The Express.
London, England, 1847-10-25 00:00:00

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MAILS.
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WI" t=erb: Mae ENO ha, mill be made up on the
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TM Imes he Sem ewe& Van lmmmo's Land. Mt Noe
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TM Wog Isis at Immemileg Om Ike ateeleo, Itanduraa, and
the Ilmamalp. vill bo mai up on ememelliet et. the 2nd November.
The ileraehewl antiliare alledlui Math Greece, the lowan wane,
Viltial•Aleihes led% relleelaseir. China. era Soutimaipton,
mole up es doe mesinet ebe November.
TO* mauls he BMW North Asestea, Bermuda, and the United
MOM ma Mum& op ea tbe swan et tis 3rd November.
The emus as tho Bev^ Ur Neer Plate, Mono, Pawn.
bum, BM* Madeira, d IWO! Ayres, will be mode up OD the
somata, Mho eth remstaltsr.

TO CORITSPONDINTII.
0.. Msertlamboata latsaJatl Om Tat Say.... 1.0000 .0•1011 MN, 0.014 /11.
at eh@ OS" 10, Icatmie-tateet, by Tyr• taint co thy alty of publicatka.

BIOS WATER OM IORDO?-■RIDOR.
Two DAv—Mersilag.ll oft. 2; sits. ort 2.
Te.llommor—blorsia, 12 am. Hot 3 ittereem. 33 W. pr. 3.

LONDON, MONDAY, OCT. 25.
THE United States general has at length with
much daring, gallantry, and with the sacrifice of no
inconsiderable portion of his troops and officers, over-
come the forts and armies which barred his entrance to
Mexico, and has successfully established his footing in
that capital. The Mexicans, as long as they were
protected by walls, and had ammunition to ply cm-
non, fought with Spanish obstinacy ; but it also ap-
pears that they durst not await thiir foes in the open
field, or even make resistance hand to hand, when
the Americans came so close as to scale their parapets.
Still it is evident that General Scorr bad no wish
to proceed ta.txtremitits, and that he anxiously de-
sired an accommodation. The Mexican generals and
authorities scam, however, not to have entertained the
idea of closing with the American terms. Neither
does it appear to have been in their power. SANTA
ANNA used his efforts in vain to assemble a quorum
of the Congress. Instead of this he received a protest
from the deputies of Mexico, Xalieco, and Zacatecas,
who had retired to Toluca, against any accommodation
whatsoever being entered into with the Americans
that was not sanctioned by the national representatives.
GOMEZ FARIAS is at the head of this federation,
which has troops, and which has even despatched a
force to reduce a neighbouring province that resists
their authority. In addition to this civilian protest,
Gen. VALENCIA and a portion of the army have shown
mistrust and hostility to SANTA ANNA. So that it
seems impossible for this general, whatever his incli-
nation, to come to any accommodation with the
Americans until the spirit of resistance is far more
humbled than it has even been by the loss of the
capital.
We are now trade tally acquainted with the terms
on which each party is willing to make peace. The de-
mand of A m er; ca is simply the cession of all the northern
part of Mexico, from the 32nd to the 42nd degree of
latitude, with Lower California, including the whole of
New Mexico and Santa Fe. The Mexicans refuse
this, but offer all the territory between the 37th and
the 42nd degree, half, in fact, of the American de-
mand, Mexico retaining Santa Fe and Lower Califor-
nia, as well as Monterey, but ceding to the Americans
the important district, which they so much covet, of
San Francisco. Moreover, they object to cede the
territory between the Rio Bravo asd the Nuecee, which
was the principal cause of the war. M this territory
is really of little importance, Mr. DUST asked for an
interval to get instructions respecting it, when the '
negotiations were broken off by military impatience.
There is one thing very remarkable in the offer of
the Mexicans ; and this is, its complete conformity to
the desires of the American whig party, as pro-
mulgated in the important speech of MT. WEBSTER,
recently delivered. In that speech Mr. WEBSTER
announces the certainty of a whig majority in the
House of I tepresentativee, and he chalks out the line to
be pursued 'oy that majority. It is to grant means
for carrying on the war to the procuring of certain
conditions, this very bay, port, and territory of Sun
Francisco being the principal one. But the whigs went
no more, and they will treat-Mr. PoLK, according to Mr.
WEBSTER, as President MADISON was treated by the
whigs many years past. lie was supported in the war
against England, until England would submit to
certain conditions ; but he was given to understand
that he would not be supported in demanding
more. And on this Mr. MADISON made peace.
The intention seems to be now for the whige to
approve of the Mexican offers as sufficient, and
as getting rid of the quarrel which mast arise, were
New Mexico to be annexed, like Texas, with the pro-
bability of its being a new slave-holding group of
states.
It would therefore appear that if the Mexicans
bold out, and, (mewed even by the capture of their
capital, continue the war, refusing to conclude peace on
terms more onerous than ceding from the 37th degree of
latitude, the Mexicans will, in a few weeks, find sup-
port in the American Congress itself, which will have
to decide upon fresh efforts, armaments, and expenses,
or the acceptance of SANTA ANNA'S offers. Much
reference has been made to the intervention of the
British envoy. But he surely cannot counsel Mexico
to surrender all California and Santa Fe, with ten
degrees of latitude.
In the mean time, the government organs of Wash-
ington are full of rage and fury at the obstacles in
the way of their designs. They press for reinforce-
ments and strenuous military efforts, and recommend
that the army should live at free quarters in the
Mexican villages, and thus punish that froward
people for their obstinacy. Military reinforcements
and efforts do indeed appear most n ; but as to '
plundering the Mexican peasant, this would soon tell
most prejudicially to the interests of General Scorr,'
who indeed has wisely exerted himself to prevent
such excesses.

