The Express.
London, England, 1847-07-29 00:00:00

TAMWORTH.-RETURN OF SIR R. PEEL.

WIDICESDAT.—The election for this borough took plane
this morning. As it was known that there would be no op-
position, and as the principal candid de had already en
planed his principles and intentions, in his letter to the
constituency, there was but little interest excited. One or
two fiags hung out from the wiudowa of the chief hotel, and
the presence of the mayor, attended by the officers of the
town, and the candidates and their friends on the hustings,
together with some 200 very quietly-disposed persons, con-'I
gregeted in front of the Town-hall, were the only iadica-
tions of there being an electri:snjoing on.
Mr. J. BISAMALL pro , and Mr. H. ROBINSON
seconded, Sir Robert Pee so one of the candidates ter the
borough.
Major BenFORD proposed, and Mr. E. Fantexii seconded,
the nomination of the Right Hon. W. Yates Peel.
Sir R. Peet then stood forward, and was received with
loud cheers. He said .--Gentlemen, in conformity with the
established usage of these occasions, I shall proceed, having
been proposed and seconded as a candidate to represent you I
iu parliament, to make a few observations to this assembly. I
But, gentlemen, I ought to hare left myself but little to say
on this occasion, because I have already felt it to be my
duty to anticipate my speech on the day of nomination ; and
in a letter which I addressed to all the electors, I have fully
explamod the course which I have pursued during the last
parliament, and the course which I intend to pursue there
again, if, by your confidence, I shall be again reterned.
Gentlemen, I felt it my duty to address that letter to you
because it has been my lot, during the last parliament, to
propose measures of the utmost importance to the interests
of this country, which measures have been the subject of
severe attack and condemnation, and motives have been nil-

puted to me for having produced them ; and as I did not
wish to possess your confidence, except on public grounds, 1 I
did not wish to get your votes by surprise, I was anxious not
to leave it till this day to explain my conduct. (Hew.) I
wished you to hays the opportunity of deliberating maturely
on that which I had done, and upon that which I intended to
do, in order that if it did not meet with your approbation,
you should refuse me your confidence. Gentlemen, I attach
the utmost importance to that trust which is committed to
you. You are, in this borough, amongst some of the privi-
leged electoral elutes. Out of • population of about 7,000,
there are some 400 or 500aelected from you to act on the part
of the whole body. The law presumes that you who are thus
selected ate more intelligent, more exempt from undue and
corrupt influences, and more able to form a corren judgment
on the motives and conduct of public men than the rest—
and I did not wish that you should vote for me from motives
of private friendship or private property, but upon public
grounds only, and that if you disapproved of my views or my
conduct, I wished you to have an opportunity of expressing
your judgment. I attach the utmost importance to the
maintenance of the electoral privilege by the smaller
boroughs. (Hear.) We have seen new boroughs, such aa
Manchester, Birmingham, Finsbury, and Moylebone,
called into the possession of electoral privilege., and yea
grudge them not their possession. I should be the last man
to disturb the settlement of 1832, but I should deplore it
deeply ; and, with regard to the borough of Tamworth, I
should think it • fatal blow to the constituencies of the
country if that ancient borough ceased to possess the else•
ties franchise. (Cheers.) You are exempt from many of
the influences to which mane of the manufacturing towns
are subject. You arc enabled to give your confidence to
your representatives without tying them down with specific
pledges. You are not the mere mushrooms called into exist-
ence yesterday. (Cheering.) You date your privileges from
the reign of Queen Elizabeth. Foe 300 years you have exer-
cised the right of sending members to parliament, and that
right you have never abused. (Cheers.) No man can
i say you have ever been influenced by bribes. (Hear.) So long
as you continue so to discharge your duties es eleetun,
so long will you retain your ancient privileges ; but I tell the
constituencies of other boroughs that if they disgrace the
powers they hold, by making their votes dependent upon
bribery And corruption, those privileges will not be continued,
but, like Sudbury and other places, the electoral franchise
will be taken from them. (Hear, hear.) But it was
because you ha,. always exercised your privilege in-
dependently, and free from corruption, that I was dis-
posed to lay before you the motives by which I had
bees guided, and appeal to your deliberate judgment in ask-
ing you again to return me, without reference to private
feeling, and without reference to our relations as neighbours
and friends. After referring to the length of time he had
been connected with Tamworth (50 years), and his determi-
nation to live on teems of equal cordiality with thou who
opposed as with those who supported him, he alluded to the
address presented to him by the Tamworth electors, in
which they stated they had watched the measures which he,
as the chief minister of the crown, had proposed, and his
votes as • member of parliament, and rejoiced at his broad,
liberal, and enlightened views with respect to the important
foreign relations of the country, as well as to its internal and
commercial interests, which they believed would prove, es
they were intended, for the benefit, the prosperity, and the
glory of the British dominions, and would command not
only the approbation of his constituents, but the admira-
tion of a great majority of the people of this ex-
tensive and powerful empire. This was the answer
he had received to his appeal from nine-tenths of
the electors of Tamworth. If, then, he had satisfied
them, they must not suppue that be came there to
make apologies to any one for the course he had pursued.
