account of our domestic r.nd foreign trade, showing
(from authentic sources of no easy access) a large
balance of imports over the exports, and a decisive
proof of tho non-productive condition of our native
industry, I shall not recapitulate what is there fully
set forth. In spite of our immense rural resources
and natural capabilities, we are in Rome essentially a
mere consuming population. One fact, which I some-
how forgot to mention last March, tells oar whole story :
we send out annually to our Neapolitan neighbours'
about 100,000 skins of the kid who disports himself
on our hills, and we receive back in return half a
million pair of kid gloves, which we might as well
make at home. In troth, we have nothing to give in
barter for colonial or manufacturing roduce, of
which we have, nevertheless, considerable consump-
tion ; and our case is exactly that of the Irish sea-
port described by one of your poets, with more sug-
gestive wisdom than he gets credit for :
There are aim from Quin,
And from H. tonic.
But the lading trade as
In whisky punch !

As to corn (in which breadstuff we might pay for
all our foreign wants), until the system of entail is
destroyed, and the mortmain of monasteries and hos-
pitals broken up, and a redistribution of land takes
place, no surplus will be grown for exportation.
You will be naturally curious to learn how the
grand experiment of uprooting mendicity from Rome,
described fully in my last, has been found to answer.
Hitherto the attempt appears very successful, and
street-begging has, if not disappeared, assumed a
very different attitude. The genuine Roman beggar
was proverbially the most insolent and importunate
of the whole tribe : the hex of Homeric days was but
a faint prototype of the class. To receive your alms
seemed his right, and he pursued you like a bailiff
armed with a warrant for exaction. These marauders
have been captured and impounded : the highway
now is clear to all : but there remain a few stragglers
in the byeways,—
Pauca tameneab-unt veteri• vettiqii

principally composed of cripples and blind men,
whose demeanour is subdued, and who merely rattle
a tin canister filled with a few seed ',gibed's'. The
grand staircase of the Trinitd exhibits a specimen
or two, but not as it did of old, in such numbers as
to rival the famous "niz mangiare steps" of Malta.
The late Tom Hood described his blind man as " a
figure in alto reliero whom few relieved;" as an in-
stance of the "cirri,. obecer, being seldom blind to his
own interest ;" as a " human canister tied to a dog's
tail :" and as a " Venetian blind" being pulled up and
down by a string. But it is very remarkable that
no one ever saw a blind man in Rome led about by a
dog. Such an expedient never seems to have oc-
curred to the natives here, or if the idea struck them
it seems to have been rejected with scorn. Possibly
the dogs here arc not endowed with the in-
stinct necessary to be entrusted with the guidance
of a " dark" man ; but the fact is that each sufferer
from " gut serene," or other " dim suffusion," takes
good care to secure the services of a strapping young
woman, or a full-grown lad, whose whole time is
given to the patient, and, of course, lost to the com-
munity. This is decidedly a more dignified style of
thing than if dependent on a mere quadruped; or, as
Virgil has it :
Canibus data prxda
And as we are on the subject of dogs, I may as well
notice some particulars of the habits of this animal
in connexion with the general subject. Louis Bona-
parte (Prince of Canino), brother-in-law of Mr. Wyse,
and rival of Charles Waterton in knowledge of brute
instincts, has drawn the attention of naturalists to the
system of life pursued by the doffs of Rome. You
are aware that no sewerage exists here, except
the cloaca maxima : and that having no regular
dustmen or street contractors ,the inhabitants are ac-
customed to throw out the garbage and refuse of their
houses, which is deposited generally in some blind
corner appointed for that purpose by the police, and
decorated with a large inscription on the wall,
IM MON DEzzatO ; i. e.," rubbish shot here." It appears
that though several hundreds of theme established de-
pote exist in Rome, not one is unappropriated, but has
become by usurpation or regular transfer, the fee-
simple of some particular dog, who will not suffer
his rights of flotsam and jetsam to be invaded by any,
squatter or new corner, but rules supreme master of
the dung-heap he has acquired. Some cases of co-
partners-hip In a dirt corner have been observed, but
generally with brothers on the death of the parent;
and desperate battles occur occasionally about " fixity
of tenure," as in Tipperary. The unsuccessful claim-
ant, on ejectment, has no resource but the general
run of the streets:

