The Express.
London, England, 1847-03-03 00:00:00

THE EXPRESS, WEDNESDAY EVENING, MARCH 3, 1847.

mioent difficu!ty arising out of the act of last scesi.m was
limited to doubts on the construction of the provisios; e of the
Ist section ; but whatever m ight be the extent of the mils attri-
butable to those doubts, the committee did notthink they were
of such urgency ss to r. quire that they should be removed by
immediate legislation of a temporary nature." This, bow.
ever, was not the uoanimous opinion of the committee. At
the commenoement o:the session he (Mr.Bankeshed pointed
. . . . . .
both to the

oat how that bill had worked injtiriously, .0 to to.: poor
and to the rate-payer. The part which he considered im-
portant was that which related to the poor. He had ob-
toioett a c immittee to inquire into the law of settle-
ment, and it was moved as an instruction to them
that they should direct their attention to the working of
that act. He had also endeavoured to direct the delibera-
tions of the committee to the state, condition, and comforts of
the poor. The committee, however, aftLr hearing evidence
on that point, resolved that it was expedient to include that
bill in the general inquiry rather than to keep it separate, by
which course alone he thought they would be able to come to
each a conclusion as would enable the house to legislate on
the subject this session. He thought it impossible that any
act cou.d be possed thia session. He contended that the law
as it stood was mischievous in its effects on the poor, and there
seemed to ba hut one opinion on the hill, including that of the
hon. gentleman the mem her for Dorchester, who, although he
differed as to its effects on the poor, admitted it to be injuri-
ous to the rate-payers. If the committee did not make
greater progress before the Easter recess, he should after
that propose a measure either to repeal or amend the act of
last session. He would not say now which course ke should
take, for to-night he believed something would be said on the
subject le another place, and it would be convenient that
both houses should act in unieon. His feeling, however, was
that it was better to repeal the bill, until, in some future
session, there was a general amendment of the poor-law.
The right hon. gentleman the Secretary for the Home D -
partment, or the noble lord at the head of the government,
had stated that in this session a measure to amend the poor-
law would be introduced, and would be submitted to a com-
mittee. If that was done, he might hope that a measure
would pass in the present simian. But as only a small
portion of the poor-law was confided to a committee, with-
out any intimation of the plan, intentions, or wishes of the
government, looking to the constitution of that com-
mittee, the progress they had made, and their diversities of
opinion, there appeared to be no chance of carrying any
such measure this session. There was a feeling abroad fur
doing away with settlement altogether, and having a national
rate. This feeling was increasing, and petitions in its
favour were being presented. It was a principle
which ought not to be adopted without mature
deliberation, for it would lead to consequencoi which those
who were in favour of it had not considered. It was owing
to the act of last 'mien that persons were desirous of doing
away with settlement altogether. He thought this would be
injurious to the poor. The great differ.nce between the
English and Irish poor-law was that in Ireland that syrtem
did not prevail; and be hoped the house would pause before
they placed England on the same footing in this respect
with Ireland. It was because this feeling was gaining
ground that he wished this session not to pus
without in some degree putting • cheek on it.
The cue he had to submit with reference to the oppressive
operation of the act as it regarded the poor, he would alm
rest upon the evidence of Mr. Colston, who (by the way) had
been examined after the committee had considered their re-
port. Mr. Ouiston stated that be had been appointed an
assistant poor-law commissioner in 1831, and that since
August last,—that was to say since the parsing of the Poor
Removal Act,—he bad the superintendence of the poor-law
administration in fifteen or sixteen different counties, in-
cluding Buckinghamshire, Oxfordshire, Berkshire, War-
wickshire, Worcestershire, Monmouthshire, part of Glamor-
ganshire, Dorsetehire, Wiltshire. Devonshire, and Cornwall.
This gentleman informed the committee that, from his expe-
rience of the working of the act, be had no hesitation
in saying that it operated most harshly upon that
clam of the poor which was most entitled to
commiseration, viz., the aged and infirm. He was then
asked whether the mere prospect of being removed to the
workhouse, instead of receiving non-residen: relief, did not
act most injuriously upon the feelings of the poor? His
answer was, " Decidedly so," and he added, " the commit.
tee must be aware that those who received non-resident
relief, before the operation of the act, were for the most part
the meet deserving class of the poor—the old, the infirm, end
those of good character. I have no hesitation in saying that
the universal opinion is, that the act must be altered; and it
wan in consequence of that opinion the people are now more
quiescent on the subject than they otherwise would be."
He was next asked, in what raipect the act had operated
differently from what wan suppneed to have been the inten-
tion of the framers of the act ? Mr. Guidon replied, " I
cannot believe it was intended to act harshly and
cruelly towards the poor; but it has so acted. This was
his case ; and he could conceive no better evidence than
that of a gentleman well acquainted with the practical ope-
ration of the law, and who had no interest in the question.
It was true that this evidence contradicted that of Mr.
Lewis, the chief commissioner of the poor-laws ; but then it
should be remembered that Mr. Lewis had but little prac-
tical knowledge except such as was supplied by reports ;
therefore he was not to blame if he was ignorant on the
subject. As to the evils which the act of last session in-
flicted upon rate-payers, they were too well known to require
comment. The right hon. baronet behind him (Sir .1.
Graham) admitted that it woul I be unjust to the rate-payers
to allow the law to continue in its present state. He (Mr,
Henke') regretted that the noble lord at the head of the
government had allowed the session to pass so far without
affording the house • definite notion as to what he pro-
posed the new commiseioo, ands which the working of the
poor-law was to be carried out hereafter, should consist of—it
would have been a great satisfaction to have heard
from the noble lord, not the details, but the
general principle of the measure which he intended
to submit to the house. If, then, he had shown
that the law, intended for benevolent purposes, had pro-
duced oppressive results, and if an important clause had been
construed in an opposite way by the law effacers of the
crown to that which bed been intended by the legislature,
sorely the VW upon which that construction bad been made
ought to be produced. He hoped its production would not
now be refused.

Ax How. MEmnart.—Who took the opinion of the law
officers of the crown?
Mr. BANKES replied, the Poor.law"Commissionen ; and
Mr. Lewis, in hie evidence, stated that six questions had
been propounded to the Attorney and Solicitor Generals. So
that the commissioners themselves had no less than six
doubts upon the construction of the statute. The house
was the guardian over that legally constituted body and had,
be submitted, a right to have the case produced. He was
not aware on what grounds the government could refuse it.
Tr he should obtain a return of tile case, he should then eon-
sider whether or not he should renew the motion for the
production of the opinions given by the law officers in the
ease submitted to them. With respect to the act itself, he
thought that a short declaratory bill ought to be introduced,
which would pat an end to all doubts, and save the expense
of an appeal to the highest tribunals of the law for a solution
of those doubts. If the matter was allowed to remain in its
present state, it was much to be feared it would lead to eels-
siderable excitement in the event of a general election,
and, therefore, he believed the best courts to pursue
would be to pas a short declaratory act far the purpose he
had stated and then leave the general question of the law
of settlement to be discussed in the new parliament. The
hon. member concluded by moving for the production of
the case submitted to the law effictrs of the crown.