So far from feeling that he bed been unfaithful to his prin-
ciples, he stood there with a proud consciousness that he had
done his duty to his country. (Hear, hear.) He hsd
had no object of a personal nature to gratify in any
aware he had proposed. He had ever been ready
to aunties power--to sacrifice party, or personal connex-
, lons—to endure calumny—or reproach rather than abandon
his public duty and neglect the interests committed
to his charge. (Cheers.) What high principle of policy
had he departed from ? (Hear, hear.) When he addressed
them before, he had told them that he was • loyal and de-
voted subject of the Queen—that he wished to see every
prerogative of the crown preserved. Had he done aught to
entrench on those prerogatives? (Cheers and " No.") It
was true, ho had not advised state prosecutions for libel and
sedition. He wished to see the power of the crown resting
on the contentment and loyalty of the people, and on that
affectionate devotion to their sovereign which this country
would he most ungrateful if it did not manifest to that
Queen who now reigned over us (Cheers.) He had always
wished that the church should be maintained in its legiti-
mate influence. He wished to see the church gain-
ing on dining; but he wished to see it so gaining,
by extending its ministry among the people. He
did not want to ate the church supported by unjust laws
injuriously affecting those who dissented from its doctrine&
lie thought it perfectly compatible with an affectioaaln
attachment to the church to consult the feelings, the decrease
the habit., aid the rights of those who dissented boa if
doctrines. (Hear.) These were the objects of that true UMW-
native policy which he wished to hold. (Hear.) He wished
to sec also the House of Lords in possession of its just sod
due authority. He attached the utmost Importance to the
maintenance of hereditary nobility. He believed that the
aristocracy had done at least as much to viadicate the
liberties of England as any other class, and it would be truly
destructive of the mixed form of government which we lived
under if the House of Lords should cease to exercise its
authority 411 a branch of the legislature. He wished to de-
, courage the desire for • democratic change in the House of
Commons. He did not wish to see such a democratic
change as should interfere with the prerogatives of the
crown and the authority of the House of Lord.. (Cheers.)
He had compared this country with others in which • mixed
form of government voting, on pure democratic principles,
prevailed, and he found that we bud a more perfect security
for the liberties of the people. for the freedom of the press,
for expression of thought, and for action under a government

c insisting of an ancient monarchy, a hereditary House of
Lords, and a House of Commons, representing, not the ma-
jority of the people as told by the head, but the magistracy,
the clergy, the great corporate bodies, the intelligence, and
the wealth, as well as the mere numbers, of the people. He
had desired to maintain public credit—to extend commerce ;
and in what respect had he failed ? (Hear.) What injury
had he done to any one of the high legitimate objects of con-
servative policy ? (Hear.) Had the public credit suffered
by the way in which the finances had been administered by
him? Had the House of Lords or its influence suffered ?
(Hear, hear.) Had the church or its influence suffered ? If
it had, it had been in consequence of its own internal die--
''-'- •"d not by any acts of hie. (Cheers.) Well, then, did
they disapprove of the policy bad pursued ? That
was not the place to enter into disputations about figures;
but ke should make what he had dune perfectly clear to every
man, woman, or child who listened to him. In 1841, he
found high duties imposed on the import of flour, while cattle
and meat were prohibited ; so that, if from a disorder among
the cattle or sheep—and that there was a diminished
supply of sheep to the extent of 216,000 in one half-year
sent to Smithfield market was proved—the supply was
limited, the state of the law was such that we could
not import a single cow, a bullock, a sheep, or a calf. We
could not import meat, or salt provisions, or bacon, and there
was a high duty on rice, and even on lard. All these things
were now duty-free; ant if the home supply of cattle failed
we could import a limited quantity (and a limited quantity
it must be) from abroad. (Hear.) Had they found the
price of meat so low in consequence that they thought
it ruinous ? (Cries of " No, no 1" and laughter.)
