The Express.
London, England, 1849-08-25 00:00:00

TUE PEACE CONGRESS.

THIRD SITTING—FRIDAY.
The sitting of the Congress was more crowded to-
day than on the two previous Deadens, and crowds were as-
sembled in the aide galleries, who bad been unable to obtain
seats in the body of the building.
The proceedings commenced a little after 12 o'clock, M.
Victor Hugo takiag the chair.
Several pamphlets were announced to have been for-
warded to the committee on the preceding day, in furtherance
of the principles of the society.
Mr. RICHARDS said that the adoption, without discus-
sion, on the previous day, of resolutions 6,5, and 7, bad
been, it appeared, regarded by some of their friends as a
degree of slurring over of the proceedirgs. Hewes desired by
the committee to seam the Congress that such an intention
had been the farthest in the world frem their though's
(Hear, hear.) Their object had been solely to save time, and
the resolutions in question embodying what were rimply
moral truisms, it had been considered proper to submit
them at once for the adoption of the meeting. (Hear, hear.)
No fewer than 24 orators hid inscribed *heir names at the
bureau, and as many more had given in their mimes for the
resent session. I; was obviously impossible that all these
friends coold be heard, and the committee, therefore, fretted
that those who had not the opp irrunity to speak, would
kindly satisfy themselves with the beneficial magma of
meting se conductors to diffuse the electricity of enthusiasm
' Selleetial is that assembly throughout the districts whither
they were about to return. (Applause.)
M. COQUEILEL said he held in his band a small volume
entitled " AA Essay towards the Present and Future Peace'
of Europe by the Establishment of an European Diet, Par-
liament, or States." One motto to this volume Beate.
Pacific.," another, " Cedunt arma Toga." It was printed
in London in the year 1693, and its author was Wee. Penis.
(Cheers.) The very volume he held was the volume itself
which William Penn offered to Queen Anne of England. It
was marked with her royal initials in two places, and it had
now been presented to the library of the Protestant Church
de l'Oratoire, by the eminent writer, Andre Becher, is a
monument of the first compete of pace. (Loud cheers.)
The volume was given to M. Coquerel by M. Dubin, who
accompanied it by the following letter:
"Sin—Tin idea of Henry IV. had inspired to William
Peon in the midst of the wars of Louis XIV., An Essay on
the Peace of Europe.' Allow me the honour of offering it
to you kr the library of the Oratoire of Pans. None better
than you can show its merit to en assembly wherein the
children of William Penn shine in such numbers. Ihe
smallness of the volume has to doubt contributed to its
rarity. Its intrinsic value ;will no doubt seem to you in-
creased by its binding, which shows that it is • homage made
by Penn to Queen Anne, A.R. (Anna Regina) at a time when
a false accusation placed difficulties in the way of his projects
in favour of America. (Signed) " 13eenien.
" Paris, Aug. 23."
A letter was read from the venerable poet Bcratger to the
following effect. It was addressed to M. Gernier, secretary'
et the Congress :
" Sir,—l thank you for the kindneu you have shown me
in sending a card for the Congress of the Friends of Peete.
I should have profited by it, and been present, were I not
unfortunately suffering from an attack which I hope will
hove no duration. You cannot doubt of my wishes for the
success of this generous as-ecablareof distinguished men from
all parts of the world, and of the approbation which i give to
the initiative they have had the courage to take at a t'me
apparently so little pacific. The act at such a puled is a
proof of the holiness of the cause you advocate. Receive my
thanks, and believe me yours, " BEHANOZIS.
" Pawy, Aug. 23, 1819."
M. COQUEILEL announced that he had to inform the
meeting that, by order of the minister of public works, the'
erand water-works of Versailles would be set in motion on
Monday from two till four o'clock, in honour of the Coe- I
press of 'Peace. (Cheers) These water-works were ordina-
rily set in motion only four times • year. and Sunday next
was oiled these days. The minister, however, in consider.'
ation of the respect paid by English and Americans to the
Sabbath, which precluded them from participating on that
day in festivities, had directed that the works should also be
set in motion on the Monday. ((ireat applause.)
Mr. 'LINDLEY said that both Americans and English
could not do otherwise than receive this mark of delicate!
attention on the part of the minister with a sense of warm
gratification and gratitude. (Applause.)