Mr. C. BULLER thought it was not the rule of the house
to call for the production of such documents, and this cer-
tainly was the last case in which the house ought to interfere,
inasmuch as both the cue and opinion were to be found
already in the letters of the Poor-law Commissioners and
the evidence of Mr. Lewis, which in this respect ought to
satisfy any reasonable or unreasonable man's curiosity.
(Cheers and laughter.) Ile (Mr. C. Buller) must try to
say a few words in defence of the select committee of which
be had the honor to be the chairman. Undoubtedly the
committee had not strictly complied with the refer-
ence made to them by the house:—the reference,
in the first place, was the whole law of settlement,
and the committee was further instructed to inquire into the
' operation of the Poor Removal Act, and to report thereon to
the house. Now, if the committee took these words literally,
it would appear that the hog's had recommended rather a
strange course of proceeding, because surely the general
effect of the Poor Removal Act of lost session was part of
the whole question of the law of settlement. It was pro-
poeed by some members that the law should remain u it
was, making only such alterations se would maintain the
principle of parochial settlement ; others proposed the prin-
ciple of union settlements, while other members went as far
as to urge co settlement at all, but that the poor should
be supported by a national contribution. All these questions
or propositions had been referred to the committee to deter-
mine what in their opinion should in figure be the Law of
settlement, and the committee was further asked to report
on the separate question, whether persons who had been
resident five years in a parish should be irremovable or not.
Now he left it to the good seams of the house to say whether
it was not impossible to decide what should constitute irre-
movability, without determining also the whole question of
the law of settlement. (Hear, hear.) The particular matter
was involved in the general question, and to ask the com-
mittee to make up their minds upon any one part, and
not upon the whole, was neither Seasonable nor just. ,
But the question as to the operation of the act of
Wt session had been fully discussed in the committee ;
evidence bad been taken, and though the committee all
'greed that probably the act had been interpreted in a sense
contrary to the intention of the framers of the act, still they
were not at all generally of opinion that the wider operation
which had been given to it by the law officers of the crown
was at all prejudicial to the people of this country. (" Meer,
hear," from Sir James Graham.) Looking to the real
bearing of the interpretation put on the act, on the comfort
and well being of the people, he (Mr. C. Boller) was not
prepared to alter the act which had been in operation sir
months, and under which persons had already been re-
moved, and were settled elsewhere. On the whole, he
thought that the committee having had referred
to them the whole question of the law of settlement,
together with the act of last session incidentally
has acted wisely in resolving net to look at the two things
separably, but to wait until a general opinion could be
formed on the whole law. (Hear, hear.) The hon. member
for Dorsetahire (Mr. Banker) complained that the commit-
tee had decided without hearing Mr. Guidon's evidence.
Bat when was that evidence tendered ? Why, after the hon.
member bad brought forward him own resolutions, and those
resolutions had been rejected by the committee. Their ex-
cuse was, that Mr. Gulston's evidence was tendered toe
late, and only for dilatory purposes. However, it had been
taken, and the hon. member had made the beet use he could
of it. But Mr. Gideon specifieagy and distinctly stated
that he would remove the evils of the act of tan session by
an alteration, not of that act, but of the ge-
neral law of settlement ; wi that his evidence, on
the whole, did not shake the decision of the com-
mittee with reforms, to the point on which they had

reported to the house. Bach, however, had been the opinii:o
of the majority of the committee. He did not wish to be to',
sanguine or to excite holm but at the same time he thought
the evidence which had been taken had reduced the subject
of the inquiry to something like a manageable campus. lie
could not say whether the careful labours of the committee
would be prolonged until the summer, or when he could
promise a general report on all the limiters referred to. He I
trusted, however, before the end of the session, the decision
of the committee would be obtained upon this very difficult
and complicated subject. Of this he was perfectly sure d.at I
the worst plan the cosamlte, ••• I ! ire ••• take
the law of sett!, me:A bit by kt. ft 11, g:..at glut-Atoll ,
materially the modal condition of tic^ country • it
must be le. .; • 4 n whole, and the ionic and sowstry
must have pat ,tee rad feelrerreace wIA th Yet deo .asstsl
called upon to and &are.u- a filet, r. CH...
mately it would a,. .t• ginti of Lie . •.ara:tt-e to pros. 1:t
report, and until then d the h•eies wev.l,l Tr'etlift
any impatience that may have :.r..1.11 tl,e e e,!.i.t..; et I
the great experiment mad* ! rd sesden. "..e.!..1;,111;4)
could not be gratifi dtiii ..e.etunL- • .i,e •.,• their 1
minds as to the general ...ip!. under 'l'..*: of
•
settlement was to be regulated i•i •
Mr. W. MILES corroborated tLe ge •
by the hon. and learned gentleman (hi. .
same time be must remark that though the m , •
committee had been of opinion not to report specie., •
act of last session, yet sarong feeling existed in the comma
that the act should either be amended or entirely rescinded.
Speaking from the petitions that had been presented, and
from the general expression of opinion throughout the mid-
land and southern dietrieta, it might safely be said that the
only thing in which all reons agreed was in condemning
the act of last session. He had a statement from Mr. Rouse,
with reference to Fromm, which showed that great hardship
hadbeen inflicted on that parish, the retrospective operation
at the act having thrown upon it the maintenance of 300
beads of families. He (Mr. Miles) had been most anxious
that a man of Mr. Gulston's experience should be examined
before the committee ; and from the account which he had
since given of the operation of the act, how could any one
stand up in the house and say that it had acted beneficially ?
On the other band, it had been moat prejudicial to a large clans
of paupersets well as tothe rate-payers. Mr.G ulston's testimony
was that he had heard every one speak against the act, and
not a single person in its favour. lie (Mr. Miles) wee
favourably diapcsed to a settlement by industrial residence—
say for five years; and, if coupled with payment of rates,
for two or three years, it would be the better. He was con-
fident that when it became Vnown that his hon. friend (Mr.
Minims) intended to bring in a bill after Easter for repealing
the act of last session, the table of the house would be
covered with petitions against that act, and there would be
a general expression of condemnation throughout the country.
Sir G. GREY said he had been much at a loss to under-
stand the object of the motion of the hon. member for
Dorset/Mire. It appeared he objected to the state of the law
and to the doubts' which existed as to its construction ,• and,
with a view to clear up those doubts, he bad moved for a
copy of the case submitted by the Poor-law Commissioners
to the law officers of the crown. But that case contained
nothing more than a statement of those doubts ; and how
could the hen. gentleman suppose that its production could
remove those doubts which it barely pointed out? He hoped
the motion would not be pressed, as the subject was
the discussion of the committee. The bon. gentleman said
he wished to call the attention of the house to the report of
the committee; but with what practicable object? The
committee had not yet had an opportunity to consider the
evidence—perhaps some of them had not even read it; and
how could any practical result arise from this motion? The
better course would have been to submit at once a definite
motion for bringing in a bill to repeal the act of last session;
but it had transpired, from the speech of another hon. mem-
ber, that this preliminary discussion had been initiated as a
feeler—whether it wduld be best to propose the repeal of the
whole act, or only of the retrospective clauses. But he (Sir
0. Ore;) would abstain from entering into a discussion of
that art, until the hon. gentleman brought in the bill which
he nroposed to introduce.
Mr. FINCH, said, if the committee could hold out any
hopes of their labours being concluded at an early period,
it might be advisable not to bring in any bill for altering or
repealing the Poor Removal Act. Ile believed that that
act had operated beneficially to some parishesand injuriously
to others ; and in the same way with regard to paupers.
Still there was a general feeling against the act, and some
alteration was desirable. Should the committee, from the
complicated nature of the law of settlement, be unable to
report at an early period, he hoped that hie hon. friend (Mr.
Bankes) would bring on the motion of which he had given
notice, leaving the general question of settlement to be dealt
with by a new parliament.
Mr. RICE contended that the act of last session might
properly he considered apart from the general law of settle-
ment ; he hoped the hon. member for Dorsetakire would
bring on the motion of which he had given notice. (Hear.)
There was a general feeling in the country in opposition to
the act; and, though Mr. Lewis had stated to the committee
that he had received no complaint of the operation of the
act from Brighton, no place in the kingdom had com-
plained more loudly.. Whether upon a consideration of the
general law, it was thought best to have parochial settle-
ment. union settlement, or no settlement at all, the first and
most natural step would be to repeal the act of lout session.
This done, the committee would proceed to the unem-
harassed examination of the general question.
Mr. WODEHOUSE expressed his gratification at the
notice given by the hon. member for Dorsetshire. Nothing
could be more objectionable, as regarded the paupers espe-
cially, than the operation of the present law. In many in-
stances it had been most demoralizing, and had led to all
kind, of trickery.
Mr. V. SMITH, while concurring in the remark of the
right hon. Secretary for the Home Department that this mo-
tionbad not been brought forward in the most direct way, was
grateful to the hon. member for Dorsetehire for having brought
it forward in any shape. He was particularly anxious that
the country should not imagine that the report of the com-
mittee was a final one; and this might have been supposed,
had not the hon. member fur Dorsetshire originated this
discussion. From one statement in the report that there
was no necessity for immediate or partial legislation, he
decidedly differed; for the evils inflicted by the measure of
last session were of the most serious character. Some re-
markable instances were given, in the evidence taken be-
fore the committee; it was shown that certain parishes had
erected buildings in other parishes for the purpose of locating
their paupers there. However -hard might be the operation
of this act on the rate-payers, it was not less so towards the
1 recipients of relief. (Hear.) He hoped the hon. member
for Dorset:shire would not wait till after Easter to bring in
his measure, whether for the repeal of the whole act, or of
its retrospective clauses. The sooner some measure was in-
troduced the batter; for the repeal of this act was essential
to a consideration of the general law of settlement.
Sir J. °HAMM% said he would not attempt to discuss the
report of a committee, founded on evidence which was not
in the bands of members generally, but only in those of the
committee • much leas would he discuss the question of the
repeal or alteration of the act of last session, which was not
now the question before the house. He did not deny that
' tho interpretation given to that act by the law officers of
the crown was correct and sound, and had given to it a more
extensive operation than was originally contemplated, either
by those who framed it, or by the house in passing it; but
he satisfied himself from the evidence that that more exten-
sive operation now given, though not originally intended,
was, on the balance, greatly and deeidedly beneficial to the
poor. (Hear, hear.) As this incidental discussion had
been raised to direct public attention to the question, be felt
it his duty to take this opportunity, though lie was not
quite regular in doing no, of pointing out the signal advan-
tages which had resulted from the operations of the law. He
admitted that, upon one class, the act had operated with
I some severity,—those resident in one union, when their set-
tlement was in another, who had heretofore received r. lief at
the place of their residence from the place of theirsettlement.
He would call the attention of the house to large classes in
this country on whom this net hod conferred great benefit.
Their attention he would first direct to the provision in it
which provided that those who were sick should not be re-
coved. There was another class who derived benefit from
this act, namely, those who resided at a distance from their
pl ices of settlement, and who had conferred on their places
of residence the advantages of many years of labour, and
who, even though reduced to the extremity of destitution,
from the fear of being removed bad not hitherto ventured to
apply for relief, but who, under the act as it now stood,
could not hesitate to de so. There was another dm, namely,
those *to were resident, but without a ratlement. They
bad now a title to relief after a residence of five years. This
act had given great relief in Ireland and Scotland, from
which the poor were previously debarred. If this act
were rightly understood, it would be perfectly clear
that its benefits were decidedly in favour of the poor,
and that it was a most humane and just act. He
would not et the present moment discuss whether
it was or was not the opinion of the Law officers of
the crown that these benefits should be extended. With
regard to the effect of the act of last session on the rate-
payers, he had never dissembled his opinion that that act,
taken in conjunction with the law of settlement, with some
exceptions, in which close parishes were considered in con-
tradistinction to open parches, must operate most harshly
on the rater', erg, and he was, therefore, most anxious that
in conjunction with the first question the committee should
consider the whole law of settlement. Though he felt that
he was not at liberty to enter into a discussion on this
oques-
' thin, he could not, as a member of the committee, avoid
' making mention of he evidence f
they only al of Mr. Gubtn and
1 stating that his evidence proved that ite'red or
modified the law of settlement, the act of last session would
I not only confer great benefits on the poor, but would be
carried into operation without the least Injustice whatever
to the ratepayer, and as that evidence was now being printed
and would be in the hands of every member in a
few days, he would entreat them to give their most
serious attention, not to garbled extracts from it,
but to is general tenor. That evidence was sup-
ported by two gentlemen of great respectability and ex-
perience ; one was the auditor of the Norfolk, Suffolk, and
Cambridge Union, and the other was the chairman of a board
of guardians in the north of England, who was examined by 1
them that day. He would intreet them to examine closely
that evidence, and he would assure them that it was by no
means in favour of the proposition of the hon. member for
Doreetahire, but was in favour of his opinion, that the law
passed last IC4/1011 should be held in is integrity; but that
they should alter the law of settlement so u to remove all
the injustice which the ratepayers now complained of.
Mr. W. 0. STANLEY was of opinion that this act premed
harshly on that class of ratepayers who were but a step re-
moved from paupers. He only took the proceedings of this
evening as a preliminary to what was to be brought before
them after Easter. The right honourable baronet the
member for Dorchester mated that it would be in-
convenient for him to express his opinion on the ques-
tion brought forward by the honourable member for
Dormtabire, inasmuch as it was at present under the consi-
deration of the committee. But the object of the house was
that this question should be considered by them and re.

