The Express.
London, England, 1848-08-25 00:00:00

.

.PERIAI. PARLIAMENT.

betwixt themselves, to withdraw front the f the
committee the fa 1 extent to which corruptnotice o
had
practices
existed. Solikeent evidence, however, had been obtained
to show that snob ation had bees extensively remitted to
in 14 boroughs, which were named in the schedule to
that
the
bill, in many of which the cosantittires had reported
corrupt practices had prevailed to a great extent. What,
then, was the duty of parliament ? Wes it so importaot tor
the correction of abuse that it would do nothing ? Surely
not. This bill proposed no interference with the rights of
eleetors, but simply an insuiry, to ascertain to what extent
these practices bad existed in the horoughe specified,
in order that a suitable remedy might
learned lord
be hereafter
applied by parliament. The noble and
then proceeded to discus the various provisions of the bill,
which are well known from the repeated debates thereon in
the other house. He expressed his confident hope that no
member of their lordships' house would refuse to lend his
assistance to the other house, for the attainment of en object
so desirable. The committees to be appointed under this
bill would not inquire into the validity of gny election, but
simply into the extent to which corrupt practices had pre-
vailed at the pas and former elections. The inquiries of the
commissioners on the spot would be directed to a similar
object. The bill would be obviously imperfect if it provided
only for such inquiry with regard to past elections ; accord-
ingly, power was given to the election committees, in all
future cases, to inquire, not only into the validity
of the elections, hit into the prevalence of corrupt
practices, employing, if necessary, the
to put
view
machinery
of commissionsos on the spot. With a vew
of flu
end to malpractices so destructive of the purity.
House of Commons, that house had sent up to their lord.
shi?e this bill, which he trusted would receive a cordial
went from this house. The fact of these malpractice'
having existed could not be doubted; but objectbill iionsnti mir.erghe
t
be taken to the remedy propose
Did the
ro
with any rights the late period of the sestion, and the thin
attendance in parliament, might be pleaded against proceed-
ing with the measure; but as it merely went to authorise t
investigation, if their lordships acquiesced in the p J•
priety of such a course, no such objection would apt :y.
Lord REDESDALE hoped thsii lordships would not n-
sent to proceed further with this bill during the present
ol
s-
tem. However expedient it might be to inquire into ice
corrupt practices at the election of membe-s to serve in tee
Commons House of nitliensot, still this bill clotain :
1
details and matters requiring grave consideration, and t
advice and opinion of those noble lords on whom most ref, J
and who were now absent. Therefore, though he mign
be disposed to agree to a second reeding of this bill, hi
thoueht it inexpedient to press it forward at this advance.'
period of the season_ But he was anxious to deal coin
teouslv with the other house of parliament, and he
should not oppose the second reading, but after the
bill had been read a second time he should move a resolution
to the effect that this bill, creating a new jurisdiction toe in-
quiring into corrupt practices at elections, contain', e:.liciplee
end propositions of too great importance to be adopted by
this house without full time being afforded for their discus-
sine, and therefore that it is inexp -client to proceed with it at
this period of the session, but this house admits the import-
ance of such a measure, and was ready to give its earliest
attention next session to a measure calculated to put an Lit'
to corrupt practices at elections.
The Marquis of LANSDOWNE said he was glad the
noble lord did not oppose the second reading of the bill, the
principle of which ought not to be abandoned, even at this
advanced period of the session. It was desirable that it
should not go forth to the electors and non-electors of the
kingdom that the legislature felt any hesitation in adopting
effectual measures to ensure purity in the representation of
the people. Still he felt, seeing the dlferecce of opinion
which was entertained by some of the highest authorities on
the subject of the constitution of the proposed new
tribunal, that ample time ought to he afforded for the con-
sideration of the provisions of the bill, and therefore ho w
ready, alter the bill had been read a second time, to &eau•
to the resolution of the noble lord (Lord Redeadale).
Lord DENMAN concurred in the course taken by his
noble friend (the Marquis of Lansdowne). He (Lord l ten-
man) had examined the bill, and seeing it so full of errors
and objecticnable provisions he had ome down to the
house to oppose them. Though he entire approved of he
principle of the bill if it was for the correction and puns'
mint of corrupt practices, nothing could induce him to agr
to its objectionable details. (Iles, hear.)
The Duke of ARGYLL felt it his duty to oppose the me
thee progress of the bill this session, and concurred is. the '
suggestions made by his noble friend (Lord Itedesdaleo
The bill was then read a second time, and on the moat to of
Lord REDZSDALE the resolution he had already stated as
above was agnate.
Their lordships adjourned at hall-past 8 o'clock.
- .

