The Express.
London, England, 1851-06-25 00:00:00

THE EXPRESS, WEDNESDAY .EVENING, JUNE 25, 1851.

and heAlli nrat ask the house, therefore, in uncaring to
the lemma mewling of the bill, to sanction that clause.
Me. SUMS slid there would be no difficulty in having
additiomlthamhes built by private munificence if they
God' be built without being endowed. But the Bishop of
Lowliest odd unless they were endowed he would not con-
secrate them. There was a great cry for church extension
on the part of some parties, but they would not allow of
church extension unless they had the patronage. Twenty-
five years ago they could have had twenty additional
churches built in the metropolis by Mr. John Smith and
others, provided they could have had the appointment of
the clergy, but as that was not allowed them, the churches
were not built. And now what did they propose by this
bill ? They proposed to take away half of the free sittings
that had been appropriated for the last fifty years, so that
in fact this bill was a robbery of the poor in
order to give the bishops the power of nominating
clergymen with increased salaries. Then the next clause
was quite as objectionable. It was to give power to the
commissioners to charge rents for pews which had been held
by faculty. This mode of adding to the wants of the church,
in utter disregard of the feeling of the public, he warned
them would ere long tell fearfully against it. Ile moved
that the bill be read a second time that day. six months.
Sir B. HALL entirely agreed with his right hon. friend
that the object of this bill as stated by him was a good one,
namely, to subdivide large parishes, but this bill went fur
beyond that, and was not in accordance with the original
intentions of the commissioners. This was not the first time
that a bill of this kind had been proposed. One was pro-
posed last year, and this was the same with some little
alteration. That billgaye powerto the commissioners to levy
a church rate over the whole district, so that eyeryperson
would come under this church rate at the very time
that church rates were very obnoxious to the public at'
large. The bill was nothing more nor less than
a bill of the Bishop of London's, for the purpose
of creating patronage and taxing the people to support the
church. Such were the powers of the original bill. In
consequence of the remonstrances that were made, the noble
lord at the head of the goveniment said he could not con-
sent to such propositions. What was their proposition now ?
Why, to enable the bishops and others to put a tax upon
seats which were now free. That was one of the objects of
the bill ; but there were some other curious propositions in
it. Suppose a new church were built, and there was a po-
pular clergyman to it,they actually proposed to take the peer
rents of that church to support another church where there
might be a negligent minister who could not get a congre-
gation. Then there was another proposition to validate mar-
riages performed in certain churches, so that here was a bill
brought in to facilitate the building of churches which were
to legalise illegal marriages. This report emanated
from the Bishop of London and certain other dignitaries ;
and one of their propositions was a most monstrous one. It
was, that the whole of the Crown livings should be disposed
of for the purpose of creating a fund for the building of
churches. Why did not these bishops propose to sell their
own ? Ile believed that under the present Lord Chancellor
nothing could be more admirable than the different ap-
pointments that had been made by him to livings.
The late DrAthold had said it was not thedoctrine, but the
discipline of the church that required reformation. Before
giving these extraordinary powers to the bishops some-
thing ought to be done in this respect. There were a great
many matters in the bill which ought not to pass into
law ; he should therefore divide against the second reading.
Mr. PLI.:MPTRE hoped the bill would be a very useful
bill, though he doubted as to the propriety of making it re-
trotpective. He would give it a second reading, and have
it fully and fairly considered in committee.
Mr. W. J. FOX said it was strange that the second read-
ing of this bill should be urged on at a time when it was
impossible it could be fully considered. It touched on so
many popular interests, including those of the dissenters,
that it was most essential there should he an opportunity for
considering it out of d.ors. It contained a great many
clauses, and referred to eighteen acts of parliament. Three
of the clauses all went in the same direction, to authorise
the allotment of fice seats in pews, and the imposition of I
pew rents in all churches built since 1800. It was in fact of
• measure of taxation, and of the most improper kind ; for
it lazed people for going to church, who were at present not
subject to that payment. This taxation would operate most
oppressively on the poor ; ancient parishes were exempted.
Thus, the burden would be more heavy on the
modern formed parishes. If the clergy were made
to depend on the pew-rents, this would be to
introduce the worst feature of dissenting voluntaryism,
which rendered their ministers dependent on the caprices
or changes of opinion of their hearers. (Hear, hear.)
This was done, while the report stated that the church pro-
perty was capable of realising half a million per annum.
He should oppose the second reading of the bill.
Sir H. INGLIS denied that this bill was promoted by the
bishops for the sake of patronage. lie should support the
second reading of the bill.
Lord It. GROSVENOR said the bill was proposed to
remedy certain inconveniences, and it was ardently desired
by the working clergy, who believed that it would give
them the independence they had sought, and which was so
necessary to the discharge of their spiritual duties. The
bill removed many of the obstacles in the way of endowing
churches, and, so far from increasing the patronage of the
bishops, it would have an opposite effect. He thought the
objections of Sir B. Hall were directed rather to the bill of
last year than the present. No !prelate had ever subscribed
so largely out of his own funds for church purposes, in pro-
portion to his income, as the Bishop of London had done.
(Hear, hear.)
Mr. HENLEY said the house had not had sufficient time
to examine the bill ; therefore, in voting for the second
reading, he must reserve himself on certain points, includ-
ing the pew-rents and the fees.
Sir G. GREY said the report on which the bill was
I founded was presented two years ago, and a measure had
been introduced last session that the opinion of the country
might be obtained. This was done, and material alterations
I had been made in the bill. Ile considered that ample time
had been given to consider the bill, so far as to take the second
reading, sad it might be more fully considered in committee.
The objection that the bill merely sought to get public money,
and increase the church patronage, was wholly unfounded.
Its leading object was to convert districts into independent
parishes, and render the incumbents of those districts inde-
pendent of the rector of the parish, who, under the exist-
bg arrangement, received the fees paid at the district
starches. The bill had not been prepared by
.the go-
vernment, but by the ecclesiastical c immissioners ;
the government had conducted it through the other
house, and generally approved of its provisions; but there
were certain alterations which he should propose on going
into committee.
Lord DCNCAN said that all were agreed that the bill
had been hurried on prematurely, otherwise greater objec-
tion would have been made to it in the country. His main
objection to the bill was the imposition of pew-rents, as an
income for the clergymen, on what had been free sittings.
(Hear, hear.) To say the least this would be a most unpo-
pular act.
Mr. MOWATT said he had had ample time to examine
the bill, and thought it most objectionable; he should,
therefore, vote against the second reading.
Mr. S. HERBERT begged to move that, it being then
4 o'clock, the debate be adjourned.
The debate was accordingly adjourned to Friday.
ST. ALBANS 'BRIBERY COMMISSION BILL.
On the motion that this bill be read a third time,

Mr. BANK ES objected that the bill should be taken at
that advanced hour of the day. The bill was one that, in
its present shape, should not pass ; and therefore, at that
late hour, should not be proceeded with. (Hear.)
The bill was then postponed to Thursday, at twelve
o'clock, and the house, at ten minutes past four, adjourned
to six o'clock.

