The Express.
London, England, 1853-01-10 00:00:00

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LONDON, MONDAY. JANE:4RP 10.

AN American Minister mud always be welcome in
England, coming, as he must do, to represent in
this country our nvarest and dearest relative in the
brotherhood of nations. But at this moment to re-
ceive a new Ambassador from the United States is
unusually gratifying, since he arrives at a moment
when Free Trade has been finally and conclusively
adopted as the policy of this country, and when
wo are ready to place before him proof' so
complete of the wisdom, justice, and advantage of
commercial freedom that he cannot fail to join the
ranks of the Free Traders, and aid in extending to
his own country the benefits now overflowing ours.
The welcomes given to Mr. INGERSOLL at Liverpool
and Manchester have afforded public opportunities
for drawing his attention to the fruits of tree Trade.
In the quiet of his chamber he can con another ser-
mon on the same important text by referring to our
Board of Trade returns just issued.
Only in Great Britain and in the United Steins—
where the collection of facts illustrating progress,
if not always made by authority, is more complete
than here—only where a nation is tolerably pros-
perous, can a government safely permit or a people
tolerate the diffusion of facts, chewing the precise COD-
dition of a country. But no task is more pleasing to
the journalist than that of duly recording a continual
growth in all the elements of greatness; and no in-
formation more acceptable to the public than that
which shows individuals prosperous and the nation
advancing in power. For a considerable period bee
that pleasing task now been the uninterrupted lot of
our journalists ;—and though they may have feared
much from revolutions, or chafed with indignation at
the success of tyranny abroad,—may have bon
alarmed at the possibility of Protection being rem-
tared at home, or felt degraded by the predominance
of fully and charlatanism in high places,—they bayonet
had to state that the revenue was falling off, trade de-
clining. and the people sinkin gin to paupsnam. England I
which was supposed to have passed the climax of her
weatne•s and he destined to decay, has for five years
been an astonishing specimen of rapid, youthful
growth, and of great, almost unalloyed, and unex-
ampled prosperity. Though the results of the Board
of 'lnds tables, just published for the eleven months
of last year, have been forestalled by the circulars of
the merchants, they claim notice, as fully confirm-
ing unofficial statements of national ty,—and
as giving an explanation of some things which the
circulars have left unexplained.
From circulars and price-currents we had gathered
the fact that our exports had gone on increasing to
the end of the year, and that prices generally have
risen in 1852: but it is from the Board of Trade
tables that we have a test of the full effect of this
combination of circumstances on the national wel-
fare.
Tho striking fact stated in the tables, for
November, is the increase in the declared value of I
the exports for the month, as compared to Novem-
ber, 1831, oleo less than 91.4,4781. It is also an in-
crease as compared to the previous month, of no less
than 1,247,0281. The figures are these :
DICLAILED VALOR OP REPORTS.
November. 1n52 £8,101,691
October 1862
_ -

Noireval;or, 1851
This great increase is partly due to the increased
quantities of commodities exported, showing an in-
creasing demand for our productions, and partly due
to the rise in their price,showingthat the buyers have
had to pay more for them, and that the export trade
while it has increased, has become more profitable,
We cannot divide equally the advantages between
increased quantities and increased prices, but we as
state, as spec►mens, a few particulars of both. The
exports of the undermentioned articles in November,
1831, and November, 1832, with the per centage in-
crease in quantities and value in the latter were
follows :