Ors present police system is often referred to with
pride when comparisons are made between the
England of to-day and the England of a hundred
years ago. The old Bow-street runner, who occupied
an equivocal position between the public and the thief,
has disappeared. The officer no longer stands to the
offender in the relation of the gardener to his fruit,
watching over it from the seed, aiding its growth, and
plucking it when it is fully ripe. We have substituted
the preventive for the detective principle. JONATHAN
WILD, we are assured, is the type of an extinct
species. But the defilement of crime mocks the
operation of systems. The functionaries of prisons
and police courts still furnish their quota of Pearhums
and Lockits. There is an amount of petty rascality
banging about the skirts of our criminal law adminis-
tration of which not only thepublic, but the respectable
part of the legal profession, knows nothing. Every
now and then we get an ugly glimpse of it. The
other day we had an expeenre of the means of ester-
lion which oar grand jury system puts into the
power of a class of wretches who make a livelihood
by preferring infamous charges, supported by false
oaths, and planned by the lowest description of attor-
neys. At the meeting of the Middlesex magistrates,
on Thursday last, the report of the visiting justices of
the House of Detention at Clerkenwell furnished evi-
dence of equally atrocious practices on the part of
certain petty officers of prisons and police courts.
This report shows that the race of JONATHAN WILDS,
in passe, still flourishes on the scene of its former
achievements.
Two wardens of the Clerkenwell Sessions-house
are proved to have been in the habit of turning the
bail-dock into a place of entertainment, allowing
strangers to bring into it beer and spirits, and socially
partaking with them of these refreshments. One of
these same precious rascals took the last Gd. from the
wife of a prisoner for carrying a message from her
to the husband. While inquiring into this case, the
visiting justices ascertained that the husband had
been committed from the Marylebone Police Court.
While he was in confinement there, his wife made an
application to see bim. The gaoler refused ; but a
bribe of 2s. and a glass of gin brought about what
the imploring agony of the wife bad no power to
effect, and she wan admitted to see her husband. The
same gaoler had before taken 2s. Gd. from the man for
carrying a message to the wife. Ile further took upon him
to recommend a legal adviser, a " Mr." Itonissos, to
whom he seems to have acted as " loiter." The
prisoner said he had committed the offence he was
charged with, and should plead guilty. The gaoler
dissuaded him from this, dwelling on the seriousness
of his caw, and again suggesting " Mr." ROBINSON
as "a very clever man in such matters." In a mint-
sulously short time "Mr." ROBINSON appeared. De
demanded five guineas for the costs of the defence.
To raise the money, the wife sold everything she pos-
sessed in the world, even to the shoes from htr own
and her children's feet. With all her efforts the


