The Express.
London, England, 1851-03-01 00:00:00

LONDON, SATURDAY, MARCH 1.

HOWWIttll satisfactory in some Rupees the ex-1
plan:wiry sweeties in the house of Commons last
night, they by nu means bring us nearer to their de-
aired solution—a Otoernment. Lord Jon?: ItussELt.
and Sir JAMES theenam gave, both of them, very
daft rent arguments and illustrations, but they all
tended to the same conclusion, that the eumbinution
of several parties was impossible, yet that one could
not go on, that the carrying through of the anti-
papal bill was impructicible in the teeth of Ireland,
whilst its alsuidonnit nt was impesisible in the face of
pin land, and yet to sever the legislation of England
and of Its was declared by Sir JAMES °KAHAN
not to he thought of, in which Lord Joint Itessuk
weed.
All this looks very fair on the face of it, though so
very elistresaing. Never was such an interchange of
explanations as passed between the parties, even Mr.
Doetuaki himself falling in fur his share. And yet
boneath all their blandness and polish. wo fear there
is a vane of finesse going on %high has its charms
for tselniciame who love owing and take delight in
the mysteries of cock-fighting. The light in which
Lord ST 041.Y.T, in his letter to the (Rust, read
by Lord JOlll4 Ites.sim. in the house, regards the
reelitete, is certainly very illustrative of the states-
nianlike VielVie and habits of the pnsent day. It says,
in plain English, let Lord Jolts try first to win over
the Pealitta Ills offer of terms may disgust them,
and then I shall have a iiroxisct of getting them at
a rMsywr rate and making a better bargain. The
Ptelites*, through being the object of courtship by
the parties on either side of it, evidently assumed
these airs which ladies do in a similar situa-
tion. They could not think for their part
of even accepting the arm of protection;
whilst to their union with Lord bolts there was an
eternal barrier in his naughty bill. Never were
such definite prudes as thew same Fichte% in mutters
of religious tole ranee. Mr. Uksnscose., for ex-
ample, the member for Oxford, is declared yesterday
nnerning by his organ, the ehrtmide, as incapable of
werosenting to the least law of restriction against
Roman catholirs. On what principle did he minced
in placing himself as member for the University in
the seat of PEEL? In what frame of mind or shade
of principle- has the honourable gentleman returned
from Rome ? Will Oxford nut ask ? Or how long
does Mr. GI.AItsTONE illtend to (It iiiii ler' us the
Peach say, half a dozen sets of principles and
needs, boats% which he is to choose merely at his
own eonvenience?

Then ftir JAMES Gwinau cmild not consent to a
hill preventing Roman Catholic bishops front me
ruining tcnitorial fiats even in Englund. This up-
pared to hint intolerant and unjust. Yet lw would
144 undo the bill different for England and for
Inland, because that would endanger the Irish
church. Was ever such straining at a gnat and
swallowing a camel ? The imp who came to a po-
litical divorce with Lord JOHN I(t'ss►i.i., because the
Isttur wished to devote the funds of those protestant
clunles in Ireland where there were nollocks bi Wu-
eation--he cannot jolt a cabinet that would insist
on Unman Catholic prelates in Englund being called
bishops with other names, instead of bishop; of cer-
tain towns.