HOUSE OF LORDS.—THIIRSDAT, Auo. 24.
The LOW) Cif ANcattoß took bin seat at ko'cleck.
PRIVATE BIIIINESIL
THIRD RP.ADlNO.—munbergb and Gisairew and Edinburgh end
B mitigate Railway Compenlea' Amendment MIL
PUBLIC BUSINESS.
SECOND READINGS.—Petty Bag, Emotes* (Cooker CloinorrY);
corrupt Practices at Elections; Bills.
COKIIIITES.—FOhefire (Ireland); Parochial DNt and Audit:
E
POOR' Removal (No. 2); Commons Dittmar. (No. 2);
REPORT.—Farmers' Estate Satiety (Ireland) BM.
THIRD READING:I.—Stock in Trade Exemption; OutPensiocere;
Boroughs' Ineorporatina ; Bids.
COMMONS' AMENDMENTS OONSIDERED.—Payment tot Debts
out of Real Estate. Bill.
PETITINS.—By lore REDE‘DALE, from Galway, against the
Irish Reproductive loan Fund Bill; also from the guardians of the
Leicester unem, in favour of the Poor Removal ; also from et.
Jolui's New Brunswick, &Beata say altreation of the nereir alien
laws—Lord DENMAN. hmn Jamaica, *lewd by iiewereis of eel*,
mesons praying that more effectual mans S
be taken foe the
euppreasion of the Blare trade.
VANCOUVER'S ISLAND.
Lord MONTEAGLE moved for certain papers relating to
a grant ot Vancouver's Island to tbe Hudson's Bay C
ion um-1
The noble lord described the geographical petit of
the bland, and descanted upon its importance, principally oa
account of its cal-rniui e, in these days of steam navigation,
lying also as it did between the Russian, Nurth American, 1
and United Suites territories, and in the tr thel
United Stat.* of America to China. The Ilf ackfrom
ot Van-
couvetee Island, therelore, to the Hu:eon's Boy Company
poredry great. a
bute lord the Colonial Secretary pro-
not to sell it, to make a grant the most lavish to
this company—to make a gratuitous grant of
this valuable
island to the Hudson's Boy Company —provided they made
a settlement upon it in five years ; but it wait not stipulated
what should b. its extent, or what number of families should
be settled on the island. Vancouver's Island would be Mettle
able as a coal depot when a communication was made be-
tween
the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans, by cutting through
the I..thmui of Panama. Nuotka Sound, the best harbour
in that part of the world, was situated on the coast of Van-
couver's It was 220 miles long, and from 20 to 43
miles broad. A commercial tradina company we not a lit
depository for the powers of territurisl goy. eminent ; and a
company whose sole object was to hint animals for the pur-
pose of obtaining their skins was the least adapted of any
other to the purposes of colonisation. Ilia noble friend hal
always advocated the system of the sale of lands in our co-
lend..., instead of free E rants ; and yet he now proposed to
make a grant without consideration, excepting as to the
settlement to which be had before referred; aud a grant,
too, he would venture to say, the most reprehensible that
any minister of the crown had yet made. Sir Arthur Pigott
and other equally competent witnesses had stated that the
Hudson's Bay Company were wholly unfit for colonisation.
The noble lord concluded by moving fur certain papers con-
nected
with the grant.
The motion having been put,
Earl GREY said he was obliged to his noble friend for
bringing torwerd the subject, because if, with his aeutenem
and industry, he had failed to obtaiac
tcurate informs
lion upon it their lordships
would toot onished that
ethers should be ignorant of the facts connected with this
matter. He believed Vancouver's Island to he valuable, and
also fleet it belosged to the British crown ; but it was neces-
sary, to prevent eget'. ters, that it should he
se
btacitled, or the
crown would soon 1. se possession of it. He but just
heard, in fact: that a party of Mennonites from the Hulled
States
inn nded to settle on it ; and it was impossible to pre-
vent this irregular mode of settling upon such land
unless, therefore, Vancouver's Nand was regularly settled
and coloniaed, this system of squatting would take place, and
it would be lost to the British crown. (Hear, hear.) But
how was Vancouver's Island to be settled ? It
would have been very impolitic to hey/ ticked
parliament to grant 00,000 e this year, and 20,0001. or 30,0001.
per annum afterwards, in order to colonise Vancouver's
Island. It wou d have been utterly ui just ; and, therefore,
it must either hove been left unoccupied, or m. ans must
have been tempi for its being settler independently of the
government. The only possible way of doing so was, he be-
lieved, by an arrangement with the Hudson's Bay Com-
pany. They had undertaken to settle it, and he believed it
was a most advantageous arrangement. His noble friend
had referred to a statement which he had made a few days
ago as to the sale of land in colonies ; and that, no doubt,
would have been the best course to have adopted if the
government itself had been about to colonise the island;
but, if they could not do so, the next best
course was to make such a company their trus-
tee, to do it for them. It might pay the Hud-
son's Bay Company a moderate errata on their capital,
but certainly nothing mere. They would sell portions—
small allotments—et the islard to settlers, and the proceeds
would be applied to the purposes of colonisation. They had
received a grant of land which, as it now 13y, was utterly
valueless, and they would, by colonising it in the ordinary
way, render it of use to mankind—a task which the British
government could not now undertake. Them was no com-
parison between this island and Lotman, because the latter
island was surrounded by well-populated distriets ; and with
reference to the expense of this new colony in the East, he
had received a despatch from Sir J. Brooke only a day or
two ago, stating that tee government house would only cost
6301. in its erection. The whole arrangement in colonising
that island would in short be conducted in the most
economical way. The government of Vancouver's Is-
land must be provided for ; and it would be by the
appointment of a governor, and the institution of an assem-
bly elected by the'settlere—a form of government by which