found herself three shillings short of the sum de-
manded. " Mr." ROBINSON took hold of her pocket
and shook it, saying, " Come, this is not all you
have got; you have something more here."
The case came on for trial. The husband,
by the advice of his counsel, pleaded guilty.
" Mr." ROBINSON pocketed his 5/. 14s. 6d., minus,
in all probability, a guinea really paid to counsel.
The poor faithful wife was left penniless—her little
stock of furniture and clothes sacrificed to an extor-
tionate scoundrel in the min hope of saving her hus-
band.
Were this an isolated case, an indignant denuncia-
tion of the heartless rascality of the MITCHELLS and
ROBINSONS is all that it would be likely to provoke
from the journalist. But as it is not an isolated case,
bat an example of what is, in all probability, going
on daily in every police-office of London, we cannot
satisfy ourselves by passing it over with an aimless
expression of disgust. It is necessary that some steps'
should be taken, if possible, to prevent this abuse of
their situation by police-officers, and some restrictions
introduced which will render the infamous trade of
the "Mr." ROBINSONS unremunerative at least, if not

dangerous.
We have given the prisoner a power of free commu-
nication with his legal adviser while in confinement,
and the aid of counsel when in the dock. Justice
seemed to demand so much. But there can be no
doubt that, as both these privileges are exercised
at present, justice is more impeded than furthered by
them, while serious discredit is brought by their
abuse on both brunches of the legal profession. As a
I class, " prisoners' attorneys" unhappily take rank
among the most pestilent and shameless of their call-
ing. Nor will any impartial
.member of the bar deny
that it is in the defence of prisoners that the most de-
grading arta of the barrister are resorted to, and the
most unwarrantable concessions made to the prejudices
and ignorance of common juries.
It is only by a complete separation of the barrister
in his wig from the gentleman out of it that any man
of honour can even attempt to reconcile the common
practice of defences with a duo respect for truth and
the common sense of right and wrong. It is this
department of the barrister's duties which supplies
the strongest and most popular arguments of de-
claimers against his profession ; and certainly, if a
barrister's practice were confined to the defence of
prisoners, we should not expect to see men of cha-
racter and conscience wearing wigs and gowns.

1 An improvement in the intelligence of jurors,
however arrived at, would be the best corrective of
this evil as it affects the barrister. But the attorney
is shielded from even the fraction of public opinion
represented by twelve men in a box, or the audience
of a criminal court. He can only be held in check by a
seltengendered sense of duty, or by the most stringent
external restraints upon overcharges and extortions.
There is little to be looked for from the former of
these checks in the case of such men as generally
adopt this branch of practice. In default of this,
unluckily, there is no application whatever of the
latter. The prisoner's attorney screws out of his
client what he pleases, whether under the head of
costs of court, consultations, or fees to counsel. We
have been careful to shelter the prisoner from the old I
enormities of garnish and gaolers' charges. But he
often pays them ten times over to his attorney. It is
proverbial at assizes that the sums marked on defence
briefs are but a fraction of the amount wrung from
prisoners as counsel's fees. Many who wish to avow
their guilt are induced by these legal harpies, who
hang about gaols and keep up an understanding with
turnkeys and petty police-officers, to plead not guilty,
from trust in the ingenuity of some favourite counsel,
who has the ear of the juries of the county. This
practice induces delay and uncertainty of justice,
and has a tendency to swell county expenses, from
the necessity of preparing in the prosecution for
encountering a skilful defence. It is, moreover, the
raw offender, or (in the few cases of innocence that
come to trial) the innocent man, who is thus
victimized by the " gaol-bird" practitioner. The old
hands know the scale of fees as well as he does. They
are not worth bleeding. But their richest harvest is
when, as in the case reported to the Middlesex magis-
trates, they meet with a devoted wife, or heart-broken,
loving mother or sister, who is ready to beggar herself
that the unworthy object of affection may have every
chance of escape. In such cases these Quirks,
Gammons, and Snaps drive a roaring trade. They
coin affection into guineas, and use the heart-strings
to open the purse.
_ . .
• •

The only means of putting a stop to these execrable
practices would be by taxing all bills for defences,
and compelling the production of vouchers for all
sums entered as coats out of pocket. This would
ruin a trade which subsists on illegal exactions. It
would no longer be worth while to fee officers for a
good word which brought in no more than honest
profits. The restrictioa would drive many rogues
into new branches of roguery, on which the light of
public opinion had not yet been turned, while it
would clip the wings of those who stock to the call-
ing. It is no good objection to this proposal that the
class we would thus serve is generally a worthless
one—that, with our present system of committals,
very few innocent men come to trial. If the
law considers prisoners entitled to facilities for
defence, it is bound to see that they are not
plundered in providing them, just as much as if they
were unsuspected, or even honest men. All the arga-
ments by which the present taxation of bills of costs
may be supported, apply (and some of them with
double force) to the taxation of costs for the defence
of prisoners. The practitioners who ran up the
latter are the most unscrupulous, the clients who incur
them the most ignorant and unprotected of their
class. We trust that this subject will not be forFotten
among the impending improvements in our criminal
legislation.