Tieliousercassembled at six o'clock.
NOTICES OF MOTION.

Mr. DISRAELI said, in answer to a question which hail
been put to him by the hon. baronet the member for Mary-
lebone (Sir B. Hall) in what stage he intended to make
his motion, he begged to say that he found that his hon.
friend the member fur Huntingdon (Mr. T. Baring) had
an instruction to move in committee respecting the duties
on coffee, which must he brought forward on the considera-
tion of the first measure of the government, on Mon-
day. It would bo necessary, therefore, for him (Mr.
Disraeli) to move his resolutions by way of amendment to
the second government measure, which related to supply.
The resolutions which he intended to move were these :
" That, according to an estimate of the probable future
produce of existing taxes, submitted to this house by the
Chancellor of the Exchequer, it appears that a surplus of
revenue may be expected in the present year to the extent
of about 2,000,0001. sterling. That in the revenue so esti-
mated is included a sum exceeding 5,000,0001. sterling de-
rived teem the tax on income, respecting which an inquiry
has been directed to be made by a committee of this house,
on the result of whose labours may depend the future re-
newal or modification of that impost. That in this pro-
visional state of the finances of this country, it appears to
this house to be most consistent with a due regard to the
maintenance of the public credit, and the exigencies of the
public service, not to make any material sacrifice of the
public income, ineffecting such changes as may be deemed
advisable in other branches of taxation."

' MANCHESTER BONDING WAREHOUSES.
' Mr. M. GIBSON moved for a select committee, to in-
quire into the working of the system of warehousing foreign
goods in bond, in Manchester, as it affects importers,
'
dealers, and consumers of goods liable to Customs duty, re-
siding in Manchester, and the neighbouring towns ; also as
to its effects on the Customs revenue, and to report to the
house as to the expediency or otherwise of placing Man-
chester, on an equal, footing with all bonded towns in the
' United Kingdom. The hon. member said this was a question
large manufacturing population residing in the neighbour-
hood of Manchester. The towns especially concerned were
Salford, Macclesfield, Bolton, Stockport, Oldham, Hythe,
Ashton, Staleybridge, containing a population little short
of a million, consuming largely foreign produce, and now
enjoying the privilege of warehousing foreign produce in
Manchester without payment of duty. Nineteen memo-
rials had been presented to the government from
the corporations of these towns, and from the
different trades ; and he wished it to be clearly,
understood that in asking the home to agree to a
committee, he did not do so on behalf of the corporation of
Manchester, or of any particular section of persons residing
in that city, but on behalf of the important district which
surrounded Manchester. (Hear, hear.) If the warehous-
ing of foreign goods without the payment of duty were an
advantage to any portion of the community, it must be
especially advantageous to such • population as he had
described. The warehousing of foreign goods was valued
as an advantage by Manchester and the surrounding
district, and they had availed themselves of the facili-
ties for bonding. Apprehensions were, however, enter-
, taitvd that it was the intention of the goverment
nment ,
to raise the bonding system to be discontinued, exercising 1,
' for that purpose the discretion which was vested in them by '
law; soa Ns object that evening was to induce the house I
not to tleuiere that the bonding omelet should becontioued,