Iported upon. But they prefered going oa with the settlement
question, leaving the other in abeyance until they shall have
reported on the general lawof settlement, and until the
house shall have determined on that matter. His opinion
s,-u, that it was never too anon to remedy an inju-tire, and
tu, t, if posaible, they should at once relieve the ratepayers
of a:l the town parishes of this country from what he cons
jeßee.' to be a most ietolerable burden.
sir ',W. CLAY said that his right hon. friend, the mem-
ber for Liskeard, was in error when he stated that the
I,,,,,wtetje,- had come to the determination that this point
j, ~.hi ,-,,e be mottled until they should have made up their
~ ;,,,,. es,- 116 old law of settlement. He, u a member of
i L.. ,„ .. a.. never understood that to be the ease. What
it, imorr,. we! I vas, that the elmmittee came to the under-
-kiwi/1.01,a if ;the inquiry should he protracted for some
time. ty at it tell .nearly the end of the session, and if it
'• is :re th o yr/Ashler that parliament should be obliged to
eepart...-- . i:!.ut any act being pasted in the courts of the
Ir. - !,1, 0-et then the majority of the committer who voted
II tit:- ionprsition of the member for Donetshire, could
I -.• ..: •li culyea of the opportunity of reconsidering the.
-, .. -• . .•. • ' -thee that proposition should be made to the
I.- ! ,' Boght that it should not be allowed to go
i • ' - s ..• id, that the opinion of the committee was
• - ' i.-• or definite. The right hon. hart., the member
ter had declared to the house the strong effect
:ac evidence of Mr. Gulston had on his mind, but he
• say that as far as that evidence went, it had not had I
toe same effect on hi, mind, namely, to induce hint to be-
lieve that the law in all respects had been advantageous to
the poor. It was quite impossible that any law, which
pressed hardly on the rate-payer, could work favourably
with regard to the poor. He would sit down without ex-
pressing any decided opinion on the question, or the course
which he ma think it his duty to pursue when the matter
should come before them. .. . .

Sir W. JAMES said that he rose to express his opinion
that either the government or the poor-law commis-
sioners ought to state to the poor-law guardians what was the
proper interpretation to be put on the act of last erasion At
present one auditor might act onone principle and another on
another principle. He was anxious to hear from the Secre-
tary of State. whether it was his opinion that such a course
would be advisable.

Mr. NEWDZOATE haring said a few 110140 in favour of a
remedy to be applied to the exiting law of settlement,
Sir G. GREY, in reply to the question put by the right
hen. bast. the member for Hull, said that the poor-law
oommiraioners had instructed the auditors how to act.

.....
Mr. WAK LET was of opinion that, in the main, the bill
of last session was an excellent one, and that none buttyranni.
cal boards of guardians found any fault with it. Since this
bill had been in onerstion, the Irish metropolitan poor had
not been sent beck to Ireland, because it was known that they
would be doomed h starvation. lie trusted, however, that
the poor-laws of England, Ireland, and Scotland, would be
assimilated not only in principle but detail. He should be
delighted to see two millions of Irish peuperf come over to
this country, it would bring the people and the parliament to
their senses, and force the adoption of an efficient poor-law
for Ireland. (lies:, hear.) In the parish in which he
resided, out of 27,0001. collecte3 last year for poor's-rate,
upwards of 20,0001. were appropriated to the relief of Irish
paupers.
After a few words from Capt. HARRIS,
Mr. BROTHERTON said that, holing at the measure of
last year as a whole, he was sure the good counterbalanced '
the evil.

—Mr. B. ESCOTT thought the system of rating would
never be fair until the great mass of property in this
country, which was independent of the land, was taxed
equally with it. The act of last session was only part of a
great system which required thorough revision and re-
formation.