In the 'sincerity of this, we must frankly own, we
do not believe. It is a mere bidding for certain 1
whig statesmen to fling over their leader, and take
bum. Sir JASIY/4 GRAHAM, as Prime Minister, on the I
principle of allowing the Port and Cardinal Wtsx-
-111/44 a triumph, and of continuing to put down Eng- i
bah feeling by Irish votes.
Now, we have no objection to Sir JAMES GRA HAM
MS Premier. if he could unite the strength of the
liberal party : nay, we think that the novelty and
the weakness of his position would compel him to
introduce good and radical measures. such as the
whir ntight he long laoltering about. But we doubt.
in the find place, of het suctent. His first step would
be to alienate the zealous protestant-liberal party,
nut merely from himself. but front all who took office
with him; and he would leave to Lord STANLEY and;
his friends the inestimable advantage of replacing
Protection on their banner by the Prottstunt interest.
Such a monwuvre would, in our opinion, be as
fatal to the free trade cause as it would lie unjust to ;
Lord Join: Itt We utterly deny the hisbout-
bon and assertion of Sir lssitsGavnitt. that the
effervescence and enthusiasm against the papal ag- ,
gression was gut up. that it was excited hy, the
Durham letter, or created by the bill. We be-
lieve, on the contrari, that the agitation was allayed
by the general conviction that the government had
taken the thing in hand. Nay. we think, the letter
and the legislation hod more effect in calming down'
the public mind than in exciting it. Believing!
this, we see the greatest of dangers, even to:
toleration, in the abandonment of that bill, at least
feu England, and in the affording to WI,EMAN and
his colleagues a complete and resplendent triumph.
Par from the agitation going down as the result of
this, it would resuscitate. Meta and communities
attached to that religion, which is so bound up with
British liberties, would, finding the state desert them,
form association', and leagues among themselvi s.
And whilst cardinals went in purple procession
through the laud wader the protection of a liberal
ministry, the tountry itself would club to offer that
otgouised nsistance to Rome. which this state of par-
liament and ponies rendered legislation and govtrn-
nwnt
powerless to undertake.
Whilst the religious question presents these in-;
impend& difficulties, it is gratifying to think that
that ministerial crisis has achievea two good thinge:i
it low buried protection. and resuscitated reform.
For carlyin,r on the latter we have now the double!
promise od (IRAlltit and of PEEL, guarded no doubt,
and necessarily so. seeing the two houses such a
qwst ion has to pass through. But the country and the
retornwrs must be aware that it is only they who ran
compel and give force to the must willing minister to
carry a noeusure of any efficiency through the pre-
m.:lt (louses of Parliament.

Although we have been severe upon Sir Jany.s
OtttllAN, and although we deem Lard Joins Hes-
s t.. rite and conduct on the religions question
to tn.. mom ntanly and more statesmanlike than his, we 11
m ist say that the latter portion of Lord JOHN Res.!
st:t.t.'s speech last night tilled us with sad and
supreme disgust. It was nut very clear, though
intended to be eloquent. But the niereateli of it
war crick:n:lY this, that he had been in an
'autocratic sellout of statesmen. that with sach he
bad lived and acted, and he would sit in cabinet with
to other. Any thing so mispiaced or so offoasive
it would be difileult to conemye. What t tau Lord

Joint RessELL, the author of the Reform Bill, take
no account of the social revolutions which suggested,
promoted, and rendered electoral reform popular ?
As • statesman does he not see its progress ? It has re-
novated society, it has revolutionised parliament, and
Lord Joine himself consented to be the instrument of
further changes. But this progress must not touch
the cabinet. Parliament may become open to the
talent and the eminence of every class. But the minis-
terial bench must still be confined to a caste. It
does not suffice to be even well born. The clique is
narrower still, consisting of men bound together by
propinquity, by habits of friendship, connexion,
or birth. Why, of all the grievances of the day—
of all the abuses anti monopolies, against
which the public, the political public, revolts, this
is the most crying, the most insufferable, the most
huge. It is the prime sin of whiggism, and one that
will weigh whiggism down and eject it from power
much more sorely and effectually than any blunder
either in financial or religious legislation.
In support of this melancholy and superannuated
theory of political exclusiveness, Lord JOHN RUSSELL
had the misfortune to quote BURKE—BURKE, the
man of genius, who fed the whig party with ideas
fur a quarter of a century long, but whom that party
never admitted beyond the threshold of the cabinet.
The name of BURKE is alone remembered of all that
contemporary galaxy; his wisdom and profundity
are alone worth quoting after the lapse of a century.
But such a man was tabooed from the political coun-
cil of the sovereign, by virtue of that self-same code
of sharing power with none who were not front birth
I or early adoption of the political clique, whom alone
the gods have thought worthy of Itowning-street.
The name of Benxi: should have stuck in Lord
Join's throat, when he quoted him in support of the
doctrine that political wisdom belonged exclusively
to the aristocracy.

