The Express.
London, England, 1851-02-03 00:00:00

elvvexifs.

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LONDON, MONDAY, FBBRUARY 3.

A stLETI244I take. place in the Getty this evening to
take into consideration the question nf electoral and
floancial reform, a subject which, as far as govern-
meat and perliement are concerned, seems lees sod Isis
to occupy the thonohts of public men. Some sessions
paid, Lerd JOHN IitSYELL thought it necereary, when
begging the querion to be adjourned, to annource
that ho too bad certain projects for the extension of
the franchise ; and he gave it to be understood
that le sure and opportunity alone were wanting
to his hinging them forward. Since then, however,
every promise f the kind has died away. A rumour,
indeed, prevailed at the commencement of last nor
Moo, that there was to be an extension of the fran-
chise. And the introduction of 101. or 121. freeholders
into the Irish franchise, might at least, it was hoped.
be imitated here. But no—all the old parties of
tory and of whit seem quite contented with the fran-
chise se i is. And it has become quite avid nt now
at least, that nothing whatever is to be expected, save
from the exertions of the public itself. There is
unfortunately a difference of opinion as to how the
pubic might best set about this. Mr. CORDON does
hot think the great aim likely to be advanced in its
present Bulge by gnat public meetirgs, and re-
commends the silent, sure, and progressive workiog of
the freehold land societies. Other reformers see m deter-
mined to take a shorter path. For cur own pert we
think that hod 'he efforts of the Reform Association
been dire ce,t, in the first instance, to an eqoalisation
of the franchise, rather than to its extension, they
would have accomplished a far more successful and
more useful agitation. Not but that as extension of the
tranchiie is of the most manifest urgency and fairness,
—but in these diejs of political "loll," when the pro-
pertied clews was alarmed by the progress of the non-
propertied in certain porticoes of the Cootinent, it would
have been safer tr have set on feit • midole•class
agitation for equalisimr the franchise, and distributing
political influence more equally amongst those who
had property than of extending it to the more
precarious class of earners. There is so clues more
intelligent, more orderly, or more wisely liberal,
than the industrious operative, who has found
himself a homestead, and pays his rate. Equnli.e
the franchise, however, and extension will be sure
to folluw. Whereas if it be extended with all
its in. qsaliti.e, we may find these inequalities
nor filmed, and • system inttoduced even more unfair
than the preetnt to the middle and indite:riot's

clam es.
But whatever doubts there may be es to the best
mode of extrication from the prevent state of elec-
toral soil political thraldiim, there is no doubt of the
naceseity of procuring that great end, and not relax-
ing in tut efforts to attain it. Mr. COBDEN expienol/41
folly to his hearers at Bradford that members of the
House of Commons must vote so as to please those
who make them osiemb‘te, and that wow queutly any
efficient economy or readjustment of taxation must
be preceded ny a nhadjustment of the franchise. Mr.
Ilene: as forcibly made the same assertion, and illus-
trated the same fact.
In connexion with the remarks of those earnest
reformers, we are opp irtunely reminded, in Don't,
sow edition of the " Parliamentary Companion," that
since the cummenctinent of last session 22 vacancies
have occurred in The House of Commons. In the

course of the elections and canvasses caused by these
vacancies, has any ono great political principle, any
bread and intelligible system of policy, been affirmed
or negatived by their results? Has even the balance of
power between the parties which divide the House of
Commons, a itti their scarcely perceptible differeseek
of opinion, and their common lack of coherence sad
organisation, been effected ? It may be said, without
ezeggcratioo,that each of these elections has turned,
oe is about to turn upon some paltry personal prefer,.
mice, or mere local pecuniary Interest, and that the
very esistence of the great practical question., the
solution of which is so urgently demanded fur the
misty of the community, has been entirely ignored.

iiiiw could it be otheivies ? One half of the me

bereof the Hoe.. of Commons are to thin day as
essentially amine,* as any that sat in the old close-
borough and proprietary-borough parliaments. And
the whole class of intelligent, skilled artisans may be
cossidered as virtually excluded from any voice in
the election of the remainder. Nor is this all ; the ,
existing electoral qualification and system of electoral
registra.ion have enabled clubbed and affiliated par-
bilk= to pack even pretty numerous constituencies
with factitious majorities. The voice of real public i
opinion is 114Wel ly beard in the House of Commons;
it hes not even the semblance of influence over the
votes that are there given. The House of Commons ,
is packed and managed by knots of speculating poli-
ticians; by the holders of a bank at political rouge e-
mir, and the punters who are trying to break it.
The House of Commons is se well entitled to be made
an object of the paternal solicitude and watchfulness
of the police as any hell in Jermyn-street and its
vicinity.
Let us examine the consequences of this prepos-
terous sate of affairs in only one phasic. If there is
one point upon which public opinion is more agreed
Man another, it is the necessity of extensive reduc-
tions in the national expenditure, and a re-adjust-
ment of the incidence of taxation, with a view to a
large diminution in the amount of taxes. The
manner in which, and the instrumentality by which,
this is to be effected, may not be very clearly per-
ceived. But the discontent with our existing system
of finance is universal, and can only be removed or
alleviated by measures of • comprehensive and
systematic character. finch measures cannot be
originated by the community at large ; it is
because general society is incompetent to suck
a task that representative legislatures are bad
recourse to. The representatives of the people are
la theory, and ought to be in fact, • select 'umber
tithe most competent intellects in the nation, placed
in a position in which the impatience of public dis-
content may be brought ea to bear upon them, as to
stimulate them to devise effective practical measures
hr the general advantage. Bat that the Hones of
Common' is nothing of the kind is shown by the
simple fact that associations have been called into
existence to do what is its duty—to devils and pro-
mote schemes of financial reform. The manner in
which the House of Commons is elected sufficiently
explains how it comes to be • mere elmory substitute
Ifor what it ought to he.
. We might track the House of Commons through
every department of possible legislation, and the
result would be ea neastiefasitory as this glance at ite
s financial capabilities. Is them one man in the country
rio wildly sanguine as to expect effective measures
,from the House of Commons, promotive of national
'education, or an efficient rural police, or an amended
law, or an improved colonial administration ?
we hope to see in the House of Commons as at
}event constituted, even that modeet and respectable
Sad of self-knowledge, that would induce • working
majority of its members to recognise their own in-
02•Pstesor, and delegate their functions to more.
eves men by affording a loyal and unwavering
to able and patriots ministers, if each could
rig:td?
We would not melt to repress or divert attention
from any topic of political discussion. The legislative