M. V. HUGO announced that at the present veering, it
being the last of this session, no written memoir would be
admitted with the sole exception of one by Elihu Buena—
(cheen)—wbo bad come from America to spread the doctrine
of pesos throughout Europe. (Cheers.)
Mr. A. COQUEREL, jun., then read in French the me-
moir thus announced, and which wes received with great ap-
plause, as follows: " To-dee is fulfilled the aspirations of
thA mart of coursgeous faith and extended philanthropy,
William Penn. More than 200 years have elapsed since he
penned his parting words of peace to a distant posterity.
Assembled from both sides of the Atlantic, speaking differ-
ent languages, and living under different governments, we
are here to honour with our remembrance that early friend
of peace and humanity. The project which he elaborated
we now bring back almost in ita original integrity. It has
been subjected to the changing opinions and cenlitioris of
society. Able writers in different countries have made it
the theme of learned dissertations; yet it has not incurred
any fundamental change. The friends of peace in America
have concentrated their efforts upon its development ued
adoption. More then fifty essays have been written upon
it ; and hundreds of public meetings have been held fur the
purpose of interesting the public mind in its favour. Peti-
tions numerously signed have been addressed to the legis-
lative assemblies of different states, asking them to induce
the federal government at Washington to propose to the
other governments of the civilised world the coevication of
a congress of nations, for the purpose of establishing swell-
defined code of international law, and a high court of adju-
dication, to interpret and apply i:, in the settlement of all
international dispute., which cannot be satisfact.rily ar-
ranged by negotiation. Such, then, is the present form of
proposition which emanated from this metropolis more
than two centuries ago. Ica author had no works on inter-
national law to consult. Neeheir Grotius, nor Puffendorf,
nor Vattel bad published saything upon the subject. The
great tribunal which he proposed was a perpetual court
of equity, composed of a represei.tative from ern,
recognised kingdom or government in the world.
The only material difference between the original
and the present form of the project, is not a change, but an
addition. The friends of peace is America, who, perhaps,
have devoted more attention to this particular measure than
their brethren on this side of the Atlantic, have believed it
indispensable for the order and peace of nations, that there
should not only be established a court of equity or arbitra-
tion, but also a well defined, elaborative code of inter-
national law, which should govern the decisions of that
tribunal, in Nettling the disputes referred to it. And, in-
deed, they have deemed the establishment of suck a code as
the first and most important step to be taken, in organising
ermanent and universal peace. In this ecenietion they are
sustained by the testimony of profound writer, sad by eel
deuce derived from the painful experience of nations, still
suffering from the murderous wars and animosities of the
past. " The law of nations," says Yokel, " is se much above
the civil law in its importance, es the proceedings of nations
and sovereigns surpass en their consequences those of private
poisons." How plain, how explicit, then, ought the law of
nations to be ! Row guarded at every point. How Seed
and acknowledged its principles. And yet, strange to say,
this law, all-impertaat 'sit is, has never been p into the
form of a code, sad sway of its principles remain mutton of dig.
pate, and have been the frequent occasion of war. To adopt
the language clan able writer on this subject, ' We have no
such law, and what passes under that name is the unautho.
rind work of irresponsible individuals, at different periods,
who frequently disagree among themselves. Neither
Orotius nor his commentators have furnished ea international
code. They possessed not the requisite authority ; and they '
have given us only a compilation of precedents, opinions, and
altuniente. It is the work ant of leaislators, but of scholars ;
no law-making power was ever concerned in enacting any
of its statutes ; and all its authority has resulted from the
deference spontaneously paid to the genius, condition, and
wisdom of its compilers. It is not law, but argument ; not
decrees, but rules ; not a code, but a treatise : and the na-
tions are at liberty, except ent the force of custom and
public opinion, to adopt or reject it, u they please.'
The first work prescribed for • congress of nations would be
to revise and reconstruct the present code of international
law, as it has been called, and then to present it for ratification
to the different national assemblies represented in the Con-
gress.
To effect an object of this vast importance, we might
assume that each nation would send to the Congress its most
profound statesmen, or juraconsule, so that all the legal
wisdom and experience of the age would be brought to bear
upon its deliberations. The basis of representation and the
mode by which the different national delegates should be
elected, ere matter. of detail, which, it has been thought,
might be referred to a more advanced stage of the project.