We are bopnd to declare frankly that we think
Lord STANLEY'S explanation of the reasons why he
declined the reponsibility of taking office entirely
satisfactory. He would not abjure his principles; he
could not mend his party ; and upon such principles
and with such a party he manfully declares that he
could not hope for toleration in parliament or autho-
rity in the country.
Lord STANLEY is a man who has much to lees.
Ile has in poiseeskin a high reputation for ability,
and in anticipation a splendid inheri tame. He cannot
be doubted when he says that he shrinks from
has arding either, for he is at once a shrewd and a
proud man. He is a man of unquestionable courage,
but it is quite consistent with the truest courage to
he afraid of deserving the epithet of a firebrand or a
failure. lie has proved himself incapable, wilfully
or knowingly, of either risking the peace of the
realm or the permanence of his own personal cha-
racter. And by his own lucid narrative of the events
of the last week, it is plain that either or both would
have been placed in imminent jeopardy by his at-
, tempt to govern under present eircimustruices.
Carte blame-Az, it would appear was given him by
I the QUEEN. He made no stipulation with regard to
the power of dissolving parliament either at his
first or second audience of her MAJESTY. He as-
sumed, that if necessary that power would not be
withheld; but he avowedly did not, from the outset,
consider its exercise possible or safe at present. The
of that opinion may be variously surmised.
groundsatiste of the public business was the only one ad-
verted to by the noble lord himself. Many other
motives, weighty and cogent, will, however, suggest
themselves to the minds of all who have the least
capacity. or_ reflection. In another portion of his
speech LOIIiSTAN LEY made use of the pregnant phrase,
I still regard the policy of le-le us an experiment,
and if at the next general election the people
of this country shall pronounce that experiment to he
successful, then I shall for one he prepared to lay aside
all further thoughts of its modification." This being
so, we can appreciate his reluctance prematurely to
risk his lust stake. A dissolution at the present
moment would manifestly have been peculiarly un-
propitious to the interest he affects to represent. His
followers must have gone to the hustings without
any prestige of administrative success, with pledges
hateful to the mass of the people in both Eng-
land and Ireland, and with the imputation
of having stopped the whole business of the
empire for the sake of trying whether for a brief
space they could hold the reins of rule. Well might
Lord STANLEY counsel his impatient and incepts.
rienced friends not to throw away their last chance
under circumstances so unfavourable.
A dissolution being out of the question, two alter-
natives only remained; either to re-unite the two
sections of the tory party, or to form an administration
out of the materials at his disposal. His first offer
was the portfolio of foreign affairs to Lord ABER-
DEEN ; an offer which that wily veteran de-
clined upon the ground that he could not support
any measure restraining catholic discipline. The
next offer was made to Lord CANNING, who, as we
know, refused in like manner. Mr.Gtsisrosie was
also invited to make part of the new tory govern-
ment. On what grounds he declined we are not
distinctly' informed ; but his refusal was conclusive,
and the repulsed protectionist leader was driven to
fall back upon his own adherents exclusively.
For three long days he tried to solve the riddle
how to fit men to offices and how to fill offices with
men. We can imagine the variety of official pos-
tures into which he threw his impotent and
incapable party. First he tried how it would look
this way ; then how it would look that. All were
reedy, anxious, and pliant. Everybody was willing
to attempt anything, and their leader no doubt
thought that each was as fit for one post as another.'
But special capacity or fitness there palpably was
none. And at length, with appalling candour, Lord
STANLEY having summoned them all together on.
Thursday afternoon, told them in plain English that
he had dune his best, and that he could make nothing
of them. Whereupon they went every man to his
own disconsolate home, and their light-hearted
leader hastened to the royal presence to relieve him-
self of the perilous responsibility which it is quite
evident he had reluctantly undertaken.
With n nairetc peculiarly his own. Lord STANLEY
thought fit to announce to the world what his pro-
granune was to have been. Ile would have applied
the whole of the present surplus in the revenue to
lightening the burthen of the income tax, which
would have been cut down from three per cent. to
one-and-a-half or two. He would then have im-
posedwhat he calls a moderate fixed duty on
i foreign corn, which by some mysterious process
not explained, would have had the effect of
benefiting the landed interest without raising the
price to the consumer. The produce of this
inappreciable tax he would have applied to the fur-
, thee reduction of the income tax next year. Never
ells conjure equal to this. Millions of money were
to be ratiell for the protection, first of the fanners,
and next of the landlords, and other propertied
classes,-out of nobody's pocket ; bread was to re-
main as cheap and plenty as ever, while domestic
grassers of wheat were to be made happy without
any advance in the markets.
On the only other subject of absorbing interest,
the tory chief avowed himself prepared to outbid
Lord Jolts for protestant sympathy and support. lie
had not only refused to win Lord ABERBEEN'S
assistance by concession on the subject as dealt with
by the whigs in the Ecclesiastical Titles Bill, but he
declared that he was ready to go much further and
to deal with the right assumed by the Roman catho-
lic prelates of meeting in synod or otherwise, and
proclaiming their opinions on temporal matters to the
community at large. He hinted, moreover, his
to enforce the existing statutes against
the monastic orders, and if need were to render the
powers of those statutes more complete for the

