The Express.
London, England, 1865-06-06 00:00:00

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LONDON, TUESDAY, JUNE 6.

Ors of the most vulgar and imposing fallacies is
what we shall take the liberty to denominate the hall-
way fallacy ; in other words, the fallacy of assum-
ing that because you go the whole way with neither
party to a controversy, you are wiser than both.
The form which this flagrant fallacy usually takes
in public questions is that of arrogating to oneself
the position of an arbiter who sits upon a secure
eminence of truth, far above the mist and beat of
mortal prejudices and predilections, incapable of
servitude to reason or to sympathy.
The secret of this assumption of superiority is
often nothing more than a certain lassitude, or
fastidiouaoess, or insincerity in the arbiter, who,
while he is taking credit to his own wisdom for
shunning the falsehood of extremes, is really halt-
ing or trimming between two oouress, neither of
which he has the courage or the singleness of pur-
pose to take. We do not say that this is the only
or the necessary interpretation of that jedicial
habit of mind which goes a little way with all

parties and the whole way with none, shares pre-
mises with everybody and shuns all conclusions.
But we do say that that serene temper of mind
which consists in flattering and disapproving in
equal doses your friends and your adversaries is
often at best but a negative quantity of wisdom,
and is only attainable at any time by a few ruling
personages, whose lightest words have the weight
of acts. . .

M. DI PCILBIONY, for instance, may probably be
considered, even in his retreat from office, more
or less a ruler of contemporary France. Such a
personage may be excused for putting his "views"
concerning the kingdom of Italy and the Rome,
question into the shape of a letter from Rome tl
the President of the Senate. He may be ex-
._ . .

cured for writing even a private letter (destined
for publication) with less freedom than Prince
Narossow uses when he speaks, and for pretend-
ing to 000 ciliate two causes—temporal and spiritual
—which in the same breath he convicts of an in-

compatibility inherent in their natives; and in-
eradicable. Faithful to his master's system a

policy—which has been described as • reed painted
to look like iron—be succeeds admirably in melting
his flatteries and his reeervatices unpalatable, in
tolerably equal proportions, to the Court of Rome
and to the people of Italy. He speaks of
Italian emancipation (from the Austrian op-
pression), and even of Italian unity,
as an all but accompUshed result, with
the most generous and unconstrained cordiality ;
and of the Court of Rome and the councils of the
Vatican in the spirit and almost in the language of
M. EDMOND ABOUT. But he is for keeping the
Court of Rome, as M. ABOUT described it, as a
bullet in the leg of a united Italy. He would
willingly reduce the Temporal Power to a pious
fiction, but the Romans he would reduce to per-
petual acquiescence in the fiction. He is for
keeping the city and patrimony of St. Peter in
everlasting mortmain, while he would throw down
the barriers between mediteval Rome sod the
Italy of the 19th century. He would give to
every Roman of the 19th century the option of an
exeat, and to the POPE he would not grudge the
choice of going or remaining. But be warns the
HOLY FATHER against the danger of going, and he

advises Italy not to tempt the wrath of " the
" Catholic world " by treating Rome as the city of
the Romans or the capital of Italians. He sees in-
fluences inveterately hostile to Imperial France,
and therefore to civilization, besetting and sur-
rounding Pius IX., and he cautions the ruler of
• petty State against the danger of convincing
the world how little the ruler of a petty State is
missed, or wanted, or regretted. He paints with
a tolerably thick brush the hereditary maladies
of • government of priests, and demands the
eternal resignation of the inhabitants of
Rome to the enviable condition of Papal
subjects, on grounds which would not only with
equal reason justify " Catholic Europe" in appro-
priating the city of Jerusalem and all the Holy
Land, and historically sanction the " revindioa-
" Hon " of Constantinople, but which would i
authorise every nation that contributes its propor-
tion of adventurers or converts to Paris or London
in claiming a right of possession in the capital of
France or of England. M. DE PRISIONY main-
tains that Rome is the possession of the whole
Catholic world, because it has been enriched by
the pious contributions of pilgrims and sojourners
of all nations. This is a tolerably bold proposition
in the mouth of • devout and conscientious
Bonaperthd. According to this elastic and expan-
sive theory, to whom, it may be asked, did Paris
belong when Narotzoe L had filled it with the
spoils of all " Catholic Europe " t Evidently not
to the Parisians, or even to Frenchmen.
But M. DE PERSIONT is, of course, a very
" statesmanlike" man, because he is neither
ready to sacrifice the cause of Italy to the Tem-
poral Power of the Papaey nor to abandon the
Temporal Power to Italy, and meanwhile manages
to eliminate from lb& " Catholic world " some
twentr-five millions of Italians, including, it would
seem, the Romans themeelveie