But,merelyto supply the proposition with all its requisite ele-
ments, let us suppose that one delegwe should be apportioned
to every million of the population of a country. If all the
nations of the civilised world should come into this arrange-
ment, then we should have an assembly of about 300 mem-
bers, of whom, puller, 36 would represent France, 30
Great Britain, 30 Germany, .0 the United States. If this
basis were adopted, such a representation would be saffi-
cieatly popular, if appointed by the legislatures of the dill
ferint constitutional governments. Even if a few absolute
monarchies should send delegates to the Congress, their votes
and voices would not modify the popular character and cos-
stitution of the assembly. For suck • Congress would repre-
sent the principle of universal suffrage applied to na-
tions, in the tame manner as it is applied to
individuals under a republican or constitutional form
of government. The votes that Prussia might be
entitled to give, would be subject to the rigid condition of
the democratic principle. They would be of no more avail
upon the decision of a question than the same number of
votes cast by the United States or the smallest republic.
Therefore, a people possessing universal or limited suffrage
could have nothing to fear even from the association of one
or two despotic powers in such an assembly, for they would
inevitably constitute a small minority in it, and be unable to
modify its conclusions. Besides, the task prescribed to the

Congresswould be so specille, and the materials so nature.:
and abundant, that there would be little danger of the intro-
duction and diemmien of extraneous topics. They would not
be obliged to Iseult hatO a new and unexplored field of ape-
centimes. Their ring rest work would be, merely to revise
a system of principles, precedents, practices and opinions,
which Lad already acquired the name, and even a part of the
authority, of an international code. All that (froths, Puf-
fended, Irattel, and other men of greet erudition have pro-
duced, would be in their hands. The experience of past ages
the present and future}neessities of internationalsociety would
be available to guide their deliberations. Nor would this be all.
Every step they Mk would be directed by the wisdom of
the nations which they represented. For instance, the Calo-
ries might be in :sedan at the same time as the different
national assemblies by which it bad been constituted, In
order that its proceedings might be ratified step by step.
Let us suppose, then, that it should meet at some convenient
town in Switzerland, or fa come other central territory,
which should be oossideied neutral ground, or free from any
local influence which might affect its conclusion. They
would immediately proceed to revise and adopt the inter-
national code, clause by clause. And clause by einem
it might hs transmited to the national legislatures in
'anion at Paris, London, Frankfort, Wuhinron, and other
capitals. At the red of six months, perhaps, the lest pan
graph has been elaborated and adopted by the Congress,
and ratified by all the :tetanal assemblies represented in it.
I We have now a well-digested code, created, sanctioned, and
solenished by all the moral prestige and authority that can
be acquired from human legislation. The august senate
' which construoted it was composed cf delegates chosen by
the representatives of the peoples. The most sublime legis
lation assembly that ever met on earth, they gave the re-
sult of their deliberations of their respective national
assemblies far revision, amendment, and adoption. Here
again the peopla Lock part in the enactment of this code.
Here, again, they affixed to its statutes the seal of their suf-
frage, and it became the common law of nations, invested
with all the morel authority that human legislation can give
to law. On arriving at this result, we have taken the first
great step in organising peace in the society of nations. We
have established a basis upon which their intercourse may be
regulated by clearly defined and solemnly-recognised princi-
ples of justice col equity. The next step, and of equal im-
portance, is to constitute a permanent intimation tribunal,
which shall interpret and apply this code in the adjuilica-
ti inn of questions submitted to its decision. The illustrious
assembly, therefore, enters upon the second department of
its labour., and projects a plan for the establishment of this
high court of nations. And this plan is adopted also in the
same manner as the code itself. Let us suppose that it pre-
',Tibet the appointment of two judge., for life or otherwise,
by the government or legislature of each nation
represented in the Congress. This number is sug-
gested by the constitution of the mate: of they
United States, which is composed of two delegates, elected
by the legislature of every state, great or small. If it is
deemed necessary that this tribunal shall immediately re-
place the Congress, then the latter, we will suppose, Can-
tinucs its sessions until the judges are appointed. navies(
accomplished the two great objects for which it was con-
voked, it is instructed to apply its attention to matters of
miaow international interest, until the judges arrive, to open
the High Court. For instance, they digest a plan for esta-
blishing throughout the civilised world a uniformity of
weights, measures, moneys, rates of postage, area f'r creating
other facilities for tea social and commercial intercourse of
satires; dills pre; sting them for that relation to each other
which 'should exist between the members of a vast and peace-
ful commonwealth. We now reach the grand coesummation
of our system. The High Court of Nations, is opened with
all the imposing solemnities befitting the occasion. Deck
nation, we may Oelieve, has elected two of its most profound
end eminent men to 83 the seats allotted to it in this grand
tribunal. Occupying the sublimeet position to which
the suffrage or mankind could raise them, they will
set, we may presume, under a proper sense of the
dignity and responsibility of their high seecetion. Consti-
tuting the highest court of appeal, this side of the bar of Eter-
nal Justice, they will eadetvour to assimilate their decisions
ss nearly as possible, to thou of unerring wisdom. Here,
then, we complete the chain of universal law and ord r.
