The Express.
London, England, 1847-01-09 00:00:00

THE EXPRESS, SATURDAY EVENING, JANUARY 9, 1847.

There are extreme ills in the body politic which
are beyond the power of common remedies, and which
at all times have defied statesmen to cure. When a
country is left to itself, and has not taken precautions
and remedial measures in time, the result is revolu-
tion. The country works out its own cure, and often-
times its own salvation, though a century of suffering
may be gone through, by revolution. If Ireland were
abandoned to itself, were English power, and supre-
macy, and assistance withdrawn from it, as some of
the maniacs of that country demand, the consequence,
the inevitable consequence, would be a revoluti,m,
a great social revolution, proceeding from causes alto-
gether apart from difference of either religion or race.
The power of England prevents this, wisely and
humanely, and cannot do other than prevent it. But
the power of England must be exerted to supply the
remedy that Ireland would work through fever and
horror fur itself, by measures not so violent or
expensive, but still measures partaking, by their bald-
ness, and universality, and necessity, almost of the
nature of one of those social catachlysma which nature
offers as a fearful remedy, when a political state has
reached its worst.

We see that Dr. BOWRING has given notice of his
intention to bring before the (louse of Commons the
subject of alteration in our weights and measures, and
the introduction of the decimal system. Few of our
readers have any distinct notion of the inconveniences
of the present system, or of the proper mode of dis-
cussing the balance of the loss and gain which a
change would produce. We could easily till a
column with these; but not wishing to waste time,
we shall only endeavour to place before them a few
fundamental positions, on which a very large majority
of those who have attended to the subject arc pretty
well agreed.
A decimal system of measures and coinage is one
in which all subdivisions are tens; in which, to
borrow existing names, a pound is ten ounces, an
ounce ten di achms, a drachm ten grains; a sovereign
is ten shillings, a shilling ten pence, a penny ten
farthings, and so on. Nobody questions that if a
system were now to be established, none who have a
right to look at the outer wall of Bedlam would
vote for any thing but decimals ; or a pure binary
system, in which every thing proceeds by tiros. There
are a few who think that the natural tendency to
halve, and the great convenience of successive halving,
give to the latter system a right to stand up against
the former; but we think they are a small mino-ity.
However, as it is, we are hampered with a motley
system, in which gold and silver, as money, the same
as bullion, drugs, other goods of weight, measures of
content, of length, and of surface, are all subdivided
in different ways, with neither the natural simplicity
of the binary system, nor the artificial simplicity of
the decimal one. And the questions which arise arc,
should this medley be reduced to decimal uniformity ;
and if so, what is the eas,est way of doing it?
On the first question the public must decide for
itself. Facility is not facility except to those who
think so ; and we are afraid the common sense which
faces a small inconvenience that posterity may have
a great advantage, is not yet quite so strong as the
League was this time last year. Still, firm in the
belief that the change will come, we gladly lend our
aid to promote it, discussion.
Now it so happens that all who study the subject
are agreed that the change, when it is made, must
begin with the coinage : and that all its other parts
may be deferred until the effect of this one is seen.
If the coinage were once decimalized, there is little
doubt that the public itself would soon demand the
rest of the system.
We will suppose a person well disposed to think
that those who have given this subject their attention
know better than himself what will be best in the
long run : and yet a little afraid that he shall be a
victim to the change ; that his poor head will be made
giddy by having to reckon new-fangled money. To
him we will put three questions :
1. Would it veil much distress you it government w. re
to call in the hall-crowns. irme two-shilling pieces under
some short and easy name, and allow a couple of years to
familiarise one to the change.
2. At the end of the two years, could not one in two years
more contrive to understand a coin of the value of twopence-
halfpenny: not five to the shilling, but five to the shilling-
halfpenny, ten to two and a penny ?
3. Last of all, could one contrive to forget the halfpenny
on the shilling, and the penny on ilia two .billings, by virtue
of an alteration of four per cent. in the copper coinage,
which would make the shilling exactly five of the new coins,
and the two shillings exactly ten If this could be done, one
could endure the change to a decimal coinage. The a...cret
is that the pound is now 960 farthing*, and it would be made
a thouaind, by alteration in the copper, not in the silver nor
the gold.
We can easily imagine our examinee, after a little
consideration, boldly declaring that a year, or even
six months, would he enough to learn each step in.
We could easily deal with honest fears. But we arc
apprehensive lest innovators of too much boldness
should attempt to carry the whole change at once, in
coinage, weights, and measures. And this attempt,
we predict, will utterly fail. So we say, coinage
first—the rest when you can.

