The Express.
London, England, 1846-11-26 00:00:00

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Of philanthropy, Or the warnings of religion.
The wisest reforms are those which consider existing
interests until :In clash with the higher purpose of
the change. When once they come into collision
there should be no question with the statesman,which
of the 'swo should go to the wall. Time will harmo-
nise private interest with public good in all cases.
The state may rightly and wisely disregard noisy
predictions of a ruin which can fall on nothing but
nuisances.
The deputation pointed oat to the Home Secretary
the important local interests depending on the
decision of the government as to sanatory mea-
sures. Many towns have taken steps to apply during
the approaching session for local acts connected more
or less remotely with sanatory objects. Much of the
expenditure caused by such applications may be ren-
dered altogether useless by a general measure. The
Home Secretary admitted the awkwardness of the
predicament, bat gave no very satisfactory remedy.
He had recommended all such parties to comply with
the standing orders,thatthey might be prepared to pro-
ceed with their bills or not, as might appear necessary,
but not to spend a single shilling beyond what was re-
quired for this purpose. This is safe advice, at all
events, and, on the whole, perhaps as sound as could
be given. But we would most earnestly urge on all
towns proposing. to apply for local draining, paving,
gas, water, lighting, police, market, or similar acts, to
postpone their applications till the session has produced
the promised general sanatory measure, as well as
the consolidation acts on such matters, as recommended
by Mr. HVME'S committee on private bills. In the
points of gas and water, especially, such a postpone-
ment is desirable. It is probable that a general
measure will place the superintendence of these
supplies under the same authority, and that
stringent obligations will be laid on both,
bat especially on water companies, to keep
up a constant supply of that first necessary of life at
high pressure. It has been distinctly shown in the
different sanatory reports, that, when the supply is
intermittent, the water is vitiated; the inconvenience
and labour of obtaining it great ; the supply itself
both expensive and inadequate ; and the results of
the method demoralising, and destructive to health.
A constant supply on the other hand preserves the
purity of the water, and releases for other uses the space
now appropriated in the crowded houses of the poor to
the receptacles for water, while it saves time, labour,
and expense to the consumer. As to its influence
on the interests of the company, it requires smaller
mains and pipes, superintended by tower officers,
prevents waste, acts as its own police, and, to crown
all, is universally practicable. A mass of evidence,
of undoubted authority, has proved that a constant
high-pressure supply of water may be afforded at one
penny per week to every house. It is so supplied in
Nottingham. But even where it is much more
expensive, from bad management, the poor are
found to pay their share of the cost most
willingly and gratefully. Besides the direct eco-
nomy of the constant high-pressure supply, it
affords indirect advantages. It goes to supersede
the use of fire engines, as it has completely done at
Preston; and, wherever it exists, water may be
brought to bear on a fire at the rate of thirty gallons
a minute. The saving on insurances from this source
should be no inconsiderable item in estimating the

economy of this method.
Lord LINCOLN'S bill, however, so far from making
this plan compulsory, actually recognises and perpe-
tuates the old and bad system of intermittent supply.
The committee of the Health of Towns Associution,
accordingly, recommend the introduction into the
measure of compulsory provisions for securing a con-
stant high-pressure supply of filtered water. After
showing that this can be made binding on companies
already existing, they remark, as to new companies :
But if It is right that the legislative should require all existing
water companies to submit to this condition, and to whatever other
regulations are proved to be necessary for the maintenance of the
public health and the protection of public property, n fortiori It ought
to withhold its sanction (run the establishment of new water com-
panies until the provision• are determined on which the powers and
privileges sought can be granted without compromising the interests
of the community. Iler Alajestynt Commissioners state, as the con.
elusions to which they have arrived from the vast mass of evidence
that has come before them, that the water supply should be constant ;
that it should be consolidated with the works of drainage; that to
separate these works is to render both inefficient, and to double or
treble the expense for the construction, maintenance, and working of
each. The Commissioners will therefore, indeed, have laboured in
vain, if the legislature should listen to the applications now before
Parliament ; applications which the very announcement of the em-
elusions of the Commissioners appear to have sugg,eisl; schemes
for the pre-occupation of towns by water-works for trading companies,
without the slightest additional security for the public interest..