Here we organise a system which is to menace: the great
circles of humanity, and regulate the mutual deportment of
nations by the same principles of justice and equity as govern
the intercourse of the smallest communities ol men. We
establish an order of society, by which great nations, withete
deposing a single prerogative of their legitimate sovereignty,
accept the condition of individuals who are amenable to law,
For our system, if adopted, would not trench upon the
cox plait independence of the different states. Neither the
Congress nor the Huh Court of Nations would pretend to
exercise any jurisdiction over the internal affairs of a country,
or exert soy direct political influence upon in institutions.
Neither would they be designed to reasee daaete the clisss,at
Mtn of the MUMS world in a polideal unteu, like the
Defied States of America. The great international tribute]
which we propose wou'd not be like the Supreme Courier the
United States, te which not only the thirty little republics,
but every inhabitant of the union, may appeal for its decisiou
in ail case which cannot be settled by inferior
authorities. The different nations would still retain
all the prerogatives of their mutual iadependence. Even
if differences arose between them, they would endeavour to
settle them as b. fore, by negotiation. But if that medium
failed to effect an honourable and satisfactory adjustment,
they would then refer the matter is dispute to the arbitration
of this High Co..rt, whiclein concertwith other nations, they
bad constituted for that purpose. The existence of such a
last court of appeal would inevitably. facilitate the arrange-
ment of these questio: s by negotiation, which is now often
embarrassed and thwarted by its dangerous proximity to an
appeal to arms. Whenever a difficulty arose between two
countries, the last resort, after negotiation had failed, would
not suggest to the mind of either parry the terrible trial of
the battle-field, but the calm, impartial, and peaceful adju-
dication of the High Tribunal of the Peoples. And when once
the idea of war his been displaced in the mind of nations, by
the idea of a quiet administration of justice and equity, pre-
parations for war, and all the policies which it requires and
creates, will gradually disappear from international society.
The different rations wculd soon accustom themselves to
refer their cases to this High Court of Appeal with es much
confidence as the doff rent states of the American Union
now submit their controversies to the decision of
the Supreme Court of the United States. On the
list of eases brought before that court, may be found
sometimes one entitled ' New York v.Virginia,' or 'Pennsel-
vania v. Obi e;" and, however heavily the verdict may bear
upon one of the pasties, Mare .4 a murmur Is heard against
it. In like manner we might see reported, saw g other
decisions of this international tribunal, the MO of France v.
Ragland,' Denmark v. Prussia," or' Mexico e. the United
States.' The brief space within which this exposition must
be compressed will permit but a slight notice of the objec-
tions which are frequently opposed to the system under con-
sideration. Among the most prominent of these objections
it is declared that the different governments and peoples are
not yet prepared for such a condition of society as we would
establish; that, an their present disposition they would not be
willing to submit their differences to such a tribunal ; that
there would be no military power to enforce obedience to its
authority ; and that all the nations of the civilised world
could not be induced to come into this arrangement. Groun-
all these objections together, we would morel reply to them,
en moue, that we are not compelled to rest the practicability
of our project upon the preseut state or disposition of the
duff rent governments and peoples The edifice of inter-
national society which we would erect must be the work of
years of unremitting labour. Stone bystone would we build
this temple of universal peace,and when the last is fitted to its
plan, and all is prepared for opening its portals ter the fro
ternisatlon of the peoples, they will he ready to give each
other the hand, and form a holy alliance, to banish war and
all its suite of animosities and miseries from the community.