theon nresvesnourreowonoduilapd notm coffer
nlelssteheehgrenoatLemartll:l
and Biro
obfutntoithadproponiinngt a committee mieotntteeinnitonipnquo,itrettninpotortothnet proprietyptider
mingham, might share the advantages and facilities of
bearing
it no spirit bonding.
that Mr. LABOUCIIERE said that as his right hon. friend
pogpoulrionn. thin large
ntode mthantoufliicrotunng and commer-
of hostility to the government, or to any party in
vernment in the difficult position in which it was placed ,
surfs. His right honourable friend did not wish
house, but with the view of coming to the aid of the go-.
mthaetetehtantetelotoornoldf theh° Ettleoechenlautcyr
f..ll,ardhgiotnnetosoofuylloyol.ynto
few
the government being called upon, on the one hand, to wo
connected the
the contrary, desired them to retain it, if they thought it
the maintenance of the customs establishment
while, subject to the conditions imposed. Though
with bonding, or, on the other hand, to deprives large worthoretained _
place a possible additional charge on the public revenue for to take away the privilege from Manchester, but, on
his former opinions he should atilt be reluctant
commercial district of the advantages which it now enjoyed.
they bonding as now existing should be discontinued, be-
The question resolved itself into the very simple one, whe- thooenonceslooedthtit"priliviloegdetdtoneovterthiy tnohwethweithaoavegmrematenpotpula.
wero
cause in carrying it on, the government might possibly be calledu upon to break down the arrangement and open the
considering the facilities which bonding afforded for tacked importance
paltry to kee it
this should object to thesum required pup,
commercial purposes, that its continuance in
put to an expense of 2,7001. a-yeas. But who could say, privilege to every ism.
privilege,
ttaheepepc,-ohpolowonof MsnannocilLedsterthaot;
sions. ere were good reaso
greater than the expense incurred. Unquestionably, if it
were determined to-morrow that the bonding Syr",the borough rates but there were other means of producing
district might not increase tho revenue to an extent when he remembered their eir ginteaftoltiberatralnnitpy
theon Itmhoerunocca-t
on
would be paid by those only who profited by the system.
London, so far from any money being saved by the adoption _
of such a course the impediments thrown in the way of
should be abolished at Liverpool and all other ports except it, by a small duty upon goods actually warehoused, winch
the pressure that was made upon him.
glad the Chancellor of the Exchequer had the spirit
trade would diminish the revenue and a considerable loss be tohlicerce:pwaseld
become apprehensive that the Chancellor of the Exchequer for his constituents that they considered it un-
well about to recommend the withdrawal of the bonding just t
inflicted on the state. The inhabitants of Manchester had Mr. lialmtVanicihlEeslt.teTrOshNous.ludpbpocrtc,ieldledthue..otti7p..ayilaeltl.htoh.icigehlt.
penses when the whole neighbourhood around WA, ben.>
notice of their desire to terminate their liability for the
system in that town, because the corporation had given
ster should not be placed in the same situation as other
fitcd by the privilege. Ile did think it hard that Man-
expenses of the customs establishment in that town. che
Mr. SPOONER, without pledging himself to any par-
that either the bonding system must be given up,
witlethe subject iu future, would
or the state must maintain its own officers in this case titular line in connexion
The question, then, was reduced to this narrow limit, towns enjoying the same privilege.
av
no
Aftert ed for
entohuefneto, motion.
not
Galway,
That bill- was, at the suggestion he believed, of
insirothßenob.ertln lisBce4ol,,
s from Mr. Heywood, Mr. Kershaw,
uthe it
ldaitde
committee. In committee several resolutions were passed, Mr. M. GIBSON said, one of two things only could now
pears to this committee that the privilege of haying titillated according to law,
arefbeilLwaStointamds:celeedt,
and the matter lay betweeu the
Chancellor of the
arid amongst them was the following :—" That it ap- heppen: o. f the Manchester corporation had ter-
bonding warehouses may be conceded to inland towns, trade of the district and the Exchequer.
the revenue." An Untied at the expense of the state. Whichever of these
vantage to trade and safety to
he asked furinquiry. Ile was
under due restrictions and regulations, with ad- Either the establishment must be discontinued, or con-
amendment was moved by Lord G. Somerset, opposing two things were to happen,
in favour of Manchester. He wondered that now when entire responsibility oh this matter on himself. lie bad
the principle of inland bonding, but making a reservation sorry to hear that the right hon. gentleman had taken the
the privilege hail been in operation in the particular seen the day when he was not unwilling to share his ro-
case of Manchester an opposition should be made to a sponsibility with committees of the house. (Hear.)
parliamentary inquiry as to whether it should be continued. The house then divided, and there appeared
He would remind the Chancellor of the Exchequer that For the motion 5O
among the ayes for the second reading of the bill he found Against it
the names of Sir C. Wood, Sir G. Grey, of the Secretary JURISDICTION OF TILE CENTRAL CRIMINAL
at War, indeed of all the leaders of the Whig party. COURT.
oftinrvinge" That
olifethtreussyttiteleinthfocerenfloorenp,
tthhaotfatftimerenrieryienweeouolfdtliirteotwooprkposinge
it liislrd.e.FititoEdloVtEo
Cri-
a motion for a committee to inquire whether the minal Court to the whole of each county on the. home eir-
Nextroensil thker4tuhrei.dilmer=of •
the
al 1
by the •l •
was not carried, although it had been reported favourably the ground of the facilities now affair nays
privilege might be beneficially continued. The bill of 1840 cuit." He argued in favour of the motion principally on
upon by the select committee ; but the reason was that for the cheap and speedy transit of prisoners and witnesses.
there occurred a change of government, and its supporters His object was to facilitate the aeministration of justice and
were thus disabled from carrying out their intentions. The Save expense. Ile would not, however, press hi, motion
succeeding government, however, brought in a bill giving at present, as he merely brought it forward in order that
p
the bonding privilege to Manchester ; but they clogged it the attention of government might be directed to the subject
with a condition that Manchester should pay all the cx- with a view to their bringing in a measure tu carry out the
pease of the establishment. The borough submitted at the object in some future session.
time, but he denied that it had entered into any contract or Sir G. GREY had two objections to the motion. In the
bargain. It was ~uncommon case, when bonding privileges first place, it was not only an ate-tract resolution, but an Or
but afterwards, when the experiment proved sue- mitted it was not desirable to give effect. In the next
were given to ports, to require the expenses in the first street resolution to which the hon. gentleman himself ad-
instance,cessful, to transfer them to the state. The only question for place, to effect this change would be contrary to the object
the committee if appointed to consider was whether the public of establishing the Central Criminal Court, which was to
benefits were likely to be sufficient to justify an expense of try offences in the metropolis and the district immediately
2,7001. a year. Misbelief was that the expense would be am- adjoining.
ply repaid by the general gain to the revenue. It was not The motion was withdrawn.
necessary, then, when he was merely moving fora commit- SAVINGS BANKS.
to consider of
Chancellor of the Exchequer might be of opinion that the future day, resolve itself into a committee,
tee, to go into any figures or details on the subject. The Mr. 11. HERBERT moved "That this house will, on a
bonding system had been carried too far ; but was it rca- an address to her Majesty. praying that she will be gram-
sonable to commence the system of retrenchment with a ously pleased to extend the same measure of relief to the
town which stood sixth on the list, there being only five depositors in the late Rochdale, Scarborough, Tralee, and
which collected a larger amount of revenue, while Killarney Savings Banks as has been already extended to
several small places at which very small amounts the depositors in the late Cutfe-street, Dublin, Savings
were collected retained the privilege? (Hear, hear.) Bank." In support of the motion he would read a few
It was alleged that no place should have bonding privileges figures showing the circumstances of the parties interested
except a seaport, and that Manchester was not a seaport. in one of these institutions. In the Rocha:de Savings Bank
True, but then it had direct communication with the there were 2,963 depositors ; of these, 722 unmarried wo-
sea by water. Let them look, at the case of London. Were men, 292 married women, 231 young persons or children,
there not vast quantities of goods trausferred from the ships 9.53 minors, 539 labourers, and a sick club having 10,000
to fists in the river ? and where was the difference of goods members. What an amount of misery and suffering did
that were unladen in the Mersey and conveyed by water to these figures imply ? (Hear, hear.) Ile could have given
Manchester ? Again, take the case of Chester, which was similar figures with regard to others of these banks, but
a bonding port. lie found that of duty paid on goods was unwilling to detain the house. The Chancellor of the
warehoused there, and directly imported there, the amount Exchequer no doubt would tell them, as he had done on a
was ; while on goods brought from other ware- former occasion, that these parties had no legal claim to
housing places, the duty was 76.9741. Goods might he bonded redress. He admitted at once that they bad nu legal
in Chester which had been conveyed there by railway from claim. If they had possessed a legal claim, that house
London ; and what was the difference if they conveyed would not have been the place to try it. Neither, how-
goods by railway from London to Manchester ? Why ever, had there been any legal claim for the payment of
should the privilege be granted in the one case 262,0001. to the holder, of forged exchequer bills, and he
and withheld in the other ? He hoped that the conceived that in the case of these savings banks, tho
Chancellor of the Exchequer would consider this question poverty of the depositors was a strong reason why some-
merely as one of not taking away. All he (Mr. M. Gibson) thing should be done for them. Ile (Mr. Herbert) founded
asked for was inquiry, and he trusted that a full one would the claims of these parties on the ground that the legisla-
be granted before the bonding privilege was taken away turn had just meddled sufficiently with these institutions to
from Manchester. If it could be shown before the coin- induce the general belief that depositors had the govern-
mittee that Manchester did not pay its expenses as a bond- meet security. lie would show that that belief had
ing place, then discontinue it, but let the matter be referred been fostered and encouraged by the government,
to a committee. and undergo a full and fair investigation. and also that the government had been tampering
Mr. BRIGHT seconded the motion. with the money. The money belonging to the savings banks
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said that had been used for public purposes; and he, therefore,
if he were to confine himself to the simple guess thought that government had no right to turn round and
tion of granting • committee, he might dispose of it say, •We are mere trustees or guardians of your money."
in a few words ; but as his right honourable friend According to the rules regulating these matters, no savings
had gone into the general questiou, it would be necessary bank could be formed without the consent of the Com-