The leading article of the Journal des DRsats of
Thursday, leaves no doubt as to the course which will
be followed by the French Foreign Minister on the
subject of the Spanish and Polish questions before
the Chambers. In the last number of the Rerun des
Deter .Vondes, appeared an article, which we noticed
at the time, upon the " affairs of Spain and Cracow,"
bearing the signature of M. d'Haussonville, a member
of the Chamber of Deputies. The chief part of this
article is reprinted in the leading columns of the
Debuts of Thursday, and that journal says that the
sentiments expressed in it arc such as it, the organ of
the cabinet, approves and adopts without reserve.
The article from the Revue des Deter Monde:, which
may now be regarded as a ministerial manifesto, is
much too long for quotation. The following, how-
ever, is its conclusion :
In various parts of this rapid examination of our situation
I have expressed an opinion that the dissensions with
England would not last, but rather that the good under-
standing between the two countries would soon be re-esta-
blished. Many persons share this opinion, supposing, how-
ever, that that pod understanding must evidently be pre-
ceded by the fall of one or the other cabinet ; and it is easy
to see that they hope that it is ours which by its fall will be
made the sacrifice of the reconciliation. I can hardly believe
that the English cabinet has • hand in this rather too
apparent game; should it be so, I should be sorry to
hear that our government attempted to defend itself in
a similar manner. Besides that, it would not probably find
on the other side of the channel so many willing hands to
second it in its patriotic work, its cause is such a good one
that it can submit it to the judgment not only of the adver-
saries of the present ministry in England, but to its advocates
in parliament. IThis entire administration, and the statesman
who represents it in its foreign relations, appreciate too
well the honour and the intercede of their country
not to understand that which, in the questions arisen
between France and England a sentiment exactly
analogous to their's swayed the actions of the
French cabinet. This great Whig party. the eminent
leaders of which they are at present, was always en-
roped with three great matters which have characterised
lb policy—great reforms in its own land, the propagation of
liberal ideas in Europe, and a taste for the French alliance.
Owing to circumstance., for which, however, it is not re-
sponsible, it had not the honour in the last few Tears of re-
pairing, whilst in power, the abuses for which ft demanded
redress. It is known what the Whigs did with the French
alliance on last coming to power, and how they found them-
selves leagued against us with the northern powers. It
is impossible for me to imagine that they can give
another denial of such a nature to their old traditions
of party, so powerful in England. The moment would
be ill-chosen. The etrugele between liberal ideas and
absolutist and retrograde inclinations was never so evident
since sixteen years as at the present day. England does not
wish to leave us the honour of being their only champion
in Europe. Should that, however, become the case, let us
hope that our government will not shrink from its task.
The situation would be serious, it would not be alarming.
Such causes are never left to themselves; the Almighty
watches over them mid guides them by paths which are
known to him. When he leads them in the world nothing
can impede their progress; they advance rapidly, and irre-
sistibly, like the waves of the sea, but of a Pea without tides,
and which never quits the ground it has washed over.
Individually I shall never despair of the success of the policy
of my country, as long as at home it enjoys the confidence
of the Chambers, and abroad the sympathy of the free
nations of Europe.
- -