The means which we propose to employ will tend to prepare
the popular mind throughout the civilised world, to espouse
with delight that condition of international freternity which
our system would organise. We will allude to but one class
ofd these means, end that is, a series of congresses like the
one which is sow convened in this hall and in this metro-
polis of civilisation. What do we need to enable us to orga-
nise permanent peace by instituting a High Court of Na-
Sons ? We need in the first place the sympathy and sup-
port of the popular mind. In the next place we need the
adhesion of governments, and their adoption of a system
which public opieion has universally demanded. Well, for
twenty years, the friends of peace on both sides of the At-
lantic, had disseminated their principles through their re-
spective communities. In 1843 they held a congress in
L ra-
don, at which there were present about twety-five delegates
f em the United States, and several from France and other con-
thiental countries. Here they deliberated upon the beet mea-
sures for establishiog universal peace. Severalmembers of par-
element took part in the proc-edings of this Congress, and
gave to its object their complete approbation and support.
This demonstration proved that the legislative es well as the
popular mind of different countries had become interested in
the organisation of universal peace:; the members of that
Congress returned to their respective communities, inspired
with new zeal and activity, and instituted more extensive
operations for disseminating their principles. After labour-
ing five years, with encouraging( success, they resolved to
hold another Congress, not only to give a new impetus to
the cause but to ascertain the force of public opinion which
had been required in its favour. They believed that the
popular mind in Eastland and the United States was in an
advanced state of preparation, and they desired, aa it were,
to feel the pulse of the rest of the people of Europe in re-
ference to the cause, and to elicit their sympathy and co.
operation. Consequently lest year they ventured to raise
their standard for the first time upon the Continent of
Europe. Although the contemporaneous circumstances of
the e perch were inauspicious, the success which ',vended
their pacific demonstration surpassed all their anticipations.
There were present about 150 delegates from England and
the United States, and an equal number from Belgium and
other continental countries. The Belgian government ac:
corded every facility and courtesy which the hospitality of a
generous nation could inspire, and many of its eminent men
took part in the Congress, and assisted at its organisation.
The president, the Honourable Auguste Vie:chars,
a gentleman high iu the estimation of the govern-
ment and people of Belgium, was supported on
one side by a member of the French National Assembly, as
vice president for France, and on the other by a member of

the British parliament, as vioe-president for S.. I
T.Tal other members of different national ametet.:4l IMO
present, and took part In the deliberations of the Comp,:J..
The proceedings were conducted In the most exeellest spirit,
and its conclusions ware clear and unanimous. The Apglo-
American delegates were surprised and delighted to find
that there were so many on the Continent ready to unite
with them in their enterprise. The Congress wu a proof
to them that the popular mind everywhere was fletpreparing
for the fraternisation of the peoples under a system of or-
ganised peace. Nor was this all. The presence and co-ope-
ration of members of different National Assemblies proved
also that they might rely upon the adhesion of the le&la-
tive mind of Europe, just in proportion aa they acquired the
suffrage of enlightened public opinion. Encouraged by
these new indications of progress, the Anglo-American de-
legates returned from the Couress, and commenced a series
of operations on a larger scale than they had ever attempted
before. In England there were 150 public meeting held in
different parts of the country, and 1,000 petitions were pre •
seated to parliament in favour of establishing international
arbitration—one of the measures proposed at the Brus-
eels Concrete. This proposition wee brought tu'ore
the House of Commons on the 12th of June, by
- Mr. Richard Cebdcn, and he and other able states.

men, plaiderent son adoption avec des argnmens
irreeniabler. Sa diectusion aura 'waren six henna,
. .