FOR a great while it was the fashion in Irish poli-
tics to talk of applying the British constitution to the
sister country, as one would speak of administering a
plaister to a bruise. It did not very clearly appear
what the political doctors meant by the words British
constitution. With one it was catholic emancipation ;
with another it was parliamentary reform. At one
time it was the promotion of catholics to office ; at
another it meant abolition of tithes. Nor was it any
wonder that the words conveyed no definite ideas,
seeing that even in England we have not very
well agreed as to the tree interpretation of our
constitution. We believe, however, that it is
now very generally recognised that oar constitution
means something more than the government of
Queen, Lords, and Commons. People have at last
begun to understand that the true constitution should
comprehend more than its executive government, or
its legislative assemblies. The social idea is now be-
coming better understood, and the soundest philoso-
phers see that statesmen must look to something
broader and more popular than mere political
arrangements.
Hitherto, the British constitution has not been prac-
tically applied to Ireland. It is only now that we are
erecting there, in all its integrity, our parochial sys-
tem. The Irish have had liberty of the press, and
ample freedom of the subject. They have had the
same legal rights as ourselves, but their so-
cial system was neglected, and their mere
political state alone attended to. And, in saying this,
we may remind our readers that Irish statesmen and
Irish popular leaders have been often the cause of
this neglect ; for, instead of directing the public mind
to the economy of society, they preferred assailing,
sometimes the character, and sometimes the measures,
of the executive. See how little attention was paid
by O'CONNELL to the question of poor relief, compared
with his incessant harangues on all the evils of Ire-
land, real or imaginary, except those which actually
came nearest to the poor man ! Look back to the
annals of the Irish liament, and see the patriots
of the sister island discussing anything bat the state
of the poor. The public mind of Ireland seems to
have no taste for the details of business. The intricate
and complicated questions arising out of poor relief
make a heavy demand on the sober and least showy,
though most useful, faculties of the mind.
But at last, the British constitution, properly under-
stood, is to be established in Ireland. Our parochial
system, with its self-government, its responsibilities,
and its corporate privileges, has from the time of the
Reformation been the main basis of oar social edifice.
The English peasant has leant more heavily upon the
parish than upon parliament. To him, the sovereign
and legislature have been mere abstractions; the
British constitution has been recognised by him
rather in the authorities of his native parish, in his
right to relief in destitution, and in his claims upon
the land for subsistence. So also, our middle classes
have been most familiarised with the constitution in
their local powers, rather than in the undoubted pre-
eogaiivet. which belong to every British subject. A

