The Express.
London, England, 1853-02-19 00:00:00

THE EXPRESS, SATURDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 19, 1853.

ceras. (Loud cheers from both sides of the house.) Sir, I
am glad to find that the house concurs in the opinion which
I have ventured to express on this important subject:
(Cheers.) I do not say that it is not the privilege of tbe
English press to make any observation that they please ea
the conduct of foreign rulers and of foreign nations—lt is
ea affair of discretion, it is an affair for the exercise of wie-
ism; but they must consider what is the tendency and
Vida must be the consequences of their comments. They
tee. a right to ant as they please, and no British minister
sod no foreign potentate can question the power which they
eiteretiC. It is important to consider what were the fee.-
inge and opinions of the noble lord (Lord J. Russell) on
this subject when he was at the bead of the government.
The hon. gentleman here read various extracts from Lord
John Russell's speech in February, 1852, in which he de-
precated the tone taken by the press. and expressed his
belief in the pacific intentions of the President. He then
wens on to say that nothing had occurred since that period
to disturb our peaceful relations with Franee, which,
daring the period of Lord Derby's government,
had been most beneficial to the country in several
instances. Yet, continued the honourable gentleman,
all this time, while France was working with you
for the commonweal of humanity, her ruler was held
up as a corsair and a bandit, who was about piratically
invading.this country without the slightest warning or pre.
vious cause of quarrel. (Cheers.) There L no doubt but
that the noble lord opposite, considering his much
more protracted term of office, could produce a much
longer list of advantages obtained by the cardial co-opera-
lion of France, but for mysclf I shall always remember
what was the conduct of France whilst we were in office—
conduct which in my opinion entitles it the respect, the

that was the language then need by the now
chosen organ and head of the coalition ministry. (Loud
opposition cheers.) I could not but be reminded that my
Lord Aberdeen himself had used in reference to our
foreign policy and the principles upon which that policy was
conducted at that time, an epithet rarely admitted its par-
liamentary debates, when be stigmatised tt u "abominable."
(More cheering.) I could not but recollect that the great
indictment was opened in this house in elaborate, clear, and
vehement invective by the present First Lord of the
Admiralty—(opposition cheers again)—and, therefore, I
was naturally surprised, when I beard that for thirty years
there had been no difference in the principles on which the
foreign policy of this country was carried out. I could not
bat recollect that the noble lord the present Foreign Secre-
tary denounced the principal instigators of those debates
and those motions as being in league with foreign conspira-
tors for the most disgraceful objects, if true, that a
British statesman could be guilty of. (Hear, hear.)
I could not but recollect the glowing and fervent eloquence
in which the noble lord vindicated his noble friend, when
he said—" My noble friend is the minister of England—he
is not the minister of Austria—he is not the minister of
Russia, nor the minister of France." (Cheers from the
opposition, and counter cheering from the other side.) Who
was the minister of Austria—who was the minister of
Russia—who was the minister of France, who sit for that
portrait ? (Bear, hear.) Why, sir, that is the portrait of
the present Prime Minister of England, drawn by the
noble lord the leader of the House of Commons. And well
has that Prime Minister paid the noble lord for his per-
formance, by degrading him from the post he formerly held.
(Cheering again from the opposition.) I give the noble
lord opposite credit for a sincere adhesion to the same - •
-
of

who was anxious to obtain au assurance on that important
subfeet. But the right hon. gentleman, when he sat on
this side of the house, observed, with respect to certain
changes which he thought ought to be made with retard to
some of our administrative departments, and with regard to
economy in the conduct of the public business in public
offioes ; that if that question wax proposed it would in-
stantly be made a party question. f hat would have been •
great misfortune. There can be no doubt that a question
as to how many clerks there should be in one office, and
whether • second office should be consolidated with a third,
should be made a party question would have said but little
for the patriotism of the house. (Hear.) But such a course,
scandalous though it might be, would not be very calamitous.
But When the right hon. gentleman tries to make a party
question of our foreign policy—(loud cheers)—when he tnee
to throw suspicion ou the intentions of the government with
regard to our nearest neighbour; to sow dissension between
two of the great power, of Eurcpe—(cheers), and to make
that a party question, that is indeed a calamity ; and to bring
forward that question in the spirit which he has exhibited,
may well be called the act of a mind deeply imbued with
faction. (Cheers.) I said the other night, and I repeat it
now, that the government of this country is on terms of the
utmost amity with the government of France. (Hear.)
I was happy to hear the right hon. gentleman say that the
domestic policy of France was a matter wbirk concerned her
alone, and that it was not for us to interfere in those do-
mestic concerns ; and if, indeed, that sentiment had prevailed
in this house in February, 1793, I cannot help reflecting that
torrents of blood and millions of treasure would have been
saved, if it had been laid down as a principle by all parties
that we were not to interfere in the domestic concerns of a
neighbo- country. (Rear, hear.) But what other ex-

