The Express.
London, England, 1853-10-15 00:00:00

(Rear, sad cheers.) Dan% assume that I want la argue
that we should encourage Russia in her aggressions. I
want merely to show that the arguments with which they
want to urge us on to war are such as the people of this
country in their own interest aught not to accept. I aril
told the ta,iff of Turkey is very favourable. It is quite
true that the Turks have so far di spited foreign commerce,
and had so little faith in their power of collecting duties
at the outports that they have never attempted
to collect duties upon the expors from foreign
countries. But to say that Turkey has done this in the
inter. at of commerce, because they wish to encourage
trade in exports and imports is to misunderstand the
character of that country. Go into the interior of the
Turkish Empire and inquire what security there is for the
cultivator of that country? Wherever a Pasha may levy his
exactions, the rudest mode of plundering the peanut is
resorted to—that of handing in the produce as he grows it.
Let me see what security there is for the internal communi-
cations of the country. Ask how a camel load comes from the
interior to Smyrna, and see what securi y there is ? Why,
that magnificent country, that contained in ancient times
nearly the civilisation of the world, is given up to such a
state of brigandage that even the inerchaets of Smyrna dare
not go seven miles from Smyrna to their country-houses, for
they would be carried ofi by bands of brigands for the sake
of obtaining a large ransom fur their recovery. It is absurd to
tack of such a country as that being favourable to commerce.
When I hear of returns being made to the House of Commons
of the comparison of our experts to Turkey and Russia, I say
give us the imports as well as the experts. As a free-trader,
I value imports as well as exports. Let us see the amount
of the tallow, the hemp, and the corn we get from that coun-
try, and how we pay fur it. It is true Itunia, copying our
example, puts on Ingo duties upon our manufactures, but
we take raw cotton to Petersburgh, and exchange it for
tallow, hemp, and corn, which is a profitable trade. You
have a larger proportion of tonnage carrying on trade with
Russia than with any other country. But when people talk
about the trade with Turkey, I beg to remind them of one
fact, that they are arguing in our favour ; because the trade
is carried on, not by the Turks, but by Christians. Who-
ever heard of a Turkish vessel coming from Turkey, manned
with Tulle, bringing over freight here for the purposes of
commerce ? You have silty Greek merchants in Manches-
ter who carry on all the trade with Constantinople in
British manufactured goods. It is the Greeks and Chris-
tians, who have the wealth and enterprise of that country,
that I wish to be considered in this controversy. (Hear.)
The very fact that commerce is in toe hands of Chris-
tians, is a proof that you cannot long secure that supre-
macy of Turks over Christians which it is the object
of our diplomatists to accomplish, but which they
never will offaet Now, my gallant neighbour here,
I see, used a rather peculiar phrase that tell trim me
some years ago at a meeting, with regard to "crumpling up
the Husain,. Empire." Now the phrase I used was at El
meeting on the subject of the Hungarian invasion in 1849. I
'Vended a meeting in the City of London Tavern, to protest
against the invasion of Hungary by Russia. Russia was
allowed then to march her armies across Wallachia and Mol-
davia to strike a death blow against Hungary, and no protest
was ever raised against this by our government. (Hear.)
And it is my deliberate conviction, from a patient study of our
blue books, and it is the conviction of those illustrious men en-
gaged in that Hungarian struggle, that if Lord Palmerston
bad made a simple verbal pautest in energetic terms, then
Russia would never have invaded Hungary by passing
through Wallachia and Moldavia. It: was well known
that the ministers of the Cigar of Russia almost went'
down upon their knees to entreat him not to embark
in that struggle between Austria and Hungary. Our
protest would have been backed by the ministers
of the Czar, if it had been made, and I believe would have
p ed that most atrocious outrage upon the rights
and liberties of a constitutional country. I said, on that oc-
easion, when I attended a public meeting in the City of
London Tavern, in the midst of all that excitement and
phreney in favour of Hungarian nationality, I said, I
would resist any attempt to send any force to fight the
battles of Hungary on the banks of the Danube. I
did not disguise my views on the subject any more than
Ido now. While condemning the conduct of Russia to-
, wards Turkey, I will not sanction the sending of any
sol-
diers to fight in favour of Turkey. 1 have never sanctioned
intervention by force of arms in foreign disputes, and
, when I send any men to fight my battles, I will take part
, in them myself. (A laugh.) I said also that if Russia did
attack us, such were the enormous resources of this country
—its resources of wealth and scientific application—that we
could crumple up her empire by blockading her ports and
sealing them hermetically, so that she could have no commu-
; nieation whatever wi-h the civilised world. That is a truth,
and may be accomplished. But I say again that Russia
does not mean to come to attack us, and it will be time
enough to talk of going to war with Russia, when Russia
intimates one design inimical to our interests. Mr. Cobden
next alluded to the reason why he rated at so low a value
the power of the Russian empire beyond her own dominions,
which was her want of wealth. He recapitulated the occa-
, sions on which Russia had to contract foreign loans with
Amsterdam and London, and affirmed his conviction that
whatever was the issue of this dispute Russia could not go
,1
on without another loan. He knew no cause for going to
war, hut if it was thought necessary to interfere, he sug-
gested that instead of resorting to physical force, they
should fist try the effect of a system of outlawry, such eel
making it penal to contract for a Russian loan, prohibiting
the sale of Russian stock, which he considered would strike
as severe a blow at the power, ambition, and pretensions of
that country, as if they sent a fleet to Besika Bay. As an
illustration of the absurdity of keeping up military and
r naval armaments to convince other nations of our ability
r to resist attacks, Mr. Cobden directed attention to the
United States, where they had only one line-ef-battle
t ship in commission, and whose army consisted of only 10,000
or 12,000 men, yet their enterprise, industry, immense re-
sources, and lightness of taxation rendered them in the
r eyes of other nations a power which they would beware of
coming into collision with. He ridiculed the conduct of
, the boy•emperor of Austria in engaging his troops in so
; many fields of mimic battle, remarking that if that plain
, man in black clothes in a room in Washington were to send
r a frigate to Trieste with a hostile message, that boy-empe-
ror's heart would at once be in his jack-boots at the very
thought. He concluded a long and eloquent address by
commending the claims of tke peace party on the support of
the country.