country may have a bad political constitution, yet its
social system may work vigorously, and thrive. On
the other band, a people may have great political pri-
vileges and possess a wretched social system. Such
has been the came of Ireland.
In England we have always had a complete social
sestem, which has withstood a series of political
changes. We have had our political revolution,
during the last three centuries, but we never had a
social convulsion like that in France. Under Caox-
WELL there was no social revolution. The ideas
of the protectorate were antagonistic to the
monarchy and the church, not to the form
of English society. There have been important
changes, but no sweeping, overwhelming, social revo-
lution amongst us. for three centuries. But in Ireland,
society has never been placed on a proper basis until
the present time. At last, legislators and statesmen
have grarpled with the social system. The mere
distribution of political power in Ireland has ceased
to occupy their thoughts. How to employ the artisan
—how to stimulate the capitalist to enterprise—how
to compel the landlord to discharge his duties—are
now the prominent subjects of thought with Irish
rulers. The same mode of thinking must become
prevalent
oa amongst the Irish proprietors. The
of guardians must become inoculated with
these views. They must be made to feel
the fall extent of their great responsibility.
They must be taught the real nature of the
case before them. The parochial system, which
probably more than any other of our institutions has
been the main cease of our prosperity, is for the first
time established in Ireland. If the guardians act
with high public spirit, they will take part in the glo-
rious work of establishing and fixing firmly the social
pyramid. Too long have the vain efforts of successive
statesmen been directed to fix the pyramid on the
smaller end ; at last the film has pained from their
eyes, and the truth become recognised, that upon the
people the social system in Ireland must be based.
The boards of guardians have a vast work before
them. We look to their proceedings with more in-
terest than to the sayings or doings of any other
bodies in the Irish community. Why need we care
to listen to the discussions of the Irish council, when
we know that in every poor-law union there is, or
ought to be, a real Irish council, guaranteed by the
authority of law, and intrusted with the most im-
portant duties? The boards of guardians are armed
with real power, while the Irish council is merely a
place for making speeches de omnibus.
Every day brings accounts of the success of the
Irish government in overcoming the resistance and
objections of boards of guardians; some of which,
even in wealthy parts of the country, were recalci-
trant, merely from a perverse wish to do the work of
charity their own way. Gradually, however, they
have been made to comprehend how much more
easily and effectively this could bo done by the aid of
the law, and in concert with the government. There
is now every prospect of the Irish poor law being
made to operate with success in five-sixths of the
unions. There still will remain several districts in a
deplorable and exceptional state.
In these districts there are wanting the classes of
the landlord, the farmer, and the citizen : for the
landlord may be considered as non-existent, or worse.
Government must supply the place of all; and to fix
the mode of its doing so will require no small effort
of political ingenuity.
In more wealthy districts the great difficulty, not
merely of the poor law, but of maintaining the conti-
nuance of social existence and of any kind of industry,
lies in the relation between landlord and tenant
These relationsare now in a state of doubt and chaos.
To restore them to some degree of normal regularity,
and certainty, is indispensable to the working, not
merely of the poor law, but of any law in Ireland.

Our Paris despatches and journals of Saturday
have arrived. The latter continue to be occupied
with the Swiss question. A sharp polemic has arisen
on this between the Journal des Debats and the op-
position press, in which the organ of M. Guizot and
Louis Philippe pours the phials of its wrath and ex-
hausts the whole vocabulary of vituperation. The
same journal treats with a proportionate amount of
approbation and eulogy the minority which opposes
the execution of the decrees of the legitimate govern-
ment, to which, nevertheless, M. Guizot has accre-
dited a representative in the person of M. Bois le
Comte. The details of this controversy would have
little interest for the public here.
Notwithstanding the arrival by every mail of re-
ports of the progress of the commercial crisis in this
country and the failure of so many extensive houses,
no effect has been produced on the commercial and
monetary interest in Paris. Affairs on the Bourse
continue steady. No decline of prices follows the
bulletins which announce the successive decline of
the Consols. The Threes fluctuate as usual between
75 and 76. Bank Shares have risen. No general
decline is observable in railway stock.
The National was seized on Thursday at its
bureau, and at the post-office. That journal pro-
fesses to be ignorant of the cause of this.
A report prevailed in well informed quarters that
the Bank of France will take a considerable share in
the approaching loan. It is also said that an appli-
cation will be made by the Bank to obtain the neces-
sary authorisation to augment its social capital from
68,000,000, its present amount, to 90,000,000.
His Royal Highness the Prince de Joinville left
the Islands of Hydres on the 17th, in the steam-sloop
Titan, bound, it is believed, for Civita Vecchia.
The Gazette du Languedoc asserts positively that
the denial made by the lifoniteur of a subscription
having been opened at Nismee for M. Teste was
false; and it adds, that the subscription, which it says
was closed some days ago, has amounted to
90,000 f.

Our correspondence from Switzerland, and the
journals of Berne, have reached us to the 21st. The
deputies of the Sonderbund evinced no symptom of
yielding, with the exception of the canton of Lug, the
deputy of which intimated his intention of proposing
a compromise, on certain guarantees being given. The
reports of the military movements in the cantons of
the league were contradictory, and nothing was cer-
tain, except some inspections and reviews which had
taken place in some of the cantons. The apprehen-
sions of an immediate attack on Argau had proved
groundless. That canton, as well as those of Zurich
and Berne, had, however, taken every necessary pre-
caution. The citizens of Fribourg who adhere toi
the federal government were emigrating from
that canton in large numbers to Berne, whi-
ther the political prisoners had already for
the moat part escaped. The uneasiness of Berne was
extreme. The fourteen federal commissioners ap-
pointed to confer with the cantonal governments
of the Sonderbund were on the point of departure.
The instructions given to them were discussed in a
secret committee of the 20th. The proclamation to be
issued was prepared and adopted by the Diet on the
21st, on which day the federal commissioners were to
have left for the cantons to which they were respec-
tively deputed. It was expected that about a fort-
night would elapse before their return, and before the
result of their mission would be known. In this in-
terval the Diet was to complete the organisation of
the federal troops, and to settle the questions arising
I out of the seizure of the steamer by the Vaudois go-
' vcroment on the lake of Neufchatel.