do so, I should say that, without abandoning their pnneiples,
and standing firmly by the opinions they hive so woo
held, they should yet avoid coming forward, and
making themselves too active in displaying hostility to
that which makes for the peace sad welfare of the
country. (lieu, bear.) They may depend upon it
that although the right hon. gentleman seems to think that
the reforms we have proposed ore not sufficient, and that
we should have brought forward larger measures, yet after
the contortions and struggles of the last few years, what-
ever progress we propose to make, the country will be glad
to see a time of peaceabds progress without the convulsions
of party etrugzles. (Hear, hear.) I am convinced that they
who say they will nut submit to this, and who desire to see a
restless condition of things, and take advantage of plotases
dropped by ministers with regard to foreign affairs, that
such men will not gain fur themselves the confidence of the
country. (Beer, hear.) The right hon. gentleman has al-
luded to me and the position which I at present hold. I
occupy it from a full conviction that there is really a
desire in the country that though one man may be a Whig,
another a conservative-liberal, those divisions should not
prevent a ministry being formed which :shall collect as
many members as possible who agree in principles, and
who are capable of carrying on the administration of the
country. (Cheers.) Anything that I can do, in whatever
capacity, whether in office or not belonging to the govern-
ment, in order to carry out the wish of the country to that
effect, it is my desire to do. (I, ,ud cheers) If I may men-
tion myself, I would say that there are two ques-
tions of our internal policy in which I take espe-
cial interest—l mean the further education of the people,
and the further amendment of the representation of the
people. (Cheers.) !mead, however, be pushed on either

sympathy, and the ;fine-feeling of the people of tliis coon-
by. (Hear, hear.) We know what were the feelings of the
government of which the noble lord opposite was she head;
bed we know also from the references I have made what
were the feelings of Lord Derby and his colleagues. I
sow wish to ascertain what, upon this subject, are the views
sad opinions of the government of Lord Aberdeen. (Hear,
Mar.) Well, sir, saon after the formation of that govern-

prin-
ciples of foreign policy which ho acted upon when Prime
Minister, and I male no doubt he is as firmly convinced of
the soundness of that policy as when he delivered those re-
assuring words to the disturbed mind of the country • but
alas ! the noble lord is ns longer prime minister of Eng-
land—(hear, hear)—and I must look for further assur-
ances, or at least, that the country Should know, the posi-
tion with which the noble lord is now charged. (.. Ilear,
And tb- '

_ighbounng c. antry.
planation is it that the right hon. gentleman requires? He
has alluded to my speech in February, lila, and I will saj
that all the sentiments contained in it I now subscribe. It
is true that there was a misreport in that speech. It was
supposed that I said that the measures adopted by the
President of France were such u were calculated for
tho welfare of France. Now what I did say WIE,,
that no doubt the President considered that the

to b• . .
ring forward, or to urge others to bring forward, mea-
sures on this subject which I think either out of time or
such as would not meet with a successful issue. I believe
that in the present condition of the country measures of
that kind should be well weighed and have due delibera-
tion. I believe in that opinion. I do not differ from tho
majority of this house, or from the great mass of the people,
and if I can contr.bute to having such measures prepared

melds deelaiation of opinion upon this subject was made by
one of the most eminent of its members, no lees
a personage than the First Lira of the Admiralty.
(.. Bear, hear," and laughter.) This gentleman, a most
experienced statesman, found himself, by his acceptance of
office, and by returning to those councils which he bad
previously adorned in one of the groat responsible position
iu which an English minister at the formation of a Rovers.
meat can find himself, namely, on the hustings before Ids
constituents, and standing in the face of the whole coca.
try. (Hear, hear.) With the whole country watching far
the expression of his opinions, in order that they might
form some opinion as to what was to be the policy of the
use --it, and, I ' with the Rennie m.' of ail

hear," sad a laugh from the opposition.) . the house,
I think, will agree will me, that I am taking no unfair or
factious course. ('. Oh ! oh," 11111 a bunt of laughter from
the ministerial side, followed by cheen from the oppesi-
tion.) Perhaps hon. gentlemen opposite will favour us with
their idea of faction, if they think that I am not justified—
on this the most important subject that interests the
English people —if I am not justified in asking for
a frank explanation on these points? (Hear, hear.)
Under the circumstances, I say I have a right
to ask her Majesty's ministers what is the system on
which our foreign policy is to be carried on
by them? I call upon you to explain the
mysterious paragraph in the •s which

measures he had adopted were for the welfare of France.
I did not say that dictatorial power was necessary in France,
but that I did not doubt but that the ruler of France be-
lieved that the dictatorial power he had assumed was ne-
cessary. Whether it was necessary or not I did not pass an
opinion then, nor do I now. It has been a lamentable sight
for the last fire years to see France throw off a monarchy,
under which she was prosperous, and adopt a republic so
strangely constituted that all its elements seemed to be at
war with each other, and that internecine war not put an
end to but by the surrender of the most valuable privi-
leges, which that gallant and ingenious people began in
1799 to assert. I still believe that they will find means
when the - of extreme

and carried, and in the meantime contribute anything to
the stability of a ministry formed of men who are desirous
for the good of the country, and are able to carry into
effect wise measures, it will be my pride and glory so to act.
(Great cheering.)
Mr. COBDEN said that with regard to the first object
stated by the right hon. gentleman (Mr. Disraeli), the
maintenance of friendly relations with France, that was
a practical question, and one in which the country was
deeply concerned. Tee right hon. gentleman had laboured
to show :hat he believed in the friendly letting of France
towards this country—that we could not shut our eyes to
the fact, that there was a very different feeling out of doors,
and the - of the - - t rertainl

