The Express.
London, England, 1848-07-03 00:00:00

THE EXPRESS, MONDAY EVENING, JULY 3, 1818.

"stream prim* Oalatx balm to-day 9/. par ton.
Indian kl Meets a Air e, at a merely similar decline.
81soold the Potato crop, als expected, turn out well, these
last-nanted articles would soon bosoms a complete drug in
**market. •
LUIRRICI, July 1.-The weather for the weak has been
most ungenial, high boisterous winds, with heavy showers ;
it is feared, if centinued, it will militate Featly against the
crops. The
ground of thinner and paella. failure in the
Wheat gains . Oats and Barley, howeser, look well.
Supnlies of grain from the farmers are very small ; prices well
maintained, and fur good fresh corn an &dean*e paid on im.
ports. Very few exports, and little doing in pre-
pared grain. The demand for Indian Corn has abated,
but, as none has arrived, the price was sustained. In Indian
Meal a large retail trade. Irish and American Flour dull,
but for inferior qualities of the latter a better demand exists.
AU other bread-stuffs partake of the same tone, according to
quality. The following are the current prices: Wheat,
white,lBl4. per stone red, 17W. Oats, 10,1. to Ild. Oasts
Indian Corn, 91. lee. to 9!. 17s. 6d. per tun; Ibrail,
91. 12s. Gd.; Tuscany, &c., 9!. 12r. 6d. yellow American,
91. 12s. 6d.; white, Dl. 12s. 6d. Flour, Irish, 32a. per beg ;
American sweet, no.per barrel; sour, 17e. Oatmeal, 131
per ton.
WATERFORD, July 1.-The supply of farmers' Wheat to
our market this week has been exceedingly small, and for
prime samples an advance of from 3d. to 61. per barrel has
been genenelly paid; in the value of prepared parcels no
change can he noted. The show of Barley at present is so
trifling, that the quotations for it may be considered norni•
nal. Oats, both black and white, have been in improved
demand during the week, at the full prices of Saturday last.
Indian Corn must be noted lower by Is. to Is. 6d. per barrel,
and at this reduction sales can only be made in retail. Flour
of the best quality has been readily disposed of at an advance
of fel.;per sack ; but in the value of inferior sorts there has
been no change. The following are the current prices:
Undried Wheat, millers', per 20 stone, 275. 3d. to 28s. 6d.;
shipping, 2.55. Gd. to 265. Barley, per 16 stone, grind-
ing, 13s. to 13a. 61. Oats, white, per 14 stone, 10.. 61.
to lls. ; black, Ida. to Ile. 3d. Prepared: Wheat,
millers', per 20 stone, 295. to 295. Gd.; shipping, 275. 6d. to
28s. Barley, grinding, per 16 at., 141. 911. to 15s.
Oats, white, per -14 at., Ida. W. to IL. 9,1. ; black, lie. 6d.
to lls. 9.1. Flour, superfine, per sack, 38s. to 38s. 64.;
seconds, 345. to 3.55. ; thirds, 31s. to 32.. ; fourths, 21s.
to 255. Indian Corn, Danube, per 20 at., 20s. Gd. to 21s.
American, yellow and red, 20,. ; white, 20s. Indian Corn
Meal, per cwt., 9s. 6.1. Oatmeal, pet cwt., 13s. to Hs.
Bran, per 6 et., 3a. to 3s. 3d.
liinxesniv, July 1.-A great deal of rain has fallen
during the week ; the groundis very wet, so much so, that
for the moment agticultural operations are suspended ; to-
day it is fair, with a rising barometer. At our country
markets this week, we had a moderate quantity of Wheat
and Oats offering, which sold readily, the former et Is. ad-
ranee, the latter at Gd. per quarter reduction on last week's
rites ; hardly a sample of either Barley, Beans, or Peas
offering. Here today we had rather a large supply of
Wheat, which sold slowly, at fully last week's rates; Barley
and Oats were in very small supply, nevertheless sales were
dull, and prices were about Gd. per quarter in favour of the
buyer. Wheat, 431. to 545. Gd. ; Barley, 28s. to 335.; Oats,
20s. to 23a.; Oatmeal, per bag of 280.b5., 311. to 3•25.

