The Express.
London, England, 1849-04-07 00:00:00

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LONDON,SATURDAY,APRIL 7.

WHAT an inveterate and devout horror the whip
have of 1836 ! No criminal ever oontemplated toe
day of his wiekednem with bitterer or more penitent
remote. Mention it to them —tinily into a paroxysm
of rep and scorn. Let it suggest itself to them,
and you instantly hear the wildest imprecations upon
their own folly. No consolation can vothe their pangs,
no confession shrive their lordly consciences, for ever
having committed the unnatural crime of administra-
tive economy.
And yet were we to try the culprits, we should
fally acquit them of any economic purpose. The
wings got up their anti-tory clamours in behalf of the
Reform Bill chiefly on the ground of tory prodigality.
Let bet Reform, they said, instal the hberal,
in lien of the old official, aristocracy in
power, and retrenchment would then be the
watchwordi of the new alministradon. The
people of England took the whip at their
word, did carry the Reform Bill, thinking to carry
with it permanently all the pledges of retrenchment.
For some few years, therefore, it was impossible not
to keep their pledges in view ; the whip were bound
to p sssr , the Mies laboured to recover, public
co and estimates were not only discussed: in
parliament, but framed in the cabinet, with the
view of avoiding all redundant and none-
cessery expenditure. The result of that re-
trenchment movement, which was the concomitant
and great assistant of reform, we see arrived at in two
or three years after the paining of the Reform Bill
the bsdget of 1833 was that result, whig and tory
thee both of them wielding the pruning-knife
for each other. It has long, however, been
pretty evident that the Retrenchment movement, as
well as the Reform movement, was on the part of
the liberal aristocracy all a sham. Armies were not
indeed found inefficient, nor vessels too few, but
was found too ant for the sapport of a
part Other sc
topics than retrenohmemt arose toenposs
the popular mind. And the estimates of 1836 were
thrown ma contemptuously into oblivion as the profes-
sions of 1831 and 1832.
But it is not we alone who give this account of the
ephemeral someomyof 1836. The whip themeless pro-
claim it. In their present efforts to prove that economy
was then carried too far, and that it was treason
spinet the welfare of peril, end the strength of the
country, they woo the motives of conduct very
closely. Mr. WAILD tells us that the " 'gummy of
1836 arose from a great struggle for sad
place." The people believed all this
sincere, They felt tha good 'Soto of iciailia7r7i;
bad malt& But whale oar aside eodaavoor_ to
theca that sorooety- m pa ai raisiosa,
frimalotto worst said bidden TOM, the
my party which oanied it into effect comes forward
to declare that its professions of eoosomy.were but a
clap-trap for popularity—a humbug practised to win

the alheekn of those climes, who then had the gift
of power. But what is naturally to be inferred from
such admission ? It is, that the cry for in-
creased military and other expenditure now, is just as
great a humbug and of the same lend, as the cry fur
reduced estimates then. The reduced estimates
were to gull the people, whose hands and
voices then conferred political power. But
now political power has, thanks to the nullification of
reform, returned in a great measure into the hands
of the privileged clesees--and these are to be now
flattered and allured by government expenditure and
place, as the great man of tax-payers were to be flat-
tered in 1833 by the fleeting shadow of retrenchment
' We have been incited to make these remarks by the
whig manifest ), entitled " Financial Prospects," in the
present number of the Edisbereh Review, in which eco-
nomy and retrenchment, especially if demanded by any
popular party, in or out of parliament, is pooh-pooh 'd
as a whin), ridiculed as an epidemy, and spouted as
something very novel and very dangerous. The
velty and on the danger appear to u to lie in the
whig organ and party assuming such an unmistake-
ably twy tone. 11'-hat is to he thought of the Ban-
burgh Review in 1849, in search of a proper standard
of expenditure, rejecting every year of whig influence
and rule, such as that or 1833, and openly giving the
preference to 1817 ? The reason for thus preferring the
polioy and the estimates of CASTLEREAGH and VANSIT-
TART to those of GREY and Aurnose is simply, that'
the farmer spent three or four millions more! Did
we want to refute the Bdinburple .Rni•toer and
cover hint with shame, we need but refer to the