In many cases the duties on the import of provisions had
been reduced one-half, and in ethers more than half; the
duties on butler, cheese, coffee, and sugar, had been reduced
one-half. Oa those articles some of which entered into the
consumption of the family of every working man (and he
wished they all did), u bacon, lard, butter, coffee, sugar,
the duty had been either repealed or reduced one-
half. (Hear' hear.) The duty on timber had been
reduced one half. Yet Canada had not been ruined, as had
bees predicted, in consequence of the introduction of Baltic
timber. (Hear.) On the contrary, the import of timber
from Canada had been greater since the reduction than be-
fore. (Hear.) Upon articles, too, that entered into the manu-
factories of this country, as cotton wool, sheep's wool, flax,
hemp, as well as articles used in our manufactures, as indigo,
raw silk, and oils of all kinds, skins, and fun; in fact
upon all the raw materials of manufacture, without excep-
tion, the duties had been altogether repealed. Was that incon-
sistent with true commercial policy ?—had it ruined anybody
or diminished employment in any of our great manufactures,
or rendered them lees capable of entering into competition with
the growing manufactures of other countries? (Hear, hear.)
In 1842 the articles paying customs duties were some 12,000
or 13,000 ; before the late government left office the duty on
727 of these was reduced, and upon 503 it was altogether
repealed, and the majority of those articles on which the
duty was so reduced Sr repealed were articles which con-
cerned the food, the clothing, or the comfort of the people
(hear), or were the raw materials of our manufactures, and
as such contributed to the employment and subsistence of
the people. On the whole number of articles dealt with
duties to the amount of two millions were wholly re-
pealed, and from these no revenue could afterwards
be expected ; but as the removal of those duties would
leave the manufactures of this eanntry free to com-

pets with those of other countries, he anticipated that the
loss of revenue would lie more than compensated by the in-
creased consumption of other articles arising from increased
employment. It mitht be said, then apply this principle to
the whole 50,000,0001. of revenue ; but none but a madman
would do that. Hear what I said when I proposed
the renewal of the income-tax in February, 1815
" I have that reliance upon the elasticity of the resources of
this empire that I do expect, before the termination of three
years, thin repeal of taxes will have produced beneficial
effects, and that we shall find an increase of revenue probe-
bly enabling us to dispense with the income-tax. But let the
house remember that the principle on which we have gone—
and gone advisedly—is the absolute repeal of taxation in
many cues. We do not diminish • tax—on glass, far in
stance—keeping on one-quarter or one-half of it; we do
not lower the duty on auctions, on wool, on cotton, or on
many articles of smaller import; but we propose the abso-
lute repeal, expecting from the increased consumption of other
taxed articles au equivalent improvement in the revenue."
That was his expectation ; and what had been the result.
Between 1811 and 1846, though 7,600,0001. of duties had
been removed, the revenue of the latter year was very nearly
equal to that of 1811. (Cheers.) Front this he excluded the
income-tax altogether, and merely spoke of the revenue dr
rived from the customs, excise, and other sources. If they
cut the chains which bound the commercial industry
of the country, and left it buoyant to its own energies, he was
persuaded they would snake up any deficiency arising from
such reductions and the experience of the last year had proved
that he was right. Look to the state of the revenue of the
financial year ending the sth of April, 1617, and compare it
with the revenue of the year 1811, putting the income tax
altogether out of the question, and it would be found that,
although in the interim 8,000,000 of taxes had been repealed,
the revenue of the last year had been 1,000,0001. better than
that of 1841. But it had been said that we had been blessed
with a succession of good harvasts, and that to that circum-
stance was attributable the prosperity which had followed
and not to his commercial policy. Ile did not mean to deny
the effect of good harvests on the prosperity of the country.
He believed, when the beneficence of providence gave us a
succession of geed harvests, a most material influence was
exercised on the enjoyment and happiness of the people, and
on the state of the revenue. But was it true that we bad
had such a succession of good harvests since 1842 till
now? Was the last remarkable for being a good harvest?
Why in that year we were obliged to send 10,000,0001. to the
support of the Irish people to rescue them from starvation.
Was that • good harvest ? Was it a good harvest when corn
was at 90s. or 103 s. a quarter ? Last year there was a bad
harvest, and what had been the result of the trial of his
measures during a bad harvest ? During the last year—he
could hardly believe the figures when he read them--the re-
venue had increasediby 2,600,0001. over that of the pre-
ceding year ; and of that amount 1,808,0001. was
an increase in the excise and customs, notwithstanding
the enormous reductions which had taken place. But he
was glad to hear the argument that good harvests were the
cause of increased revenue. What was that but an admis-
sion that cheapness and plenty of food were essential as well
to the happiness of the people as to the support of the re-
sew, Was it not evident, therefore, that it was unwise to
impede, by legislative restraints, the bounty of Providence ?