te follow him for a few moments. His right hon. friend missioners for the Reduction of the National Debt, a bar-
had confounded the question in so extraordinary a manner, rioter was appointed by them to look to the rules of all
that is would soon be impossible to define what really was banks which were established, and these rules were duly
a port. If any town which had water communication with advertised. When these banks had been at first insti-
the sea was to be considered a port, there was hardly a toted, it was not only considered that the depo-
town in England that might not claim the privilege. He sitors had the security of government, but up till 1844
(the Chancellor of the Exchequer) asserted that, with the they had the security of the trustees. In 1844, however,
exception of Manchester, bonding privileges were only a clause had been introduced into a bill totally taking away
given to ports to which foreign ships might come. He all responsibility from the trustees of these institutions, and
would simply state what had really occurred iu 1843. The substituting no other security. Ile did not altogether
town of Manchester, represented by its corporation, came to object to the relief of the trustees from the responsibility,
the right hon. member for Cambridge, and applied for for where the banks had been established it hail been
the bonding privilege; and that right hon. gentleman, as thought that the deposits would only be about a million,
the only protection to the Treasury, expressed his willingness whereas they hail risen up to 28 millions' and it might be
to grant the privilege on couditionthat the town should bear considered unreasonable to charge such a heavy responsi-
the expense, and there was not the slightest difference on the bility on the trustees. These poor people, however,
subject. In 04.14 the privilege of bonding was conceded to should not have been left to find out, when the
Manchester, on condition that the town bore the expense ; hour of distress came, that without their know-
and there could be no doubt that it was so far to carry out ledge the security was taken away without any other
the arrangement, an act of parliament was passed. In the being substituted. That was the state of things in 1844.
first bill the privilege was confined to Manchester, ceded- But the legislature at that time contemplated that some
Mg Salford, an exclusion which the Manchester people security should be given, as the act stated that the tins-
seemed anxious to retain, but the privilege was in the end tees should nut be liable beyond the particular sum for
conceded to the neighouring town as well. Soon after his which they might render themselves liable. But they did
(the Chancellor of the Exchequer's) accession to office, the not enter into any security, though Mr. Tidd Pratt
Manchester people, finding the privilege not so beneficial wrote circulars to all the trustees, stating that this secu-
to them as they had anticipated, sent deputations to him to rity might be entered into. Ile submitted that it was the
induce him to charge upon the public an expense which duty of Mr. Tidd Pratt, when he found that no security
had been incurred fiir their benefit only. His reply was was entered into, to call the attention of the public to the
that they had no right to expect him to relieve them fact, and not let them go on for six years, and.
from the burden, and that they should look for remune- then let them discover, to their loss, that the seeu-
ration in the rates they charged on the goods warehoused. ride they fancied they had was tiken from them. He held
They, however, refused to increase their rates, which were in his hands a circular written from the War-office in 1543,
extremely low, hoping to make up the deficiency out of directing the flag officers to impress on the mind of the 'see-
the public revenue. With regard to the proposal now made shiners the desirableness of laying money by to serve them
he could see no advantage that could arise from an ingairy in the day of sickness, and the flog officers were directed to
before a committee of the house, they had already all the inform them that they hail gevernment security " for the
evidence on the subject that was necessary, and to go into principal and interest. What aorta could be stranger
such an investigation as was now proposed could result in Then in one of the school books whieli were published un-
nothing but a loss of time and money. His right hon. der the authority of government, there was a passage to the
friend said the bonding privilege was of great advantage to effect that every peraou who put his muney iu the sayings
the town, but the evidence taken before the commission— hank became a public creditor. Then there W 33 another
the evidence of the Manchester people themselves—did not consideration. The goverunient had used the deposits in
go to show that it was so. For instance, it had been said the savings bank from time to time for the public exi-
that an advantage accrued from the privilege of mixing gentles, and he had a return before him from which it ap-
teas, but, in the evidence, it was stated that the peered that the loss to the public arising from these stock-
Manchester people were too innocent to compete success- jobbing transactions amounted to very nearly two millions.
fully with the London and Liverpool traders in that parti- Ile said then the government heaving used the savings bank
cular ; the inference being that there was a system of money for their emergencies, they had no right to turn
adulteration practised in the two ports referred to from round and say they merely held the money for the conve-
which Manchester was free, and by means of which the nience of the depositors, and that if any accident occurred
MOMS was attained. If, therefore, his right hon. friend by which loss wall sustained, the depositors must bear the
was anxious for the morality of Manchester he should op- loss. Then look at the effect of taking away the security.
pose the continuance of the bonding privileges. It was cvi- Look at what had incurred in Ireland. In 1846 there were
dent the object was to relieve the people of Manchester 74 savings banks in Ireland. Since 1846 no fewer than 21
from a burden they had a right to bear—a burden of of them had been discontinued. It might be said there had
some 3,000/. a year, and throw it on the public. But there been a famine in Ireland, but the banks had been die-
were many inland towns, if the principle were once con- continued precisely in those districts that were least visited
ceded, that had far stronger claims for the privilege than by the famine. Ile hail himself been witness of the ill
Manchester. In the first place. Manchester was within an effects produced by the failure of two other banks. Widows
hours distance by railway of the port of Liverpool, to whose husbands had saved 3 little money, which hail been
which it might send its orders by electric telegraph, and placed in the bank, were begging their bread, and old act,
receive back the goods almost immediately. These were rants and others who had placed their savings of years in
advantages which such places as Leeds, Coventry, Leices- the bank were starving. The sum required to do justice to
ter, and other inland towns possessed in a far less degree, these depositors was leas than would fit out one line-of-
and if any town had less ground than another for claiming battle ship, one-third of what they voted last night fur the
the privilege it was Manchester. If the people of Man. Kaffir war, one-fifth of what the noble lord opposite (Lord
cheater cousidered the benefit so great (which he did not) Palmerston) annually spent in his crusade against the
they might obtain it at a very small charge. lie did not slave trade. He believed about 100,0001. would pear them
want to deprive them of the advantage if they were content 10s. in the pound, and justice required that that sum should
to bear the charge, but he was net prepared to give it them be granted.
at the cost of the public. Mr. S. CItAWFORD seconded the motion. In the peti-
Mr. BRIGHT contended for the general principle that tion which he had that night preseeted on this subject from
no distinction should be drawn between inland towns and his constituents it was stead that the amount of claims
seaports in conferring on them the advantages of the bond- was about 100,0001. To meet this sum there was at the
lag system. lie referred to the enormous trade and menu- time of the failure in the hauls of government 26,0001. ;
facturing products of Manchester, as proving the title that in the hands of the local treasurer 1,7881., and actual
town could urge for a share in the facilities accorded to property 16,0001., making altogether 44,0001., in
ports of comparatively insignificant consequence. addition to which some benevolent persons hid made
Mr. CARDWELL said he had been charged by his right a subscription amounting to 17,0001., reducing the actual loss
hon. friend the member fur the University of Cambridge to to 38,3071. The petitioners stated that they relict upon
oppose this motion of the right hon. gentlemen opposite, their moral right and claim for the intervention of paths-
because, if this privilege of bonding was to be granted to went to assist them, inasmuch as parliament had relieved
every inland town that demanded it, the settlement now the trustees from respousieiiity and left the petitioners
prevailing would be disturbed and no available check would without proper security, althimeh this depositor, believed
be imposed on the bonding system. It would be an in- that government was responsible. He wished to see no
fringement of the understanding, and would take away all divided security. If the state interfered at all it ought ;to
reasonable and definite principle.
suerw hentot hheate dutiestthe
were
advantageso hi high
lt,lsoaptgive full and complete security; otherwise to abstain from
Mr. HUME had voted for the extension of the system interfering entirely. Nothing could be more injurious than
wasthe goods,of
t and not htoavaleljouswtitclew dionePre"ithla, taondinenstlii would dthebePTecorcusbull
not
t if
paying the duty until the goods were sold, and he had this motion were refused.
thought that Manchester might, in fairness, have the privis Mr. MORRIS brictly supported the motion.
lege, if the merchant, there considered it worth their while The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER hoped the
to bear the expenses of it. lie could not see that any in- house would make some allowance for the not very agree-
formation was required as regarded Manchester, which able situation in which be wes placed. On most occasions
pfrotompor:dinongointryquoiryf thinistokitnhdo.noltfe his ought not to apply to all other places that he was accused of wilful extravagance in throwing away the
were ports, or that any advantage would be derived public money • he bad now been attacked, both in that
it
if
therigh t
differenth
f friend epnodrts had
of I
howeverd the
painfulprecee' i
him o
to
motion,
so,oe it
v:wry.;
hisd iedreont;
to
oppose
thecountry, he should havebeen happy to joinhen, for there this motion. Whatever distress hail been eteasioned by the
were many cases in which the advantagederived by the port failure of these savings banks, no ground hat: been shown
was not worth the expenditure, and some in which why the ich had
government should Luke good losses svh
it did not even counterbalance it, but when he occurred through no fault of Veer.. In the report On the
considered that a bargain hat been made with Manchester Cuffiestreet hank, peculiar t nc e had been sliewn
, ilrell.ll3 3
at the time the privilege of bonting was conferred ueon -to exist. It was proved that on two occasions the state of
that town, he could not take upon himself to vote I the bank had been
brought
knowledge of the Com-
tu tilt!
for a change of the conditions. (Hear.) missioners for the Reduction of the National Debt ; and
Mr. T. EGERTON thought if it could be proved that though nu blame whatever was cast on the commisaionere.