speeches of the whip themselves in 1817. Yet this
is the normal expeniitare year of the whip in
1849. And against this immeneel'expenditare the
Edinburgh Reviewer forbids any Englishmen to cry
out. lie bids us trust a " sincere government, and
a parliament intent on its duty." Why, Mr. WARD
and all the whip tell us that government is never
sincere in the matter of retrenchment, and that
it is merely the result at a struggle for
power and place." And as to a parliament
" intent co its duty,' that duty from 1836 to 1848 has
been shown in swelling the expenditure by ten mil-
hone for every idle pretext, and at every foolish insti-
gaton. The old whig doctrine was always under-
stood to be, not to trust for the maintenance of
liberty or economy either to the Treasury or to par-
liament, but to keep public opinion alive, and make it
bear upon parliament and government. Where this
pressure is not kept up, we may be sure that the aris-
tocratic class, which fills both parliament and go-
vernment, will follow their natural tendency to pump
from the public pine, and to replenish by taxes that
reservoir from which they draw.
The people of England should therefore be aware
how they admit these aristocratic reasons for extrava-
gant expexpense. The Edinburgh, Review tells them
i that theincrease of ten millions of expenditure since
1835 was wise, because it was called for inparliament.
We beg. to observe that the officers and officials who
predominate in parliament will always make a clamor
of the kind as long as the people allow them or keep no
watch upon them. The "services" have far more real
and immediate influence in parliament than the people.
The Edinburgh Reviewer tells us we are rich, and
can afford to be taxed. We maintain that a nation's
riches is no reason why a government should despoil
it of time riche', without proving the necessity or
advantage of the spoliation.
The Edinburgh Review tells us that European
nations are financially embarrassed; that the cause
lies in their frowardness ; and that we ought to re-
main good boys and quiet politicians, allowing
government to be as extravagant as it likes, for by
meddling or remonstrating with it, we too may hll
into a financial crisis. 11 e beg to observe that this
sapient advice is the read te, not om, national bank-
ruptcy and die ader.
The Edinburgh Reviewer argues that it is better to
maintain the duty on soap than abandon Canada. We
beg to my, that if Canada is only to be pre-
served by the people of England paying a duty on
soap, the limner we set rid of a colony kept by so
very slippery a hold the better.
The Edinburgh Review winds up by a diatribe
against financial reformers as a " political coterie" for
the propsg Won of bad principles. Economy is, it
seems, a bad principle in whig eyes, never to be con-
descended to, except when toere is " a struggle foe
power and place." Never did a body wear less the
characteristics of a political coterie than " financial
reformeret There are tones as well as radicals amongst
them, and many more substantial citizens and indus-
trious members than theorists or politician/. Their prin.
ciples'oire those of Cocßex, and their philosophy a con-
. ecientions dietinctii n between the ensure and the teem.
They are for paying debts, not increasing them, for
employing labourers, not feeding soldiers, for giving
up e xpens:ve pretensions to dictate to foreign countries.
They are for creating a salutary pressure upon parl'a-
meet sad government, seeing how placemen fill both
-a pressure obtained nct by the congregation of
mobs, or the provoking of dangerous popular excite-
merit, bat by olVatrimg the union of the industrious
ar4 really prop. r led else- es, in order to resist their
bring mulcted in taxation, except for good, fair,
honest, and intelligible purpoees and necessities.