Jamaica, Barbadoee, and other colonies were eoverned. So
much for the form of government ; and this at once disposed
of the statement of his noble friend as to the exclusive right
of trading of the Hudson's Bay Company. Tbe new colo-
nis's would be entitled to trade with the rest of the world
on equal terms ; but as tar as the Hudson's Bay Company
were concerned, they would, of course, be bound to submit'
to the rights of that company, within their own territories.
His noble friend insinuated that the government had not
obtained a sufficient guarantee from the company for the
performance of their very important duties. They had,
however, in his (Earl Grey's) opinion, taken ample security
for the due performance of the duties which the Hudson's
Bay Company had undertaken to discharge. The real
security was the power of resumption in eleven y ears,
merely payisg to the Hudson's Bay Company the
value ot their imorovementa ; to say nothing of their
forfeiting the grant altogether unless they settled the island
in five years. But then his noble friend had said that a
trading company were unfit to be colonisers. In the first
place there were no other parties prepared to come forward
to colonise the island. Two or three other proposals fell to
the ground because the par-ins did not possess a tithe of the
means ; but the Hudson's Bay Company had great
facilities for settling the island—they bad in fact al-
ready a settlement upon it. The company par
seased a great deal of land under cultivation, live 1
stock, corn, and potatoes. They had, therefore, fn.
cilities for making this settlement which no other parties pos.
eased. Besides, their exclusive rights for eleven years longer
were an obstacle to the 'ambition of any other party, and
could not have been got rid of without paying the company
a large amount of compensation. If there existed anybody
possee.ing the necessary capital and means for making a set-
tlement, there was no reason why they should chain Van-
couver's Island for that purpose ; the British poseeisiens were
suite large enough to afford an ample field for such coloni-
&tog operations either at the Cape, Australia, or New Zea-
land; and such operations would receive every assistance from
the Colonial-office. But it was said th e Hudson's Bay Company
were unfit to be entrusted:with this duty, because they carried
on a lame trade in furs. But this trade war carried on on the
continent of America, and he was not aware that there was
any large °outlet of fur animals on the Vancouver's Island.
The fact was, the possessions of the company en the conti-
nent of America would give additional value to the settle- ,
merits in Vancouver's Island, by reducing the coat of many
things which would be required for that purpose. He must
repel the charge of mismanagement which had been brought
against the company ; he belived their powers were exer-
cised with great benefit to the Indians and great advantage
to the cause of humanity and colonisation. It was almost
necessary, in dealing with savage tribes, to entrust large
powers to an asseeiated company. Such was the temptation
which ruin possessed for t hes 3 tribes, that, when rival com-
panies existed, they received nothing else for their furs.
Since a monopoly was given the Hudson's Bay Company
they had effectually exerted themselves to prevent the in-
troduction of ',piens into the region over which their juris-
diction extended—to the incalculable benefit of the Indian
tribes, whose civilisation they were doing the utmost to
promote. Those Indian districts into which the United
States had penetrated were, on the other hand, one scene of
anarchy. If the power of the Hudson's Bay Company, who
had established an effective police control, were withdraws. I
it would be impossible fur the government or any other au-
thority to supply its place. Under the present ayetem the
Indians were improving ; in some settlements, the Rai
River, for instance, agriculture was greatly improved. In
proof of this, the noble earl reed extracts from recent de-
spatches of Lord Elgin and Colonel Crofton, late commander
of the troops at Red River, stating that the Indian popula-
tion was increasing both in numbers and morality.
Against this testimony he could not place the petition
of a single individual which the noble lord had presented.
But the question did not rest on the company's management
of their continental territory; if the settlement of Van-
couver's Island had net been undertaken by the company, it
must have remained unsettled fora long period. The grant
was not yet made, but would issue in a very few weeks,
after a careful examination by the committee of trade and
plantations of the privy council, who would introduce each
conditions as could not fail to secure due attention by the
company to the interests of the settlement.
Lord MONTEAGLE, in reply, said that the grantwould
leave the company at liberty to sell land on any terms the
chose; and if they exacted tke same terms as for their land
on the continent of America it would effectually prevent
'ny settlement on the island. He hoped the trusteeship of
sompany would be subjected to such safeguards as
eecure perfect freedom to persona wishing to settle on
was then agreed to.
PRACTICES AT ELECTIONS BILL.
/ CHANCELLOR, in moving the second read-
-11, said he would call attention to its objects,
relies which it supplied. It affected no interests,
ith no rights, but merely proposed a machinery
in cases where corrupt practices at elections were
kist. In such cases it was necessary to ascertain
lent these practices existed, in order to judge of
ly that ought to bb applied. After the last gene-
on many returns were petitioned against ; and
emittees of the House of Commons had no
ion farther than to declare whether the
members were or were not duly elected.
j ascertained the fact, one way or the other, whether
t practices had existed to such an extent as to render
action void, the !Unctions of tee committee were at an
Hence it was easy for the parties, by an arrangement