Mr. J. B. WORTLEY having addressed a few obserra-
tions to the house which were inaudible in the gallery,
Mr. BLNICES withdrew his motions.
RAILWAYS.

Lord G. BENTINCK, in moving for certain returns
showing the amount of money expended in the construction
of railways, expressed his regret that the right hon. gentleman
the member for the University of Cambridge (Mr. Goul-
burn) should have thought he was wanting in courtesy to
him by calling his attention to the fact that in moving for
then returns he should make some observations on what he
considered a marvellous statement, which had emanated from
the right hon. gentleman. The right hon. gentleman named
seven railways—the London and Birmingham, Grand Junc-
tion, Great Western, Brighton, South Western, South
Eastern and Midland, upon which he said—with a
I view to the discouragement of railways in Ireland
—37,729,0001. had been expended previous to 1841.
What were the real facts as to the railways in qucetion ?
These : the whole cost of the construction of the London and
Birmingham line was 5,991,3361. ; of the Grand Junction,
up to the autumn of 1810, 1,921,4961.,
;souisad of 4,638,0001.
las stated by the right hon. gentleman the Great Wept-
ern, up to the same period, 4,508,1601., instead of 8,282,0001.
as stated by the right hon. gentleman ; of the Brighton,
1,166,5101., instead of 2,867,0001.; of the South-Western,
2,510,286/., instead of 2,600,0001. Here the discrepancy was
inconsiderable, but when he came to the facts as to the
Eastern Counties Railway, he found that the right hon.
gentleman had absolutely run rampant, for whereas the
expenditure upon that line up to the same period had
only been 644,405/., the right hon. gentleman had v.n.
hesitatingly set it down at 3,857,0001. Upon the
Midland Counties, the expenditure, instead of having been
7,23.5,0001., as stated by the right hon. gentleman, was only
1,257,0001., and even giving the right hon. gentleman credit
—as much as it was worth—for supwaing that he was deal-
ing with the amalgamated Midlands of a later period. com.
prehending, with the Midland Counties, the North Midland
and the Birmingham, still the right hon. gentleman was
wholly preposterous in hie statement, seeing that the entire
original expenditure upon these three railways altogether
bad only been 4,7231531. The entire expenditure upon
seven railways from 1836 up to the period in question, was,
in all, 20,437,1151, whereas the right bon. gentleman had
actually sent forth a statement to the country that the ex-
penditure on these lines in the two years of greatest
deficiency had been no less than 37,729,0001. ; so
that here was an es-Chancellor of the Exchequer, in a
public statement about seven railways, wrong to the extent
of no less than 17,292,0001. If this was not a most marvel-
lous statement for a gentleman who had acted the part of
Chancellor of the Exchequer, he could not understand what
statement could be considered marvellous. The right hon.
gentleman further stated that the expenditure had taken
place in the year of greatest deficiency. Now the year of
greatest deficiency having been 1839.40, the impression
sought to be made by the right hon. gentleman was, that
the expenditure he deecribted had taken place in these
two years, whereas, in point of fact, the entire
amount expended in those two years by the whole
of the seven railways, was only 9,718,9371., or an
average for each year of 4,859,000/. for seven railways ;
so that upon this calculation, the right hon. the late Chan-
cellor of the Exchequer had been wrong, not to the extent of
seventeen millions only, but to the extent of twenty.eight
millions. When it was recollected that it was by the pressure
from the right hon. gentleman that the govern-at, pre-
viously wavering as to whether they would accept his (Lord
G. Bentinek's) plan on the subject of Irish railways, had
been induced decidedly to reject that plan, the country
would reflect with sadness upon the conduct of a govern-
ment which allowed itself to be led by ouch a blind guide as
the right hon. gentleman. What had been the expenditure
of the seven railways in 1841 and 2 ? That of the London
and Birmingham but 255,6251.; of the Grand Junction,
nothing ; of the Great Western, 2,430,8111 ; of the Amal-
gamated Midlands, 1,518,5141., or an aggregate expenditure
on each year of four millions. Let the house compare these
facts with the statements of the right hon. gentleman, and
decide whether the right hon. gentleman's statements were
not something utterly marvellous.
Mr. GOULBURN regretted that he had been the inno-
cent cause of inflicting upon the house the somewhat lengthy
speech of the noble lord, in calling for a return which be be
tiered no one in the house had the slightest idea of opposing.
He thought he could satisfy the house that neither he nor
any statement of his had really given occasion far the inflic-
tion. The noble lord, had he thought fit, had full
opportunity, on the occasion when the statements to
which he objected were delivered, of at once correct
ing them, if wrong, or of calling for an ex-
planation upon any point connected with them, but
for reasons of his own he had preferred the present course.
The noble lord kad denounced any one who had been Chan-
oellor of the Exchequer, and who should make any erroneous
calculation, as unworthy eves to have held the office. He
(Mr. Goulburn) considered that any one who expected to be
• Chancellor of the Exchequer, and who made gross mis-
statements of what gentlemen had said in the house, who
unhesitatingly imputed falsehood and error to those to whom
he was opposed—he considered, he would say, that such a
person was not fit for the office to which he aspired. (Hear.)
He would now, with the permission of the house, state
what it was he had said on the occasion referred to. The
Chancellor of the Exchequer, in opening the Budget, had
adverted to therevenue of 1842, 3,4, 5, and 6, and had shown
that there had been a progressive increase in the con-
sumption of a variety of articles, which increase
the right boa. gentleman had attributed, and justly, to the
changes which had been made in the commercial policy of
the country. The noble lord, on the other hand, attributed
this increase to the labour which had been employed upon
railways ; and contended that free trade had nothing what-
ever to do with the matter. Upon this he (Mr. Goulburn)
took the liberty of animadverting upon what bad fallen from
the noble lord—a great liberty, in the opinion of the noble
lord, who seemed to regard as a personal offence
any objection that might be made to his arguments.
He had meant nothing like offence to the noble lord, nothing
certainly like the expressions which the noble lord himself
had used on that evening—used, he (Mr. Goulburn) was
willing to believe, under the influence of irritated feelings.
(Hear, hear.) He had merely sought to show that, if we
had railways going on while the revenue was flourishing,
we had also had them in programs of expenditure during
years of deficiency. He had adduced in support of this
assertion documents taken from the report of the railway
committee. The noble lord scented him of having confined
his observations to the years 1839 and 1840, and afterwards
said these were the only years in which there was any great
deficiency, whereas afterwards the noble lord said that in
1842 there were two millions, and in 1843 three millions de-
ficiency. He (Mr. Goulburn) had made no statement as to
what the railways had actually expended, what he had
stated was that the rums raised for railways then in progress
(in 1839 and 1840) was about 7,700,0001. The noble lord
attempted to fix on him that he had spoken of the sums ex-
pended in 1840. He had done no ouch thing; he had'
woken merely of the sums raised for the purpose of cons-
plating the railways in question. He had spoken of one com-
pany having -.died 8,250,0001. ,• hot it must have been gaiter
clear to the house that he did not mean that that sum was
expended in one year. But there were two ways of address.
hag that house. One was, to address it as an educated and
informed assembly that could understand your topics ; and
the other was to weary it by going into every minute detail
which every mind of oomtnon intelligence would suggest to