Hen! magnum alterius fruatri spectabit acervum '
I know not whether these details be considered sub-
lime enough for your columns ; but they may furnish
you with an humble illustration of the famous comer*
system of Ireland, as patronised by the patriotic
landlords of that model community.
Gibson has just received an intimation from her
Majesty (through Lady Canning) that he may for-
ward for public exhitition, next May, the truly
graceful and classic statue of our Queen, which we
here cannot sufficiently admire. The Duke of Devon-
shire has just come back here from Naples ; our sub-
scription here for the poor Irish amounts already to
over 2,0001.

BAGDAD, Dec. 28, 1848.
From the Persian prince who accompanied Nourri
Beg I learned the following particulars, which possess
• political value that deserves emphatic attention. It
seems that the grand object of Russian negotiation
with Persia during the last year has been to get war
steamers established on the Caspian, with free right
of locomotion to any part or port of it, Persian or
Russian. Now this is a point upon which Persia has
stood out as stiffly as possible, as long as she was
supported by us. Russia received within a few
months a positive denial. Last month the emperor
sent again, with orders for Prince Dolgoroucki to
withdraw from Teheran unless the disputed point
were conceded within two hours ! The British
envoy, on being consulted by the Persians, said
that he was not authorised in backing them out
in case they refused to accede to the Emperor's demand.
The demand was granted within the time allowed. I

leave these facts, of which there cannot be the slightest
doubt, to speak for themselves. Russia isomnipotent in
Persia. Russia has at this moment 12 war-steamers
moving about wherever she thinks fit upon the Cas-
pian. Less than a month ago not one of her steamers
could venture into a Persian poet with her gene above
board. This is a fact which deserves attention. We may
say that we have been induced to undertake disastrous
' wars from extreme suspicion of Russia ; but that is no
reason why we should shut our eyes to what that
power is at the present moment doing in Persia. Let
us recollect that Persia is an utterly prostrate power,
with no means whatever of self defence ; with
immense provinces ripe for rebellion ; and, in fact, open
to attack in the extremest degree, both from within
and without. At this moment an extensive rebellion
is organizing throughout the whole east of Persia.
The Shah's uncle, governor of Khoraisan, is reputed
to be at the head of this movement lt is joined by
the chiefs of Scietan and Kerman. The army which
the Shah recently collected was for the purpose of
making head against this insurrection; but the troops
are already announced as disbanded, doubtless from
the total impossibility of the Shah's paying them. It is
well known that, with a rash liberality, that will
most probably prove his own utter ruin, he has
alienated, by gifts to favourites, the greater part of
the crown lands, and the sinews of war are utterly
wanting to him for the approaching struggle. Let
not the reaction of a mistake blind us to the ominous
shadow which the grasping northern power is
throwing over Persia at this moment. The declining
health, and doubtless near demission, of Col. Sheil,
affords us an opportunity of appointing to the Court
of Teheran a fit successor to Sir John Macneil —a man
who, with • thorough knowledge of the Persian lan-
guage and of the Russian character, will know how
to conciliate and manage the one, and oppose the
aggressive, not to say impudent, designs of the other.
The departure of the Damascus post prevents me
from completing this letter. You shall hear from me
again from Mosul.