MOH WATER AT LONDON-BRIDGE.
Tim DAT. MOrTIIIIII, S 8 lain. plat 8; Afternoon, 31 min. past 7.
Toatoanow.—Morning, 5 min. put B; Afternoon, 42 min. put B.

LONDON, THURSDAY, NOV. 26,

IT requires no judicial or parliamentary investiga-
tion to decide, what would have been the conduct of
Mr. BESPEILD FERRAND in any of the duties or
positions of a public man. Whether on the hustings or
in the HOll9O of Commons, in eketion committee-room,
or anti-factory meeting, as chairman of a Board of
Guardians, or president of a political hell-fire club, it
is quite plain to every one, how Mr. FERRAND would
act, how Mr. FERRAND must act. The nature of the
man is too indelible, too original, too rough, for
civilisation or any other of the humanising processes
of society, to have had the least influence upon
him. There is no problem more easily solved,
no question more easily answered, than " Given
Mr. FERRAND in certain positions, what will Mr. FES..
RAND do ?" The hon. member for Knaresboro' is one
of a class known to every zoologist. The mild and
free system of this country does permit such speci-
mens of the animal kingdom to walk abroad, nay, to
be mingled in the common affairs of life. But every
one must feel the extreme danger and inconveniencies
of such intermixture. A wolf, habited and collared
like the majority of the dog tribe, and made to keep
company with them; a dwarf tiger trusted to lie
down and gambol in a community of cats, could not
create more alarm, or produce more frightful instances
of collision and dismay, than Mr. FERRAND walking
and talking amidst the rest of mankind.
For our own. satisfaction, therefore, we have no
need of diving into the reports of either Mr. MOTT or
Sir JOHN \VALSIIAM in order to form an idea of how
Mr. FERRAND conducted himself, especially before his
social schooling of the last two years, as chairman of
the Keighly Board of Guardians. He hated the
Poor-law that he undertook to administer, and, of
course, he non-administered it. It was the more easy
to do this, as it was non-administered before him.
The order for the assistant-commissioner to inquire
. .

Parallel in importance to water arc air and light.
The functions of the former of these, too, in puri-
fying the blood, arc well known. Little as we
know, at present, of the peculiar manner in which
the latter operates on the human organisation, its im-
portance to health is ascertained to be much greater.
than our forefathers imagined. Indeed, if we, udge
our revered progenitors by their construction, they
appear to have laboured under an equal ignorance of
the value to health of water, light, and air itself.
The same utter ignorance or carelessness is apparent,
indeed, in their arrangements as to every sanatory
point whatever. The conditions of health and disease
seem never to have suggested themselves to their
much-respected and often-quoted " wisdom," in con-
nexion with either public or private buildings.
_ . . •

into the abuses of the union was issued before Mr.
FERRAND was chairman. The inquiry found him in
the full swing and continuance of the abuse. And
his excuse is, that the inquiry was ordered and
directed against him personally. by the Secretary of
State and the Poor-Law commissioners. Never was a

lamer tale, never a subterfuge more common, than that
of the culprit who gives out he is the victim of per-
secution. The dates alone refute the allegation of
conspiracy. It may therefore be superfluous to in-
quire what could be the aim or use of such a supposed
conspiracy? To expose Mr. FERRAND? But Mr.
FERRAND is a man that needs no exposure; he does
nothing but expose himself. The opinions of him
which any man has, every man has, and the proofs of
them are circronspke and as rice.
But the old observation, that a drunken man deems
every man around him drunk too, is fully borne
out in Mr. FERRAND'S case. With tongue and hand
raised against every man's character, he sees every
tongue and hand raised against his. No man can go
about the common business of life, no functionary can
direct the common business of office, but, should they
chance to interfere with Mr. FERRAND, it must have
been done on purp9Se to expose, and blacken, and
" crush " him. Mr. FERRAND is a political
ROUSSEAU. Every one shuns him, for fear of his
uncouth character, susceptible feelings, and unscrupu-
lous vindictiveness ; and therefore all the world is leagued
to poison and destroy him. The fittest place to lodge
Mr. FERRAND would be the infirmary of a menagerie.
But, unfortunately, we have no Bedlam for political
maniacs, and, therefore, Mr. FERRAND must still be
allowed to walk abroad. But so long as he does
we shall have a series of Parliamentary scenes
and personalities, scrapes, and insults, libels and pro-
secutions. Every year will produce its " great Morr
case." And Mr. LEvas will not be the last to look
to the courts of law for protection against the un-
governable tongue of Mr. FERRAND, and the equally
unscrupulous type of his "organ."