itself. (Hoar, hear.) Ho had never supposed that when
he spoke of the Birmingham company raising
millions, the. house would understand him as meav
that they were to expend it in one year. (Hear, hear.
Ilia arguments had not applied to two years, bat to the
whole term, from 1837 to 1843, which were all years of de-
ficiency, and during that time the two great lines of the
country were opened. There mutt, therefore, have been a
considerable proportion of the whole sum raised, expended.
Returns, published in 1839, stated that the railways had ex-
pended then 67,700,000/., and that was two years after the
commencement of the deficiency. In 1814 Mr. Laing was
asked what was the whole amount expended up to that time,
and his answer was, 64,000,0001. If they deducted from
that the cost of railways completed previous to 1837 they
would arrive at an amount of payment on account of real.
ways fully bearing out his statement, that ce-existent with a
deficiency is the revenue there was a large expenditure en
those speculations. (Hear, hear.) This was what he s.eily
had eel, the rxpressious quoted by the noble lord had
wholly different meaning, but a reference to the usual chan-
nels of information would fully bear out his statement. He
had no objection to offer to the production of the returns.
Mr. DISRAELI sad that his noble friend would have
brought the subject before the house at an earlier period,
but that he had supposed the right hon. member for the
University of Cambridge was dawn at the election. It was
quite a mistake to suppose that the noble lord MU moved by
any personal feeling. The question was one of public im.
portance, as the opinion of so high a financial authority
as the right honourable member must always have
a great effect on the spirit of investment. (Hear.)
Whst was the general opinion out of doors ? That a gates-
man of great experience entertained the impression that a
large expenditure of money in railway enterpri, e was not
beneficial to the revenue of the country. ("No, no," teem
Mr. Ouulburn.) If that was not the meaning of the right
hon. gentleman, what was his meaning? On that side of
the house they were anxious to enforce tar affirmative of the
proposinon, end if the right lion. gentleman did not intend
to controvert it, why did lie ri,e at all ? (Hear, hear.)
Mr. CARDWELL said the question divided itself into
two features ; first, was the statement made by the right hon.
gentleman literally correct and true ? and, secondly, was the
argumeuthe based upon it sound and fair ? He (Mr. Cardwell)
was prepared to contend for tho affirmative in both instances.
His right hon. friend's argument was that it was a sound state
of trade, and a favourable state of the money market, whether
arising from good harvests or good legislation, that had oc-
casioned the extent of railway enterprise which had been so
beneficial to the country, and that argument was fully home
out by the returns.
After a few words from Mr. 0. Hutotos, confirmatory of
the view taken by Lord G. Bentinck and Mr. Disraeli, the
motion was agreed to.
THE SEIZURE OF THE BLACK CAT.

Mr. MUNTZ, in reference to his notice of motion on thin
subjiet, said that he understood circumstances had occurred
which might render it unnecessary for him to bring the
motion forward. He would for the present, however, merely
postpone it till Friday.
TEE EIGHT MILLION LOAN.

The report of the committee of ways and means upsn the
subject of this loan woo brought up, and the resolutions
were confirmed.—Tho house rose at 12 o'clock. .

xft
Orprego.

MAILS.

The mails foe the Brasile, the Bice, Plate, Monte Video, Fermat.
boon, Bahia, Madeira, and Buenos Ayres, will be made up on tr.ei
evening attic 4th March.
The mails for Vigo, Oporto, Lisbon, Madeira, (*Bs, and Gibraltar,
will be made up on the morning of the 7th March.
The overland doted 111411. vio Marseilles, to the Mediterranean,
Egypt, Aden, GeVlon, India, Hong Emig, Ste., will be made up on the
evening of the nth March.
Tbs overland mails for Gibraltar. Malta, Greece, the lonian Islands,
:Tt, Aden, Ceylon, India, liong-Kong, and China, via Soutanza2tao.
he made op on the morning of the 20th of March.
The OWIII for New South Wale+, Van Diemen's Ladd, and New
Zealand will be made up on the evening of the 31.1 March.
The treat India mils, excluding those fur Mexico, Honduras, sad
the thorannsh, will he made up on the morning of the Slat March.
The Mode for British North America, Bermuda, and the Ended
Mates, will be made op on the evening of the 3rd April.

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LONDON, WEDNESDAY, MARCH 3.
In the House of Lords yesterday the Duke of
Itteitsto);D, on moving for a select committee on the
Law of Settlement, expressed his regret that paths-
meat should have been induced to peas a measure
which defied the possibility of any persons putting a
satisfactory interpretation upon. Lord BROUGHAM
was of opinion that acts of parliament would never be
properly drawn until a board was specially appointed
to assist the lwislature in preparing them. Lord
CAMPBELL urged their lordship not to condemn the
act because it was badly drawn, its object being to
assimilate the law of England to that of Scotland,
which had been found to work so well. Lord
BEAUMONT contended that the defect of the act
was that it gave no settlement at all. The
committee was then appointed. The presentation of
a petition by Earl FITZWILLIAM from the grand jury
of Athlone, in favour of measures for stimulating the
employment of labour in Ireland by the construction
of railways, led to a discussion on the measures
already in progress, and the suggestion of others for
affording permanent relief to that country.
In the Roues of Commons, Mr. BOUVERIE, in an
I introductory speech, moved for a select committee to
inquire whether, and in what part of Scotland,
and under what circumstances, large numbers
of her Majesty's subjects had been deprived
of the means of religious worship by the
refusal of certain proprietors to grant them sites
for the erection of churches. Sir GEORGE Garr,
after referring to what had passed in the last
session of parliament in reference to the subject, ob-
served, that now, when all hope of reunion between
the free and established church had passed away, the
continued refusal of proprietors to grant sites was
deeply to be lathented, and directly opposed to the
true principle of christian toleration. Sir It. Isnus,
on the ground that a committee was never moved for
without a foregone conclusion that legislative inter-
ference was necessary, opposed the motion ; as did
also Sir J. GRAHAM, Lord G. BENTINCK, and Mr.
WORTLEY,it being strongly supported by Mr. F. MAULE
and Lord Joie RussEi.T.. On a division, the motion fur
a committee was carried by a majority of twenty-
eight. Mr. BANICES, in a speech referring generally to
the operation of the measure, called the attention of
the house to the report of the select committee on
settlement and poor removal, and moved for
a copy of the case submitted by the poor-
law commissioners to the law _ officers of

the crown for their opinion with reference
to the construction of a clause in the Poor Removal
Act. A discussion of some continuance, on the prin-
ciple and operation of the act, ensiled; alter which
the motion was withdrawn. Lord G. BENTINCK, in
moving for certain returns relative to the amount of
capital expended by various railway companies in
the construction of their lines and in accumulating
working stock, originated a discussion which occupied
' the remainder of the sitting, the motion being
agreed to.

SOME malicious and comical demon has been busy
for the last month, thrusting grave and great person-
ages out of their sphere, and prompting them to
make themselves supremely ridiculous. We could
begin by examples at home, but prefer passing the
channel at once. Of all persons, the very last whom
we should expect to see quarrelling about etiquette.
making a matter of import of a ball invitation, was
M. GUIZOT. There is a simple professorial gravity
about him, so very much of the dignity of the mat
of letters, and so very little of the dignity of rank
and birth, that the idea of M. GVIZOT, or the ladies
of his family, entering into a competition with Lord
and Lady NORMAN BY, in the brilliancy of a rout,
is something so exceedingly preposterous, as to make
RABELAIB cry out his eyes with laughter.
There did exist a serious cause of difference be-
tween M. GUIZOT and Lord NORMANBT, in the cir-
cumstance of the minister having asserted positively
one thing to the envoy, whilst his agent was
doing the direct contrary. On this, however,
they do not quarrel, but upon a subsequent
assertion of M. GOIZOT'S, that he could have
told his own story better, than Lord Noe-
MANDY made hint do. M. GUIZOT in this, at
least, spoke truth, and we regret that Lord Noa-
MANBY should have quarrelled with anything so
simple. Then comes the absurdit' of the bal4
the invitation, and its recal, and the rival receptions.
and the sarcasms, and the quolibete. The fact is, that
the ladies on both sides must have taken the business
into their own hands, and fought it out d Coup
d'erentail. A ladies quarrel of this kind has been
fitly terminated by one old lady and chronicled by
another.
The Horning Herald, with its usual solemnity, in-
forms us that Count D'Arroxv was much chagrined at
these bickering, of his friends, and that Laving