The debate in the French Chamber has been con-
verted into a series of soliloquies, each occupying a
day. The speech of M. Thiers occupied all Thursday;
the name singular circumstance occurred with that of
M. Goizot on Friday ; and, finally, Saturday was
almost entirely devoted to M. Berryer. These, with the
speech of M. Odillon Barrot, delivered on Wednesday,
on the Cracow question, conferred upon the parlia-
mentary business of the week more than usual
interest, and filled from morning to night the three
hundred cabinets de lecture of Paris. It will doubtless be
asked with some interest by the English public what is
the general impression produced by all this discussion,
and the consequent comments of the press, on
the French public ? The impression on all that re-
spectable portion of society in France which constitutes
the middle class is, that the personal question of good
faith and honour, raised between the French and Eng-
lish foreign ministers, is utterly lost in the overwhelm-
ing importance of establishing such an alliance between
the constitutional states of the west of Europe as may
arrest the insidious encroachments of absolutism in
the east,—sa may save the Ottoman empire ulti- ,
mately from the grasp of Russia,—preserve the pro-
vinces of the Danube from the oppressive interference
of the same power,—prevent the intrigues of Austria
from frustrating the liberal designs manifested
by the heads of the Papal and Sardinian states in
Italy, and preserve the independence of the Swiss
confederation from the fatal effects of Austrian inter-
vention. These are the thoughts which engross
those in France, who desire the progress of liberal
ideas, and this its which more than either love of
England or affection for M. Thiers, would induce them
to visit upon M. Guizot any mark of public displeasure
for the equivocal and unworthy character of some
of the proceedings in the Spanish marriage intrigue.
The arrivals of vessels laden with grain at Mar-
seilles during the last week were so numerous as to
produce a fall in that market on wheat amounting to
If. 50c. to 2f. per hectol., being nearly 6 per cent. on'
the selling price. There were warehoused at
Marseilles 56,000 quarters. The total amount of the
arrivals during the week was 43.5,328 hectol., of which'
164,276 came from Odessa, 62,880 from Ibraila and
Galatz, 39,248 from Varna, and 89,866 from Constan-
tinople and the Black Sea.
The price of bread at present in Paris is 51c.
per kilog., which is equivalent to 21d. per lb. The
poor are supplied with this bread at 40c. per kilog.,
the difference I lc. per kilog. being paid by the muni-
cipality and the government. For the first fortnight
of February, 1,325,000 tickets have been issued, each
entitling the bearer to the purchase of 2 kilog. at the
reduced rate. The surplus to be paid by the State
will thus amount to 291,500 f. Thus it appears that
at present the municipality and the government are
expending at the rate of about 24,000!. per month, to
enable the lower population of Paris to purchase bread
at the reduced rate.

The Indian news was receded in Paris on Friday
evening from London, and quoted by the Paris jour-
nals from the Daily News of Thursday morning, that
journal having been the first to reach Paris with this
intelligence.
PARIS, SATURDAY, 5 O'CLOCK. —The effect pro-
duced at the Bourse to-day, by the speech of- M.
Cluizot, was a fall of a half per cent. The
feeling among the principal interests has been
one of general dejection. Cons .iderable alarm pre.
veils, and those parte of M. Guizot's speech
referring to the possibility or probability of England
succeeding in coming to an understanding with the
Northern courts on the Montpensier marriage are
every where repeated. The government party are
in the utmost uneasiness, and it is not considered
very unlikely that the silution of the situation may
be a change of cabinet.

Advice, from Switzerland inform us that consider-
able alarm has been excited in the Federal govern-
ment, by the concentration of Austrian troops on the
Lombardo-Venetian frontier of the Canton of Tesin.
This being one of the Liberal cantons, such a mani-
festation following the recent note of the three
powers to the Vorort, is interpreted as a practical
menace of that intervention which was more than
hinted at by the Russian minister, Krudner. The
Vorort has accordingly directed the Swiss Charge
d'Affaires at Milan to demand explanations of the
Lombardo-Venetian government, of the object of
such military preparations, and of a concentration of
the troops on the frontier such as has no' been wit-
nessed since 1815.
It will be recollected that, after the successful re-
pression of the liberal movement by the cantonal
government of Friburg, the Vorort sent a federal
commissioner to the authorities of that canton to re-
commend and entreat moderation and forbearance,
and an abstinence from all irritating reaction. At the
moment this advice was favourably accepted, and
corresponding assurances given to the Vorort by the
cantonal authorities. But later, whether by their
own mere motion or at the instigation of Austria, the
government of Friburg has protested against the
pacific intervention and conciliatory suggestions of
the Vorort, and have entered on a system of reac-
tionary persecution, in direct opposition to the advices
received.