The first and hardest labour of their successors is,
to undo what they have done badly. We may frame
regulations for houses yet to be built, but our utmost
efforts can do little with those built already. But in
proportion to our impotence over the past, should be
our determined and vigorous control over the future.
One yet remaining defect of Lord LINCOLN'S bill
leaves far behind it in importance all those we have
already noticed, and assimilates the measure to the
ancestral wisdom above alluded to. It omits all
notice whatever of ventilation !

Conceive a dial without a gnomon, a compass with-
out a needle, a gun without a lock, a coach without
horses, a steamer without boilers, a government with-
out patronage, wit without money, or anything else
that is most useless, truncated, lame, idle and impo-
tent, and it will hardly match a sanatory measure
without a single provision for ventilation. To this
curious and characteristic omission we shall recur in
a future article.

The fact that the sums of the annual exports and
imports of Great Britain have about doubled within
the last twenty years is of itself enough to excite
astonishment upon reflection. But this is not all.
The principal civilised nations have, without one
exception, increased their annual exports and imports
in about the same ratio. The sleepless enterprise, the
almost preternaturally rapid expansion of the powers
of productive industry, which the last twenty years
have witnessed in this country, have had their coun-
terparts over the whole of Europe and throughout
the United States of America. And yet we have all
found markets. If anything can extirpate the
silly jealousies which states and statesmen have
been too upt to entertain when contemplating the
growing prosperity of their neighbours, this reflec-
tion ought to do it.
Far a-head of the commerce of all contemporary
States is that of our own country. If the figures
124.8 be taken to represent the annual aggregate
exports and imports of the principal manufacturing
and trading states of Europe and America, their
respective shares
_in this sum will be found to be as
follows : _ _ .

5.3

1 -6

WE are glad to learn from the answer of the
Secretary of State to a deputation from the Health
of Towns Association, on Friday last, that it is pro-
posed to bring forward a general sanatory measure
early in the approaching session. Sir G. GREY
fUrther assured the deputation, that the metropolis,
Ireland, and Scotland, were omitted from Lord LIN-
COLN'S bill, only that they might be made the subject
of special acts, with machinery adapted to the peculiar
circumstances of each of the three.
This, of course, we had anticipated as the motive of
exclusion. It may be that difficulties lie in the way
of a really general measure, grave enough to justify
the course adopted by Lord LINCOLN, and apparently
acquiesced in by the present government. The official
tendency, however, in dealing with such questions, is
too often to exaggerate, instead of smoothing the dif-
ficulties which private interests, narrowly estimated,
always throw in the way of great changes, demanded,
not in the name of pounds, shillings, and pence, but
on the score of national morality and public health.
Too ready an audience has always been given to the
speculator, the builder, or the landlord, while a deaf
ear has been turned to the physician, the clergyman,
and the schoolmaster. The demands of property
have enforced more submission than the pleadings_

..... . '.l.- -.7

THE EXPRESS, THURSDAY EVENING, NOVEMBER 26; 1846.

that wealth, which, seen through the magnifying me-
dium of imaginative avarice seemed enough and more
than enough for all, to which he can establish a legal
title : and this, under the direction of judges, enforc-
ing adherence to the law as laid down by the Lord
Chief Baron, will be fairly enough done by common
jurors, now that their righteous wrath against railway
projectors has cooled.