We mentioned on Saturday that the federal govern-
ment had sent Colonel Kurz to Lucerne to obtain
spme objects connected with the military hospitals of
the confederacy, which had been deposited in the cus-
tody of the federal commissary at that place. On the
demand of M. Kurz, the cemmiesarv, M. Schindler,
delivered them as a mere matter in the routine of his
duty. When the waggon laden with these (among
them were, it seems, several thousand blankets)
was passing the gates of Lucerne, it was stopped
by the police and brought back to the
desrostes. On this M. Schindler lefifor Berne, to
lay the circumstances before his official superiors'
there. When his departure reached the ears of
M. Meyer, captain of police, he mounted a horse,
pursued M. Schindler, overtook him before his arrival
at the Berneso frontier, arrested him, and conducted
him as a prisoner back to Lucerne. Some accounts add
that the Lucerne government have peremptorily
ordered Colonel Kurz to leave the canton at two
hours' notice. This proceeding is the more remarkable,
inasmuch as M. Kurz, although an officer in the
federal service, is, politically, a conservative, and
therefore, personally, not obnoxious to the party of
the league.

Advicts have arrived from various parts of Italy,
with the journals from Turin of the 19th, and from
Leghorn of the 15th. In the absence of Cardinal
'Parretti, proceedings were adopted at Rome which

were ascribed to the influence of those members of
the retrograde party who still remain in the offices
of the secretary of date and the police. The. journal
Pallas had been suspended, and the Biknew, a mo-
derate paper, reputed to be the semi-official organ
of the Papal government, was menaced, for having
blamed the contract made with the French govern-
ment for twelve thousand muskets, those to be
delivered being of the obsolete flint-lock con-
struction, The officers of the garrison were repri-
manded because the men fraternised with the
naticnal gaard The Marquis Dragonetti, a Nea-
politan, had been ordered to quit Rome in eight days.
A singer at the operahaving excited great enthusiasm
by some stanzas in the opera of Ernam, in favcur of
the Pope, the performance of the pieces was inter-
, dieted. These and similar measures had induced a
deputation to be sent to the Abbaye de San Oeste,
where Cardinal Ferretti had retired for a few days to
implore of him to return to Home. On his return it
was expected that a petition would be presented to
the Pope for the removal of the retrograde party from
office.
On the sth the Pope by a motes proprio instituted
a council of state—a measure not inferior in im-
portance to the municipality which he had created
only a fortnight before. This body is to consist of a
cardinal-president, a prelate vice-president, and 24
councillors to be appointed by the provinces, with
fixed salaries. Each province will name a coun-
cillor, Bologna two, Home four. The council will
consist of four sections. I. The legislative. 11. The
financial. 111. The administrative. IV. The army,
prisons, Ac. The subjects which will come under the
consideration of the council are enumerated as fol-
lows; 1. The government, in all that relates to the
general interests of the state or the special in-
terests of the provinces. 2. The preparation,
reform, and modification of the laws and all ad-
ministrative regulations. 3. The contraction and
liquidation of the public debt, the imposition
and abolition of taxes, and the control of public pro-
perty. 4. The granting and dissolving of public con-
tracts. 5. The regulation of the customs and treaties
of commerce. 6. The regulation of the budget, and
the verification and control of the public expenditure.
7. The revision and reformation of the municipal and
provincial councils.
Such are briefly the heads of this most important
measure, which may be regarded as approaching in
character to the charter of a new constitution.