et tut conduit. &Tann excellent esprit, les deux partis parais-
tent comprendre quince talent en presence d'un principe
,acre, digue de la veneration du genre humain. Quatro-
tingt-un members voterent avec M. Cobden pour la propo-
sition, et crux-la repreeentaient les plus rands districts elec-
torsux du royaume."; Besides other manifestations of popular
sympathy, there were 200,000 persons in England who, during
the lasts!: year, have, in their petitions, entreated the British
government to adopt a measure adapted to banish war for
ever from the family of natiers. There have been more
persons in England who have this year petitioned parliament
for universal peace, than for all the other necessities of the
nation put together. Does not thiefact indicate that the
popular mind in England is preparing to support any prat-,
peal measure for the abolition of war? And were not the
eighty votes in parliament, of members representing the
largest electerel districts in the kingdom, a proof that the
legislative mind of Great Britain is in an advanced state of
preparation to adopt such a measure ? But is not the pre-
sence of this great and solemn assembly an evidence more
illustrious still that the great peoples of the civilized world I
and their legislators too are esen ready now to co-operate in '
establishing peace sea fundamental and permanent system of
society ? Here are 500 men, representing all the =gettable
towns of Great Britain, from Land's-end to John O'Groat'e,
who have left their homes and crossed the channel to eaglet at
this great demonstration. What does their presence testify',
if no: to the complete preparation of the popular mind in
England to support any measure which shall expel the enor-
mous suicide of war for ever from the society of nations
Aan is not the presence of the illustrious Richard Cobden
and hie colleagues of the Britian parliament a proof that the
legislative mind of England will follow, if not lead, the will
of that people in the path of peace ? And here, too, are men
from different 'tart/ of the United States, who have left their
homes and crossed the ocean, to testify by their presence that
America is ready and waiting to fraternise with the peoples
of the Old World in the organisation of universal peace.
Aud one of these delegates is a member of the congress of
the United States, who travelled 2,000 miles before he could
reach • port at which he could embark fur Europe. And
what may we say for France ? Here we meet her diato.
guisbed legislators., jurists, writers, her conductors of the
Press, and teeehers of religion. May we not believe
that ate is ready to accept the Angle-American
hand which is proffered to her this day, and to
associate herself with the great peoples which
that ;bad unites in establishing perpetual peace in the
family of nations ? Comparing this demonstretion with the
two which have preceded it, is it too much to believe that we
are advancing by • ratio of geometrical progression toward
the Congress of Nations which we propose ? In the Peace
Congress of 1813 there were about 150 delegates, including
two or three mead). rs of the Britieb parliament. In this
assembly, the third in our series, we have more than GOO
delegates, including twenty or thirty members of different
national assemblies. If this demomeration should set on
foot more extensive operations fur disseminating the ideas of
peace during the next twelve months, may we not believe
that, in,our next Centrum, we shall have 1,000 delegates, in-
eluding 100 of the most enlightened statesmen, representleg
all the national imeemblies in the civilised world ? If I t
should be concluded to held the next Congress at Frackfort
in 1850 or 61, the friends of peace in America would under
take to send a delegation of 100, including 25 or 30 members
of the Congress of the United States. Thus in four or five
years these periodical demonstrations would draw into the
movement the most liberal statesmen in every country, who
would urge upon their respeuiee eeeeennienta the adoption
of the 'ovum tease eseeekUirateen. la the meta teas lee
should have prepared the different peoples to espouse that
sy stem, and to sustain it with that enliehted public opinion,
which, according to the authority of Loid Palmerston, is
stronger than armies. (The Memoir was received with much
applause.)
The Abbe DEGUERRY followed and aid—Ladies and
geutlemon,—After having voted arbitration amocgst nations,
after asietieg at the ruin of armies, by the word of an
illustrious publicist, and by the language of holy man, who
is at once eloquent and moth. maticel, it remains for us to fix
the titans of disarming. There is 1.0 doubt that, were an
international congress in existence, which would form a
Impetus crust, judging all 6W/fences, • general paci-
fication would be realised. In the internal &dug.-
tocration of nations arbitration is justice. What is re-
quired, therefore, is • rational assembly of all nations, and
this will be realised, because it is truth, and because truth is
the thought of God, which must succeed sooner or later. It
is a Samson, who sooner or later will carry off the gates of his
prison. The idea of universal peace is that of God. It is
the wish expreesed in the Gospel end that of humanity.
None can contest this, and yesterday I was happy to hear it
Bahl that the idea of war was supreme folly. (Very good.)