wants of society are many, and onl)$ by public argu-
ment and controversy can sound and practical views
regarding them be developed. It is an unhealthy
state of the public mind when one theme only en-
grosses all attention for the time. Still we feel that
it is our duty to renew, at fro:lust intervals, our
protest, that without a thorough reform of our eleo-
total system, all political debate is of little more
value than the contests for victory among the =ni-
bees of a debating society. Discussion and agitation,
in the general public, may mature political know-
ledge ; but a working House of Collll3loos is the in-
, di,persable pre-rt qutsite of any practical application
of that knowledge; and such a noose of Commons
can only be obtained by bringing real public opinion
to bear upon it by means ot•frequently recurring elec-
tions among Mal constituencies.

FOREIGN governments ate exclaimed against, be-
cause they have come forward to insist that all Eng-
lish subjects who travel on the continent shall pro
vide themselves with English passports. We are
sorry for the spirit which dictates such new precau-
tion,. Hitherto an English traveller, bound for
the Rhine, took the nearest or the cheapest passport
he could get, French or Belgian, or which he pleased :
with this he Bailed to Ostend, passed Brussels, wee
scarcely asked for it on the Prussian frontier, and
le't it to slumber in his trunk, as he sailed up the
Rhine, or betook himself from watering place to
watering place, unquestioned by the police.
But since Austria has extended the wings of that
double eagle which is the sj mbol of its police over the
whole of Germany, Prussia has been obliged to shake
with Austrian fear, mad to adopt Austrian rigours
and precautions. England is the great bugbear of
SCHWARZENBERG. Although the activity and charity
et those Englishmen who sympathised in the Hunga-
rian struggle have been exerted to remove the unfor-
tunate...kilted that country toAmerica and to independ-
ence, instead of leaving them here a prey to poverty and
sedition, still the SCIIWASZENBEEO cabinet looks upon
our Philo-Magyars as dreadful fellows. And lest a
stray Honied should find his way back across the
Mute, Prussia has been induced to adopt the rules
of the Austrian police.
Atter all, nevertheless, these foreign governments
ask nothing unfair. Englishmen coming into their
territories with all kinds of foreign passports, beast
a kind of perplexity, to avoid which they demised
that each Englishman should come identified by an
English passport. But this document costs exceed-
ingly dear. That is not the fault of Austria or Prus-
sia. We have a press and a parliament to complain.
AMS44lislimen ought not to be taxed 21. 125.6. i. for
pingabroad, without at least having some good
MOOD assigned.
Hitherto, indeed, there has not been much reascn
tae complaint. The careless traveller or the one about
Mike a short trip, paid his five shillings for a French
Those who were more knowing, or given toff
more frequent and distant wanderings, procured a
Foreign-otfice passport. It was dearer to be sure at
ti.e hurt outlay ; but then it lasted from year to year,
caused a great deal leas trouble and expense of signa-
ture, _ and errands to fetch it st each town. It pro-
cured the bearer far more teapot, and at certain
conjunctures might be seriously uselul to him. Few
people who have used such a passport were ever
round to object to the expense. In fact it was cheap.
But, on the other heed, the Foreign-office would
not give it, firmon to every one, not even to every
one who was willing to pay. The merchant, indeed,
was never refused, nor any of that class of lite
known to the Foreign Secretary, or that WI;
within his cognisance. Hence a distinction, but
too common in this happy country, is drawn
between the known and the unknown, the
privileged and the igmbile gelyes. Such a line of
separation makes a Frenchman's blood buil—the
Englishman takes it sea matter of course; for if on
the wrong ede of the 11..., he has good hopes of
passing it, and enjuying all the advattages of the
utter side to-morrow.
Tue sy mem which has for a long time prevailed
must tow, however, it is clear, be done away with.
English passports hiving become indityenuble fur
lioAliahmen toga to the continent with, uinstof course
be granted, and at nu rim bitaat price. Two pounds
testes and sixpence will bi tug a man to Homburg ;
and the sum is too much to ask here for a passport.
Tne limes proposes, indeed, that the Foreign Office
*maws should mill be preserved, and that an ofiice
Mould hs opened tor giving certilics:es of len curt
and limpetance.
We mot protest against this classification. We
have nuke and distinctions enough. And it is quite
enough teethe POPE to be introducing his grades and
titles amongst us, without permitting the Foreign
Office to do the same. Every Englishman, be his
rank low or high, is entitled to such protection
as his government can afford him abroad,
and the commercial agent his just the same title to
the protection as the lord. Why give them different
passports or certitimtes ? The same passport can an-
nounce the rank of each-The men of some continental
countries are divided into the noble and the ignoble.
There is no such division in England. Such line of
demarcation is with us a sunk fence, which society
makes and guards,but which the law does not meddle
with. Since we must have passports, let as have a
passport office, a simple mods of each person showing
his identity, and let theme kind of document be is-
sued to each Englishman, at one uniform price, if, in-
deed, price be requisite.