HOUSE OF COMMONS.—TnutesDAY, Arc. 24
The SPEAKER took the chair at 12 o'clock.
PRIVATE BUSINESS.
THIRD HEADING.— Ca, of Iced= Sewen Bill.
PUBLIC BUSINESS.
SECOND READlNG.—Ratersea Park Bal.
REPORTS.—Trwfer of Landed Property (Ireland); Fever (Ire-
_...

THlRD—Weetmineter Improrement
THIRD HEADDlGlik—ltnlauful O►tb (Ireland); Bankrupts' Re-

famegrfoseromfrathnedstathmapt
duty, would only then get a worse one. The house then divided
bthe nbject of the resolution on which to fo
on the question of adjourning the debate.
Ayes
32 carried on in the Channel Islands. paper',
islands
re
Nees
Mr. FORBES made en ineffectual attempt to address the Bement duly, and the postage duty, and admitsg
house, amidst cries of " Spoke." taken of this circumstance to print papers there with-
Capt. VYSE moved that the house do adjourn (as he to circulation in this country. In one case 20,000 copies riser
subsequently discovered he had done, that Mr. Forbes might paper printed io the Welsh language were sent into Wales-
be heard). This was not only a gross fraud on the revenue, but •
Lord J. RUSSELL obsessed that the hon. and learned subiecting the newspaper proprietors in this country to en. it
member (Mr. Napier) who said he would oppose but net fair competition.
obstruct the bill, had, with a due regard to his own Chiral- The resolution was agreed to, and the house resumed,
ter, left the house. and adjourned at • quarter p,st 2.
Mr. FORBES then reiterated the ob'ections he had made
to the bill at the steely sitting, and
Mr. SPOONER rose to address the house, when
Sir G. GREY interposed, and expressed a hope that hon.
members would pay a substantial regard to the rules of the
house by not speaking twice in the same debate. The hon.
member (Mr. Forbes) bad scam made the speech vr,hich he
bad delivered in the morning, and he supposed the hon.
member for Birmingham rose to do so too. (A laugh.) lie
wished to offer 00 obstacle to lull and free discussed', but he
ttliiioeutriruhut.eitfroartliaieorntozeglebaetniantoinfLigeerar infringement
precisely the
ethreullismoef
speech at 12 o'cl ick at night that they had made at 12 o'clock
the same day. (Hear, hear.)
Capt. VYSE begged to say that he in no way desired to
offend sgeiast the rules of the house, or offer any factious
opposition to the bill. He had moved the adjournment of
the house to give his hon. friend (Mr. Forbes) an oppor-
tunity of speaking, conceiving she he was about to throw a
new light upon the subject. (Roars of laughter.)
Mr. SPOONER persisted in andressing the house, and
denied that he was acting in a factious spirit by doing so ;
and that he was only exercising a constitutional privilege
and diem:seeing his duty, from which he would not shriek.
After a short conversation,
Capt. VYSE withdrew his motion for the adjournment of
the house, and a divi-ion took place upon the main question,
when the numbers were, ill
For going int 'committee
Against it
The house then went into committee on the bill.
Mr. ANSTEY moved a verbal amendment on the second
clause, to omit the words " Notwithstanding anything con
tained, in the acts now in force it would be," and to insert
the words "it is;" the effect of which would be to render
the law declaratory that it wax the law of the land to hold
relations with the Pope, as Lord Campbell had eepressed his
opinion in a speech made on the 11th of May, 1846.
Lard J. RUSSELL said that Lords Cottenham and
Campbell no doubt thought it to be lawful, but considered it
advi.able to remove all doubts. Lord Campbell bad pro-
nounced a very different opinion to that quoted by the hon.
member the other night.
The gallery was then cleared, but the amendment was
negatived without a division. On its re-opening,
Capt. HARMS reminded the house that the Pope might
cease to be a temporal prince without ceasiog to be the
spiritual head of the catholic church of Rome. He moved
the exclusion of the words " court of Rome."
Lord PALMERSTON did not understand that the words
" court of Rome" were intended to apply to the spiritual
jurisdiction of the Pope.
Mr. HENLEY suggested that the words " Sovereign of