government, _ may add, -
Europe not a whit less anxious and v:gilant. What wee
the statement of the First Lord of the Admiralty with re-
spect to the position of affairs in France ? The right
hon. gentleman described the ruler of and also tboa

programme . you
say is so clear. (Rear, hear.) Is it to bo a
system of "liberal energy," or of antiquated imbecility ?"
(Cheers and counter cheers.) That is the %tuition. (Hear.)
Will the noble lord a. hen his noble friend

by which, spirit . ems.— democracy
has subsided and their institutions improved, we shall see
them enjoying institutions not perhaps exactly aimilsr to
our own (for it would be vain in us to say that they would
be - ited

tone u press generally, and. the unani-
mous tone of the London press, was characterised by dis-
trust of the present government of France. The right hon.
gentleman said that he did not share in any apprehension
he

;ranee dote
whoa; he ruled in one of those pithy sentences which no
one prepares with more due elaboration. (A laugh.) He
contrived, in a very few sentences, to give a character not
only to the Emperor of the French, but also to the whole
French people. He described the Emperor of the French
as a despot who had trampled on the rights and liberties of
forty millions of men. (Loud cries of " Hear, bear," and
some cheers from the ministerial side.) The evil of making
such observations is evidenced by the cheering which we have
just witnessed. Well, another statesman has also given his
opinion upon foreign politics. Parliament had not even
met before two of these experienced men had expressed
publicly sentiments which have startled this country and
alarmed r • but which - apologised for in e-^ in-

a answer, who, when his nom, .
Lord Palmerston was Secretary for Foreign Affairs, took
credit for his administration. on account of the liberal
foreign policy of his noble friend, and described the system
then contended for by some of his present colleagues u one
of " antiquated imbecility ?" (Hear, hear.) Now, I want
to krow it the foreign policy of the present government is
to be carried on upon " principles of liberal energy," or
"antiquated imbecility ?" (Rear, bear.) I have shown this
house that two cabinet ministers have acted in a manner
opposed to the declaration of 1852, and that the programme
of the Prime Minister does not in any way remove the diffi-
culties with which we are environed, and that it is incon-
sistent with the facts. If the principles of our foreign
-- have not -' - how can the right hon. e- Amen

suite,- to every people), but such.as will eioke her
peaceful industry and enable her to re card the attainments
of superior talents. (Hear, hear.) It is in that spirit that
I look at the condition of France ; and, with every desire
to suppose that her ruler is intent on putting an end to
anarchy, and so constituting the fsbric of her government
as to glee rest to the people of France. It happened to the
government of Lord Derby to have to consider a question of
great importance, namely, the recognition of the imperial
dignity in the person of the President—the recognition of a
dynasty and of a power under the title of Emperor
and the name of Napoleon 111. It was natural that
the powers of Europe, recollecting what happened from
1804 to 1811, should have wished for some assurance that
the French r ` which - about to be constituted,

of the government of France, bat when he Iris in power
he proposed a large increase of our armaments, and laboured
to show that that increase was not male with reference to
the feeling of the country towards France, but in con-
tinuance of a system arising out of changes which
had been made by steam navigation. But the
right honourable gentleman did not propose any
increase in steam machinery, but en increase of men ;
whereas the advance of steam navigation did not imply
the necessity fur an increase of men, but directly the con-
trary; and therefore the right hon. gentleman had cer-
tainly, though perhaps unconsciously, given an impulse to
the feeling of the country against France. Ile (Mr. Cob-
den) must say, that while the late government preached
'e towards F-- their condo"

Europe, s _ were one 1..
stance by the noble lord opposite. I am not now going to
say a single word of the observations of the President of the
Board of Control, as regards their offensive character
Inwards the Emperor of the French. That right hon.
pstletnan states that he may have said unpremeditatedly
Sat the Emperor of the French had gagged the press both
cf Paris and Brussels. and that ho hates the press of this
'country because he ea'nt gag it, or prevent its speaking the
truth. Ile did not mean anything offensive. I know that
the right bon. gentleman is in the habit of saying very
offensive things without meaning, I know he has outraged
the feelings of many individuals without the slightest in-
tention of doing it, and therefore, as it arises from a pecu-
liarity of organisition, I can only say that It is a vcry
awkward accomplishment. (Laughter.) But the speech
at Halifax, in which the discreet President of the Board of
Control followed his experienced friend the First Lord of
the Admiralty with a wonderful harmony of conduct and
sympathy of sentiment, contained far more important alle-
gations than the personal words to which I have declined to
refer. What does the right hon. gentleman mean by
the press of Belgium being gagged? I do not
know whether honourable gentlemen opposite are
aware that the position of Belgium is that of an
independent country, governed by one whom I may fairly
describe as one of the wisest and most accomplished of liv-
ing princes. What is his position if he permits his press to
bo gagged? What is in the position of the King, to say
nothing of the Belgian people, that the minister of the Queen
of this country should publicly announce to Europe that the
King of the Belgians is in a state more humiliating than
the slaves who, according to the First Lord of the Admi-
ralty, are trampled on by the despot of France—that, In
short, he permits his press to be gagged ? Is his press
Fagged—is the prince in whom we must take so strong an
interest paced in so humiliating a position? He
(Mr. maintained that it -- not. Well,