WE learn with regret that Mr. GAVAN DIIIFTY
is to be tried again. In oommon with the rest of the
community we had long since come to the conclusion
that enough had been done by the government of
Ireland to vindicate the offended dignity of the law,
sad to furnish an impressive because a temperate
warning for the future. We forbore to criticise too
narrowly the manner in which the political prosecu-
tions of last year were conducted, under a sense of
the superior imoortatee of allowing the paramount
°envie:we to sink deep into the popular mind of the
&laity of the frantic course to which a handful of weak
and reckless men would have incited it. We felt that
for people's true interest it was before all things
• /menthol that the perilous chimera of Young Ireland-
ism should be dissipated, and popular energy directed
once more to the attainment of redress by the safe
and certain wars of the constitution.
Bat faith in Young Irelandism being dead, en is
our enmity. We have no sympathy with a policy
whose act-, however they they may be intended, wear
in the estimation of an unreseutfal public the aspect
of political vindictiveness. Many months have
rolled away since the bubble of an Irish
revolution buret and disappeared. The un-
happy actors in the miserable farce performed at
Slievenamon have long ago been put under restraint
or compelled to betake themselves to other lands,
where, notwithstanding all that has been arid by
themselves to the contrary, they evidently are stared
at with no other feeling than that of "harmless ma-
'urn quite out of their mind." Mr. Dern, was put
into confinement bi fore the Balliagarry burletta was
even attempted ; but being justly suspected of parti-
cipation in the same dangerous insanity, and being
recognised as the man who had had the greatest
amount of talent and influence amongst
them, it did not seem strange that the
tame rigour which had been meted out to
the rest should be measured also to him. To this,
nobody, we believe, of any sense or judgment, ob-
jected. It wee unavoidable, it was expedient, it was
merciful, and it was just.
We can neither discern, however, the necessity,
the prudence, the clemency, or the justice, of patting
the accused upon his hail, under existing circum-
stances, fur the fourth time. Twice during the winter
Mr. DOTTY was arraigned for seditious writing and
publishing ; and twice the prosecution was abandoned
as nosust=able on account of technical mistakes and
errors on the part of the crown. On the
third occasion Important though possibly not essential
portions of the evidence against the prisoner broke
down; and there being a disagreement among the
jurors, no verdict could be obtained. We most freely
confess that without meaning to question for a mo-
ment the right of the public prosecutor to renew his
inculpation of the tame individual as often ea the ends
of justice may require —we cannot but regard with
grave distrust the fitness of the present occasion
for the excess of such a right. Every right
may be abused; and the right of the
crown to indict an accused party again and
again and again—if pressed still further may
degenerate into e,methirg very like a wrong. Whre
is the cies before us ? Mr. Duerr is a man of educi-
tion,--a max of blameless life, a man for whose
misfortunes, self-entailed though they have beep,
sympathy has in a manner unmietakeable been Aid&
berately and publicly expressed. He hes been kept in
clots conenement upwards of nine months; he ijas
lost his entire property ; and his health is @hiking
rapidly under the weight of his secumulatei misery.
Alm% all, he has been three time placed at the bar—
ought-he fa be placed there again !
Twenty-eeven meridiem of the House cf Commons,
comprising men of every diversity of party feeling,
subscribed a memorial to Lord CLARENDON some days
ago in favour of a different course. Our respect for

the talents and services of his lordship cannot ozone-
rate us from the unpleasicg duty of saying that we
neither concur in the wislom of him refus .1 to regard
the prayer of the memorial or the validity or the
reasons he thought fit to assign for the &termina-
tion. Still fete can we qualify oar dissent
from the somewhat unusual tore of erasure
towards the gent'emen who had signed the document
in question. Particular phrases may have been used
in it which siester deliberation on the part of those
who prepared it might probably have amended. But
so far from upbraiding the twenty-seven members of
parliament who subscribed their names thereto, we
hesitate not to say that we are fully persuaded they
intended well by their country in so doing ; and that
the immense majority of their countrymen will re-
ce've their act in this sense and no other, is beyond
dispute, es it ought to be beyond doubt.
A memerial similar in its object, but much stronger
in its language, has already received upwards of 7,000
signatures in the city of Dublin. Amongst these are
to be found the names of many of the wealthiest and
most distinguished citizens of the Irish eartroyelia—a
great mamba of the clergy of various denominations
—bat, what is more significant, of the leading men of
opposite local parties and conflicting political senti-
ments. It is idle to affect indifff rence to such manifesta-
tions of opinion. The curse of English misrule not in
Ireland only, but in too many other realms, has been
neglect of each expressions of the popular will. In
the face of • general declarrion like this, another
trial of Mr. DUFFY would be an act of inconceivable
folly. Ten of the twelve
.jurors who were impanelled
to try hint last February have subscribed the memo-
rial that he should not again be set up as a target for
the random aim of the Irish ATIOUNEY-01111FMAL.
The danger he is accused of having fomented is past ;
and his crime, if he be guilty, has already been
amply punished.