The Express.
London, England, 1848-05-15 00:00:00

Vie eirpreio.

MAILS.
The West India Malls, excluding Bermuda, NeNatl. lieMebba.
Rotaturas, New OTielffilt, Vera Crua, Temple% and Porto Klee, and
Including thou for Madira. Jaernel, CorOwen.. S.M. Malibu,
Chace., Panama, West Coes% of South Muerte% and XL Juan-do-
Nicaragua, will be made up on the Maniac of the 1 7th May.
The nun. for Vigo, Oporto, Lisbon, Madeira, Cadiz, and Gibraltar
will be made up on the morning of the 17th May.
The moll. for Ttrithih North America, and the Vatted State.,
will be made up en the evening of the I Sib May.
Theo verland male loi Gibraltar, Malta, (Imre, the lonian Islands,
Egypt, Aden, Ceylon, Indio, Ilong-Kong, and China, rem Southamp-
ton. will be made up on the mornlior of the Nth May,
The overlend elweil mails, no Marseille., U, the Mediterranean,
Egypt, Aden, Ceylon. Ind* Hong-Kong, no., will be mile up on thu
evening of the Iµh May.
The mails for New south Wale., Van Diaman'a Lind, and New
Zealand will be made up oh the evehinit of the Slot May.
1 The mule fur the West Csaiit of Arms and Madeira wilt be made
Ey ow (he evening of the 31st May.
The walla for %ht• lira.ila, the River Plate, Monte Vhleo, Penuoll-
Duro. Itahla, attmlvira, and Buenos Ayrra. will be made up on the
evening of the Sri June.
_ -

NOTICE TO ADVERTISERS.
The number of STAMPS issued by the authorities of the
Stamp-office, during 1847, to the
DAILY NEWS was 3,447,009
This, we believe, is within eight per cent of the number
issued to the Morning Herald, Morning Chronicle, and
Morning I'ost, ALL PUT TUOUTHULL
In addition to the above, isaued to the DAILY NEWS,
Morning raper, there were iuued for the Evening edition,
THE EXPRESS 778,714
Which was more, we believe, than were issued either to
:he (Mods or Standard, Evening Papers.

TO CO RIAIO3rON OVNTS.

-41.1,."11:1«1.

HIGH WATISII AT LONDON rr SPOT.
D.,—.lfiermag. Ws. pot •i
AD. 'Est A.
r.- Morals& lals.ptst eg Memos% I win. paaa I.

LONDON, MONDAY, MAY 15.
WE must own that we cannot comprehend the
respect which many persons in this country, of libe-
ral minds too, pay to NARVAY.Z. In doing so, they
make Spain an exception to all other countries, and
whilst they hail the party of progress and liberalism
elsewhere, they think Spaniards to be so unruly and
unreasonable as only to be managed by a ruthless, a
corrupt, and an intriguing soldier. It would seem,
indeed, that whilst we looked upon other countries
with the eyes of unbiassed philanthropy, we always
borrowed those of stockholders and speculators in
order to lock at Spain, and help us to form a
judgment as to it; and that those who lead the
'nglish public think more of the prices at the Madrid
Boise than of the rights or contentment of the Spanish