studied harmony—thin oar contemporary underlines,
frig we should not comprehend him—under the oele-
hrsted Het Ds, the discord of Lord NORMANDY'S and
Grizeres voices grated on his excellency's cars.
Accordingly, Count IVA PPONY, employing the science
which he had learned from the great HAYDN, brought
the diplomatist and the minister together, in order to
their correcting their wrong notes,and trying once more
their old duet. Count D'APPONY, no doubt, sate down
to the piano, and Lord NORMANBY'S tenor was found
to on admirably to M. GUIZOT'S counter-bass. The
vocalists both agreed, that what put them out before.
was the ladies on both aides joining in with their
vcra'
n.
To thui story the Morning Herold ingeniously adds
soother, which is a kind of parody of it. Monsi,tir
Da MALEVILLE, one of M. TRIERS' marquises, made
some sharp reflections upon ALEXANDRE DLIMAS, and
mt the prodigal kindness of the state in placing a
man•of-war at his disposal. ALEXANDRE DUMAS in-
stantly sought out every old and very prosy academician,
vac whose pomposity and whose very name never
filo to provoke instant laughter. This personage M.
Mies talks over, and persuades to carry a hostile
mange for him to M. DE M.tLEVILLE, asking
when scd where the Marquis De LA PAILLETERIF,
as Drum; calls himself, shall have the honour of
cutting the Marquis of MALEVILLE'S throat. This
challenge De MALEVILI.E gravely declines with the
wise, that " he has not the honour to be so exquisite
a ?enflaming IS ALEXANDRE DUMAS." There can
be no better satire on quarrels and duelling than this '
sock challenge and mock reply, with the singular
oddity and unfitness of the personage, persuaded to
figure as bearer of the fool's errand.
Our budget of folly is not exhausted. His Majesty
of Bavaria has fallen enamoured of the spirited LOLA
MOTES, and is laying his kingdom, his person, and
his coronets at her feet. The Times informs us, that
this shocks the " proverbial propriety of Munich."
Poor, dear old Times shows itself twin brother to the
Morning Heald in this phrase, Munich being about
the moat dissolute capital in Europe, the King of
Bavaria never having passed a day without a mai-
knee en litre appearing at his court, and jostling his
9aeen. But royal freaks of this kind are more serious
in years of scarcity, when bread is not to be had, and
when beer has risen a penny a quart. In such
titan it is dangerous to shock the morality of the
Bavarians. His Majesty, too, is of Lord RADNOR'S
school, and holds that to provide food or labour for
his people is not his business. King Ludwig, there-
fore, although a poet, is unpopular, and his ministers
have seized the pretext of LOLA MONTES'S favour to
withdraw from office in a period of universal famine
and " propriety."

AMONG other parties on the West Coast of Africa
with whom we have entered into commercial conven-
tions, are the king and chiefs of the Cape Mount
country. The original treaty, signed in February,
1841, secures " free and unrestricted " intercourse
with the native population to all English vessels;
protection to all Englishmen landing, and the right
to establish a British factory. The slave-trade is de-
clared to be totally abolished, and all traffic in slaves
to be punishable. Slaves, the property of natives not
subject or tributary to the chiefs, or of white men,
are not to be permitted on any account to enter the
territory or pass through it. In the event of misun-
derstandings between natives and persons under the
protection of England, the offending parties are to be
delivered to the country to which they belong for
punishment.
The conditions cf this treaty were fully confirmed
in January, 1846, by the king and chiefs of Cape
Mount, and Commander W. Jones, the senior officer
in command of the British squadron ; and with a
view to their more easy and certain enforcement ad-
ditional articles were added. In virtue of these the
king and chiefs engage to punish severely all per-
sons subject to or within their jurisdiction who shall
take part in the sale or export of slaves from Cape
Mount to foreign countries. No European or any
other person is to be allowed to reside within the
Cape Mount territory for the purpose of carrying on
the slave trade. If it be found at any time that the
slave trade has been carried on through or from the
territory of the chiefs of Cape Mount, Great Britain
may interfere by force to suppress the same: and
British officers may seise boats and vessels engaged
in carrying on the slave trade. The subjects of the
Queen of England may trade freely in any article
they may wish to buy or sell, within the territories of
the chiefs of Cape Mount, who pledge themselves to
allow no privilege, and show no favour to ships and
traders of other countries in which those of England
are not admitted to participate.
Representations have lately been made by the
chiefs of Cape Mount to the British authorities, that
their faithful observance of these treaties is subjecting
them to disadvantage. By faithfully acting up to
them, they say, they have lost the profits they for-1
surly derived from the slave trade, and no legitimate
commerce has yet found its way. to their shores to
compensate them for the deprivation.
This subject, so important to the trade of Africa,
will no doubt be brought under the consideration
of the Colonial-office and Board of Trade. It is

much more easy to prohibit the continuance of
in old established trade than to introduce a now

sae. But unless the latter and more difficult
task be accomplished, all treaties such as that of
which we have been recapitulating the substance will
prove no better than so much waste paper. When it
is argued that in this country well-educated and
seriously disposed traders, who are anxious to keep
holy the Sabbath-day, cannot keep their shops shut
on a Sunday so long as they see those of their neigh-
bows open, it is not to be expected that the uncivi-
lised African will long resist the temptations of the
gainful slave traffic, unites we put him upon a way of
making equal profit by a more honest calling.
The chiefs of Cape Mount state that their country
is rich in corn, timber, palm oil, ivory, and gold dust.
Their river has been traced inland for a hundred
miles. It joins the sea about 30 miles to the east of
Sherborough island; is consequently of easy access
from Sierra Leone, and if permanently reconciled to
legitimate traffic, would place the Gallinas between
two anti-slave-trade communities. The roadstead off
the mouth of the river is said to afford good anchor-
age; and at some distance inland the river assum
the form of a lake, in which there is an island, to
which the natives have been in the habit of resorting
to trade with Europeans. Could not some of our
merchants engaged in what is called the " floating
trade" to West Africa be induced to associate for the
establishment of a factory there, in terms of the treaty
of 1841? Might not the steamer under the govern-
ment flag, which it is understood is to ply between
the West Indies and the Kroo coast, to facilitate the
passage of free African labourers to the colonies, be
permitted to touch at the Cape Mount factory ? A
provision trade between that country and the West
Indies might thus be promoted, and personal visits rif
the natives to the islands highly conducive to their
progress in civilisation.

THE two first of the series of permanent measures
projected for the improvement of Ireland are now
before the public. The bill authorising landlords, or
tenants having two lives or twenty-five unexpired
years of lease yet to run, to borrow money in order
to make improvements, contemplates a desirable and
we must hope not an impracticable change in the
relations of landlord and tenant in Ireland. This bill
pßoses an insight to have been obtained by both
anWords and tenants into the community of interests
subsisting between them. As a consequence of this
Wight, the landlord pledges his land for advances
towards drainage and other improvements, in con-
sideration of which the tenant agrees to an advance
in ha rent corresponding with the improvement
Wetted. We trust that such unanimity is something
more than Utopian.
The second bill empowers the guardians of unions
to give out-door relief to aged and infirm paupers,
sna to levy rates for that purpose under sanction of
the Poor-law Commiscioners.
By introducing these two bills simultaneously, the
landowner is called upon to provide for one portion
tithe accumulation of paupers upon his estate, while
the nation interferes to help him out of his present
difcalties by lending capital sufficient to effect im-
rorments at a mosonable rate. Between the land-
.l°4l and the able-bodied pauper no mediation is
"rred• The labourer is assumed to be worthy of
`a hire, and all parties are left to do the best they
tan devise for the common benefit.
fto this last score much has to be done by the Irish
landlord to make amends for past neglect and abuse of
tract. To him, in his capacity of grand juror, ma-
'filtrate, or representative in parliament, the guid-
Ike of the domestic policy of the country