Dunure ELECTION COMMIE, SATURDAY.—
The scrutiny was continued, mad two Totes were struck off
the majority.

PARLIAMENTARY DIVISION.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.—SUGAR DUTIES.
MIN. IT V of 36, to 3h2, who voted to favour of Mr. Bright'. arisen&
meet, that it is not now expedient to make any alteration in the
Sugar Duties Act of 'NO.
Aglionby, 11. A. Farm W. Mowatt, F. Thompson, Col.
Buitverie, Ito. E. Fox, W. J. Muntz, G. F. Thomtroo, G.
Howring, Dr. Greene, J. Osborne, It. Tbninely, T.
Brotherton, J. Henry, A. Yilkirgton, I. Trelawnv, J. 13.
Cobden, It. Keating, It. Ricardo, J. L. ViUlens, lion. C.
Crawford, W. S. Kershaw, .1. Salwey, Col. Witham, 3,
Devereux, J. T. Luehington, C. Scholenckl, W.
Duff, 6. S. M'Gregor, J. Smith, J. R. Tat.tyw.
Duncan, G. Mitchell, T. A. Tancred, 11. W. Gibson, M.
Evans, Sir D. L. Mulesworth, W. Thickneme, R. Aiiright, J.

owing not to the inadequacy of the grant, but to
the injudicious manner in which they have used it.
Lord JOHN RUSSELL did not gain much by an in-
terruption he cffered to Mr. Barony. The hon.
member for Manchester said :
It he bast been the 'nolde lord he would have stood at the
table and defended the important measure of 1846, upon the
ground of its important results, both as to commerce and
revenue; for there never had been a bill passed with more
Important
Lord J. Russell : I stated so.
Mr. Bright: But the noble Lard has not adhered to it.
Lord Joint has not adhered to his successful
measure, and by yielding has compromised the cause
of free trade. The additional protection conceded by
Lord JOHN to the West Indians for a prolonged term
can be shown upon his own assumption not to be
needed. In granting it Lord JOHN proceeds on the
assumption that the addition he -„has made to the
differential duties imposed by the act of 1846 is suffi-
cient, and that the duties imposed by that act
are the whole amount of protection enjoyed by. Bri-
tish sugars under it. This latter assumption is in-
correct. The West Indians are'engaged in a vigorous
struggle to prevent the withdrawal of the slave-sup-
pression squadron from the west coast of Africa.
They maintain that they have an equitable claim
to the maintenance of this squadron, because
by diminishing the supply of slaves to Brazil
and Cuba it increases the price of them in these
countries; and because the 'liberated negroes are •1
source whence the Briti,h \Vest Indies receive a supply'
of free labourers. la addition to the protection
afforded to West India sugars by the differential duty
which the consumers in this country pay, we must i
take into account the cost of the West African
squadron borne by the tax-payers in this country to
make slave labour dear in Brazil and Cuba, and free
labour cheap in the British West Indies. The cost of
that squadron to this country, and the gain which the
West Indians repri sent themselves as deriving from
it, amount to more than the increase upon the differ-
ential duty said by Lord JOHN to be required; and,
cense quentiv, if lie had honestly stated the whole
Itnemnt of protection enjoyed by the West Indians,
at the cost of British tax-payers, he must have proved
that the boon he calls upon parliament to grant them
was not needed. Lord JOHN'S measure is merely the
result of ministers flinching from the assertion of their
principles,because they axe tired out with protectionist
pressure.
The manner in which the CHANCELLOR 01' TUE
