The Express.
London, England, 1853-01-06 00:00:00

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The MAYOR (Mr. Lankester), briefly opened the busi-
ness, and entreatid • fair, full, and impartial hearing for
every elector that might wish to address the meeting.

Mr. ANDREWS proposed Sir A. Cockburn. Ile had no
doubt the right boo. gentleman would sooner give • thousand
pounds than the petition against him should be given up,
foe he knew that he would come out of it • spotless and
honest man. (Loud cheers.)

Capt. 130WYZR seconded the motion.
Colonel Cruses briefly proposed Mr. Alexander Baillie
Cochrane.

Mr. Ktwo, a brewer, seconded the motion.
Mr. JOHN Rusasm. then proposed Mr. Charles Davies,
in a long, ramhl ng, and unintelligible speech, in which he
charged Bir Alexander Cockborn, as far as his meaning
could be ascertained, with having neglected the local in-
terests of the town.
The motion was not seconded.
Sir ALZIANDEt Comsrare was received with loud

applause. He observed that when at the close of the last
election he returned them his grateful thanks for the
honour they had done him in choosing him to be their re-
presentative, he had certainly no idea that he should so
soon appear before them again as a candidate for their suf-
frages. At that time the administration of Lnrd Derby
had asked at the hands of the country a lair and impartial
trial; and that English love of fair play which always ani-
mated the people of this country had made them desirous
to grant the request; hut he (Sir A. Cockburn) little
thought that the verdict would be so soon pronounced, or
that the sentence of condemnation would so soon go forth.
(Hear, hear.) The late ministry brought forward at ani
early period of their existence a financial scheme, which it
was loudly and magniloquently boasted was to
ensure a complete regeneration of the taxation of
this country ; but that scheme turned out to be one
that the country condemned and the parliament refused to
approve. (Cheer.) It was based upon a principle of class
legislation, for its object was to conciliate the agriculturists
by means of imposing additional taxation npon the indus-
trious classes of the community. (Cheers.) It turned out,
however, to be illusory even as regarded those whom it
professed to benefit ; while the grievances it would have
inflicted upon the classes who were to have been subjected
toe new, and hitherto unheard of impost, were real, sub-
stantial, and oppressive. (Cheers.) But it had been asked
by many persons, and, amongst others, by members of
Lord Derby's party, bow it could have come to pass that a
man of the vast ability and undoubted genius of Mr. Dis-
raeli could have produced a budget so monstrous ? (Hear,
hear.) How it was that he should have built such a wall
for him to ran hie own head against, and knock out his own
brains? (Laughter.) The answer, to those 'who would
reflect a little, would be tolerably obvious. A man who
traded on a fictitious capital must break down sooner or
later: a man who sought to wield the power of this great
empire under a false pretence would not last long.
(Cheers.) The party of Lord Derby had been held together
fur six long yoareby one tie, namely, the maintenance of the
principle of protection against that of free trade ; but the
leaders of that party saw as time advanced that protection
had become a dead principle; and when they at last got
into office they locked the door against it. They found,
however, that it was necessary to peed,/ the great sonatry
party, on the shoulders of whom they had been Mime late
power, and to find some plan ot counsensaticia Ise OM
whom they bed so long 'been deluding with prospects of
parliamentary redress. Hence this amphibious and anoma-
lous budget, which pretended to relieve the agriculturists
by taking off the malt duty, while it proposed to make the
working classes and the 101. householder submit to new
taxation. (Cheers.) So hollow and so fallacious was the
scheme that even the class it was meant to benefit rejected it
as utterlynnworthy of their support. (Hear.) It fell as it
was sure to fall ; and even now the supporters of Lord
Derby in this place, as everywhere else, were divided upon
it. Re was sure that the gallant colonel (Colonel Crabbe)
would, if he could, have said a word in favour of the
house tax; and Mr. King had naively confessed that the
principal part of the remitted malt duty would have gone
into the pockets of the brewers—just, in fact, what they had
said in the House of Commons. (Cheers.) What, then,
did they think of a financial scheme which, according to
the statement of those who proposed • candidate of Lord
Derby's party, was a pare delusion? (Cheers.) The
budget went down like a leaky ship, and carried with it
the crew by whom it was manned. (Laughter.) A new
government had been formed, and no one would