"T:e is only one question on which we confess
we uinnot make up our minds, and that is, whether
thin development of the sieves and intentions of the
tory party will be regarded with more repugnance
by the popular party in England or the popular
party in Ireland.

OERNIANY.—The news from Carnally is devoid
of interest.

Afnni.t Agave HALL—Nantes of gentlemen who
their elimination in the Menet and timnice of me-
and remised entigt•ates to prat-616,...,1i numbly,
Feb. 21, Is3l:—Henry Walktr, Ludlow, tillop ; William
Falahaw, Healiagden, Laminar; Lir aton, Sting.
ford, Liandaddre.

FRANCE.

PARIS. FRIDAY RVIININO.

The motion of M. Creton for abrogating the laws
of exile against both branches of the House of
Bourbon, occupies almost exclusively to-day the at-
tention of political men. The club of the Rue
des Pyramides, in other words the supporters
of the government, having met last night to
the number of 88, agreed unanimously to an amend-
ment for the adjournment of the motion. On the
other hand the legitimists will vote also for the ad-1
journment, which will, it is understood, be proposed by
a member of M. Creton's own party, M. Casimir. Perrier.l
But this will only give 230 votes for the adjourn-
ment. The fate of the question will therefore mainly
depend upon the decision of the Left. Meanwhile
no argument has been left unturned to bring over the
Mountain to M. Creton's aide. The proposition is
is manifestly a mere preliminary for bringing forward
the Prince of Joinville as a candidate for the presi-
dency in 1832. I have already drawn your attention
to the change latterly operated in the sentiments of
the Prince on this sulject, and there exists at this
moment not the bust doubt with regard to his wish
to appear in the lists. Now the natural conse-
quence of such a candidature would be a
rupture of the coalition between M. Thieve
and the Mountain, which would at once exchange in
that ease a candidate such as Cavaignac or Lamori-
ciere, on whom the rotes of the coalition could meet,
for a thorough-red socialist like Ledru-Rollin.l
Clearly the only third competitor who could appear
in the field against Louis Napoleon and Joinville
would be the chief of the socialist party; and the
best chance for his election to the presidency would
be opened by pitting two such potent names against
one another as the Bonaparte and the Orleans. But
the same reasons which would determine the Ex-
treme Left to vote for M. Creton's motion would ope-
rate in deterring the moderate republicans, whose
champion, Cavaignac, would be completely eclipsed
by a socialist candidature. These considerations will
help you to form an estimate as to de chance of M.
Creton's motion being adopted. My own opinion is
that there will be a majority in favour of the ad-
journment, although by no means so large a one as
three months ago, when the rupture between the
Assembly and the executive power had not been con-
summated. The legitimists oppose M. Creton's mo-
tion, becanse they wish to make the so-called fusion
the price of their adherence. The Orlcanists look
upon fusion as suicide, because they feel the ina-
dequacy of a restoration of the legitimate monarchy
to the wants of France, and therefore dread the
inauguration of a policy which would, long before
the demise of Henn V. make way for the Comte de
Paris, ruin the credit of the monarchic principle, and
precipitate France once more into the republican re-
//ire,. The Duke of Bordeaux's manifesto is an evi-
dence of the ardour with which he desires fusion ;
and the pledges of liberalism given in that document
are as much directed to gain the confidence of the