the committee thought that if they had pursued a different
course the loss would have been proportionately less; anal
Oil those grounds they " recommended the case to the
favourable consideration of the government, with a view to
the adoption of some measures which should at least miti-
gate the loss." In compliance with that recommendation,
parliament granted 30,0001. or 10s. in the pound on the
amount of defalcation. The committee had reported
that there were no peeulier features in the Tralce
and Killarney banks; and on the present occasion
no distinction was attempted between the four. But if
these cases were admitted, they could not stop there.
(Hear, bear.) Other banks had failed within the last kw
years, at Dartford and other places ; and it would be im-
possible to stop at these four. Wherever loss had been in-
curred, either by the fault of the trustees or without it, the
government would be called on to make good the loss.
Hence it was not a mere question of 100,000/. ; for if these
Cases were entertained, similar claims would be preferred ;
and the hon. member for Dublin would probably demand
20s. in the pound for the Cuffe-street depositors. Allusion
had been made to the way in which government had dealt
with the money of the savings banks ; but for the purposes
of the motion that was wholly irrelevant ; as, whatever
money hail been received from the trustees of savings
banks, the government was liable fur, was prepared to pay,
had paid, ant would pay. (Hoar, hear.) If it were proved
that any loss had been incurred by the mode in which
government had dealt with the moneys of savings
banks, that loss would fall upon the public, and
not upon the depositors. (Hear, hear.) The chief
difficulty in dealing with this great and important question,
in which the interest of the poorer classes was so deeply in-
volved, arose from that which often happened in this coun-
try—an institution, voluntary in its foundation, utteny
outgrew all the bounds anticipated ; the government was
more or less called upon to interfere ; and the great diltl•
culty wag to reconcile government control and responsibility
with that voluntary action which was an essential situ, guts
non to the existence of wings banks; for without the vo-
luntary, unpaid avaistance of benevolent individuals in man-
aging these institutions, they could not possibly exist. Tho
liability of trustees had been gradually diminished,
and lastly, by the act of 1844, almost taken away, ex-
cept in cases where it was voluntarily antler:al to
a certain extent. This was not a compolsory responsibility,
for neither the government, nor Mr. Tidd Pratt, nor any-
body else, could compel the trustees to assume it. Gene-
rally speaking, trustees had abstained from doing so, espe-
cially since 1841; and he did not remember a single case
where the legal liability of the trustees had been app. algid
to to make good the losses. In every case voluntary con-
tributions had been relied on. On the failure of the Car-
marthen hank, in Pis:l—the only really large loss which
had taken place—the Lord Lieutenant came forward anal
paid all the depositors under 11., and the rest were un-
paid; so that the legal liability was practically good for
nothing, anal no great difference had been made by its
removal. The question at the time was, whether it was
better to take away a liability which practically had never
been enforced, or to withdrew from the management of
there institutions those gentlemen on whose exertions their
existence depended; and the legislature had decided that it
was more desirable that the local management should continue
than that the legal liability should remain is terrorem over
the trustees. Thus a body of managers had been retained,
who would, probably, not have been retained otherwise,
without whose assistance the institutions could nut be car-
ried on. Ile hail never heard it denied that the accounts of
the Rochdale bank had been regularly transmitted; bat
the actuary, a man implicitly trusted by all classes in Koch-
dale, had kept two sets of books, one true, the other forged
--copies of the latter being sent to the National Debt Con.
1101.10.1011er‘, by an inspection of which it was utterly impos-
sible to discover any fraud. lie was not quite sure that the
trustees of that bank hail done their duty, or they might
have detected the fraud: but the actuary was kgsgly re-
veeted, and thus had the power of defrau the
depositor to the extent named. In the ••• d
the Scarborough bank, ho believed the MOM
had done their duty and attended to the esessis.
He had received, and every day was receiving, infantilism
that would enahle him to bring forward in the mat
session of parliament a better bill than that he had brimeht
forward in the past session. When in that position se one
could feel more anxious than himself to see security afforded
to the industrial dames ; but at present he did not think it
would he fair or just that the government should take on
themselves the payment of all the losses, known and an-
known, which might, up to the present occasion, have oc-
curred by the neglect or otherwise of the managers or the
trustees. (Hear.
Mr. REYNOLDS was so full convinced of the moral lia-
bility of the government, that he intended to demand the
remaining Ilk. in the pound on behalf of the defrauded
Cuffe..-strect depoeitors.
Mr. BRIGHT feared that the resolution would off,r
premium upon delinquency, and would result in the annual
application for a vote to cover similar defalcations. But as
the law was defective, and the government hail so far inter-
fered with the savings banks as to lead to an impression
among the depositor that their money was placeil upon a
national security, he suggested, as a measure of justice, that
a bill should be brought in to regulate the future liability,
and that the house should take a charitable viewiof the past.
Mr. HUME declared that the nation was morally liable
to the suffering depositors, and could not deny their respon-
sibility so long as tho law was left in its present mate of
uncertainty.
Mr. lIENLEY regretted, but could not consent to make
good with public money the losses of the savings banks de-
positors. lie hoped rather than expected that the ministry
would be able to overcome the difficulties that stood in the
way of satisfactory legislation on the subject.
Mr. SLANEY remarked .upon the hardship that feU
upon the working classes, for whose small savings all other
investments were impossible, and that of the banks unsafe.
Col. THOMPSON believed that the sufferen now in
question had an indefeasible claim in equity upon the public
purse.
Mr. J. A. SMITH repudiated the assertion that the pub-
lic had rendered itself responsible, now or heretofore, fur
the savings banks defalcations. lie confessed at the same
time that the law required elucidation and amendment.
Colonel DUNNE would support the motion.
The house then divided.
For the motion
Against it B3-7
The motion was consequently lost.
THE OFFICIAL SALARIES COMMITTEE.