The Loan PROVOST here intimated that it was originally
arranged that Mr. Bright should now address the meeting,
but he had given way to Sir Charles Napier. The gallant
admiral, it was understood, was not to move an amend-
, ment, and he (the Lord Provost) hoped the meeting would
give him a patient and deferential hearing. (Hear.)
, Sir exam.= N•rus, who was received with loud and
, repeated cheers, said, it may perhaps appear extraordinary
, that a naval officer or admiral should come forward to ad-
; these this meeting. It is generally supposed, and that very
, improperly, that naval and military men are always for
war and for large establisluneats, and that they have
no idea beyond bloodshed. But I beg leave to tell you that
this is a most erroneous notion. (Cheers.) Lord Nelson was
P *et fond of bloodshed or war. (Renewed than.) And if yen
read Lord Nelson's private letters you will find that he was
always wishing for peace. The Duke of Wellington was
always a peace man after the war was over. (Loud laughter
and applause.) His was always fer peace ; and he succeeded
in preserving peace. And I can assure the citizens of Edin-
burgh— andl am proud of being a citizen of lone city—
(eheers)—that I am just as anxious for peace as my hon.
friend who sits at my, right hand (Mr. Cobden) or any
, gentleman in the amembly. But we may differ as to the
means of obtaining peace, and we may still more differ as to
the means of preserving peaoe. (Hear, hear.) And I must
say that I do not think that the plan propounded by my hon.
friend Mr. Cobden is exactly the way to preserve the peace
of this country. (Cheers.) That hon. gentleman has said
very fairly and very properly, and it has a very excellent
appearance, coming as it does with all that beauty of lan.
raw which he is capable of using, that if France agreed to
reduce her force to ten sail of the line, and that if we
agreed to reduce our force to ten sail of the line also, they
would both be placed on equal terms : granted. And he
said farther, that if we reduce our force to five sail of the
line, and the French did the same, we would be exactly on
the same footing. But my honourable friend forgot to tell
you that the French have an army of 400,000 or 600,000
men, and that Britain has an army in this country of little
more than 20,000 men. (Hear, hear.) With all the great
exertions which the government could make the other day,
and with all the military display at Chebbsm, what
did it produce ? The first division consisted of 8,000
men, and the reserved division consisted of 8,900
men, but they could not assemble their sixteen thousand
men at one time at the camp at Chobham.
(Cheers.) Well now, supposing we follow Mr. Cobden's
advice and the opinion of the Peace Society, which I most
perfectly respect, and that their views are perfectly right—
(applause)—if you can possibly carry them into execution
—(laughter)—but, suppose we have only an army of 20,000
men, and the French have an army of 400,000 or 600,000
men, which there is no doubt they have ; and that with
only this small force a quarrel arise between France and
us. My friend will perhaps tell me that we have no right
to quarrel, and there is no necessity for it, that we might
live at peace, and must be persuaded to keep the pesos.
But should it unfortunately happen that we are not at
peace, what is to prevent the French from embarking any
number of men they thought fit, from seizing our stern
boats, and from coming over to our country ; and, lot me
ask, how we are to defend ourselves ? (Cheers.) Are we to
be laid bare and open before all the world ? Are all oar men
and women to be exposed to the French army, or any of her
army that may come over here ?—because quarrels and mis-
understandings will take place. We have seen them take
place, and that not long ago ; and I will explaia what did
take place at that very time to which I refer, which will
show you dangers which you were not perhaps aware of.
I read this morning &speech of my friend Mr. Cobden, in
which he gave you a very amusing relation that is quite
true. He supposes that a gentleman had left this country
A year ago, and who, when he left, had seen the militia
Galled out, because there was a talk of a French Measles.
He goes out to Australia, and never reads a newspaper till
he has made a circuit of the world. On coming back, how
astonished is he to find the English and French fleets
lying side by side with their broadsides to each other, but
not for hostile purposes, but entertaining each other in
the most amiable m possible. But what caused
that ? It was the unjustifiable quarrel which Russia had
against Turkey. (Cheers.) I will accompany Mr. Cobden
first to Australia, with another friend. Suppose
another friend goes to Australia in the same vessel, and
that previous to his going he had been in the City of Lon-
don Tavern, and had heard Mr. Cobden talk about crimp-
ling up Russia like a piece of brown paper, aad if, from the
period he had left till he returns home, be had never read
a newspaper, and that the first thing he sees is that Russia
is very quietly walking into the two Principalities, what
would he think of that? Ile would think, at all events,
that they had net been crumpled up. (Loud cheers.) Mr.
Cobden had been trying to-night to explain away what he
had said then ; and he bad great power in making you be-
lie,* almost anything he chose. (Laughter.) After stat-