has been entrusted, and ho is responsible for its re-
sults. It is no excuse that he is himself a sufferer by
' the measures which he countenanced. Ile had en-
dence sufficient for many years past of the decreasing
prosperity of the tenant class in Ireland, and could
not mistake the cause of the growing misery. But he
unquestionably adopted, and systematically cherished,
the notion that the maintenance of a dignified position
by landlords was synonymous with national pros-
perity. The landlord interpreted the identity of his
interests with the common weal in a manner, that led
him to take his individual wealth to be an infallible
index of the general prosperity. Instead, therefore,
of mistrusting a system which daily widened the
gulph between the rich and the poor, the Irish land-
lords assumed that such growing separation of in-
terests was calculated to inspire no alarm. It
was held in Ireland (and to a certain ex-
tent in England), that the growth of pauper-
ism was a condition of certain stages of human
existence, and not the result of wilful neglect or pre-
tended blindness on the part of those who had the
power to prevent it. If these observations arc found
by any to bo uncharitable, we invite them to ask for
the parliamentary paper specifying the number of
land-occupiers in Ireland, and the size of their
holdings.
Evidence is produced in that document of a change
ands deterioration of the social system in Ireland of
the most striking description, which, although only
made manifest to English readers by the publi-
cation of this paper, was daily and hourly apparent
to the inhabitants of that country. It is recorded as
a fact, most accusatory of the higher closes of that
country, yearly summoned to act as landlords
at home and members of parliament in London,
that they have for long years been occupied
in founding, in cherishing, and finally in protecting a
system which daily gave irrefragable proof of its
tendency to engulf the mass of the people in mental
as well as physical degradation.
We are not here speaking of erroneous calculations
of systems of industry. We will take the theory of
the party which is responsible for the present state of
thi"gs, and assume for a moment that land, and even
land applied to the growth of particular crops, is the
paramount source of wealth, to the preservation of
which everything else must give way. We adopt
that theory for a moment, and ask on the showing of
this paper, how it was possible to calm all misgivings
of conscience on seeing the accumulation of human
power upon an area so disproportioned to the num-
bers crowding to it. and to refrain from all warning
of the imminent danger which threatened from such
a course. The fieroest opposition was long offered by
landlords to all proposals for unfettering trade, for
cheapening the price of food, for spreading education
and fostering a spirit of religious toleration : and on
what grounds? Either the proposed improve-
ment was declared to be hostile to vested in-
terests in church and state government, or to mili-
tate directly against the landed proprietors' pro-
sperity and influence. Of 883,097 land occupiers,
we find 221.231 holding and tilling lees than five
acres each. The number of holdings denominated
" gardens," and less than one acre in extent, is 148,463
in addition to the above. The holdings under ten
acres are 409,27 G without the gardens, corresponding
to a population of at least two millions. At least
another million is located on lots averaging between
ten and twenty acres. ' In England and Scotland a
family of three individuals, with two horses, can till
sixty acres with case. What is then to be said of the
tillage carried ou by an individual to an acre, or to
that where an acre is expected to find food for the
five mouths whose energies are consumed in its culti-
vation ? One half of the landholders in Ireland have
farms below ten acres in area. Only one-fourteenth
part of the occupancy is employed on estates exceeding

y ape
A man may err in rating his trade higher in the
public estimation than that of another, and the pro-
ducers of food have long enjoyed a kind of prescrip-
tive pre-eminence above the producers of other
articles of necessity and comfort. But every man
must be expected to understand the best way of
conducting his own profession, and there is no ex-
cuse admissible for a landlord's encouraging a mis-
application of power in farming to the frightful
extent that is here demonstrated. As no landlord
would employ two labourers to an acre on any land
he farmed himself, so he cannot be held to be
ignorant of the consequences of allowing an agri-
cultural population to agglomerate in that proportion
on the soil. If any still suppose that such calcula-
tions are no business of theirs, as long as they get
their rents and uphold the dignity of the class to
which they belong, we have, in the present con-
dition of Ireland, a proof of what that dignity
now reposes on. An enervated, intellectually de-
based population was reared by confining their ex-
ertions to agricultural labour after their number far
exceeded the demands in that sphere of industry. An
accident exposes this wretched people to the stings of
famine. It is to prevent an exercise of not improba-
ble retribution that England has now interfered be-
tween the Irish landlords and their tenants. The
object of the loan is to allow all parties time, and to
supply the means wherewith to change from a noto-
riously bad system to one which shall provide a field
of labour more suitable than potato-digging for mil-
lions of our fellow-countgmetr.
It is not without misgivings as to the result which
they are likely to lead to, that we watch the progress
of these measures, and the spirit in which they are
met, by the Irish members of both houses.

We Lave received our Paris express of Monday.
The meeting which took place on Saturday last be-
tween Lord Normanby and M. Guizot, at the hotel of
the Austrian ambassador, the particulars of which we
published on Monday in our Paris correspondence,
occupied, to a great extent, the Paris journals of Mon-
day. A statement of the arrangement which has
thus re-established the necessary official relations be-
tween the Embassy and the Minister of Foreign
Affairs, appeared in the leading columns of the Debate,
and, as it is the version of the matter anthoriscd by
M. Guizot himself, we shall give it literally :
. . . •

If we are well informed, on Friday last the British ambas-
sador requested the ambassador of Austria to act as interme-
diary to bring about a reconciliation between him and M.
Guizot, and to take the initiative in the affair. The Minister
of Foreign Affairs is said to have replied to this invitation by
authorising Count d'Appony to declare, as ho bad constantly
said, since the sitting of the Chamber of Deputies of
the fith of February, and in the speech pronounced by him
in that sitting, that he never meant to cast an imputation
on the Food faith or the sincerity of the British Ambassador.
M. Guizot is said to have quoted on this occasion the fol-
lowing portion of his speech ,—" After the question of
necessity comes that of good faith. Gentlemen, it is with
regret that I put it. I, for my part, have never questioned
the intentions or good faith of any one : when I enter into
discussion with foreign adversaries, or those of my own
nation, I only behold in what I discuss—errors, or a good or
had system of policy; but I should never impute bad faith
to any one ; the freedom and dignity of diplomatic relations,
as of the parliamentary debates, commend it, and whatever
different line of conduct may be pursued towards myself,
by whomsoever it may be, I shall still adhere to the
line of conduct I have always followed in this re-
spect." The English Ambaseador is said to have de-
clared previously, on his part, to Count d'Appony,
that on the occasion of his soiree of the 19th Feb., he never
had the intention of hurting the feelings of the minister, and
disavowed all the reports circulated on the subject. Matters
being thus explained agreeably to the dignity of both parties,
M. Gutsot and Lord Norznanby met on Saturday, at five in
the afternoon,at the Austrian ambassador's, and, without any
further explanations, resumed their usual relations. It is
solely with an aim of being useful to the re-establishment of
good harmony that we have thought fit to expose shortly
these facts ; and we hope that no trace* will be left of an in-
cident which has already too long occupied the public at-
tention.
Each of the other journals of Monday gives its
account of the interview ; the circumstances which
preceded and those which are likely to follow from
it. On the whole, it will be seen that the account
which was sent to us by our Paris correspondent on
Saturday evening, immediately after the interview
took place, is cot rect in substance and spirit.
All the statements concur in representing M.
Guisot as requiring that the initiative in the rap-
prochement should proceed from Lord Normanby ;
and it appears accordingly that the ambassador re-
quested M. d'Appony to take such steps as might
remove the barrier between the embassy. and the
office of foreign affairs, without compromising the
honour of either party ; and the meeting was accord-
ingly brought about. It is not true that a cordial
feeling of mutual amity has been revived. Nothing
can be colder cr more formal than the present
relation between the parties. It is barely that
which is necessary to enablo the public business to
be transacted.
Intelligence of the decease of M. Martin (dn Nord),
late Minister of Justice, was hourly expected in
Paris. His successor had not yet been appointed.
I M. Hebert, whose nomination had been favoured, was

opposed by a certain august personage. M. Ensile de
Girardin had also intimated to M. Guizot that, in the
event of the appointment of M. Hebert, La Frew
would oppose the cabinet.
An article in the Mhats of Monday appears do-
signed to prepare the public for the permanent aboli-
tion of all import duties on grain.
The interest on Treasury Bills commencing from
the Ist of March is fixed at 3 per cent. for those of
from to 3 to 5 months, 3{ per cent. for those of from
13 to 11 months, and at 4 per cent. for those at 12
months.

The Bank of Marseilles has raised the rate of dis-
count to 6 per cent.
The King of the Belgians was to leave Paris to-
day for London. The Queen was to remain at the
Tuileries until his return.