policy a not changed, . gentle,_
the First Lord of the Admiralty, of present Chan-
cellor of the Exchequer, vindicate the course they took,
the r solutions they supported, and the sentiments they ex-
pressed during the debates to which I have alluded ? But
there is now a further reason why I must press for some
explanation from the government on this head—l repeat
that in the statements of the noble lord (.1. Russell) I have
implicit confidence. (Hear.) I have no doubt that he is
profoundly convinced of the justice and truth of the senti-
ments he expressed in 1842. Anything that falls from the
lips of the noble lord on that or any subject as Secretary of
State for Foreign Affairs is entitled to the highest COll.lll.
deratioa ? but how long is he going to remain -Secretary of
State ? (" Oh," and " hear, hear.") I am not speaking
from mere rumours, and I say it is a legitimate question In
a debate on foreign policy. (Hear, hear.) Why did the
noble lord take the important post he occupies ? Was It
because his opinion on the French connexion was well
known, and is he now going to leave that post because the
majority of the cabinet do not agree with him on that
point ? (Cheers and counter cheers.) This is clearly
a subject, then, on which some explanation is due.
I know I may be met—though I hardly expect I shall—by
an allegation that we base no right to suppose the noble
lord is about to quit the ofti.o for which he is so eminently
competent. (Hear, hear.) I said I did not speak on mere
rumour, and I will proceed to state the authority on which
I ask the question. That authority is • paragraph in •
newspaper or joumal—(oh)—and I hope, notwithstanding
the conduct of some of the journals we bays criticised, that
it will net on this account be undervalued. This paragraph
is what our neighbours call a communicated
paragraph,
and commences with the magic words, " We are authorised
to state." :(Cheers and laughter.) It is redolent of
Downing-street, and no doubt it emanated from that quar-
ter. (Oh) The first paragraph—for there Is a series of
them—informs us that though the was not

_ government, , was constitutea,
would adopt the national acts of the governments which pre•
ceded it, and whether there would oe the same foreign re-
lations as had existed in France since 1815. The govern-
ment of this country, by the advice of Lord Derby and
Lord Malmesbury, took such security on that point as they
thought necesstry, and when they had obtained it, acknow-
ledged the Emperor by the title of Napoleon the Third. It
is my belief that they did well and wisely. (Hear, hear.)
I have examined the correepondence which took place, and
I have come to the conclusion that Lord Malmesbury,
while acting with the utmost conciliation, at the same
time consulted the dignity of the country. (Hear, hear.)
I am not, therefore, about to blame the government which
preceded us for any step they have taken. There can be
no doubt that an early recognition of the empire tended to
conciliate the government of France; and, therefore, whoa
we came into otßee,we found the amicable relations between
the two countries in a stage which we wished to continue.
A good understanding between this country and France is
undoubtedly of great value to the peace of Europe. Ido
not say this with regard to France alone, for we ought to
maintain a conciliatory policy towards all powers; and I
think that all those powers are disposed to maintain the peace
of Europe. With regard to that great question to which the
right hon. gentleman has alluded, namely, the question of
Turkey, there can be no doubt that it is very desirable that
there should be a good understanding with France. But,
at the same time, it is the duty of this country to presetve
auk an attitude as will enable her to give friendly advice to
these states which may have differences and to maintala
Turkey against aggression ; but also to maintain thou rela-
tions by negotiations and friendly conference. That end, I
trust, will be accomplished. The right hon. gentleman has
alluded, as I think uanecessarily, to speeches made oa the
hustings by twc right hon. friends of mine. I ask, for whet
purpose has he alluded to them ? (Cheers.) If they
had raised doubts in his mires. would it

peace France, a...aduit was not consistent
with their professions. Different governments stated that
they should not share in nay apprehension of France which
might be felt; and while they censured the press for
exciting it, they did what was ten times more in-
sulting to France. What was anything which
wu spoken or written compared to large warlike
preparations, such as the building of 12 screw steam line-
of•battle ships, and the securing a large contingent of steam
vessels? Those were the things that really endangered out
relations with France, and it wee not newspaper articles,
but preparations like these, which kept up the excitement
of the public mind. The right hon. gentleman had talked
much of the great service which diplomacy had done to the
country, and how, during the time thst he was in power,
our ambassador at Paris had arranged with France the
settlement of question' relating to Switzerland, to the
opening of the navigation of the South American rivers, and
to the affairs of Cuba. Now he (Mr. Cobden) would suggest a
new employment for diplomacy, and he believed and thought
the hon. gentleman opposite would adopt the plan—which
would greatly assist him in building up a party. Would
it not be advisable to employ. diplomacy in trying to put an
end to the warlike preparations in the two countries ? Our
ambassador at Paris had been employed in arranging ques-
tions relating to Buenos Ayres and Cuba, and if he had
been successful is negotiating mitten of such delicacy u
those could he not come to an understanding with .the
French. government on the subject of the large rival prepa-
rations in the naval department of the two coun-
tries ? Could not the diplomatists on both sid'•s
exchange a note on that subject ? Ho (Mr. Cob-
den) would engage to frarno a note in five minutes
which would answer the purpose. Could it not be asked if
the government of France would be willing to put an end
to the increase of her armaments, and that we would put
as end to our preparations ? Was there anything imprac-
ticable in such a ition ? If such