The eve of the opening of the Chambers is signal-
ised by manifestoes and disavowals, proceeding from
every party
_through their respective organs of the
press. While the Dtshats adopts the programme of
M. dllaussonville, and anticipates the expression of
the sentiments of M. Ouizot, the Constitutionnel
consecrates its leading columns to an article
which bears the unmistakeable impress of
the pen of M. Thiers. This manifesto of
the leader of the Centre-Gauche, disavows in terms
the schism in the dynastic opposition, on the exist-
ence of which the ministerial party has been felicitat-
ing itself. The Coastitationnel admits that at the first
im.v.inent, after the announcement of the marriages,
a difference of opinion might have been manifested
among the leaders of the Opposition respecting acts,

i the circumstances and consequences of which were
then imperfecly known, but even then one fact was
flagrant—namely, that the gortrnment in a sin4le
day hail overturned what had been the basis of its
policy for six years. It was foreseen that this act
would be followed by humiliating sacrifices,
hut when the destruction of Cracow had rendered the
improvidence and selfishness of the cabinet evident,
and had exhibited the price paid fur a family alliance,
all doubts were dissipated among the Opposition, and
all hesitations and dissensions disippeared.
lint while the Constitutionnel thus disavows the
differences imputed to its own party, it retoits the
charge upon the cabinet, which it declares openly to
be divided against itself. " Who does not know," it
says, " that the good sense of the Minister of the
Interior revolts against the Spanish mea•ures, and
especially against the rupture of the English al-
liance."
The Constitutionnet concludes as follows:

But what are now the questions of persons or partirs?
The opposition will not be divided; it will hot justify the
hopes, it wiU not merit the disdain, of the Journal d's
Ikbests. Speeches are nothing at this moment, and mere
words have little importance. It is not with the opposition
that Government will have to strutgle, it is with the events
which they have created, with the political situation that
they have made, and with the consequences of their own
fault. France has never been in a position more grave and
Allure critical. Never has her future been more uncertain.
Liberty menaced, absolutism fostered, the rtvolutinn trampled
under foot at Cracow. a burning struggle at one very doors
in Switzerland, conflict* with England which may spread
over the whole world, European law enfeebled, and force
brought to bear ataiast treaties. These are the adversaries
that our Cabinet has raised against it.Ji Unhappily also
they are terrible for our country and our misc.
A report was current in Paris, and found admission
into some of the journals, that a difference had arisen
between the King of Prussia and the members of his
family, on the ssbjeit of the constitution proposed to
be granted to his states, his presumptive sacc;ssors
contending that whatever his individual opinions may
be, he ought nut to adopt measures of organic and per-
manent change in the principles of the Goeertunent
which would afterwards restrain them.
- "

A general rise in the markets round Paris has
taken place, as was expected. Wheat and barley
row 1 franc per hectolitre on Wednesday ; rising
in the same proportion. Wheat is now higher than
it has been at any time since the harvest.
A curious article has appeared in the Aressbury,
Gazette on the confiscation of Cracow, in which that
journal gravely states, that public opinion in Germany
has been manifested in a very unequivocal manner,
both in the press and other ways, in favour of what
the Gnzelle denominates the non-establishment of the
republic of Cracow, a novel synonym° for confiscation.
It is also announced that Sweden, as one of the
guntardeting parties of the treaties of Vienna, has
transmitted to the Austrian government the pro-
testation of King Oscar. Oscar, while he admits
the necessity of the measure, hopes that it will be the
last necessity of that kind, to which the three pro-
tecting powers will find themselves forced to yield.

Since the above was written, we learn that a cabi-
net council was held nt the Tuileries on Wednesday
afternoon, at which the king presided, when the royal
speech was decided on. It is said that there are three
paragraphs in it which will give rise to important de-
bates in the chamber. The first is the foreign rela.
tions of France; in which, instead of saying, as
that he continues to receive the pacific assurances
from foreign powers, the King is made to announce
merely to the t .tubers that his relations with foreign
powers allow Inn to hope that he will be able to
maintain peace. The paragraph on the marriage is
very explicit. The King felicitates himself on
having effected a marriage which will contribute to
strengthen the permanent alliance between the two
countries. Ministers have come to a determination
on the wording of the paragraph in the King's speech
reelecting Cracow. It speaks of the resolution of
the three powers ixintrary to the treaty of Vienna, as
"an event to be regretted." It concludes with a
formal announcement that the King has protested
against the incorporation of Cracow, and that he will
lay before the Chambers all documents relative to the
affair. On the 12th inst. M. Ouizot will communi-
cate all the notes on this subject exchanged between
France and the three powers, as well as between
France and England.