EXCII EQU ER attempted to meet the argumint, that in
the acknowledged difficult condition of the national
finances it is inexpedient to tamper with the sugar
duties, was eminently unsatisfactory. He estimates
the maximum loss on the sugar duties at 45,000/.
This is close computation. Can Sir CHARLF.S say
with confidence of any tax that he can approximate
nearer than this to its probable yield before-
hand ? He might say at once that there
will be no less if he can confidently name
this as the maximum. But to arrive at this
conclusion he is obliged to assume that the re-
duction of le. per cwt. in the duty on West
India sugars in 18-18-9 will lead to an increased con-
sumption. Now he knows that even though the
belief that the import of sugars in that year from the
British \Vest Indies will be lees than the import in
the preceding year, there can be no increase in the
consumption of West India sugars at any price, with-
out such a diminution of stocks as must at once cause
prices to rise again. And as soon as the consumer
is forced to fall back upon foreign sugars, the diffe-
rential duty comes into play to raise prices. There
can be no doubt that under the altered rates of duty
proposed by ministers, the prices of sugar will rule
higher in 1818-9 than in 1847-8. The consequence
will be a diminished consumption, and a consequent
diminution of revenue much beyond what the CHAN-
Ck LLOR OF THE Exert EQUER pretends to expect.
In arguing thus Sir CHARLES is trifling with the
public, and he trifles still more offensivrly with it in
what he added respecting the general prospects of the
revenue. His expressed hope of finding the alleged
defioit of two millions reduced to half a million pur-
ports to rest upon a probable increase of the
revenue owing to the great malting capabilities
cf last year's barley ; and upon the "ease" with
which reductions may be made in the cost
of cur defensive establishments. The contem-
plated increase in one branch of revenue is too trifling,
the grounds upon which it is looked for too vague and
uncertain, to admit of any confidence being reposed
in it. The cool way in which the ministers who
abetted the national defence panic now talk of re-
ducing the navy estimates, and dispensing with
calling out the militia, would be amusing, but
for the importance of the interests they have been
trifling with. The panic having served its turn
is now thrown overboard, partly to induce the House
of Commons to pass the new sugar duties, and partly
to break the shock of coming revelations by the com-
mittees on the estimates. Ministers almost appear to
have no definite knowledge or opinion respecting the
state of the national finances, but to shape their repre-
sentations of them according to the impression they
wish to mike at the moment on the House of
Commons.
And the House of Commons shows itself equally lax
in principle, equally unsettled in opinion with minis-
ters, and drifts backwards and forwards in its policy
according to the impulses that political leaders give it
in seeking their own personal ends. The fate of Mr.
Harem's motion ought to warn the free traders out
of doors to be on the alert. The fast-and-loose state-
ments of the CHANCELLOR oF TIIE EXCHEQUER ought
to warn financial reformers throughout the empire to
be on the alert. And both taken together ought to
give a spur to the efforts making to have our charac-
terless House of Commons thoroughly remodelled.