Yes, war is an impious fully, where those who strike beet
and hardest are most considered. That, surely, was nut the
idea of God. (Applause.) Therefore do I, for my part,
give praise to those governments who have prosecuted, es
you do, the great womb of pacificati .n. (Very geed.) Look
at the progress that the idea is making. It has not only been
spread in the United States, but it has entered the Engle&
parliament, where it was introduced by • man whose heart is
still gr: star than his geeius. It was introduced also into
France by the man whom you heard with so much pleasure
yesterday (M. Francisque Bouvet). We French people love
not to wait. When a toning is conceived we desire its imme-
diate execution. There are men called to different destinies,
and those who build are not always called to inhale: the edi-
fice.' When our ancestors built, they did not propose to work
for themselves only, for they knew that they were working
for posterity. To dry, gentlemen, is the anniversary. of
St. Barthelemy. Tao reverend curete of the Madeleine
then went on to say that he liked not revolutions made in a
country by strangers, a sentiment suggested by the question
of the Pope, touched upon by M. Bouvet yesterday. The
tendency of the peace societies was to relieve misery. With
the press and its echees they would do tbie, and tLey would
realise • pacification. The idea was spreading through the
world. He wished to see, instead of triumphal arches, co-
lumn', and statues, images of Peace sitting on her throne and
crowning humanity. That day would be a fine one, and ,
glericus, for egotism would be conquered, and Christ would
reign upon earth. (Applause.)
The Abbe DEW: Milli was followed by
Mr. A. WALKER, a member of the Congress of the
United States, for Musachuaetts, who said, that he felt
some embarrassment in speaking after the lest eloquent
Orator, bat the deep interest felt in the resolution now before
them, especially by the American delegates, induced him to
ask the indulgence of the Congress. The question of a great
Pea' Congress had been discussed in America for many
years. A prize of 1,000 dollar' had been for years given for
the test essay on the sueject, and had elicited many admir-
able disquieitiens. Legislative action, too. bad in America,
been brought to bear on the subject, both in particular as-
semblies and in comas. It was the firm opinion of
Amenca that a congress dilations, a high court of adjudi-
cation, was necessary to azure and organise the peoples of
the world. (Chinn.) The tendencies of the whole civilised
wald were, more or less remotely, in this direction ; and
what had already been accomplished gave distinct assurance
that the whole object must sooneror later be effected. (Hear,
hear.) The Oren when everybody settled his grievances
in his own wayehad been succeeded by the then improve-
ment of trial by battle: ties modification, now justly re-
garded as a barbarism, was in course of time superseded by
courts of justice. The proposition now was, that nations
should have recourse to the same method of stttline their
differences which individuals had for so great • length of
time and so universally proved to be utisfactory. It was be-
lieved that civilisation could only be accomplished by merging
the nations of the earth into one common bond of peace ; and it
was determined to agitate the question until all the nations
were brought to petition their respective governments for the
establishment of the teibucal contemplated. (Hear, hear.)
What was contemplated was the institution of a great pre.
liminary congress, to deliberate on measures calculated for
the common good of mankind—(Hear, hear)—on the means
of effecting permanent and universal peace. (Hear, hear.)
It was believed that when the friends of peace demanded
this measure with proper determination, the governments
wean be fain to give it. The Anti-Corn-law League had
afforded a proof that when the people of England demanded
a right tbirg earnestly, they were sure to obtain it ; the
people of France, if they demanded a thing earnestly, must
obtain it, alike wirh the people of England and of America,
and so, by degrees, must it be with the other nations of the.
world. (Hear, hear.) 1t was contemplated that the nations
of the civilised earth should all choose delegates, in the pro.
portion of perhaps one in the million, to form Ibis great pre-
preliminary Congress, and to sit in Landon, or Paris, or
Frankfort—it met:creel little in which of the great European
corsids r of the best means of putting an end to
the horrible arbitrement of war. (Cheers.) The first thing
that would present itself to this Congress would be the want
of a great code of universal international law. At pretest
What was called the law of nations was a mere collection of
hrecedent', opinions, maxims, and arguments, none of them
aving the authority of legislative enactment, none having
binding authority on all nations : what was first to, be
Considered, then, was the preparation of an international

r node, definitively sad universally settling the intercourse of
cations, and presiding upon general and coulpeebensi‘c mai
clear principles (or the differences of nations. The beat tbind
to be dome would b the ;.ititutioa of some body to which
grei! Questions of international elCir.:7fltees might be refereed,
a high court to which all nations mioht with confidence ap-
peal, a court to consist of two, or say three, members, seketed
from the general body, with definite powers and definite
jurisdiction, to be settled by the preliminary Congress. The
periods of pesos did not seek political amalgamation : all they
sought was a concentration of the moral energies of the
world, much on the same principle with the system which
amalgamated the American states.