the Rueran states" be inserted instead of the words " court
of Rome."
Levi PALMERSTON said he had no objection to the
alteration ; and
Capt. It ARRIS withdrew his amendment.
Mr. C. PEARSON said he understood the object of this
bill was to remove doubts, and that it might do this more
effectually be would move the insertion, at the end of the
first clause, of the words toushing and concerning inter-
national, mil, commercial, and political relations between
her Majesty, her heirs and successors, and the Sovereign for
the time being of the Roman stet, s." This would prevent
the application of the diplomatic intercourse to any religious
matters. He hoped, from the course the debate bad taken,
that the noble lord opposite would not think it right to re-
sist this amendment. He had heard with some surprise
that at this moment arrangements were going on
with the sovereign of the Roman states for parti.
tioniag this country into Roman catholic bishoprics. This
would probably be the prelude to a proposal for the endow-
ment of the Roman catholic clergy. If ever such a measure
wire sanctioned it ought to be originated in this house, and
not by diplomatic arrangements. Believing, as he did, that
the interference of the state with the church was can awful
and dangerous to all parties, i.e was convinced that the exist-
leg union of the state with the protestant church wou'd nut
now be sanctioned if we were founding a constitution; it was
merely tolerated as a thing of long existence, which it would
be difficult to put an end to. The payment of the Roman
catholic clergy by the state would be an additional link in
the chain concecting the civil and ecclesiastical power; and
he was therefore anxious to guard against any pretext
for such an arrangement Ming furnished by this bill.
The noble lord opposite (Palmerston) having dis-
tiuctly stated that political objects only were contem-
plated by his bill, he could not reasonably refuse the adop-
tion of this amendment. Be (Mr. Pearson) was anxious to
gilled against the payment of the Roman catholic clergy
being made the condition of certain countervailing advan-
tages to be given to government, in the representation, for
instance, of Lambeth.
The SOLICITOR GENERAL said the words proposed
to be added would produce on'y an injurious effect. The
words "diplomatic intercourse" were well understood to
mean such intercourse as was he'd with the court of Prussia,
Austria. or any other government. Questions might arise
not coming within a, .y of the four descriptions eratraced in
the hon. member's amendment. Take, for instance, the
measure referred to by the hon. member—the division of this
country into bishoprics. He might clearly do this at pre-
sent ; but alter the passing of this bill, with the amendment
proposed, the government could offer no opposition to such a
proposal. Neither could they interpose in favour of the reli-
gious liberty of residents in R.me professing the protestant
faith ; for such interference would not come within the defi.
nition of diplomatic intercourse proposed by the hon. mem-
ber for Lambeth.
Mr. ANSTEY saw no ground for objecting to the amend-
ment, unless there was some unavowed object behind which
this bill was expected to serve. If the noble lord at the head
of the government really meant to deal fairly with the house
and the country, and to conceal nothing as to the real aims
and objects of this measure, he would signify his anent to
the amendment. In order that the subject might be fully
considered, he (Mr. Anstey) would move that the chairman
now report progress, and ask leave to sit again. (" No, no,"
and cries of " Divide.")_
Mr. M. J. O'CONNELL concurred with the hon. and
learned member for Youghal, and thought the bill was in-
tended to interfere with the spiritual rights and religious
privili ges of the Roman catholic population of this country.
Mr. BRIGHT oppoeed the amendment, and thought that
if the bill was altered tee now proposed, it would be better to
reject it altogether.
Sir R. R. INGLIS was of opinion that the words of the