Having referred to the difference between the plenty
produced by good harvests and the plenty produced
by foreign importations, giving the preference to the
former, the right hon. baronet said, that it would be abound
In him were he to tell the farmer to have no fears as to
price—that corn was 80s. now—that it had been 100 s., and
that meat was Bd. per lb., while cattle brought a fair price
Nothing could be more unfair than to use such an argument
The price of food was high in consequence of the failure of
the potato crop, and no fair inference could be
drawn from present prices as to future prosperity.
Neither was it just to form an inference, in the
present condition of things, on the influence of free
trade on manufactures. No doubt the exports had
not increased, nor was there the same demand for manu-
factures that there had been. Bat how was this to
be accounted for? Had Ireland been able to make her
usual demand on our manufactures? We had been obliged
to send 10,000,000 of our money to relieve that country.
He wished that they might get 5,000,000 of it back,
(Hess, hear.) But under such circumstances, could
their demand have been so great as usual for our
cottons, our silks, or our hardwares, there again came the
high price of provisions to diminish the demand. The
same scarcity had, more or less, prevailed in France, Hollaad,
Belgium, Poland, Prussia, and the whole of Western Europe.
Tnose countries upon which we had been used to depend for
own were themselves obliged to send for provisions to the
United States. This had contributed to diminish the demand
for our goods. But see what took place when these years of
scarcity came. See the involuntary compliment which every
country paid to the principle of free trade which we had laid
down. There was a scramble which should be the first to
apply it. All were contending together for supplies in the
United States. He had felt it his duty, then, to propose the
repeal of the corn laws, and so far from making any apology
for it—so far from believing that ho had sacrificed the landed
Interest to the commercial and manufacturing interest—
his belief wee that he had rescued the agricultural
interest from a great danger, and had conferred
on them a great benefit. He gave the constituency too
mask credit to suppose that they believed all the shameful
="which Ind been levelled against him. He did not
that they believed him to be a Roman-catholic, or a
sedicel, or that he would sacrifice the agricultural to the
'sealed interest. His prosperity was connected with the
land, and he did not know why he should injure it; hut, as
• landed proprietor, he rejoiced at the present condition of
the country, and the present temper of the public mind ou
the subject of the corn-laws. He rejoiced, as a landed pro-
prietor, that that source of discord had been closed up. He
did not believe, after the double suspension of the corn-laws
which had taken place, in consequenes of the famine in Ire-
land, that it would be possible to
law without a state of affairs occuring In this
country for which any increase in the value of
corn would be but a most inadequate compensation.
(Hear, hear.) His hon. friend who proposed him had said
he (Sir It. Peel) had been put to the helm to steer the vessel
of the state ; but some people seemed to suppose that he was
to steer the skip with his bands tied behind him—(" Hear,"
and a laugh)—and while he saw the rocks and shallows by
which they were encompassed and the tempest approaching,
he should exercise no discretion as to how the danger should
be avoided. (Hear.) What did such people suppose that
office was ? That it was a life of continued enjoyment—the
welfare of the country being but a minor consideration.
Office was nothing but a succession of toils, heavy responsi-
bilities, and a tax upon the mental and physicist
energies, which few men could bear for many years
together. What would it be if those who were called upon
to make these sacrifices were prevented from consulting the
public interest according to their own conecientiens convic-
tions, and told that if they dared to take those measures
which they believed to be essential to the welfare and safety
of the state, they would be denounced as apostates and
traitors? Believing that it would be for the benefit of the
people—and seeing that the state of public feeling, and the
Snowing opinion that the corn-laws did not conduce to the
welfare of the public—and seeing the agriculturists
of Scotland, a wise and far-seeing class, had already tome
to the opinion that protection was of no advan-
tage to them--he did believe that it was for the
benefit of all clue's, and of the landed aristocracy in
particular, that the corn laws should be repealed, or that the
foundation of that repeal should be laid. And as a landed
proprietor, having no concern in money matters or manufac-
tures, he rejoiced that he had not left the landed interest
still exposed to a troublesome conflict on that question. It
was said that confidence in public men was shaken when
they changed their opinions. To a certain extent that was
true. It would ho bitter if they all could be so sagacious as