NXW WORK RI ALBERT BMITII.
On the 14 of Jul, .111 I. publinned. price One Milling Ito be continued
Monthly 1. Nu. I. ore
st• Penland, N entlllo.l
11E M 0 T H.
A Blow of Pawing Satieda, Roam% Boa* and Foreleg Buda
and Genes!. By ALASIIT OMIT.. Ithstrthed by Joan Lawn.
Publibed at the 0Ez..., of ?Le llvutla. No. • Whitefrimpottsti

gitt erprel4l4.

TO CORRESPONDENTS.

I limed Titles et " The Ceram," eoetaialag the SIM reesing's
" Oseette," is pabilehed every Tuesday mad Friday eight, a time
he pest.
idTertioneetetateeded ter "The F.spreet," Leaden Eeenhed paper,
meet Mat the Otbee. 10, Bouverie•street, by Two o'e,tek ea the
day of patelettea.

RIOR WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE.
Tan D•r—Yoriinn 10h. /Sot Afternoon. 111. Mt.
To.noaaow—MOrniSt.llll.llltn. Afternoon. lib. O.

LONDON, WEDNESDAY, JUNE 25.

IF the Church Building Acts Amendment Bill—
which though only coming from the Lords on the
19th, Sir GEORGE GREY attempted to force to a
second reading in the Commons yesterday—if it have
to be taken and accepted as the "be all and the end
all" of Lord ASHLEY s Sub-Division of Parishes Com-
mission, so magniloquently moved for and so flour-
ishingly granted, very small arc the mercies to he
thankful for. If not, it is then only another of the
long series of measures by which, from the time
parliament granted the church a million sterling
down to now when it won't give the church a
penny, the great and important question of parochial
subdivision has been played and trifled with.
Lord ASHLEY, it will be recollected, moved for this
commission for the express purpose of breaking up
for ecclesiastical purposes, the great parishes of
England; contending that a cure of 4,000 souls was
quite enough for any incumbent of a benefice, a
position which was generally admitted by ministers ;
and so certain did Lord ASHLEY and Sir GEORGE
GREY then affect to be that the commission about to
issue would produce some
_great and worthy scheme
of that sort, that, when Mr. BRIGHT moved that it
should also report on the consolidation of small
parishes, as, fur instance, on the infinitesimal paro-
chial divisions existing in most of our cathedral
Cities, the amendment was rejected, halt it should
interfere with the greater object.
Well, the commission was issued ; but eo ill com-
posed,SO full of twaddle and bigotry, so large and dis-
cordant, that we at once pronounced it to be unwork-
able. And so it has turned out : it made a couple of
reports, the latter proposing to hold a great auction
of the Loan CHANCELIAM s 700 benefices: where-
upon the country took to laughing at it, and it has
been silent ever since.
But, silenced by its own absurdities, it had, we
were then assured, undertaken to prepare for Sir
GEORGE GREY a great legislative measure, of
which he should have all the credit. And just
as the session of 1849 was closing, a bill was laid on
the table of the House of Commons, so full, how-
ever, of objectionable clauses, that it was never re-
produced. Next session another measure, less—but
still very—offensive, was introduced, but no serious
effort was made to consider it. And this year we
have a third bill—each being " small by degrees and
beautifully less;" until the present is as worthless
for all subdivision purposes as any measure can pow
sibly be. It is, however, in other respects very ob-
jectionable, as we shall show.
What we gather from this state of facts is.
that the great question of church reform has been re-
tarded, not advanced—damaged, not promoted, by
Lord ASHLEY taking it out of 'Mr. lloitsmes's hands.
Mr. HORSMAN hail, by great and valuable exertions,
almost convinced the House of Commons that a fuller
manipulation and a better distribution of church pro-
perty for church purposes was necessary. Ile was
gradually forcing the subject on the consideration of
the whig cabinet, when Lord ASIILEY interfered
with this motion for a commission, gave the govern-
ment an opportunity of evading it, and of trans-
ferring the responsibility which constitutionally
rested on it to a select body of Lord ASHLEY'S
friends. The commission has, as we have seen, been
an utter and complete failure ; Mr. HORSMAN has
been discouraged and disheartened, and Lord ASHLEY
has been covered with applause for good intentions,
which, as usual with his good intentions, have ex-
ploded in smoke. The practical lesson of all which
is that church reformers ought not to put their faith
in Lord ASHLEY, now the Earl of SuserEsnEßY ; for
his goodness is only to be equalled by his weakness.
The bill now before the house is in every respect a
bad bill. It is bad in principle ; worse in di tails.
In principle, because it increases the powers of
the Church Building Commissioners ; a clumsy, se-
cret, irresponsible body, which though only meant
when originated to be of temporary continuance, has
gone on gaining authority and influence, until now
it would require a volume to contain and expound
all the statutable powers it has acquired ; dispersed
as they are in no less than thirteen acts of parlia-
ment.
The whole of our legislation as to church building,
church extension, church endowment, and parochial
division, is a muddle; part of the confusion is confided
to the Church Building Commissioners; other parts
to the ecclesiastical commission ; some to the episco-
pacy ; and, lastly, the affairs of Queen ANNE'S Bounty
are now inextricably tied up in this knot, which, to
be unloosened, must be eat. The subject wants, of
all things, simplification, organisation, and respon-
sibility applied to it; in the shape of a department
of the state, directly represented in and responsible
to parliament. For at present all these various
powers of administration and legislation are practi-
cally in the hands of a caste, and of, for business par-
' poses, the worst of all castes, that of the clergy and
their followers. And, as at Rome on a larger scale,
so here on a smaller, no one has any confidence in or
respect for such a system and such an administration.
The first objection to the bill is then that it tends
to prolong a bad system of administration ; such, ea
when instituted, it was never intended should possess
the powers now confided to it. But the contents of the
measure are also objectionable. The principle an
which the legislature made its grant of oats
million sterling, on which private subscrip-
tions have been obtained, on which, in point
of fact, the whole of our church building pro-
ceedings have been based, was, and yet is, that
in each new church a certain number of sittings
should be made free for ever. But the first three
clauses iu this bill alter all this; for under them the
Church Building Commissioners—that is in effect
the bishops—may deprive the poor of their statutable
accommodation in these churches, and may establish,
for the benefit of the incumbent, pew rents. Now
such a provision in respect of existing churches is a
violation of the terms on which the sites were
granted or bought on which grants were made
and subscriptions obtained, and on which their
consecration took place. Carry out these clauses
to the full extent of which they are capable of being
carried, and the poor will be driven away from and
expelled out of district and new churches; for by
them the proportion of the rich is taken at two-
thirds, and that of the poor at one-third of the dis-
trict population; and this by a church which claims
to have especial interest in and care over the poor.
Anything more monstrous and outrageous than such
a breach of contract—such a regard for the profits
of seat-letting, and such a disregard of the poor—
was never presented to parliament. And the man-
ner in which it has to be done is even worse than the
doing it. The law as to free seats is now certain
and definite ; hereafter it is proposed to make it nncer-
tainandindefinite; dependent on the pecuniary desires
of the incumbent, the temr of his bishop, and the ,
whim of the Church Building Commission. As the '
rich and wealthy in a district increase, the poor will
be greshially restricted and narrowed and expelled;
they will be thrust to the wall, stuck up in the
ow loft, squatted behind the pillars; placed any-
where, in short, that the profits of pew letting may
be augmented. Now this power is a fundamental
change in oar church system, which hitherto, in
theory at least, included the poor, which in building
new churches provided for the poor ; but which, O'
this bill peas in its present shape, will treat the
poor as one-third only of the population of the
country.
But it cannot pass as sent from the Lords; that,
the temper, and tone, and determination of ve?terday
morning's debate must have shown Sir. GEORGE
GREY. Nothing could be better than the spirit in
1
which Sir BLNJAMIN HALL resisted this aggression
on the rights of the poor, guaranteed, as it were, by
**copal ooneectstion; and if on Friday evening he