Letters from Constantinople intimate that the
difference between the Ottoman and French govern-
ments, arising from the reception given to the Bey of
Tunis in Pans, is likely to be more serious than was
at first imagined. It appears that M. de Bourqueney,
in a note which he communicated to the Ottoman
court, gave a rapid sketch of the distinction which
the cabinet of the Tuileries had accorded to the Bey
at Paris. The ambassador had received this,
which was dated the 12th of December, in
order to communicate it to the Divan. M.
de Bourqueney concluded his note in terms
almost imperious, requiring that the Porte should
abstain from all ulterior commentary upon the conduct
of the court of France, and should the affair
as M. (inapt had represented it.refffei Thereupon tke
Porte taking offence from the note, and especially
from the additions made to it by the French Ambas-
sador, communicated with the English Ambassador as
to the adviseableness of sending it back to \I. de
Bourqueney. It was decided not to do so, but a pro-
testation will probably be sent to Paris.

The Spanish mail, with journals and letters from
Madrid to the 31st ult., arrived at Paris on Saturday
afternoon.

It was generally supposed that the change which
had taken place in the persomul of the administra-
tion would not be followed by a change in the system
of policy. It results from all the conferences which
have been held in consequence of the ministerial crisis
between the leaders of the different factions of the
moderate party, that there really exists no difference
of opinion relative to their political opinions.

Well-informed persons asserted that, in the pro-
gramme which the Duke of Sutomayor intended
communicating to the chamber on the Ist Feb., it
would be stated that no distention existed in the mo-
derate party.
A despatEh had been received by the Minister of
War announcing the advance into Catalonia of 200
armed insurgents from the valley of Andorre. The
captain general set out to pursue them.
El Herald° does not credit the rumour that M.
Mon is to be appointed ambassador at London.
Parliament did not sit on the 31st. The 31st being
Sunday, the Bourse was closed.

CHAMBER OF DEPUTIES, Fen. 5.
PILMIDENCII OP M. SAUZET.