Par the
asap easteiP
Wisatitiet tunas) Values Inertias
Beer lB5l
1852 23, 16,3861a1s L 50,077
83 72 5 „ 46 ,208 44
Cotton lB6l 118,460,181yds 1,677,102
1862 :31,270,103 „ 1 8-10 1,907,632 13
Lesther,wrgt. 1851 117,61011. 24,736
1852 207,405 „ 76 40,912 70
Ina, ban
1853 49,196 „ 29 338,112 62
Bilk, thrown 1861 7,8201b0 6,218
18,52 36,837 „ 371 31,314 420
Wool
1852 1,079,18 i 48 61,7782 72
Though there are exceptions, as the brief table
shows, it holds true of the principal articles exported
that there has been an increase in the price as well
as the quantity, and the greatest increase in the
quantities, of all the metals except tin, has accom-
panied the largest per oentage rise in price. After
the enetals,:the increase is greatest in butter, cotton,'
haberdashery, of which only the value is given ;
machinery and millwork, of whichalioonly the value
is given—hemp and rapeseed oil, silk, particularly
thrown silk, stationer), wool, woollens, except yarn,
&c. There is &decrease inthe exports of refined sugar,
salt, candles, cotton and woollen yarn, and some
species of linen. Generally, however, there is an
increase in quantity and in value. The activity of
trade, we know, continued through the last month of
the year, and, as prices continued to rise, we may
anticipate a still larger increase in the value of the
exports for December, 1852, above the value for De-
cember, 1851. Should that be so declared the value
of the exports for the year enumerated in the trade
tables,—which do not include the whole,—will not be
much less than 67,000,00 W., it being for the eleven
months 6.5,349,7981. against 63,314,2721. in the eleven
months of 1861.
In the imports, compared with the corresponding
mouth of last year, there was a decrease in the ani-
mals, except sheep and calves, of ashes, clocks, flour,
cotton manufactures and yarn, cochineal, madder,
embroidery, dried fruits, guano, hemp, unwrought
iron, oils (except olive), provisions of all kinds, silk
manufactures, some spices, sugar, tallow, tea, &c. It
must, however, be observed that the decreased im-
portations in the month are not always accompanied
by decreased consumption. This is tho case, how-
ever, with respect to flour, tee, and sugar, but not
with respect to tallow. At the same time there is an
increase of almost all those articles except dried
fruits, flour, sugar and tea, in the eleven months.
and a largely increased consumption, which
extended to tea and sugar, leaving the stocks
of these two articles in the market consi-
derably diminished, and placing them in what
the holders call a very favourable position. The
price must rise to being larger supplies. All
the other articles imported, such as bark, brimstone,
cocoa, coffee, all kinds of grain, particularly wheat
(405,131 quarters, against 133,864, inNovember, last
year), flax, hides, gloves, most metals, rice, all kinds
of seeds, silk, spirits, timber, tobacco, cotton, wool,
exceeded in the month those of the corresponding
month of 1851. Of such important articles as cotton,
flax, hemp, silk, and wool, as they pay no duty,
there is no account of the quantities consumed, but
of most of the articles of which such an account is
rendered, the consumption has surpassed the quan-
tities imported. It is supposed that this is very
much the case with the other greet articles, particu-
larly wool, leaving the markets comparatively bare,
indicating a further rise of prices, and promising
without increasing export a great increase to the
import trade of the present year.
With rapidly increasing exports and imports, it is
scarcely necessary to add that shipping has been
well employed, and that there has been a general
rise in freights. We may state, as an example, that
in the early part of the year, a bushel of wheat could
be imported from New York at 5d., and now it costs
from 9d. to 10d. Other freights have risen in some
similar proportion, and all the shipping of the
world has been comparatively well employed. In
the returns of the month, American shipping,—pro-
bably finding more profitable employment elsewhere,
—entering both inwards and outwards, were of smaller
tango than in November, 1851, while the shipping
of Germany, sad of the north of Europe, generally
bringing corn ant: Wither, and the shipping of

Spain, and Italy, and Portugal, bringing wine, &c.,
have increased. The total of tonnage enteringlist
wards in November, 1852, was 63.1,074, and dot:
wards 488,206, against 593,133 Ind 434,6140 till
November, 18.51. Of the total increase inifiards,
51,924 tons, the English/ tonnage was 10,111.9,
and the foreign 44,906. Of the tetsl in.
outwards, 54,692 tons, the English tonnage was
7,124, and the foreign 47,568. When we know
that in the course of the year 230 ships of
158,341 tons have entered outwards for Australia
more than in 1851, we cannot be much surprised
that an increasing number of vessels, particularly if
the north of Europe, should be employed in our trade.
The very high rate of freights is a plain indication
of a great demand for shipping, and it is admitted by
Protectionist shipowners that we should have wanted
shipping to carry on trade had the abolition of the
navigation laws not enabled foreigners to help us.
The toreign shipping. therefore, are only filling a
natural vacuum, and doing for us what we could not
have done without their assistance. At the same
time, it must be remembered that the shipping of any
country is that portion of its active capital most
easily lent to foreigners and most easily abstracted
from the Custom-house and other onerous regula-
tions of its native country, if that be despotic. The
shipping of Prowls, of Austria, and of all the north
of Europe, eon* thus to share in the commerce of
the world, and, unimpeded by home restrictions, to
participate in the advantages of Free Trade. Thus,
while the foreign shipping helps us by bringing others
into close relationship with us, we spread by its
means a practical knowledge of the advantages of
freedom, and help forward the liberation of all. Our
abolition of navigation laws serves other nations, of
which the Protectionists complain; but it also serves
ourselves, and is promoting that general liberty
which has,—as nobody knows better now than Pro-
tectionist shipowners,—• great pecuniary as well as •
high moral value.