Nr Vitiiiiiiil4.i—roae----tomnVe pursuant to notice,
"That the committee on official salaries be reappointed,
according to its own recommendation."
)dr. BIiOTHERTON (amid loud cries for " Brothor-
ton ") moved that the house be adjourned.
The house divided.
For the adjournment 64
Against it 32-32
The house accordingly adjourned, the hour being a
quarter past twelve.

Palm—Colonel Cnarrnirrog paired off on 'Monday
night with The O'Boanag Mano:s.—Mr. T. B. llos-
notsz paired on Monday against Mr. Walpole's amend-
ment on the Beelesiaatiesl Titles Bill with Colonel Visa
fur.

EXPECTED SCOW= FANCY DREW BALL IS THE
ClTY.—Thefidly a deputation, consisting of Lord James
Stuart, Sir Duncan Mc 1)
Stuart, Mr. . Moffatt, M.P.,
Mr. C. Guthrie, Mr. P. F. Robertson, Mr. W. Dallas, Mr.
T. McGregor, Mr. D. Dewar, and Major Adair, introduced
by Mr. Sheriff liodgkinson, waited upon the Lord Mayor,
to ask for the use of, the Guildhall after the visit of her
jetty, fur a grand fancy dress and Highland bail, for the
benefit of the Scottish Hospital and Caledonian Asylum.
The Scottish Hospital is for the relief of aged and destitute
residents in London. The Caledonian Asylum is for the
maintenance and education of the orphans of sailors and
soldiers who have been killed or disabled in the service, and
of Scottish parents resident in London.
SECOND CHANGE AGAINST THE MASTEN OF ST
PANCRAS Woucuocsa.—Yesterday, at the weekly meet-
of the board of directors of the poor of IR. Peames, Mr.
Turner said be was anxious to ask a question oche, and to
call the attention of the board to • subject a peat im-
portance, which append to have SNOW prodooma's re-
collection. Pending the inquiryheat the kris "imp of cri-
minal assault brought wink Mr. Lees Toy the
girl Smith, there wee stoodsast chage mit straiast
the master by two inmates of that home, he,
Mr. Turner, will unions to know if any 'wiry had been
instituted into this charge. The reason the second charge
was not proceeded with at the time It wee mode was, that
it was thought that it might peolodiss ths master
in the first charge. A director: Tlot was all set-
tled by the committee of inquiry appointed by the
vestry. Mr. Turner said it we no such thing.
The matter to which he alluded was an after
charge and ought to stand in its proper position; the charac-
ter of the master should be properly elomod before any mo •
ney was paid. The charge was brought against Mr. Eaton
by Mr. overall and the waiting wows, the former had
stated that he had sera the moan is as improper position
with the girl who lived will Pan Maass is Vie capacity of
nurse, this statement was corroborated kg the waiting wo-
man. lie, Mr. Turner, was anxious WI this serious mat-
ter should be investigated, in order that the meter should
Woad right, as ba osr As, in the ern ads, parish, and
tits the Memos avail be satisfied of his hmeeenee,
tho saamay was pad. Mr. Stockton said a
nd
the
woo= bad &Wed bay* mob the statement, and that
there had boo a great deal of pevorkation about both the
IClwho bad MI& the dimge.--Mr• Wellby thought
. Tumor was fully *Mod in bringing this matter
=
bb end ht doing. los be had by me means highly
statement ;le WOO baveloos mach farther.
The Ossalsosper had stated OM la fief moss Mr. Eaton
with hie arm round the rife wait ; he might.emild go far-
ther as to the atatemeat of the storekeeper; be maid sanest
that the master be adelmoltowithdraw. An impky wee elms
lately. neccwary. He CILr. Wellby) thought the meter
had been ill advised; It woad hare bass bake he Mat is
have sacrificed 1001. then to have this matter be the
board. Mr. Churchmenian Maker amid Oat Min Idea*
had stated that she saw stoke son *am Mr. Maim pat
his arms round the non_ Paireneek. Rim bad mood it to
Mrs. Eaton. Everall had mode do Margo mar wens
than it we. After gam bane dimallas, it was oohed
to deter the matter to the neat masilairatert
Tits Ltmr OODIVA Paocimmall AT COTIMITZT.—
This mambo Oiosisl sterhistilla Ink IhOl=eitad
was ousimaird ematatt elkinikar. ato
whirl the hrosseabia Mole et the meatier art materially
matelbsted. It was ei.leabisd that thin IMP awl than
WO perms them Wag, it am Isolievei, at least
tamwere is ton WM. 111, pesemslea itself was
ant he shirt et a ado la Milk A WHOttOber of P"- I
MN anima by the weld maim tam Lerma, and about
Miff d
UN haal lt, Item Dlrmiagbam Cona.Vy In the
waft

THE EXPRESS, WEDNESDAY EVENING, JUNE 25, 1851.

be only properly seconded, the HOU SECRETARY
will have to capitulate these three monstrous clauses.

THE recent measures of the Prussian government
convoking the provincial diets throughout the king-
dom, have given rise to a manifestation of popular ,
feeling and resolution not unworthy of attentive con-
sideration on the part of those who watch with inte-
rest or sympathy the progress of our German neigh-
bours towards the acquisition of a constitutional
polity. The course of events during the last six
months has been so disheartening to the liberal
cause, and the disenchantment wrought by the
diplomatic conjury of Olmutz and Dresden has
been so complete, that we hardly ventured
to hope for any decisive symptom of reaction
against the ascendancy of Russian principles, until
time should have been given for the national humi-
liation to be in some degree forgotten, and the na-
tional chagrin to pass away. But the popular
memory is seldom very retentive, and if the bitter
teachings of experience are sometimes too readily
obliterated, there are likewise compensatory advan-
tages derivable from this political buoyancy of no
mean value.