The Madrid mails of the let were received in Paris
on Thursday. A fall of snow, a most rare pheno-
menon at Madrid, took place on that day. The
Chaniber of Deputies had chosen two commissions for
the verification of powers. It had been reported that
the Queen-mother would leave for Paris,- but in the
event of her Majesty being enciente, this movement
would not take place.
El Clamor Piddle° announced that advises had
been received from Catalonia, on the 31st, from
various quarter., that four Carlist bands were sweep-
ing through the country. One of them consisted of
not less than 500 men. Although Cabrera himself
was not known to be personally present, it was not
doubted that he directed the movement of these
forces. Government had marched several regiments
into Catalonia and the Basque provinces, and had
sent two battalions to reinforce the garrison at Ma-
jorca, where it was supposed an attempt would be
made.

PARIS, JAN. 5,

The financial situation of France in gene'ral, and of
Path in particular, is becoming somewhat alarming.
The funds and railway shares are falling. The Bank's
resource in gold bas again diminished, and on the
26th of December amounted to 71,000,000 of francs
only. By means of a purchase of piastres made in
London, by M. Hottinguer, to the amount of
20,000,000 of francs, hopes are entertained of a re-
storation of the eluilibrium in the Paris monetary
system. The position of the treasury is better than
it has been. The account of the Bank, which had
fallen to 20,000,000, has risen to 54,000,000, and if
the Minister of Finance would give treasury-bills at
six months, at an interest of three per cent, he would
soon be in possession of as much money as it would
be convenient for him to receive. It had been ru-
moured on the Bourse that Government found itself
under the necessity of contracting a loan, but such is
not the ease. Mr. Lacave Laplagne has positively
declared to the principal bankers that government
had intentions of contracting a loan, and that the
resources of the floating debt would be sufficient for
all wants.

The payments required by the railway companies
are being punctually made. The Lyons Company has
already received 28 millions out of 30, and the
Northern Company had received in advance nearly a
million of franca before the appointed time. No other
company seems likely to want funds before April.
Discount is active, and though a crisis had been pre-
dicted as likely to take place in December last, it did
not arrive. At the close of December, the sum of
51,000,000 f. was due to the Bank of France for dis-
count bills. These payments have been made with
the greatest facility, and commerce never was on a
more solid basis. It is said that ministers wish
the Bank not to give such heavy discount;
but the 13-tnk will do well to neglect any such
imprudent injunction, as by an impeded cir-
culation the chances of a crisis would be increased.
Money is not wanting in France, and specie is abun-
dant : confidence only is wanted. A few words re-
garding
this want of confidence. The excess of rail-
way speculations has been felt through Europe, in
England and Germany more than in France ; but, of
course, Francchas had to feel the consequences of impru-
dence in other countries. We have felt the injury done
to public credit at Berlin and Vienna. Germans who
had shares in our railways have made a wholesale
trade of them, and numerous failures at Vienna,
Frankfort, and Berlin, have caused loss to our
bankers. Add to this, the uncertainty of our political
prospects. The alliance with England is threatened,
and France is opposed to the conspiring courts of
Northern Europe. Every one must see the proba-
bility of a European conflict on the decease of Louis
Philippe, who is now seventy-four years of age.
The corn question too causes serious alarm. The price,
which had been for some time declining, is now rising,
and it is feared that the deficiency of the crop, instead
of being a twentieth, will be found a tenth, or even
a seventh, of the consumption. In this ease we must
add to the 3,000,000 bushels already imported, from
3 to 6 millions more. Where shall we find this pro-
vision? At Odessa, New York, or Dantzie ? For my
part, I think the deficiency is exaggerated, and that
importation may easily supply it ; but the cost of
this foreign corn, as well as of our domestic produce,
is so serious, as to give me some uneasiness. If
France expends for bread in 1846-47, five or six
millions of francs more than in ordinary years, that
money must be deducted from the consumption of

our manufactures; and, of course, our labJuring
classes must suffer. If labour were thus discouraged,
it would be a most serious evil, from which, how-
ever, it is to be hoped France may escape.