TIIE great dissolvent of a country's unity atd the
great destruction of its power is to be four.d in the
predominance of family interests over national ones.
Mere never wax a country which suffered itself to be
so sacrificed, parcelled out, tyrannized over, and made
the mere plaything of family claims and caprice, as
Germany. lor centuries, no public u.an, no prince,
no general, no statesman, has ever elevated his
mind to a consideration of German interests,
There has been tho House of Austria, enlisting on
its side half the mind and the power of Germany.
And there was opposed to it a Protestant league and
a Swedish prince in one century, the rising monarchy
of Prussia in the next. Bat for Germans or Germany
no one thoughout these two centuries ever thought.
During the last thirty years, however, the great
Teutonic population between the Rhine and the Oder,
I the Rhine and the Vistula, have begun to think more
of themselves and less of their princes, more of the
causes and the ends of unity, less of the causes and
ends of disunion. They perceive, that whilst they
have been fighting for creeds and for houses and
for certain delimitations of the German soil amongst
German sovereigns, the interests, the power, the
honour, and the liberties of their common country
have been grossly sacrificed.
The example and the events of a neighbouring
country have forcibly struck them. France has spent
three quarters of a century in continued throes, during
which it has adopted all principles and tried all regimes.
The result of this long series of experiments has been
a determination on the part of the French *pie to
be no longer made the dupes and victims of a family
interest. The French aim at a republic. They may find
some difficulty and many interruptions in establishing
it. At critical moments the French are very capable
of humbling their necks to a dictator, to a man of
energy, representing a principle or a necessity, and
fit to carry it out. But that the French will ever give
up the management and conduct of their high national
interests to a family which shall pretend to make a
patrimony of them,—that no one any longer can be-
lieve. Dictatorial power may now and then prevail
in France; but whatever be the momentary form of
the executive, there will always be a republic at
I the bottom and at the end of it.
The only way to stop this spirit of republicanism
from spreading over Europe—and it is gaining con-
verts, and making strides at this moment in Germany
and in Sclavonia and in Italy and in Spain—is for
princely houses to throw aside family interests—as
our own dynasty in England has done—and leave
power and policy to the great national parties.
Louis PHILIPPE might have done this in France,
and if so, he wouli have been reigning now. Can
the Princes of Germany, however, merge their in-
terests in those of their nation?
There is a great desire in the German mind not to
destroy, an unanimity in the middle classes to respect
those above them ; and it is the philosophic tired of
the country to build upon old, rather than upon new
foundations. In fact, there are abundant elements of
conservatism in Germany, so abundant that the aris-
tocratic and princely classes have but to behave
fairly and patriotically in order to retain all privileges

and advantages worthy or jest to prom But
princely aristocracy is so entmellitsd sod omtrenched
in the conetry, which it luta cut up for mere vi-
dual and family , that to establish unity is
extremely difficultP.unegeongress of Frankfort has
begun by seeking to conciliate the higher powers. It
has decreed, that it will establish the general consti-
tution in harmony with what exists rather than by
over-ruling it ; and in order to render the central rule
more dignified and palatable to the princely classes,
as welt as to conciliate the greatest and oldest of the
German kingdom, it has selected Archduke Jolts of
Austria to be the head of the provisional central exe-
cutive, with the intention no doubt of continuing the
Prince as head of the permanent executive.
The civic virtues of this prince certainly entitle him to
suffrages of the German people. Abandoning the
ansortof Vienns,and waiving all future claim to inherit
the imperial throne, Archduke JOHN long since retired
toStyria, married a lady from the middle ranks of so-
ciety, and devoted himself to industrial occupations.
The troubles of Vienna summoned him to that
capital, and his first act there was to force Prince
METTERNICH to resign, and thus put an end to the
old regime of stupid and senseless tyranny.
The Archduke JOHN is, however, a very old man,
fitter to temporise and get through a difficult crisis
by patience and blandness, than to take the lead of
any current of popular feeling, and conduct it from ex-
travagant to salutary aims. The Archduke JOHN
cannot but be strongly imbued and influenced with
family interests, with those of his own house of
Lorraine, and of the other reigning families of Ger-
many. lie is, therefore, very unlikely to advance or
carry out the great aim of the revolution.
And if the liberal partisans of that revolution
and of the unity expected of it, find that the only re-
sult of the German congress has been the election of
an aged ptince, to pother with great interests, they
will infallibly recur to more radical, and violent, and
popular modes of effecting the object of their desires.
It mey be, however, that the great powers and
families have come to an understanding that the pre-
sidency or lieutenancy of the empire shall be alter-
nately held by one of them; that the Archduke JOIIN
is allowed by Prussia to pass first, his great age
rendering it probable that the Austrian lead will not
be of long duration. Should this be the case, and
should the interests of the great German powers pre-
vail at Frankfort, the desired object of unity may be
obtained at the expense of the minor powers, and in
despite of any obstructions they may otter. But this
is scarcely the result desired by those who wrought
the revolution. And we must look for much serious
discontent, many violent efforts, struggles between
classes, and vicissitudes in the fortune and issue of
those struggles, ere Germany reaches anything like a
normal state of liberty and union.