Advices received from Naples to the 15th say that,
notwithstanding the transient hopes which were ex-
cited, the King obstinately refuses to consent to any
reforms. A fresh insurrection was spoken of as
having broken oat at Messina.
The Austrians still occupied Ferrara, nor was there
any indication of an approaching evacuation of that
city. The Austrian governm-nt had deprived Pro-
fessor Cantu of his salary, for having expressed him•
self favourably to the Pope and to Italy, in a speech
delivered at the scientific congress at Venice.

The Nourellfste, of Marsedies, gives the following
letter from Levhorn, dau Fal the sth inst. :
You are already aware of the annexation of the Duchy of
Lucca to the Grand Duchy of Tuscany; but what is not
generally noticed is that in virtue of the treaty of Vienna, the
little province of Lunigiana is to be separated from Tuscany,
to pass under the administration of the Duke of Modena. At
the news of the annexation, this unfortunate province itutu
deputation to the grand duke with the bishop at its head,
supplicating hint to relieve it front this denationalisation.
The people of Leghorn, sympathising its the grief of their
brethren, yesterday drew up a petition, tlemandiag from the
Grand Duke that the province of Lunigiana should not be
separated from his states, showing forth the nuns. coos and
important maim which itvendered to the republic in 1450
and 1177, and particularly to the Grand Duke Ferdinand 11.
in 16.50. This petition, which beam more than 20,000
signatures, announces that the inhabitants of Luoigiana are
ready to repel by force every invasion by a frontier country,
not connected with Tuscany. They appear di:posed to aban-
don the natal soil en masse rather thin submit to the govern-
ment cf the Duko of Modena. The following remarkable
words terminate the petition of the Leghorn people The
inhabitants of this city offer your royal highness all their
goods and possessions to preserve to Tuscany the province of
Lunigiana ; and in the same +ayes they will be always ready
to shed their blood ler your defence, they are ready to give
up their fortune to redeem, if necessary, their brethren."
The Specter Gazette states that the Pope, in ad-
dressing himself direct to the Emperor of Austria,
has rather retarded than advanced the negotiations
respecting the occupation of Ferrara, and that no
hope is entertained of an arrangement without the
mediation of some third power.

The Madrid mails of the 17th have arrived, but
those of the 18th are still due. An amnesty for the
offences charged against the press was announced,
and permission was given to the InfaLte Don Fran-
cisco de Paula, and his daughter, the father, and the
sister of the King Consort, to return to Madrid. The
Minister of Finance was undoing all that M. Sala-
manca did in the official arrangements of the depart-
ment. In general the el.anges made by the former
cabinets were being abolished, and things restored
to their former footing. Among others, the gentle-
men of the chamber who were suppressed are
restored.

The Heraldo contains a leading article, recom-
mending the government to take active measures to
bring about a reconciliation between Spain and the
Northern Powers, and especially with Prussia. Some
sensation had been created at Madrid by the intelli-
gence that 400 armed men had entered the govern-
ment of Sea de Urgel, under the conduct of French
guides. At Moseuy, a band of 130 insurgents was,
after a contest, dispersed by the Queen's troops on
the 9th.

Great exertions were being made by the moderado
party to secure a favourable result in the municipal
elections. A committee was appointed to stimulate
the zeal of the electors of that party.
The government has issued a royal order, putting •
stop to all the prosecutions now pending against the
press. This is generous and praiseworthy, and is, it
may. be hoped, a sincere pledge of moderation.
It is said that Salamanca had a long interview
with the Queen the day before her mother's arrival.
The garrison of Madrid is about to be increased
by some regiments of infantry. Salamanca's change
in the organisation of the official part of the
finance department is to be done away with. Works
of importance are said to be preparing in the office of
the interior.

It is said that four auspicious characters have been
arrested upon presumption of their intention to as-
sassinate the Duke of N alencia.

A letter from Senda (Catalonia), in the Ern, reports
the surprise of the cabeeilla,Griset,with 65 followers.
Five tebels who had deserted from his band betrayed
their position to the troops at Mombrido, in the pro-
vince of Tarragona. 400 Cannata arc said to have en-
tered from France, with five French guides, through
Sett de Urgel.
The King and Queen went out on the 16th at noon
in a covered carnage, through pelting rain, to visit
the Infanta Teresa, Duchess of Sesa, it being herfile.
Another ball is to take place at the palace, but it will
be more private than the last, and rather a family
party, as few persons are expected to be invited. The
Queen-mother held a reception yesterday, which was
numerously attended. The King also received many
visitors of distinction.