thaneli) war
observe on the day that the right hon. gentleman
the President of the Board of Control mado his speech at
Halifax, the sabieet met and sat four hours. Now, whew
a cabinet council sits during four hours the subject must be
weighty that engages its attention. The Chancellor of the
Exchequer smiles as if he imagined the cabinet council was
sitting on the income tax on that occasion. (" Hear," and
laughter.) Bu' I am sure it was not the income tax on
which it was called to deliberate, for it is quite evident that
all questions of domestic interest were suspended ; they are
adjourned till the Greek /Calends. (Hear.) It is clear
tat it could not be on any question of domestic policy that
her Majesty's servants then met and sat so long ; and that
being so it is not an unnatural supposition to believe that
something connected with the foreign relations of the coun-
try may have been the cause of their saumblieg. It is not
even difficult—though it is only a conjecture that I am now
making—it is not very difficult to conceive what was the
subject that occupied the attention of the cabinet,
- and

.4 arrangement
made when the cabins& was formed, it was pretty well
understood that Lord J. \Passel' is to continue leader of the
House of Commons, but to relinquish the office of Secretary
of State, and probably he will not assume any other office—
(hear) have the paragraph here, but that is the purport
of it. The second paragraph—the journal in question is
authorised to state, that it was a mistake to suppose the
noble lard would not hold office, the fact being that he was
to have some office where there would be nothing to do
—(a laugh)—and that it was to be somewhere:in the neigh-
bourhood of Waterloo-place—the only place that suggests
itself being the toll collector of Waterloo-bridge. (Roars
of laughter.) Bat the noble lord being, as be is desirous
to be, a favourite of the people, it was not considered that
to place him is so unimportant a position was treating
Ain according to his duces, so another paragraph ap-
peared, also " on authority "—(laughter)—stating that he
was going to reside in' the Foreign-office, whore a " little
Tatar was to be allowed him—(a laugh)[ but to continue

say nd, not
have been enough to have asked what were
the reel intentions of the government ? What purpose could
those allusions answer but to excite irritation—(hear, hear)
—and suspicion and bitterness which would not otherwise
exist ? and this from a right hon. gentleman who in the
early part of his speech declared that there was nothing he
had so much at heart as peace and amity. My right hon.
friends spoke on the hustings on the subject of the govern-
ment of France, and they are accused of disturbing the re-
lations between the two countries. They did not trust to
their memories in making their speeches; or refer to their
commonplace books for their phraseology—(hear, hear).—
and therefore they used some incautious expressions ; but
nothing was further from their intentions than to disturb
the relations which exist between France and this country.
The right honourable gentleman then passed on to our
domestic relations. Bat before I come to that part of his
speech I must refer to a statement which was made by
Lord Aberdeen. The right hoc. gentleman says that
_

propositions a vote was
responded to, would it not go far to change the feeling that
now exists between the two countries ? He proceeded
to argue that the feeling in France was not hostile to
England, but might be made so if the armaments continued
to be increased, and the present tone of the press maintained.
He would speak to hon. gentlemen opposite in a sense to
which they would not belikely to take exception. There were
some new social elements at work in the present day which
rendered it very important to hon. gentlemen opposite—the
"country party"—that they should insist with governments
on a Course of frugality and economy. He was not refer-
ring to the results of free trade; he bad no more to say about
that but that they must reconcile themselves to calculating
on that as the permanent system. Ile was referring to a
novel feature in this age of ours—he meant the tendency of
the people to emigrate—to leave this country. That was •
new fact in which the gentlemen with the broadest acres
were deeply concerned. There were countries now rising up in
effective rivalry with us for the population and the capital
_ . .
. Canada, Ne-

precise
for we knoW that the papers were at that time teemtna, .
government inseeengere were daily arriving with despatches
from an important portion of the Turkish empire
which was form,rly disturbed. It is met difficult to
conceive that the problem which bee lazed the minds
and occupied the thoughts of statesmen for a half century,
the state of the Turkish - was probably the

leader of the House of Commons. But e climax was in
the fourth paragraph, which announced in angry and indig-
nant terms, that it wu not true what had been stated in the
former paragraphs, but that the noble lord wu to be the
leader of the House of Commons, and have "a small room"
at the Foreign-dice, and to be allowed two clerks there.
(More laughter.) Now, Sir, I protest against this r of