The anxiety entertained respecting the question of
subsistence continues unabated, and is, in fact, now
the great question of the day ; for it extends not only
to the present season, but to the succeeding one. The
rise in all the markets is steadily progressing. The
large deficiency still to be obtained is looked for first
from southern Russia by the ports of the Black Sea,
and later from the United States. In almost all the
markets which supply the capital, wheat has already
attained 40fr. per hectolitre, and in some 42fr., the
latter being equivalent to ds. 6d. per quarter. Bread
has risen in Paris to a price equivalent to 24d. per lb.
The utmost disquietude prevails in several of the
departments. At Rouen and Havre a considerable
rise has taken place. Buyers from the interior arrive
daily at these towns, but find no supply. The trade
is the more alarmed because no considerable arrivals
are expected there soon from America or the Baltic.
Along the coast the fear of a famine is general. At
Rouen a rise on flour of 6fr. per sack took place on
Friday. The prevailing opinion is that the present
year will be even more disastrous than 1817.
The disadvantage of prohibitive or protective laws
has been just manifested in the relations between
France and the Rhenish States. Urged by the pre-
vailing scarcity, the French government has lately
endeavoured to induce the Rhenish governments to
remove the export duties chargeable on grain sent
across the French frontier, claiming to be placed, in
respect of this commerce, on the same footing es
Switzerland. To this it has been answered, that the
question as regards Switzerland is different from that
with respect to France, because the former people are
regular customers, be the crops good or bad, but that
France, on the contrary., until pinched by the present •
necessity, has obstinately excluded the productions of
the Rhenish states. The exportation of cattle has
been cited as an instance of this, and the measures
taken by France for the last twenty-five years to
obstruct the importation of all German products.

The Madrid mail, with the journals and corre-
spondence of that city, of 24th, was received at Paris
on Monday.
The approaching departure of Queen Christina for
Paris was definitively announced. The union of the
banks of St. Ferdinand and Isabella was sanctioned
by the ministry. The discussion on the address was
continued in the Chamber.
El Espanol says that, on the 23rd, the report which
was circulated on the Bourse, that Estella had de-
clared in favour of the Count de Montcmolin, was
unfounded.

El Tiempo says that General Manzo was to be named
Captain-General of Madrid i Roncalez, of Valencia ;
and that Don Manuel Concha would replace General
Breton in Catalonia.

El Clamor Pubiico says that letters received from
Portugal affirm that Don Miguel had disembarked at
Oporto, coming from London.

FRANCE.—PARIS.—The Count de Rambateau,
Prefect of the Seine, having,in consequence of the large sums
required for the public works which are proposed in the inte-
rest of the city of Paris, and for the occupation of the labour.
log classes, recommended to the Municipal Council to raise a
loan of 25,000,000 ft., the proposition ho been diecussed seri
approved of. By means of these new resources the munici-
pality will be able to proceed actively with the public works
which have been reached upon. The extent and import nice
of these works may be conceived, when we state that the
central markets are estimated at about 20,000,000 fr.; the
new hospital, 6,000,000 fr.; the quays and ports, 2,000,000 fr.;
and the church Ste. Clotilde, 3,000,000 fr. The total esti-
mate fur the improvements is 72,000,000 fr., but the works
that are considered really urgent, are estimated only at
62,1100,000 fr. Of this amount there are 12,000,000 fr, in
hand. The other 50,000,000 fr, will be supplied by the
ordinary resources of the city, and by the new loan. The
works are to be completed in 1858.
" It is said in the political and religious world,"
says the Conatiterionnel, "that a bill is about to be pre-
sented in the Chamber of Peers to re-tore the ancient de-
pendence of the Chapter of the Cathedral of St. Denis, and
to free it from the authority of the Archbishop of Paris. It
so added that the presentation of the measure is only de-
layed by the absence from Paris of Count de Portia., who
is engaged at Toulon is promoting his son's election as
deputy."
M. Weyland, Minister at the French Court of their
Royal Highnesses the Grand Dukes of Saxe-Weimar,
Meelenbourg-Strelitz. and Oldenburg, died suddenly on
Saturday, at his residence in the Rue Caumartin, from an
attack of apoplexy.
Sinew RECK OF SHE CARAT BE.— We extract
the following account of the loss of this steamer from a
letter addressed to La Float, dated Jan. 14, four leagues
north of St. Louis, Senegal On the 11th instant, at half-
past nine. a.m., a thick fog at the time, the frigate returning
from Madeira and the Canaries, grounded at the very mo.
meat that orders had been given to take soundings. My
servant rushed into my room, exclaiming that the
Caraibc bad grounded. Two or three heavy shocks
had already apprisl.d me of the fact, and I jumped
out of bed as a wave washed into my cabin.
and went on deck undressed. I at once perceived the
danger of our situation, as the timbers shook at every new
sheek. We were, in tact, in the very midst of the formi-
dable breakers which form a foaming girdle round the greater
part of the coast of Africa. The first hour was awful. The
masts were successively cut away, and the guns thrown over.
baud, with the exception of some to fire signals of
distress. As the tog cleared up it was clear that
we were on the coast of Barbary, and so hemmed
in by breakers that there was no chance of get-
ting clear from them, but at the same time we made
out vessels which to all conjecture were riding at anchor be.
furs St. Louis. There was, therefore, some hope of aid,
either by land or by sea, though scarcely probable of the
latter, owing to the heavy swell and the size of the breakers.
Alter en hour of intense anxiety the vessel neared the coast
• little, and an attempt was made to lower the boatse five
successive attempts were made in vain, the boats were
swamped and the men in them perished, with the
exception of the master of the captain's gig, who was
thrown on shore, and reached St. Louis in a
state of nakedness at half-past eleven, where he announced
the disaster. In the hopes of establishing communication
' with the land by means of a rope some of the blacks on
beard made the attempt, notw.thstanding a strong current
land a tremendous sea. Of eight only one succeeded in car-
rying the line on shore. M. Boyer, a midshipman,
remarkable for his daring and courage, then boldly under-
took to hind to superintend and organise means for saving the
rest of the crew. With great difficulty he reached the land
in a half-drowned state, and immediately set to work to
arrange the lines and tackles for landing the man. But time
seemed to pass awfully fast for those who remained on
hoard. At about one o'clock a detachment of cavalry made
its appearance, arid soon afterwards the governor of Senegal,
accompanied by his aide-de-camps, • number of civil and
military engineers, and most of the inhabitants of
the island. In a short time a cord was esta-
blished between the vessel and the shore. Four or
five of the sailors were landed safely, when three were
drown successively. This discouraged the men : but at this
juncture some canoes, brought on camels from the interior,
arrived. The men of the island are noted for the dexterity
with which they guide their canoes through the breakers.
Thanks to their courage and devotion, we had only to de-
plore the loss of three more men of the crew after
their arrival. Before six in the evening all were landed,
the commander and admiral being the last to leave
the ship. The calls being made, it was found that
21 lives had been lost, 18 sailors, a cabin boy, and two
voltiguen. What are the causes of this disaster. It is to
be attributed to fatality, and to an unhappy occurrence of
unhappy eireurastances. TM nautical talents and experience
of the admiral are well known, and no went of proper cau-
tion or prudence can be ascribed to the officers. On the
12th the crew of the Caraibe encamped on the beach, en-
deavoured to save all they could from the wreck, and suc-
ceeded in saving meet of the officers' chests, arms, and other
articles. We are still encamped on the shore at the time I
write, hut, in a few days, we are to proceed to St. Louie,
when all hopes of saving anything elm from the wreck must
be given ms.
SPAIN.—DoIe ENRICWE.—A RARE EXAMPLE.—
The marriage. of princes have lately been political affairs ;
but Don Enrique has declared, in an address to the Queen,
his intention to marry purely for lose, coasulting, as he
saye, only his " own heart and the duty of • cavalier" (el
deter dews caballero). He confesses that, since the mar
rives of the Queen and her sister he has felt very lonely,
that he has determined to marry none but a Spanish lady,
and that his affections am now wholly devoted to Benefit*
de Castello., for whose sake, he adds, he is willing to endure
all passible sacrifices.
ITALY.—A letter from Naples states that a treaty
of commerce And navigation between Chet kingdom and the
Zollverein was concluded on the 28th Jan. last.
SWITZERLAND. —AVALANCHES.—A letter from
Chamounix of the 19th ult, states that on the 15th, at 7 in
the evening, an avalanche fell with a tremendous noise from
the so-called Aiguitlem-rouger, burying the hamlet of Chable.
The hamlet, which consists of five houses and a few small
manufactories is situated in a narrow glen which was com-
pletely filled up by the masses of snow, as was also the bed