MINISTERS have obtained their re-election as mem-
bers of the House of Commons, upon the faith of
their promise to bring forward a measure of com-
prehensive Electoral Reform. No feeling of jealousy or
distrust has been manifested towards them at the
hustings by the more advanced section of the Liberal
party. Their pledges, however general and vague,'
have been accepted in good humour and good faith.
No attempt has been made to exact definite terms,
or to anticipate points of detail. They have asked
for fair play and they have got it. They. have given
an assurance that they were about to introduce a
substantial and effective measure of Reform. They
have spoken like men in earnest, and the people have
believed them. I
Hardly has a week elapsed, however, before side-
ter counsel, as to the meaning and effect of Ode
pleclgee, begins to be offered them. There are newt
wanting men ready to offer what they suppose I* be
pleasant and prudent advice to men in hiloom av hples
affecting to mingle with the public out of
professing to bring daily reports of the state of pope.
lar feeling to their employers and patrons; while, is
return, they undertake to convey mysterious hints till
what is meant by my Lord, or intended by his Grace,
sad to foreshadow, unofficially, the things which shall
be hereafter. The fetchers and carriers of idle tea
from the many to the few, and half-spoken thoughts
from the few to the many, are ever ready to men
1 men in power that there is no pressing seed
for change in any direction ; the mob do
not murmur ; the thoughtful do not meet'
discontent slumbers. Why not wait till it wakes P
1 It is the anodyne which sycophancy has at all times,
and in all circumstances pressed to the lips of power,
and which it requires no, ordinary firmness of pur-
pose and character steadily to reject. At the present
1 moment the shape which the insidious counsel as-
sumes is worthy of peculiar notice. Ministers are
reminded that when they spoke of bringing in a
new Reform Bill they were not asked to say—when f
The parasites do not venture to say, in so many words,
that this forbearance on the part of the people im-
plies total indifference upon the matter • but they
treacherously suggest to Ministers that they IWO 11W
committed as to time, and they indicate in various
ways to those without that " my lords must hays
Mime to consider, to digest, and to prepare their
siesseres before they can be expected to prods*
these To both they mutter—wait awhile; nothing
h so bad as precipitancy.
For the sake of the ABEaDerve-RUSSELL Adminie-1
patios, and, what is still more important, he the
sake of that public confidence in public son rm.
rally which is essential to all well ordered worn-
ment in a free state—we trust that there is aosanse
to fear, that the hollow and unsound commis we
have named will be suffered to sway the collective
mind of our rulers. It is too late for Ministers to ask,
"Do the people desire electoral reform?" They have
obtained their re-elections upon a positive pledge,
that believing. such reform necessary, they were
prepared to introduce a bill for the purpose.
U there has been everywhere generous forbearance
as to words and phrases, the obligation to fulfil in
good faith all that was understood by their pep-
sins is rendered greater, not less, by the manner in
iwidrii they were received. The example afforded by
the history of the late government is pregnant with
warning. The Protectionists tried to get public
esafidence by promisee of financial re-adjustment and
taxation reform. They were suffered to take office
without entering into any specific exposition of what
their plan or projectt. was to be. If any one ventured
to doubt that knew what they meant, and
meant what they said, he was reviled as a
sceptic, incapable of appreciating the politicl
vulgar
vary of exalted station. And when the demand
for time was made before their Ministerial
projects should be divulged, though the plea
segued was the amenity of first summoning
a new Parliament, a great outcry wee raised against
them for not first propounding their measures. What
would have been said had Lord DERBY declared
before taking office that he had not made up his
mind as to any great change of taxation, and what
would have been said if, claiming to have a majo-
rity in the House of Commons, he had told the
country that he must take the autumn to think?
The time that was given him was given distinctly
upon the constitutional ground, and no other, that
every Minister undertaking to govern has a right to
dissolve Parliament. But the moment the new Par-
liament met, the Tory Administration were called
upon to declare in detail their intentions.
Why? Because they assumed to have suf-
ficient influence in Parliament to carry out
their distinctive views, and because the spirit
of the constitution does not recognise the right
of any set of men to force their way into office upon'
wise of definite measures,the without being pre-
ea
to introduce and carry them when they are 1
i installed. The only excuse for not doing so,
las we have said, is that of being in a minority in a
'Parliament summoned by opponents or rivals. But
that excuse the present Administration can hardly
lay claim to. Its boast is that it is a strong govern-
ment—strong in parliamentary influence as well as
ability. Its leading members, moreover, have pro-
fessed at the meetings that it has a strong desire and
settled intention to remedy the hideous evils of intl.
midation and corruption witnessed at last general
election. Again and again we must repeat that
Lord Joan Russell, and Sir JAMES GRAHAM, Sir
CHARLES WOOD and SIR WILLIAM MOLESWORTH,
have been suffered to pledge their word as men of
honour that their colleagues in the Coalition Cabinet
have agreed to the introduction of a comprehensive
plan of Reform. The people believe that these gen-
tlemen spoke the truth, and they assented accord-
ingly to their resumption of the representative trust
they had previously held. Will any ono who
seriously values the honour or character of these
statesmen pretend that they can consent to an inde-
finite adjournment of the whole question because a
specific pledge was not exacted from them that the
Bill for Electoral Reform should be brought in early
in the session ?
It will not do to pretend that the Tory members of
the present Cabinet have not yet bad time to consider
the question. If this means anything, it means that
the great principles of electoral reform were not
agreed upon when the Administration was formed
—a supposition utterly inconsistent not only with the
public professions already . adverted to, bat with all
that we know and esteem in the life and conduct of
men like Lord Jorm Russett. To aN. franchise
and the abolition of nomination boroughs, u well as
to some effective check upon bribery and intimida-
tion, the Secretary for Foreign Affairs is pledged—
so is the First Lord of the Admiralty, so is the First
Commissioner of Works, and so is the President of