The Express.
London, England, 1853-07-02 00:00:00

eventa, got a ruler who sympathises wit's its position,
'its wants, and its wishes, and who begins by setting
lan example which at once brings the local. Govern-
ment and himself in accord with the local Legis-
lature as to the principle and extent of retrench-
ment.

So far the Colonial-office, the new Governor, and
the House of Assembly are all agreed in favour of a
reduction of 20 per cent. in island salaries. Under
the old colonial system the office in Downing-street
would have stood on its dignity, upheld Sir CHARLES
GREY, and pushed the obligation of good faith to
functionaries to the point of rebellion and resistance.
Under the new system, the Office seeks to get
out of shoal into clear water, and looks at a
practical question in a practical way. It as-
sents on the one hand to the principle and
;extent of reduction; but, on the other, it admits
a claim to compensation; with, however, this all-
important qualification, that the amount of compen-
sation must be "small." Having got clear views
on these two points, the Duke of NEWCASTLE then
sets about finding funds to pay this small compensa-
tion; and, realising the old proverb, " Where there
is a will there is a way," his Grace has no difficulty
in his search. He rejects as unworthy of a moment's
consideration the clumsy expedient suggested to him
by the Times, of making this country pay for
compensation. Ho takes a larger and more com-
prehensive view of the colony, and, in putting a
temporary quarrel right, he adjusts the general
linnets of the island. This is real statesman-
ship, and contrasts agreeably and pleasantly with
administrative cobbling and tinkering. Like every-
thing great and goad, it is far simpler than what
is bad and shuttling.
The financial position of Jamaica is this. The
colony has a debt of 700,0001., paying six per cent.
because its credit in the money market is low. Of
`that sum nearly 200,0001. is duo to the mother
country, which (if we are to credit Toryism) has so
I ill-used Jamaica. Its general debt, less this sum, is
half a million sterling. Now, what the Duke of
NEWCASTLE proposes is, that England, as the metro-
Ipolitan country, and the largest creditor of Jamaica,
should guarantee 3 per cent. on a loan for the
purpose of discharging the half million now paying
I six per cent. By this means 15,000/. in the shape of
I interest a year will be saved. Two thirds of that his
Grace intends to apply to a sinking fund, which at the
end of 30 years will be rich enough to pay off not
I only the half million, but the 200,000/. due to
England also; and, on the security of the balance of i
3,0001. a year, the Puke :of NEWCASTLE suggests,'
other 60,000/. may be raised to meet the compensa-
tion claims arising out of the reduction of salaries.
First, the Duke of NEWCASTLE will save 13,0001.
a year by thus dealing with the debt, next he will
provide a fund to pay it all off 30 years hence, then
I he will reduce by 20 per cent. the expenditure of
Jamaica on salaries, and at the same time will pro-
-1 vide the means of redressing any injury done
to individuals by such reduction. Further, he offers
-to unite with the local Government not only in
lowering salaries, but in consolidating and reducing
the number of offices. If, then, the House of As-
sembly were, as has been said, factious in their re-
trenchment, the Duke of NEWCASTLE has converted
their faction into a great opportunity for their bene-
fit, and has shown administrative abilities of high
order.

The Duke of NEwcAsTLE has kept the practical
question as separate as he can from the constitutional
question ; but it is impossible to keep them quite
apart. For, if England guarantee a Jamaica loan
she must have better counter security from Jamaica
than taxes annually renewed. Jamaica must, there-
fore, consent to some taxes of a permanent chszacter,
and assign their proceeds to meet the charges of the
loan, as also provide for the ultimate discharge of
the debt, before England can pledge its credit on
behalf of the colony. Now, this condition precedent
at once opens up the anomalous and inconsistent
parts of the island constitution, and renders a great
alteration in its fiscal system indispensable. AU
that the Imperial Treasury will insist on having is
counter security from the island ; but to provide that
security, the House of Assembly must abandon the
practice of annually renewing the taxes, and lay some
of them on permanently. That of course is the first
step which every other colony having a consti-
tution grants to the Crown, viz., a Civil List.
And, in spite of Lord DERBY'S captiousness and
Lord GREY'S criticism, a judicious conclusion this
is for Jamaica. We cannot, if we would,
make Jamaica a Crown colony, and govern it
arbitrarily; nor, as experience has proved
(twice within the last twelve years), can we
go on comfortably and pleasantly with Jamaica,
under its present Constitution. What, then, is to be
done? We must either ask the House of Assembly
to denude itself of some clumsy and inconsistent
powers that are continually producing squabbles, and
to take other powers instead which will give it Par-
liamentary Government, or we must ask it to aban-
don its privileges without any such advantages. The
latter proposition, if made, would be rejected ; whereas
it is quite possible the former may be accepted. Party
Government will, of course, have its disadvantages

in Jamaica; but, great as they may be, it will have
one inestimable advantage—that of disassociating
the Royal Authority and Metropolitan supremacy
from such disputes and quarrels as Sir CHARLES GREY
I has got them into, and the Duke of NEWCASTLE is
now getting them out of.

A QUESTION was asked in the House of Commons