amendment, if applied to a measure for estitilishing diplo-
matic relations with any other sovereign than the Pope,
would involve a truism, and were therefore surplusage.
Lord PALMERSTON thought the amendment would, if
carried, be productive of great inconvenience from the re-
finement of construction which would be put on its
terms. The hon. baronet (Sir R. H. Inglis) had some years
since applied to him (Lord Palmerston) to make a represen-
tation to the government of Savoy in favour of the religion
of the Vaudois, and afterwards to interfere with Switzerland
to prevent interference with the religion of some Scotch resi-
dents thi re. Would the hon. baronet define this interfe-
rence in either of these cases as political, international, civil,
or commercial
Sir IL B. INGLIS replied that with respect to the inter.
ference on behalf of the Vaudois, be had asked it under
a treaty with the government of Savoy, which reserved
to England the right of intervention. In Switzsrland, the
right to worship according to their own tenets had been con-
ceded to the Scottish residents. But what was at present
the case in Rome? Why, the British subjects professing the
acme religion as her Majesty had not been able to obtain
permission from the favoured sovereign of the Roman states
to have • building appropriated to religious worship, but
were obliged to moil for that purpose to a granary outside
the cite of home.
In answer to a question put by Col. THogrsow,
Lord PALMERSTON said that if the Pope ceased to be
sovereign of the Roman states, and that they should either
be taken by Austria or become a republic, there was no law
to prevent her Majesty establishing diplomatic relations with
them—it was only because the Pope was the sovereign that
this measure was necessary
Sir D. L. EVAlsT,allUding to the complaints of the
British subjects resident at Rome, of the refusal of a place
of worship, said that the way to get that era redressed was
to pass this bill.
After a few words from Mr. DRUMMOND (Surrey) and Mr.
NEWDEOATE, in support of the amendment, and from Mr.
MACGREGOR against it,
Mr. REYNOLDS said it was difficult for an unlearned
person like him to understand what the bill was. The hon.
and learned member for the University of Dublin said it
was a bill to make railways in Italy. (Laughter.) The
hon. and learned member far Youghal said that the bill
would interfere with the independence of the Roman
catholic church, and others again said it was a blow at the
protestant church. He believed it was a measure calculat,d
to get rid of the bigoted and exclusive legislation of former
days. (Hear, hear.) He was sure that there was no danger
in this bill tither to the Roman catholic or prixestant church.
(lieu, hear.) Hon. gentlemen said that this was a protestant
country. He denied that. One-third of the population were
Raman catholic, and at least another third were dissenters.
(Bear, hear.) He looked upon the measure as a proof of
the march of enlightenment and toleration. (Hear, lieu.)
Mr. ROBINSON did not see, if this bill contemplated
merely political relations with the Court of Rome, what ob-
jection there could be to the insertion of the words proposed.
Strangers were ordered to withdraw, but no division took
place, the motion for reporting progress having been post.
poet;.
After a few words from hir.Ansrar, the committee divided
SS Mr. Peamon's amendment.
For the amendment 3O
Against it
Kr. M.J.O'CONN ELL moved that the words " sovereign
pontiff" be added to the clause. He wished to bring out the
fact whether they would retaliate the Pope the title by which
he was generally recognised.
Mr. B. DRUM/AGED was surprised that the hon. gen
demon should wish for the head of his church a title which.
was applied to all the pagan priests. (Hear. and laughter.)
The committee divided—Poe the amendment.. 8
Against lO4-96
The clause was then agreed to.
Mr. SPOONER moved that the chairman report progress,
which was agiretl to.
POSTAGE ON NEWSPAPERS (CHANNEL
ISLANDS).
The house went into committee on this subject,
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said that