dispute that it embraced an amount of ability such
as had never been seen in this country for the
last half century. (Loud cheers.) On the same bench
would sit Lord John Russell, Lord Palmerton, Sir
James Graham, Sir Charles Wood, Mr. (Redstone, Mr.
Sidney Herbert, and Sir William Molesworth. (Loud
cheep.) They would also see, out of the cabinet, such men
as Mr. Charles Villiers--(bear, heer)—and Mr. Bernal Os-
borne. (Cheers.) If her Majesty's principal law officer
should be less efficient than might be desired, his colleague
would at least be one of the ablest men that ever arose is
Westminster Hall ; and throughout the whole range of li-
beral reformers they would not be able to find two mere
sincere and zealous refo-men of the law. (Loud cheers.)
In fact, the various members of the cabinet, as politicians,
as orators, as statesmen, and as administrators, might chal-
lenge comparison with any administration that had ever
been formed. (Loud cheers.) But they were told that this
was a coalition, and the late Chancellor of the Exchequer
said that England did not love coalitions. No. Eng.
laud did not love coalitions, if by the word
they meant • combination of men of various
principles for the sake of obtaining place. (Loud
cheers.) But if they found men foregoing their own
personal claims and uniting to form an administration that
might carry on the government of the *Gunny efficiently
and well, the English people, who loved to be served by
men of ability, talent, and experience, would not object to
a coalition which did not involve any sacrifice of principle.
(Cheers.) But bad there been any sacrifice of principle ?
(Hear, hear) Don't let them blink the question. He had
himself been charged with having sacrificed his own prin-
ciples and political honour. He had been told that he had
never had any other motives than those of an adventurer
and a place-hunter. Now, these were serious charges, and
ought not to be recklessly or wantonly nude. (Laud
cheers.) He knew that the gentleman who wrote a leader
must make it as telling as possible, in order to make his
paper sell—(load sheen)—but that was no reason why he
should recklessly wound the feelings of a man who might
be as honourable as himself. (Cheers.) It was necessary to
unite In order to form a strong and powerful government;
but, if that could only have been attained by a sacrifice of
principle on the pan of the liberal section, it would have
been better to forego the good than to do that from which
good could never come—to have had reeoure to a wrong
principle. (Cheers.) But look to the addresses which had
been issued by the members of the present government.
Did they find any going back in them from the principles
which had been put forth—faultily, if they pleased—as the
policy of Lord John Russell's government? (Hear, hear.)
He (Sir Alexander Cockburn) had always been an advocate
for the extension of the suffrage. (Cheers.) lie bad been
that before he joined any government ; he had been that
in Lord John Russell's government ; and he pledged him-
self that he would n be • member of any government
that did not advocate and endeavour to earn
out that principle. (Loud cheers.) He (Sir SAlexander
Cockburn) had never advocated universal, or, as it was
Balled, manhood suffrage. He had been asked repeatedly ,
if he would do so, and he had always said, No; I cannot
go so far." (Cheer.) And he would tell why not. In all
these matters. when they were dealing with great principles
upon which the safety and welfare of the nation depended,
whatever might be their theories, they must proceed warily
and cantiously,not only to prevent the possibility of danger,
but also to carry along with them the intelligent, the think-
ing, and the wealthy classes of the community. (Cheep )
If they excited the apprehensions of those classes as to the
perfect success and safety of their measures, they would be
like the dog in the fable—they would be letting go the sub-
tine', and • great practical good, in order to grasp at a
mere vague and impracticable scheme. (Cheers.) lie had
always said that they must educate the people, and that the
schoolmaster was the great pioneer of civilisation. (Loud '
cheers.) A great statesman had once given his party the I
rallying word, "Register! register! register!" and if he
(Sir Alexander) might presume to follow that example, he
would say, " Educate ! educate ! educate !" (Cheers.) At
the present moment they knew that one-kalf of the popula-
tion could neither read nor write, were destitute of the I
means of instruction, and were ignorant of all that apper-
tained to government and administration. They must edu-
cate that class. That was their first duty. It was no use
to give persons power until they were prepared to use it
beneficially to themselves. (Cheers.) Let them look else-