The ordonnance and proclamation which accom-
panied the seizure of Cracow appeared in extenso
in all the journals of Paris on Tuesday, followed
by those indignant comments which are indeed in
every month as well as in every print.
To a dispassionate observer it is curious to notice
the turn which the question of the English alliance
has taken. Formerly the journals of the Opposition
denounced it, while those of the Court and Cabinet
professed to regard it as the sheet-anchor of French
policy. Then came the Spanish marriages, and the
consequent quarrel, when the Opposition journals
pointed out how little value an alliance was which was
so easily broken, while, of the journals of the Court and
Cabinet, some affected to think that France could
easily dispense with the entente cordiale, and others
urged advances to an alliance with the absolutist courts.
Now, however, all is changed ; the English alliance
is everything ! It is indispensable to the peace
of the world—the only means of establishing poli-
tical equilibrium in Europe, and the sole instrument
by which liberal ideas can be propagated, and consti-
tutional principles of government diffused. So far
from disparaging the entente cordiale, and depre-
cating its consequences, the opposition and the imma-
terial journals of Paris have now fallen to quarrelling
as to which may be entitled to the credit and
originality of creating, advocating and cementing it.
Yesterday we quoted a remarkable article which ap-
peared in the Constitutionnel on this subject, and bore
visible marks of the pen of the mostpowerful journalist'
if not most sagacious statesman, of France. To-day
we find the Debats, the official organ of his rival and
opponent, not only claiming all the opinions and argu-
ments of that article as their own, but transferring the
very article itself bodily to their columns.
However it may be, says the De'bats, since the leader of
the Opposition seems now disposed to adopt better senti-
ments, since putting aside his personal recollections of 1840,
he proclaims the superior advantages of the English alliance,
we shall not childishly amuse ourselves in reproaching him
with the past. We are much better pleased to accept his co-
operation for the future. What the Constitutionnel has said
of the advantages of the English alliance yesterday, we have
ourselves said a hundred times already, but we have never
said it better.
And eo the leading organ of the Gaizot Cabinet
repeats in its columns the article of M. Thiers, the
leader of the Opposition, which appeared in the
Constituttonnel of the preceding: day with so much
effect. •

In referring to the manifesto by which the Emperor
of Austria declares himself possessed of the town and
territory of Cracow, the comments of the Ministerial
journals are marked with quite as little reserve or
measure as those of the radical opposition. Speaking
of these documents, the lit,bats says:
We publish these pieces, which it is difficult to read with-
out the most lively indignation ; we have already said what
we think of the alleged motive for PI flagrant a usurpation.
The brutal language of force might provoke indeed less
painful reflections.
The Epoque, which is considered more especially
to express the personal sentiments of M. Guizot, is
not less unmeasured in its language.
Even if the three protecting powers, says that journal,
had really apprehended danger from the independent exis-
tence of Cracow, they would still have no right separately
to decree its suppression, and annul, in regard to it, the
treaties of 1815. All they could do, without violating their
engagements, would have been to appeal to the other powers
which signed the treaty to intervene. We will repeat, there-
fore, after having read the imperial manifesto, what we said
on first hearing of the attack on the independence of Cra-
cow. The treaties of Vienna no longer exist, and France,
emancipated from the hard conditions to which she was sub-
jected in 1815, has no reason to regret that they are annihi-
lated. We repeat now, and can never allow it to be forgotten,
that the question is not of wrongs, more or less serious,
alleged to be committed by Cracow ' • the question is of
the part which all Europe had taken in esta-
blishing the public law which governs her, and
whether she has not a positive right to have a
voice in its modification. The question is one
between the three northern powers and the other States of
Europe, and not between those and the City of Cracow.
This city was, so to speak, subject to each and all of the
powers which had guaranteed its independence, and it could
,t he effared (coin the number of free states without the
concurrence of the governments which signed the treaties of
1815. To enumerate, therefore, the offences of Cracow, real
or imaginary, and to derive from this enumeration aright to
annihilate it, is an outrage on common sense, law, and
equity. Again and again, we say, these offences are not the
question ; if they were • hundred times more numerous,
and &hundred times more real, it is for Europe to decide
upon them, and to decree the fate of the offender. Austria,
Russia, and Prussia, were only the protectors of Cracow ;
Europe was its master. _ _ _