EhECTION COMMITTEES-YkSTERDAY.

•
CHELTENHAM.—The committee terminated its
boon by deciding the late election to have be,n a void
election.
HORSUANl.—Evidence u to bribery and treating

ght effaoo.

MAILS.

The malls for British North America, and the United States
will be made up the evening of the 20th Aug.
The mails for %%go, Oporto, Lisbon, alittetra, Cadiz, and Gibraltar
will be mule up on the morning of the 27th Aug.
The mails for New south Wales, Van Dieman's Land, ass Nes,
Zealand will be made up on the evening ut the 31.4 Auzist.
The mails for the West Gast of Africa and Madeira will be mad.
up on the evemiog of the Slat August.
The West Lnitia Mails, including Bermuda, Nassau, H.
Honduras, New Orleans, Vera Crux Tampico, and Porto Kim ana
excluding those for Madeira, Jaemel, C-arthagen
magma, P■ 11•011, West Coast of South Amertm, and ,it. Avails
Nicaragua, will be made up on the morning of the lad Sept.
The mails for the Bniails, the Hiner Plate, Monte %UM,' Perms,
wen, Bahia, Madeira, and Buenos Ayres, will be made up ca as
evening of the Nth September.
The overland closed mails, via Marseilles, to the Mediterrxeme,
rms., Assn, Cellos, lobe, Hong-Kong, etc., will be made up alas
evening of the 7th September.
The overland mails lot Ottiraltar, mete, Givinm, the lonisnaleas
larypt, Aden, Gallon, India, Hong-Kong, and China, rim tiontesai;
ton, will be made up on the evening of the 20th Sept.

NOTICE TO ADVE:37IB447ERS.OOO.
STAMPS number of STA'S issued by the aath•onties flea
tamp-office, during 1847, to the
DAILY NEWS was

This, we believe, is within eight per cent, of the nix*
uisued to the Morning Herald, /awning CleronicU,
Morning Poet, ALL PUT TOGETHIM
In addition to the above, issued to the DAILY NEWS,
Morning Paper, there were issued for the Even:nq EQ44
T EDI EXPRESS 778 714
Which was more, we believe, than were joined "ilia Is
he Olotee or Standard, Rveainie Paper".

1013 WAYVR Wr 1..1001 R mar,
Tot. D4,--Plonttett. I els. WI Attune', 4 '
T0.....0,4juputi, 0 mlo. put V: Alternaut tun. pulp

LONDON, FRIDAY, AUGUST 25.
WE cannot admit the similitude, which a contempo-
rary discovers, between Lord CLARENDON and Gene.
ral CAVAIGNAC. The French executive has just trans.
ported aome thousands of refractory republicans without
consulting judge or jury, and without the ceremony
of a trial. The ostensible leaders of the Parisian out-
burst have been disposed of by courts-martial, earl
I sent to the galleys. The members of the French par-
liament who sympathised with the ideas, for which
the Parisian imeutiers fought, have had an inquest
held, in which all kinds of evidence have been raked
up, so as to implicate them with the actual move-
ment. In France it is one system of terror, which
seeks to combat and put down another system of the
same nature.
This is precisely what the tories admire in France,
and recommend in Ireland. The abolition of the jury,
the gagging of the press, the substitution of military
for civil rule, the violent suppression, not merely of
rebellion, but of association and discussion, areeagerly
recommended. And to have conquered insurrection
is accounted nothing, unless agitation be also extin-
guished. These are not the acts or principles of go.
vernment practised by Lord CLARENDON. Nothing
could be more exemplary than the patience of the
Viceroy under the most fearful menaces, the most oat-
rageous and atrocious contumely, that ever assailed t
man in authority. No one can say, that military
force was empl led in Ireland before it was called
for, or more than it was called for. The Irish pram
has enjoyed a license which betrayed the younger
hands and heads to exchange the pen for the pike,
and, indeed, to confound the use of both. And Irish
writers and their friends have reason to regret that
the law, with respect to them, was not more preventive
than vindictive. An earlier suppression of Nations and
Felons would have been mercy. But the Irish Vice-
roy has kept the constitutional pace, and awaited till
both the law and public opinion were fully ou his side
in taking measures of repression.
Those attached to the freedom of Ireland, as well
as to its connexion with England, could not, perhaps,
have desired the manifestation of rebellion in t
different shape from that in which it did appear. Its
formidable elements were made to assume the
most ridiculous shape and the moat abortive
character. Its leaders, instead of making them-
selves objects of admiration and sympathy
even in defeat, managed to assume the character of
the pusillanimous and insane. Physical force could
not have been reduced to a more flagrant quad
absurdum. We will not deny that there were large
masses of peasantry very ready to march and to form
a rebel army, if the prospect for such was at all pro-
mising. But the disaffection has received a salutary
lesson, and we think a more effectual one than if it
had stood up in the field and been shattered and dis-
persed, like the Parisian mob, by cannon. The feel-
ings of the Parisians in their discomfiture remain
perilously vindictive. Mortification and shame pre-
vail in Ireland, and are more pacific, if not more to