Lord Aberdeen said " that for the Ist 30 jean the prin-
ciples of the foreign policy of this country have never
varied." But the right hon. gentleman entirely omitted
to state that Lord Aberdeen went on to make some fur-
thee observations, which, as the right hon. gentleman
has omitted them, I will now read, u they
contain sentiments in which I entirely agree, and
-

of Great Britain. There was Australia, New
Zealand, sad, above all, the United States—each compet-
log, each under favourable cirournstaaces as contrasted with
our own, for the population of Great Britain. There could
be no mistake about the fact ; and what he might call the
emigrating tendency of the country, was to be estimated b
the circumstance that the extraordinary emigration which

empire, vs.— subject
for the consideration of that partiodu cabinetoouncil. We
know bow much is at stake on the gelation of that problem
—that it is a question an which warmly the pace of Europe
but the civilisation of the world largely depends—and how
have English statesmen hitherto dealt with it? In what
manner have they attempted to grapple with the difficul-
ties of that ever unwieldy subject of perplexity and peril,
bat by recognising only one means by which the temperate,
sad suocessfal issue to their deliberations could be

car, ....system
ihutting up a great man in two small roome--(Laughter)—
and binding to the triumphant wheels of administrative
ability the fame and toe genius of the great whig party.
(Renewal laughter.) I say we have a right to ask the
noble lord, under the circuinstanais—.. Are you Secretary
of State, or are you not ?" If he is, the noble lord will no
doubt, on the subject we are treating of to-night, give
us satisfactory information, but if he is secretary of state
now, but is not to be to-morrow, then the declaration of

e,
which I thought had sufficiently Made known
the policy of the government. Lord Aberdeen says:—
" There may have been differences in its execution, amen&
log to the different hands entrusted with the direction aff
that policy ; but the foundation of the foreign policy of
this country for the last thirty years has been the same-4t
has been the respect due to all independent states—a de-
sire to abstain, as much as possible, from the internal
affairs of other countries—an assertion of our own honour

was going on at this moment was goir4 on it a moment of
immense commercial prosperity at home. (Hear, bear.)
Now let them suppose the revers° of this happy condition
of the country. He was not going to throw dis-
credit on free trade, by allowing that we could
ever possibly bare again such periods of distress
as we had had under protection. But still there
were causes that might, under certain not improbable
conditions, produce' and discouragement in this