members of the house of Orleans as of the people of
France. Count Montalivet has just started for Eng-
land, probably with the mission of sounding
the family at Claremont upon fresh overtures
towards 'fusion from the Duke of Bordeaux,
in order to dissuade the Prince do Join-
ville from coming forward as a candidate fur
the presidency. The objections entertained by the
legitimists to such a step are set forth strongly this
morning by the Opinion Pnbligne. The recent
pledge which has been given by the Prince de
Joinville to respect his oath to the republic, in case
he should be elected president' may be regarded as
one of the moot important steps towards the con-
firmation of the present institutions; and for that
very reason has given deep offbnce to the legitimists,
whose organs remind the prince that he has
called a rrpublique princiere the worst of all
republics. They regard the dcaent of a Bourbon into
the arena of a republican competition as a deep blow
to the hereditary principle, and tell the Prince de
Joinville that he could be only faithful to his presi-
dential oath by betraying his duties to the head or
his family and to his nephew. It is impossible to
deny that under all these circumstances the proposi-
tion of M. Croton presents a question of high in-
terest for the future of France. If it pass, a very
serious element of perturbation will be introduced,
for the evident tendency of the measure would be to
Ipush the lionapartists to desperate schemes for pro-
onging their hold upon power. But as the
Assembly is more bent at the present mo-
ment upon mortifying the President than upon
preserving public order, considerations of public
weal will have little effect in determining its vote.
If the motion is carried a fall may be expected in the
funds; business will suffer, and the public irritation
against the legislative body be considerably increased
by these consequences of an imprudent vote.
M. Odilon Barret has definitively withdrawn from
the club of the Rue des Pyrnmides.
To-day an old subject of irritation was stirred in
the Assembly, which had to vote the credits for main-
taining the French army of occupation at Rome.
M. Emanuel Arago complained of the perpetuity of
this occupation, and maintained that the object of
the expedition had been altogether distorted, the
French troops serving at present merely to protect
odious executions and condemnations pronounced by
secret tribunals. He therefore called loudly for
putting an end to an intervention which cost much
treasury, after having cost much blood and no little
honour—(Murmers)—and which bolstered up an
iniquitous government against the will of the nation.
M. Bremer read, in a low and almost inaudible
tone, a speech, in which he contradicted many of the
facts alleged by M. Arago, and maintained that
French influence at Rome had been the source of,
serious ameliorations in the government of Italy.
M. Mathieu de In l)rome made an energetic speech
against the occupation. He said that the expedition
of Rome had paved the way to the conferences of
Dresden, where a new Holy Alliance was forming.
which he hoped might not receive the accession of
the new English cabinet. He demanded that Rome
should pay the expenses of the expedition, as France
had paid the Holy Alliance in 1813. Gen. Oudinot
dwelt upon the good understanding existing between
the Roman and French troops. M. Valentin, having
been twice called to order for interruptions, the pre-
sident consulted the Assembly on applying the cen-
t sure to him. The house derided on proceeding to
, the discussion of the articles.