signed.
• We cannot therefore consider the position of Lid
CLARENDON as at all resembling that of General
CAVAIGNAC. Nor do we see any need for those
extreme remedies and suspension of legal forms,
which the French commander deems the exigency
demands. Gen. CAVAIGNAC'S excuse is, that he
more liberal and constitutional than the parliament
which appointed him. He tempers their agonies
for penalties and reaction. Lord CLARENDON is in-
deed assailed in the government of Ireland by the
panic cries of the ascendant party. They are at
present in full cry against the jury law because a ma'
viction has not been procured against the editor of
paper who was in prison when the incriminated arty
Glee appeared, and of whose having written or kali&
diately sanctioned the publication of those articlee,
the jury required positive and irrefragable plod,
not furnished to their satisfaction. The non-oce•
viction of DOHERTY, however, offers no reason to dealt
the conviction of men who have appeared with aro
in their hands, who have ordered and directed se
attack, and raised the standard of rebellion. Ilu
acquittal of SMITH O'BRIEN would indeed shake the
jury system to its foundation. But surely, the puke-
loility of such an acquittal is exaggerated. Irtahm•
cannot be so silly as to undermine and shake down
the only pillar and guarantee of their liberties, and
give strength and speciousness to the tory theoriesfor
' the government of their country.
We have no fear of anything so mad or so fatal
That the law should be vindicated, and that speedilh
without cruelty, but without weakness, is necesul
for the peace of Ireland, and that these prosecutions
should take place and these ends be attained as ree
larly and as facilely as repression was achieved,
greatly to be desired. Rebellion has played its
pitiable part, sad the sooner it is removed from tbs
view and the remembrance of the people the better.
Other duties await the government of Ireland, thh
duty of meeting an almost inevitable famine, and lir
are obliged to say with the means that Ireland Aiwa
and its resources can furnish.
This is a teak more formidable than any Old
General CAVAIGNAC has to encounter; and it if
one that requires the assistance and combieer
tion of all the property and all the intelligesre
of Ireland to meet it. The task is one of fearful di&
edges, bat it is one that offers in its solution,pedirre
the means of allaying many of those animosities and
antagonisms of class and race, which are quite 111 deo*
gerous when smothered and brooded over, as whet
rampant and rebellious. Parliament and the Eager
government this year evidently shrink from into%
fering to feed or to employ. The Irish landlord sal
the Irish peasaat will be left to themselves. It it
time for both to see that their mutual interest dein
mutual accord, and that obstinacy or hardheartednel
on either side must beget the ruin of both. The Irish
peasant must now more than ever be prone tO
ft
distrust the hope of bettering his condition by vie'
lence, present or prospective. The Irish proprOsr
and the Irish middle class must feel that legislatire
wisdom is not equal to the great task of settling or
reformingroanthe
Viceroy,lrelan d;andthtaiey e shprooulmdp,t
nitheaersetifes, ryes
r 511..,/
measures than mere intimidation—to prevent t1:1.1
rebellion of empty sentiment meditated and attemP

any imetaieuagua us.
the company woe
F I would secure pat
the island.
The motion WA
CORRUPT P
The LORD CH
kg (AMU bill, sa
and the remedies
Wafers' with 111
Iltrawyto
exinizteaw
i
to
extent th
• I I the nuady that c
rel &Mica man
I II i the scaraittese
iarisiledea fur
Wag amino
!ram, mufti
the eteet=setold,
11 tad. Hewn it