... .
wig.. --- --- - - —.., depretsion
they might
--
attained? Aad what is that? The cordial undentaading no a Mt a question of '• polky is eery mach and intereses—and, above all, an earnest desire to secure country ; and from what they now caw they might calcu.
with France. (Cheers.) Is the traditionary policy of that depreciated in its value. Sir, th;7e-C-on- e otser Tense why the general peace of Europe by all such means as we have late what would be the flight, he might call it, to more
great ample% that Me made it always feel that it must not lam bound to press this inquiry at the presemt foment, in our power. (Hear, hear.) I do not say that differ. favoured lands. (Rear, hear.) Supposing that that cosi..
glinifil• NO ge=e d Nate for any temporary success, and I find that reason in the present state of parties Is this elms, may not have existed, or that sympathy may not gration should be to an extent to lessen palpably and incen-
se pow se nananninis of territory or power they house. That state is peculiar. It is quite nnpreendented, have been excited on behalf of certain states in their ends,- violently the number of shoulders which bore the present
ctherathe obtain. (Bear, hear.) So long se France and well deserves the attention of hon. gentlemen apposite. your to promote constitutional reforms, and constitutional burden of taxation, who would feel the concentrated prev-
ia/la understand usth other on that great We have at this moment a conservative ministry, and we government; but the principle of our policy has always sure ? Those who could not emigrate—the landowner'.
the peace of the world and the mai- have a conservative opposition—but where the great liberal been to respect the entire independence of ether states, (Neer, hear.) Was he then right in suggesting that the
banl=ll.sit at least not imperilled. Well, sir, party is I protest I don't know. (" Near," and " Ob, oh.") great or small, and not to interfere with their internal country party was deeply interested in securing
Iwe me was the object of the cabinet council Where are the whige, with their traditions of two centuries affairs. This I trait will be still the case, and that we a frugal administration, an economical and good govern-
,. 'bleb I refer • and I cannot well conceive an object of parliamentary illustration and deeds of noble daring? shall retain the friendship and deserve the goodwill of all meet? And yet the House of Commons was lavishing
these worthy of leading to such protracted deliberations. I (Cheers.) There is nobody to answer. (" Oh, oh," and countries of every description, whatever may be the nature money in what was called " defence " as if it was dirt
out conceive the ministers quitting that cabinet chamber cheers.) Where are the youthful energies of the radicals of their government or constitution." That was a clear rather than gold. We had been spending from 16,000,0061.
deep is thought, and fully impressed with the almost awful —those buoyant anticipations and sanguine hopes announcement of the policy of the government. What. to 16,000,0001. a year for the last fifteen years for warlike
responsibility of their deliberations ; and I can con- awakened, 1 fear, from their ardent inexpert- ever may be our wishes for the liberties of other preparations; and yet after all we were crying out that we
oeive, too, what must have bun their feshings next gnu, which attend sometimes the career of youth countries we will not interfere in their internal govern- were entirely defenceless. What a disadvantage this placed
morning when they read the speech of their absent col- when it finds itself at the same tins used without much means or constitutions, but will treat their governments as us at as compared with the United States ! The federal
league the right hon. member for Halifax and found that compunction, and discarded with not too much decency ? their authorised organs. I believe that so conducting our government of the United States cost 9,ooo,oool.—that was
while they were deliberating he had been describing in (" Oh !" and cheers.) Where are the radicals—is there a policy and maintaining peace,we should do more for the nisi- for the whole state machinery—while the cost of the diffe-
terms of ignominy the moonit that was to be their ally, man in this hone who dare call himself a radical ?(" Hear, ligation of nations, than by interfering in the carrying on of rent governments of the fief-orate states was altogether only
and treating the nation he rules over as the lowest in the hear," front several members.) Not one. (Oh !) Even their institutions. (Rear, hear.) The right hon. gentle- 4,000,0001. more ; so that for 13,000,0001. per annum
scale of civilisation that can well exist. (Opposition cheers.) the right hon. gentleman opposite is afraid of the court man went on, and touching on somewhat dangerous ground 24,000,000 of people carried on the states and the federal
There is no doubt perhaps of the policy of the and turned into a conservative minister. (Cheers, and a for him, said there was an entire want of principle in governments, paid every outgoing and the interest en
noble lord the present Foreign Secretary while he was laugh.) Well, how 11,a this curious state of things been the government. (Hear, her.) The present administra- the whole debt. Why, our defensive armaments
thief minister—there can be no doubt of what was the po- brought about ? What is the machinery—what the secret tient is formed of men, who in the great contest which has merely cost more ; and yet we were not content with that.
lacy of my Lord Derby when he was chief minister—but system—which has brought about this portentous political been going on far the last ten years, and which has been Again, let England be compared with New Zealand, with
as regards our relations with that country there are combination? I must, I believe, go to that mpled carried on perseveringly until the beinning of last year by Australia, or with Canada—countries without debt, almost
very grave doubts, if we are to be guided by what has waver of political defence, the First Lord of the a great party, have been agreed on those general principles without taxer—and it was impossible not to see that
transpired from the speeches of two cabinet ministers— Admiralty, if I want an explanation of the pre- of finance and commerce, which have now finally triumphed. " patriotism " would not keep men in England if some
there are grave doubts of what is the policy of the present sent state of parties. (" Oh ! oh," and a laugh.) During that great contest, those who are sow in change did not take place in our system. Yet government
cabinet of my Lord Aberdeen. (Hear: hear.) I think it is I remember about two years ago or so, on a motion which the cabinet have always been on the same aide. But with after government was going on spending more and more
not only a legitimate subject of investigation and inquiry, I had the honour of addressing to the house, that right hon. respect to the right hon. gentleman, what has been the money year after year, es if there was no end of the wealth
but our duty to obtain from that cabinet, if possible, SOMA. gentleman favoured us, as is his wont, with one of his course he pursued ? After contending from 1842 to 1848 to be drained. He might be told that all this was "defence,"
thing more satisfactory than we have hitherto had on that political creeds, with which his speeches always abound. against free trade and from 1846 to 1852 in favour of pro- and was, therefore, in the light of an Insurance. Well, if
all-important question. (Hear, hear.) And, sir, there are (" Hear, hear," and laughter) And the right hon. gentle- teetion, what has been the course he has pursued ? Firstly, necessary, the question was at an end. But the question was,
sou no
oteonthtiemr weerithy,e
additional and peculiar reasons why think we should take men on that occasion—and in order that there may be no he made a declaration that he was clearly in favour of pro- —was there no other way of making sure? da he had
this step on the present occasion. When the present go- mistake—in order that the house and the country should tection. Then came the formation of a ministry of which sawoiduldphroolvdehtios
tongue
—he
merriment took eMce, the noble lord who is the head of that alike understand clearly,. and that there should not be any no man could say what prim iple they represented, for one
government offered, in another place, what has been called false expectations, especially on the part of the great eon- of its members declared in favour of free trade and another if necessary. His way, which he thought still surer, was