On the president taking the chair, the order of the day
was the adjourned discussion on the address.
M. (howr devoted the first portion of his speech to an
effort to prove some difference between the policy of Lord
Aberdeen and that of Lord Palmerston. The only new ar-
gument he brought in support of this were some letters of
M. de Jarnac, complaining that the dispatch of the 19th of
August was not shown him.
He went on to say, that Lord Aberdeen never men-
tioned the treaty of Utrczbt, nor objected to the Duke
of Montpeusier's marriage with the Infanta. He. would
make no difference between Whig and Tory; both were
friendly towards France. M. Guizot continued . I think I
should have been neglig rat if I had not remembered this. It
was my duty to be reserved, and I was so. So much for
the general facts. Particular ones soon occurred to com-
mand still greater reserve. I will reduce those facts to two
the dispatch of July 19, and the silence so brig maintained be-
fore replying to my letter. What did that dispatch contain ?
In it the Prince of Coburg is named, and why was he men-
tioned if he had no chance of success ? The dispatch con-
tains the declaration that England had no objections to make
to any of the candidates named ; but not a word is said of
France--nor a suggestion to Spain on the policy to be pur-
sued towards us. There is, then, this difference between the
letter of Lord Aberdeen to the Duke de Sotomayor, and
Lord Palmerston's despatch of 19th July; that in the latter
there is the Prince of Coburg, the more, and a mention pf
France, the less. (Hear, hear.) That, then, is the differ-
ence between the two situations—the two policies. It is
now said, Lord Palmerston ceased to support the Prince of
Coburg, and admitted that the candidateship of Don Henry
was preferable. Let us see the value of this doable fact.
On the 20th July we propostd to England to concert with
us to support the candidateship of the princes, the sons of
Don Francisco de Paula, and on the 28th August only we
received • reply. I shall now point out what was done in
I that interval. (The hon. minister here read the despatches
of the Count de Jarnac of the 21st and 24th July and the 13th
j August, and continued). I ask the Chamber whether these
dispatches are reassuring on the subject of the csindidatenhip
of the Prince of Coburg. In fact, it was on the 28th August
only that England spoke of Don Henry, and of him alone to
the exclusion of every other. I ask whether this was not
rather late ? The entry of Don Henry into the palace as •
conqueror implied the destruction of our policy at Madrid.
We could not accept such a combination. To return to the
Prince of Coburg. I admit that the influence of England in
no way pushed him on ; I admit that she left the
question to the choice of Spain alone. The Spanish
government, menaced by revolution, was anxious
to conclude the marriage. It would no longer post-
pone the solution of that great question ; the queen-mother,
the queen, and the government, all were anxious to have it
completed. Tne Spanish government absolutely wishing to
terminate the question, what took place? A proposition
was made to us by the court of Madrid ' • and at the
time the case for us was pressing, for there danger
threatened. On the 9th August the Spanish government
proposed to ue to marry the queen to Don Francisco de
Asais, on condition that the other marriage (that of the
Infanta to the Duke de Montpennier) should be also agreed
to. In this state of the question we should have been blind
and culpable—we should have failed in our relations with
Spain, to have refused that proposition ; for, had we done so,
we should have thrown Spain under the influence of England.
I was right, then, in saying at the commencement that there
was for us a necessity, which arose from the difference of
our situation with respect to Lord Aberdeen and Lord Pal-
merston. I consider this to be established on irrefragable
evidence. (Approbation from the centre.) I now arrive at
the question of honourable dealing. For my part, I have never
accused the intentions or good faith of any one, but in dis-
cussing have always assumed that there were only errors
and faults of conduct. I have always respected and observed
this role in every situation ; the liberty and dignity of diplo-
matic relations and of parliamentary discussions depend
on it. Whatever, therefore, may be the conduct observed
towards me, or by whom, I shall always follow this course.
I protest, first of all, against the introduction of a name which
has been improperly employed at London in this discussion.
Not more abroad than at home, not more between two con-
stitutional governments than in each individually. Ought
that name to be mixed up'in political discussions ? To intro-
duce it, to make use of it, is conduct deserving of the
strongest censure. (Ilear, hear.) I shall, as I do at present,
always protest sgainst such • violation of constitutional
rules, from whatever quarter it may proceed. (Movement.)
I now enter into the question of g sod faith, and what is
called pror4t4 ; and in doing so I feel the necessity of laying
textually before the Chamber the documents an 1 the lan-
guage rf the government. I speak not of documents con-
cocted after the event has taken place, and for the purposes
of defence, but of documents that passed daring the conduct
of the affair. The Chamber will see that every where, at
London, at Paris, and in Spain, our proceedings have been
upright and honourable. Such was our conduct at London.
Let us now see what were our proceedings at Madrid.
The Queen adopted her resolutions in full liberty. M.
de Brown said not a word, took not a step that could in-
fluence her determination. When I informed Lord Nor-
mally that the marriages were settled, he asked if they
would both be concluded at the same time. I replied
that they would not, and I was right in so re-
plying, far at the moment at which I spoke, not only was
nothing as yet decided, but we were labouring at
Madrid to prevent the simultaneousnem of the two marriages.
Our ambassador pointed. out to us incontestible dangers
in delaying the marriage of the Infanta. He
every day became more urgent, and we agreed to
the measure. Just as much as I was right on the
Ist and 2nd September, in saying that the marriages would