people.
Let us consider who are the malcontents of Spain,
who are those opposed to the military government of
NARVAEZ. They are all the citizen class, all the men
of professions and education, with all of the lower
class that have came to a sense of the national dig-
nity and of popular rights. Can any government in the
world be carried on in a system of intimidation and
hostility practised towards these classes? lmpos
Bible. The idea of the governmert of NARV %EL
succeeding in keeping quiet, restoring order, and per-
manently ruling, is the maddest that could .nter the
mind of any one. Some months since it was upheld
by the power of France it is now upheld simply by
dame regiments, who will always be tampered with,
and whose swords, cutting the people one day,
will infallibly cut those who wield and employ tin In
the next.
The only possible way to save Spain from revolution
was to have followed Mr. Ilt Lw ties advice, emaciated
in the government the liberals possessing the con-
' fidence of the people, liberals who have governed be-
fore, and governed without al wild, democratic lean-
ings, or subversive ideas. lut such rulers as NAIL-
v AEI and CDRISTIN t never can trust the middle class;
they can only rule by despotism and military govern-
ment—a thing difficult enough with resources at
command, with finances in a good state, and with the
authority " that doth hedge a crown," to sanction
arbitrary rule. But NARVAEZ has none of these ad-
vantages. His exchequer is empty. Ile has over-
drawn the bank till it has stopped cash payments ;
and treasury bills have been issued to avert the inun-
dation and worthlessness of assignats. The Spaniards
have thus all the ruinous results of revolution without
one of its continent advantages. As to the Qv zes's
authority and title, that merely exists on the condi-
tion of her governing constitutionally ; with NAR-
VAIZ really as a military dictator under her, the right
of ISABELLA is avowedly inferior to that of the
Conde de MONTEM4)I.IN. Nor is there a man
in Spain, beyond the subalterns dependent on
NARVAEZ who would not rally to the legitimist
prince if 'NARVAEZ is to be permanently the represen-
tative of the constitution.
Unfortunately for Spain, Mm Ts is not alone
in the field. The French revolution of February has
widely refounded in that country, and has awakened
the dormant ideas of 1821 and 1822. A democratic
party is rising up. NARVAEZ and CIIRDITINA, and
the successive cabinets of the Moderados have ac-
quired and kept power in Madrid by means
of the support of the Louis Philippist rulers
of France. \Vhy should not thorough repub-
lican Spaniards attain and keep power in their
own country by the support of the Republican
Government of France? And let it be remembered,
that the French Republicans of 1848 are not like the
French revolutionists, whom Spain once knew and re-
pudiated. The French National Assembly instead of
waging war against priests and religion, accepts and
allies with them. It no longer shocks any one
pepular prejudice; it repudiates conquest, upholds the
sanctity of national and local independence, and
thus puts forth the most formidable propagandism
that ever invaded foreign countries.
The only safety, the only bulwark against this tide
of democracy which is rushing in on one side, whilst
legitimacy beats in from the other, was for the
Spanish Queen to have rallied to herd one the
middle and educated classes, those posse of pro-
perty, practising industry, and demanding • fair
degree of constitutional freedom, independent of rude
soldiers and corrupt courtiers. Mr. BuLwea's ad-
vice to CIIRIATINA and NARVAEZ was to seek safety
in these supports.
Unfortunately, the attitude we have long preserved
with regard to Spain makes every counsel we give
something very like dictation. And when the
Spanish minister flung this advice in our minister's
face, the public feeling here was to applaud hie spirit.
Very just, if such conduct proceeded from a just
spirit of pride and resentment. But it is now too well
known, that the Spanish court and cabinet were led
at that time , we will not say by what informants,
to expect nothing less than a revolution in
England ; and no where was the celebrated
tenth of April looked to with more certainty of such a
result than in Madrid. Such an event would have
rendered the French Republic lords of the European
ascendant, and SOTOMATOR'S note was written to pro-
pitiate them. Nay, so fearful was the NARVAEZ
cabinet that the thundering reply to 131.1.wER would
come too late to Paris, that SARTORIWI, the home
minister, sent it off hurriedly to that capital, and had
it inserted in the Prease.
The trending away the Duke and Duchess of
MONTPENSIER from Madrid was another act of
obsequiousness on the part of NARVAEZ to the French
Provisional Government. Indeed, so convinced is the
present Spanish cabinet that it can only exist by
French support, that was ARMANI) HAREMS or M.
CARET declared first consul of France, NARVAEZ would
be the first to lick their feet. Ho would be much
more inclined to them, than to conciliate or spare the
blood of one liberal Spaniard.
Against this contemptible, tyrannical, and anti-
Spanish system of government the Spanish liberals
unfortunately aro making separate and olated at-
tempts of revolution. One set of men gets up an in-
surrection, in which they bravely sacrifice them-
eaves. Another set suborns a regiment and ex-
poses it and themselves to destruction, instead of
biding the time when the utter emptiness of the trea-
sury and depreciation of every substitute for money
will leave the military unpaid, when they will all, to
firnan, rise, to put down a government at once the
most unconstitutional, most corrupt, most sanguinary,
and most upstart, ignorant, and imbecile, that ever
yet disgraced the annals even of the Peninsula.

THE dying MIRABEAII is Said to have exclaimed,—
" When I am gone they will know the value of me."
The repeaters seem to be in a fair way of learning in
a similar manner the worth of the singularly gifted
leader whom they have lost. O'CoNNELL was, in-
deed, an arbitrary and often times an exacting master.
ills love of power w
himexhaustible confidence
in himself rendered intolerant of oppo-