The circumstances to which we would more espe-
cially advert are briefly these. By the organisation
of the States-General or Parliament of the united
monarchy, in many of the functions of the pro-
vincial theta were necessarily superseded, and those
bodies in the shape and form wherein they had pre-
viously subsisted were practically laid aside. So low,
as Prussia, one and indivisible, was denied tho
lege of a national legislature, these preparatory par-
liaments were justly prized not merely as training
schools for a freer and more important political life,
but also for their own saker„ as constituting the
appropriate machinery whereby local wants and
wishes might in the best way be dealt
with. Prussia, as a geographical unity, might
still be regarded r.. a disputable item forty
years ag9; as a social, religious, or industrial
unity, it is to the present hour non-existent. Seven
or eight prinei
'eal elements go to make up the poli-
tical eembir.ation which Europe recognises as the
fifth of its great powers. Each of these differs from
the rest 'Ai the chief essentials of its permanent con-
dition. The every-day business of Pomerania is
unlike that of the Rhine province, and what
t'ae inhabitants of Silesia desire and need for the
promotion of their local welfare bears little
resemblance to that which the burghers of the
cities of Brandenburg seek and require. There
was a great and real use in the provincial
diets, winch countries that arc denied them can best
' perhaps appreciate, and which few Prussians will be
found so infected with the fanaticism of French cea-
• tralism, as to deny.

In the absence of a national parliament, however,
certain legislative powers, by the law of 180, de-
volved upon these bodies, which, as soon as it was
called into existence, they could no longer with pro-
priety exercise. And, partly with a liew to prevent
any possibility of petty contests of authority, until
the fundamental discrimination and attribution of
functions between the local assemblies and the
central one should have been made, the former were
declared to be dissolved, and for upwards of two
years they have not met. Their very constitution
for the most part rendered them an anachronism in
the popular system inaugurated in 1848. They had
been modelled with archaeologic pedantry on the
real or imaginary models of medieval senates.
While the total number of members was inconsi-
derable, they were formally divided into four orders
corresponding to a rigid classification of society no
longer extant. The effect was practically to give
the feudal proprietary a predominant influence ; and
this was so fully recognised that a general impres-
sion and expectation prevailed that, whenever re-
suscitated, their constitution must be reformed, so
as to bring them into political harmony with the
supreme legislature.

This, unfortunately, was not done. More urgent
eases engrossed attention during last year and that
which preceded it ; and when it was proposed that
the provincial diets should be awakened from their
state of suspended animation, the idea of such a pro-
ceeding was felt to imply retrogression in its plainest I
form. Nor was this all. The legality of a ministerial
edict affecting to revive institutions which had been
suspended, if not abrogated, by the decree of the
nation, was in itself wholly inadmissible. If a minister
could do and undo, make and unmake institutions
in this fashion, all hope of statutable or chartered
freedom might be considered as at an end. To
many, the attempt bore upon its front the evidence
of a deliberate purpose to supplant the central iv-
presentative by means of these renovated oligarchic
councils. The alarm spread rapidly, and so irresis-
tible appears to have been the contagious feeling of
indignation at the supposed bad faith of the admi-
nistration, that the members of these limited and
privileged bodies almost unanimously came to the re-
solution to refuse to act. One after another they de-
clared themselves legally incompetent, even for the
performance of the quasi-executive functions regard-
ing the distribution of the property tax, which had
formed the special pretext for their convocation.
In the face of this demonstration of passive resist-
ance on the part of the most conservative classes of
the community, perseverance on the part of the go-
vernment became obviously impossible. But with
the obstinacy which sometimes chugs to the name
when the thing is abandoned, it would seem as if
the ministers of the King of Paeans in their anxiety
to maintain a character for technical consistency have
incurred the odium of insincerity to both the antagonist
principles involved. They now pretend that no in-
tention was ever entertained of permanently re-
storing the provincial councils on their old basis, but
that the crown possessed an inherent right to con-
voke them upon a particular exigency, that exigency
being the local apportionment of a necessary tax,
which, without such allotment, could not be levied
according to law. The parliament had, in point of
fact, foreseen and provided for the case in question
by empowering. the crown to appoint tempo-
rarily commissioners for the purpose • and
had this course been followed, although the
decisions of these officials might have been
characterised as arbitrary, they would have involved
no principle of lasting or general policy. The pal-
rolgeexceptional is never regarded with the same
of popular suspicion as the insidiously uncon-
stitutional. The Proussische Zeituny form;ily repu-
diates the ulterior designs attributed to the cabinet
of M. MANTKCYPEL, and repels in terms of offended
dignity the imputation of harbouring ideas at vari-
ance with a strictly constitutional system. Unhap-
pily this disclaimer will gain, as it is en-
titled to receive, but little weight. All faith
in the fidelity of the present councillors of
FREDERICK WILLIAM to constitutionalism, is dead.
They have no particular character for courage, inde-
pendence, or consistency of purpose, to appeal to as
a guarantee of their professed sincerity in equivocal
circumstances; and men so situated must expect to
be watched and baffled whenever they deviate in any
respect from the straight path of legality and pre-
cedent. They have kept bad company, and merit
the distrust with which honest folk habitually look
on the associates of their natural enemies.
Meanwhile the calm and almost mute resistance
which this luckless manceuvre has drawn forth on the
part of the community at large is full of significance
and hope. We are not sure that, after all, it is not
about the best thing in the cause of peaceful and
thoughtful progress that has been dune in Prussia
for many a day. To have an eager desire for free-
dom is well: but to possess the judgment and reso-
lution to resist st astly dangerous and plausible
propositions, whose acceptance does not seem at-
tended with any immediate evil, indicates a much
maturer state of political capacity.

ELECTION OP SHERIFFS.—Yesterday Mr. James
Hartley and Mr. Thomas CottercU, were elected sheriffs of
London for the ensuing year.

MFACHANT SWICIC'S SOClETT.—Yeaterday the
annual court of the Corporation for the Relief and Support
of Disabled Merchant Seamen, their Widows, and Chil-
dren, was held at the office of the society, 25, Birchin-lane,
Xornhill ; G. Lindsay, Esq., in the chair. The minutes of
the last court having been read, Mr. George Lyall was
unanimously re-elected president of the corporation, and a
committee of twenty-one appointed, seven being new mem-
bers, and fourteen of kat year's committee. A detailed
statement of the income and expenditure at the various
pore, as ordered to be printed by the House of Commons,
was laid before the meeting ; and from the aggregate ac-
count appended, it appeared that the receipts for 1850 were
24,4901. 17s. ed., and the paymeuts during the sore period
left a Delano, in cash and =port@ accounts at Nal. lea. 7d.
A ociaunitteir for auditing the accounts having been*.
painted, the wort at4onnted.