not take place at the same time, en was I right on the 4th of
September, on deciding that they should be simultaneous.
It a true that I did not inform Lord Normanby of it ; but
I think I should have been wanting in the most common
prudence if, in presence of a declared and active opposi.
lion, I had given Lord Palmerston time to prepare his
wanes. (Agitation.) I now arrive at the second despatch
of the English ambassador, dated the 2.5 th September,
and to the conversations which I had with him—
I do not wish to reproach any one, hot I must be allowed
to say that, if the English anahasnador had done me the
honour of showing me his despatch of the 25th Sept. as he
did that of the 22nd, I should have (Token otherwise, and
perhaps better, than he has made me speak. On the 2.5 th
Sept. the state of affairs was completely changed ; the Bri-
tish ambaseador brought me the protest of his government
against the marriage of the Duke de Montpesoier—a pro-
tent announcing that England would do everything in her
power to prevent that marriage. I felt myself in the pre-
sence of an adversary. (Sensation.) I felt myself
obliged to say nothing but what was true, but also to
refrain from saying anything that might injure my
cause. Here, then, is the second question, that of good
faith, set at rest, and as completely cleared up at Madrid,
at London, and at Paris, as the question of necessity. We
have throughout done nothing but what we ought to have
done. This double question, then, is resolved. A second
question now remains. more important than the first, but I
shall be brief upon it. I allude to the consequences that
the solution given to the Spanish marriages may produce on
our situation in Spain, in England, in Europe. (Hear,
hear.) I do not deny the gravity of the situation. But, at
the same time, it must not be represented as graver, or more I
complex than it really is. M. Thine has perfectly de-
fined the situation that we ouzht to maintain with
respect to Spain. We have nothing to ask, no-
thing to desire from her, hut a friendly policy. I
Franco and Spain have concluded a great act--have con-
tracted new ties. I do not exaggerate the value of family
unions; but when the interests of two countries are identi-
cal, the marriages of princes have a powerful effect in draw-
ing closer their connexion. At the present moment the
Spanish cabinet is undergoing a change. But does not
that prove the independence of Spain—the free pleay
of her institutions ? Yes ; the ministry which concluded
the marriages gives up its place to another ; but is that a re-
action against us ? No ; for one of the principal members
of the new Cabinet was the reporter on the marriages in the
Cortes. There is no anti-French movement—there is free
I play of institutions—that is all, and our policy sustains no
injury' Such is our position with respect to Spain. A
word on England. Deceive not yourselves—the interests,
the instincts, the causes of action which induce England
and France to desire to live well together in spite of so
many circumstances incessantly arising in opposition to
harmony, are so powerful that they will surmount passing
dissensions. England believes that what has occurred
is injurious to the liberty and foreign policy of J
Spain. I trust to time to prove to England that there j
may be good relations between France and Spain,
without dependence on the part of the latter country.
England believes herself to be threatened in the Me- .
diterranean. This is a serious error. When the treaty
of Utrecht was concluded, the influence of England in
the Mediterranean wan not what it is at present. That
treaty gave Gibraltar to England, but then she had not yet ,
Malts, on the other side. Forthe last hundred years the equi-
librium
of the treats' of Utrecht has been always broken for
the benefit of England and to our detriment. The power
lona Algeria, and the good intelligence between France and
Spain, are at the most but a compensation for what Eng-
land has acquired. I one very far from regarding the Me-
diterraocan as a French lake. That is one of those unfor-
tunate expressions, calculated to cause difficulties between
nations. The Mediterranean neither is nor can be a French
lake ; but it poasesses too much importance for France, for ,
her not to watch with much solicitude all the changes ,
that may take place in that quarter. The uneasiness of Eng- ,
land is unjust and erroneous. As to the three great powers, '
their conduct and their attitude with regard to the question
of Spain have given us no sign of complaint. They have not
adhered to the policy of England, notwithstanding that soli-
, citatirma have been made to induec them to do so. Only—
do not deceive yourselves—frealleforts will be mode. If the
King's government guards well the position ft has taken,
do not fear that the greet p ewers will engage themselses
against us. You cannot reckon on their s' mpathy, but you
may no their prudence, their intelligence, and en their well-
eaageseood interest.. (Sensation.) They have proved this
to yen( for the last sixteen years, and they will continue to

prove it if you do not depart from the line of policy which
is our own. A last word on the secondary powers to whom
M. niers alluded en pennant yesterday, and which
must be taken seriously into account. Will you allow me
to say what has happened to them in this affair of the
Spanish marriages? When the secondary powers do
not fear France as a revolutionary and conquering
power, they are well disposed towards her, and desire to
see her strong. Gentlemen, the affair of the Spanish
marriages is the first grand thing that we hare
effected completely single-handed in Europe since 1830.
(Sensation.) Impartial Europe has delivered her judgment
to that effect. Be assured that this event has strengthened
us in Spain, and given us strength in Europe, particularly
in the ideas of the secondary powers. The policy of order
and of conservatism has not humbled France, but it has
elevated her, hasdoubled her influence, and has made her
name respected in Europe. And, if that policy had not been
followed, we should not hese been in a state to have resolved
the question of the Spanish marriages; or, rather, the deci-
sion would have been against you. (Loud marks of appro-
bation, followed by great agitation.)