their party.
But no greater error can be conceived than that
whereinto an impulsive contemporary has lately
fallen when it exclaimed, in announcing the tumult
and violence that took place at Limerick among
There
is no ending of repeal to be looked for " Tin any
or in many such events. Repeal did not
originate with Messrs. O'BRIEN and Mtreirtu.,
and it will not cease or subside because
they go out of vogue or get into prison. Repeal is
the bitter unappeasible cry of just resentment at
grievous and protracted wrong—social, political, and
ecclesiastical. Call it inarticulate—incoherent—in-
sane—what you will ; the fact remains that it is a
piercing and irrepressible cry of national misery and
danger, and the testimony of history and of on-look-
ing nations declares that the danger and misery is,
beyond utterance—real and profound.
Repeal, as a project, is, we believe, a clumsy error.
Nothing like the old Irish parliament could by any
possibility be got together once more in College-
green ; and the metamorphosed legislature consisting,
one chamber of Orange landlords, and the other
of catholic tenants without tenure, would not hold
together or work in amity with the legislature of Great
Britain fur the ,pace of twelve calendar months. Repeal
as a plan whether examined theoretically or practi-
rally, we cannot look upon as other than a delusion.
But we are far indeed from thinking the cry for it,
therefore, unmeaning or uneventful. That wavering,
tumultuary, but ever-recurring shout of reproach
and pain, will never end until one or other
of two possible things happen—either that a
v,olent and total disruption of the empire takes
place, or that the present system of imperial rule is
thoroughly and fundamentally changed. We must
let the Irish manage their own affairs as much as
possible. Worse than they are managed by us, it is
clear that they cannot be. We must begin to take
them at their word, regarding self-rule, both for
their sake and for ours. l'oor law, public
works, police, landlord and tenant —in heaven's
name what fitness or capacity is there in
our over-worked imperial legislature, to deal with
these things here'? Let the Irish manage them as
they pleases in their towns and counties, or in what- I
ever manlier they think best ; let them get ample
powers for the purpose, and let us hear no more of
local quarrels, jobs, or conflicting interests. Enough
will s.ill remain fur imperial wisdom to occupy itself
upon, of affairs common to both lands, and requiring to
be dealt with for a common end. But no greater oon,
we are persuaded, could be conferred on Englishb and
Scotch members of both houses of parliament than to
be relieved from the incessant appeals to their igno-
rance and incompetence for the adjustment of local
Irish business, which, to say the truth, can only be
properly done in Ireland.

OF the four measures of electoral reform contem-
plated by Mr. iii ME and his coadjutors in the House
of Commons the re-distribution of the electoral dis-
tricts has most of novelty, and this alone would
ensure a greater amount of active hostility to it on the
part of sincere anti.reformers and hollow reformers
than to any of the others. It is, moreover, a measure
against which it is not difficult to excite a good deal of
local and class jealousy.
'I. he Leeds Mere's, y has accordingly opened against
this proposition with a portentous display of anti-
quarian lore. Mr. BAINES has discovered that our
borough representation dates from the days of litmus
DE Motereoirr, a position which, as it has no con-
ceivable bearing on the question, we have no call
to dispute. But Mr. BAINES has further discovered
that to the boroughs the commercial interest owe
"the influence in the I louse of Commons which they
have enjoyed for neatly six centuries." It may be
doubted whether the commercial interest will be se-
riously alarmed by the danger of losing the influence
which they possessed in the House of Commons in the
years of grace 1348 or 1448; and, if they will take
the trouble to examine narrowly the character of the
existing borough representation, they may even ques-
tion whether they are materially indebted to it for the
influence they at present enjoy.
" Of the 658 members which constitute the House
of Commone,"saye Mr. a t.Ex AN nen MACKAY, inn well-
timed pamphlet on " electoral districts," which fur mi-
nute and extensi ye statistical reiwarch and close analysis
has rarely been surpassed, make a majority.
The minority is 328. There are in the house 330
members returns d from all parts of the United King-
dom, by boroughs with an aggregate population of
3,127,000 persona ; the minority of 328 members re-
presenting the remainir.g 23,873,000 of the popula-
tion. • • • • The majority is oompoeed exclusively
of the representatives of third class towns and small
boroughs, including all those which are notoriously
under the influence of the landlords. The minority re-
present all the counties and all the first-class cities and
towns of the empire. • • • • It is a dangerous fallacy
to suppose that the strength of the landed)
interest in the house is limited to the 253 county
members. That interest overlaps to a great extent 11
the borough majority in parliament; so much so, in-
deed, as to render it morally impossible, unless the
representation is placed on a more rational and
equitable basis, to prevent the landed interest, and
through it the aristocracy of the country, from exer-
cising a preponderant influence in the Commons
House of Parliament.°
The Lir expressed by the editor of the Leeds
Mercury, that equal electoral districts would be the
means of swamping the independent intelligent
town voters, by submerging. them among ma-
jorities of rural voters, Is quite as ima-
ginary as his notion that the boroughs are
Ow safeguards of the commercial interest.
Political independence and intelligence are to be met
with outside of parliamentary boroughs, just as ser-
vilism anu corruption are to be found within them.
County constituency and rural constituency are not
synonymous terms. AVe need only refer to the census
of 1841 to establish this fact. The total population of
Great Britain in that year was 18,636,981. Of this
total no lees than 6,026,139 (within a trifle of one-