Colonel Charms attempted to show that the expe-
dition had cost France not 15, but 60 millions. After
some words from M. Poesy, the Ist article passed.
The house then proceeded to divide on the ensemble'
of the bill, which was passed by a large majority.
In an article of the Debuts, on the conference of
Dresden, the terms in which the French note of the
31st Jan., addressed to the Austrian government. and
protesting against the violation of the treaties of Vienna,
are given in a way that confirms completely what
I some time ago communicated to you on the subject.
It says: " If the stipulations of the treaty of Vienna
should receive, without our assent and without the
formal consent of all the persons who signed it, such
a material alteration as that which is in question, the
government of the republic would see itself, with I
regret, reduced to the necessity of declaring that it !
does not admit the legitimacy of the order of things
resulting from such an innovation." M. Lucour, the
French envoy at Vienna. having read this note, re-
celled from Prince Schwarcenberg the following
verbal reply.
Our new constitution has cstahlished with us (or ever
unity of government : all the parts of the Austrian empire
form a united ensemble, regulated and administered by one
and the same government. We have, therefore, only to
choose between these two points ; tither we must belong to
the confederation with all our possessions, or we must
henceforth hold ourselves aloof from the federal system of
Germany. I leave it to the wisdom of the French govern-
ment to judge what would happen if Austria were to adopt
the latter course. Germany would then be at the mercy of
Prussia, a power close to and very jealous of France. And,
what is still more serious, Germany would be delivered up
to the fury of revolutionary and demagogical passions ; for
Prussia and the other German states are completely under-
mined by revolutionary and anti-social doctrines, against
which it would be impossible to struggle but with the co-
op, ration of AWltti.l.

Some slight disturbances troubled the celebration
of the 24th February at Marseilles, UMW brick-bats
haring been thrown at an officer who refused to
allow his band to play the " A few
arrests were made, and order was restored without
any difficulty or accident. The tree of liberty in the
Place de la Republique was cut down by ortkr of the
authorities.

A question having been raised in the superior
council of puNie instruction with rcgaid to the corn-

petenee of that body to recommend the closing of
M. Michelet's lectures, M. Beugnot withdrew his
motion. The Minister of Public Instruction in the
meantime has signified the intention of closing the
course of M. Michelet, in case his lectures should
inculcate dangerous doctrines.
The metallic reserve of the Bank of France has
increased considerably this week, being 41 millions
in Paris, and 31. millions in the provinces. The dis-
count accommodation in Paris has fallen off slightly,
about 100,000, but in the provinces the diminution is
21 millions, the amount of the former being
56,908,730 f., and of the latter 81,072,714 f. On the
side of the liabilities, the notes in circulation have
declined 2 millions in Paris, and about 31 millions in
the branch banks. The account current of the
Treasury has increased upwards of 8; millions, the
present amount being 106,507,888 f. Private accounts
current have fallen off 1 million in Paris, but remain
nearly as they were in the provinces, the amount of
I the 'former being 73,716,216 f., of the latter
I 22,595,270 f. The whole amount of the metallic re-
serve at present is 509} millions to 313 millions of
notes in circulation. . _

The Bourse was more animated to-day. The Fives
closed at 96f. 651:., with a rise of We. upon yes-
terday.

SPAIN.

A letter from Madrid states that the calm which'
apparently reigns in the Cortes is hut temporary.
' Herm debates are expected on several propo,itions
presented by the ministers. The settlement of
the debt, the levy of 35,000 men, the budget, and:
the law on the liberty of the press, may lead to the'
di.solution of the cabinet, as they will be combated
by the opposition, supported by some members of
the majority.