The irresistible unanimity of public opinion on this
subject in Paris cannot be more strikingly demon-
strated than by the tone which La Presse, notwith-
standing its Russian tendencies, feels itself compelled
to adopt upon it. I)ay after day the columns of that
journal are filled with invectives against the measure
of spoliation, marked by all the ability, and not a
little of the acerbity, which usually characterise its
style.
" No !" says that journal on Tuesday, " the liberty and
independence of Cracow were not thus placed at the mercy of
the three courts which Europe had charged to protect
them. They were the creation of Europe, the three courts
were pledged to Europe to respect them in perpetuity. It
was not for the sake of mere form, that the articles of the
:1 of May were annexed to the general treaty, and declared
integral parts of it. Austria was not more free to seize Cra-
cow, witkout the cement of France, Sweden, Spain, and
England, than without that of Russia; for all thcs powers
united had consecrated the liberty of Cracow. That liberty
bad become one of the conditions of European equilibrium.
It has been violated ; the pact which established that equi-
librium has been torn. Europe has been unsettled ; France
lib liberated from the trammels and sacrifices which were im-
posed on her in 1815. Let the opportunity now come!
cur rights are restored to us. Behold the truth ; and in
this truth there is matter of serious reflection for those
Cabinets which have just taken the trouble to confiscate a
little republic, which was assuredly tot worth what the act
may one day cost them.
- - -

Such is the language of the most Conservative of
the dynastic monarchical organs of the press in
France.

While the journals which represent those sections
of the Chamber which must necessarily come into
office, if public opinion should, as seems at present
not improbable, pronounce itself against the present
administration, advocate in strong and unequivocal
terms the re-establishment of the English alliance,

they assail with unsparing acrimony all the retro-
grade tendencies which the present Cabinet has
shown. We have given examples of this already
from the Constitutionnel, the organ of M. niers ;
we shall now give one from Le SW,ele, that of M.
Odilon Barrot.

While' says the Sack, the Cabinet has excited the resent-
ment of Lord Palmerston, and the well-founded distrust of
the liberal party in France and throughout the world, it has
received from those whose favours it courted by abject ser-
vility the bloodiest of outrages. The blow it has received is
as rude as it is merited. It has been compelled suddenly,
despair in its heart and a blush in its front, to solicit that
statesman whom it affected to hold in disdain, and whom it
publicly reviled. He shows no relaxation of his rancour
against it. He must be, nevertheless, appeased, and con-
vinced that the dignity of the two governments has been of-
fended, and that it is the interest of both people to protest
in common against the violation of the common law of
Europe. This, no doubt, is right; but will the offences
of the evening be effaced by the arguments of the
morrow, and will the deceptions which have been too often
practised on the Whigs ever allow the re-establishment of
that entire and absolute eonfidence in the present cabinet
without which there can be no real alliance ? What is going
on at this moment ? While promptitude of mutual action is
most urgent, the two governments observe each other with
suspicion. each looking for snares spread by the other ; and
to M. Guixot, who supplicates with uplift.ed hands the aid of
Great Britain against the spoliators of Poland, Lord Pal-
merston coldly replies, by asking" whether he is not himself
in secret co-operation with the spoilers ?" Behold to what a
pass
brought
te
bcoltshemr
three upstarts
the hworliiiiourh.c;fe France
end . their origin,en
without being able to obtain forgiveness for it, and whose
ability has only been shown in falsehood and deceit. Before
such a state of abasement what will the nation do ? This is
a question which is now put by the serious organs of all
parties. La Presse, stunned by the insult which our go-
vernment has just received, dares not resume its usual advo-
cacy of a Russian alliance, but it adjures France to hold in
distrust Austria, the natural ally of England, and to avoid
more than ever England herself. It is absolute isolation that
is advised. The moment that the image of the Czar is effaced
from the mind of these conservatives all is impotence and
Inertia.

The writer then notices the article in the Consiitu-
tionnel, advocating the re-establishment of the British
alliance, expressing hie full concurrence in it. The
policy, in a word, which is now pursued and will
doubtless be acted upon on the opening of the ensuing
session, will be to elicit a strong expression of public
opinion in support of a cordial alliance between the
constitutional etatee of Europe, to show that this can-
not he effected between the present cabinet of St.
James's and the Tuileries, and thence to infer a

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