a programme of his policy, which programme, according to servative or protectionist party—said, in manner the is favour of protection ; while the head of the ministry, to come to an arrangement with France. It might be said
the noble lord the Foreign Secretary's opinion, was so vi. most decided, that his political creed was this—" I take my the Earl of Derby,deelared that his opinionswould be formed that .France WU suffering proportionately as much as we
gorous and lucid, exhausting the subject and leaving no stand on progress." (Meer, hear.) I thought then it was not by his study of financial questions or the writings of were—that this rivalry—this insurance—cost France from
and ho
topic untouched, no doubt in the mind of any one living as rather an odd thing to take a stand upon. (A laugh.) political economists, or by his own observation, or by his 3,000,0001. to 4,000,00 W. a year. Ile would not deny this;
to the intentions of the government, that be would not I thought at the time that a statesman who took his stand administrative ability, but by the vote of a million of elec- and he would apply his warning to France as well
presume to add to it. (" Hear, hear," and counter cheersvery )on pregrcss might find that he stood on a slippery tors who were to make up his opinions. (Cheers.) And it as to England ; and he would tell all the old
There was a declaration in that programme as to foundation. I thought at the time, although the right hon. is the organ of that government iu the House of Commons, countries that while these new countries were demanding
the foreign policy of the government. I beg to gentleman always weighs his words, that it was a mere who says that we have no principles or any principle in men and capital they must put their houses in order.
call attention to that important declaration—and in piece of rhetorical slipship. (Hear, and laughter.) I feel common or in unison. In fact, that is the case with the (Cheers.) Was there any difficulty in doing what be asked
doing so I would ask the house to remember who that I ought to apologise to the right hon. gentleman, and party to which the right hon. gentleman belongs; and I the English gevernmt nt to do ? lie maintained that there
made it—and that it was made not only by the prime minis- I take this the first opportunity of apologising to him for will again remind him that they go on in this way very much
sounot. Let it be observed that be was not making this
ter of England, but by one who had filled the highest that momentary suspicion, and I beg to express my sincere because they never followed the advise which I ventured to preposition fur the first time. He brought forward a mo•
offices of state, and had been more than once, and for a regret for having suspected that he made an inadvertent give them. (Hear, hear.) In If4l I told them that they Mon two or three years ago, proposing such an arrangement
considerable period, Foreign Secretary. Therefore, though observation. It was part of ' a system which has been ma- never would get anything bettor than an 81. duty : but with France as he had now again proposed. That proposi-
every minister is expected to know something of every. tured, and which has been put into action. We have got they would not be content with that. In 184.5 I told them don was then considered so reasonable that it was not met
thing, the house will ore that upon this topic the noble lord progress, and every one stands still. (Near, hear.) We that if they would accept a 6s. duty, and try to get by an absolute refusal, but by the " previous question"
who is now chief minister was bound to know everything— never hear of reform, and there is a ministry.of progress, all something off of the burdens of which they complained, being moved. In fact nothing could be said at an logical
that being the topic of which he was pre-eminently the the members of which do nothing. (Hear, hear.) All the they had better do so, as it would be the last time they or tenable against such a prat rto France. Ile asked
master. (Hear, hear.) Let us then recap to our attention difficult questions are suspended, and all that are not agreed would ever be able to make so advantageous a bargain. again, where was the obstacle ? There was none. But
the statement as contained in this most satisfactory pro- upon are made open questions. (Hear.) Ido not want to be But they would not hear of that. In 1849 I said if they again, the government would refuse to do so reasonable a
gramme made by Lord Aberdeen. He did not dwell on the unreasonable, but there ought to be some limit to the sys- would give up protection and adhere to their general prin. thing ; and he could not hope that the house would compel
subject of our foreign relations at any great length, but tam of open questions. (Hear, hear.) It is a system which ciples, with regard to the church and their other policy in the gevernment. He went, then, to the country; and he
what he did say was succinct and precise. It was not notes- has hitherto only partially prevailed in this country, and general, they would always be a great party in the country, did trust that such a pressure would be brought on the
nary, the rabble lord said, for him to dwell on that subject, it has never prevailed with any advantage to the country. would have great influence in the deliberations of this house as would force this question to an issue. This he
for there was no difforence in tho system or in the princi. (Hear, hear.) Let parliamentary returns and vote by bal- house, and could not f oil soon to acquire great influence would say distinctly—speaking as an advocate of peace, and
I pies on which the foreign affairs of this counte, had been lot and every institution in church and state be open ques- in the councils of the country. They would not take my glad to tie the badge of " a member of the peat* party "
eonducted for the last 34) years. (Hear, heir.) Well, sir, thins, but by your :mover to-night pr aye to me that you advice. If they had they would probably have been to his button-hole—that he would give his confidence to
i I confess I listened to that declaration with some rettonith. are not going to make an open question of the peace of Ministers now. If they had given up protection no government which would not attempt to come to such
i meat ; for I could not but recal to my mind the tempestuous Europe. (Great cheering.) in 1849, they would now be a compact party, an arrangement with F once as he had spoken of. (llear,
1 debates that only three years ago resounded through this I Lord J. RUSSELL roil—Had the right hon. gentleman and would not have had to go through the process, hear.) lie would not hold them responsible for succeeding.
1 house on the subject of our foreign policy. (Hear, hens.) I wished to obtain an viol .nstuin from the government with which they have recently performed so ill and ' But if they would not make the attempt, then he would
l scold not forget that the foreign policy—that System and respect
Lis observations
theis state
t of its
t f ate'attill policy, he
ii might have con- so discreditably, by deci firing for protectioa on the eve of suspect them of being under an influence not to be men-
; Citriiiti,fielue odfutliinegfof.:oigtny
a policy
~blyhatthowasgotyhternnmpeunnt pursued, aid lie
1
presided addressuesdoto rthae Vl'innisseo. a (Loudaaa pcahetears.)
. in ITheose1Theose w
statement IWeentail rend niltoteses, tyhoetritndgouilintiangmwshsesthf..ors thaeyfrl'Ousrldadaseezottoioitn,
nti.isisngeitsianhtilsiactnnhcas,cn.
confidence
aundat,o, vaneghli:hgoavnerni7etesshe)would
r over hy the noble . lard the
.member for London—was mide the other night, that we are on terms of intimate —(" hear," and cheers)—they would probably have been in Sir J. GRAHAM—I am very St Try that the hon. mem-
. those debates deicribed as puullanturnis, and prejudicial to friendship with France, and that we are acting in concert office now, and continued ~o for years. (Hear) I do not ber who has j ust sat (lOWA should so positively determine to
t I the dignity of England, and perhaps fatal to the with her with a view in the maintenance of the peace know that I ought to give them any more advice, since they withhold his confidence from t-,ne government which will
. : peace of Europe. I could not but remember that of Europe, would have sufficed for any member of the house have made such a bad use of it, but still, if I may venture to not meet other governments—not only those of Europe, but