M. BODENKEN, a German, then begged to have the in-
dulgence of the meeting whilst speaking, and the mouses
that made him do so must be taken into account. Gertnany
bad a. yet had no orator, and he did not wish his country .o
be behindbsnd. He perceived the 11 igs of many nations,
but not the G rmsn iftg.. M. Bodenken then proceeded to
read a voluminous memoir, in which Le showed that in Ger-

many education and instruction were so advanced that iu the
smallest villages the works of Vic:or Ilugo and Lsmartine
were known. When Mr. Cobden visited Germany he was
enthusiastically received ; end, if it had not rent so many
delegates as other countries, it was because there was now
little liberty of action there, and the notice given had been
short. He was convinced that what Germany lad been
unable to attain by war it would get by peace and by ideas.
Were they not already brothers ? Though princes separated
them, they were united is the people. Public opiebn in
Germany had been prepared in favour of thereat. Cuagreet.
The idea had been sown, and was growing, and no fear must
be entertained of small German sovereign?.
M. VILLECOQ saw with pleasure the great aim of the
meeting before which he had the honour of standing. He
belonged, he said, to a career (corals!) where the first of
virtues was silence, therefore he was unaccustomed to impro-
vise, and he would read his speech. H. Villeooq, then, to
the astonishment of the meeting, commenced reading a
speech, in which he supported and defended war, Ile made
, an apology for the ware of the empire, amidst marks of the
greatest 'moult-blunt from the meeting. At this point he
was interrupted by the president, who requested him to con-
fio e himself to the regulations, as well as to the question under
debate. H. Villecoq abandoned that portion of his sp.( ch
and passed to another, in which he commenced discussing
the policy of the French republic. Here he was again
stopped by M. Vicar Hugo wise begged of him nut to
continue, upon which bandied.
M. EMILE DE eiIItARDIN followed in a few words,
saying, that it was gratifying to find that the only speech
which had been delivered in favour of war was the best

speech which bad been delivered is favour of peace.
(einem)
Mr. HINDLEY, M.P., said that before he addressed the
meeting in French, which, however inadequately, be felt it
fitting to do, since the place in which they were so hospi,ably
received was the capital of Frenchmen—(hear, hear)—he
wished to say • few words to explain, that the present ()an-
ent was not the same with the Peace Society, which bad
for twenty years been reeking to inculcate upon the peeple
of England that war was net merely a folly but a crime, a
contempt of God's word, a system sf wholesale murder.
(Hear, bear.) The little etre-m, however, of the Peace
Society, bad in unison with that of the larger Cowen,
armed the broad river whose waves were now gradually
irrigating to eneficial to the countrieeol Europe. Mr. Wad-
ley, who was received with marked approbation, then said, in
French—Gentlemen, my French brothers, I much regret
that I eannotspeak your 'engage with a facility which would
render my speech mote agreeable to you—and not wean-
some to myself. But in RIP. very circumstance I perceive
eve manifest consequence of the war state. When I was
rung man war was raging between your country and mine.
I was forced accordingly to learn the French just as I learned
the Latin language, the Greek, and the other dead lan-
guages now not in use amongst us. I had then never seen •
Frenchman, and never expected to see one. I learned to
read French, not to speak it, which seemed wholly super-
fluous, and now ynu Year the re,ult, that I cannot express
myself an I fain would on this interesting occasion. (Hear,
hear.) I cannot throw my mind into yours. I cannot
mingle my heart with yours aa I fain would. (Hear, hear.)
Fortunately, however, there is a secret magnetism pervading
the entire of this trembly, spreading from heart to In art, a
silent language speaking within us with a more peaceful elo-
quence than could be supplied by the must potent language
that the ears could receive. (Cheers.) Now every soul
feels the fervour of our principle—the principle of an 1111 l•
vernal charity ; now, I do not feel that I am English as con-
tradistinguished from French. (Rear, hear.) I know and
feel I am a mats—(cheers)—and 1 repeat with the old poet,
" Homo sum of nihil humanum rtlienuni a see puto." (Loud
applause.) Yes, I eo longer look in this assembly to French,
tn, German, Deitch, Belgian, American—l occupy my-
se only with the thought which occupies all—that see are
• e-elese-en ewe ail heathers. (Caen) To return to
the days dray youth. The default of language I spoke of
was the smallest fault of our education at that time. We
were not allowed to regard you as friends, my French bre-
the. n—nay, we were taught to levied you as enemies, whom
patriotism called up .n us to hate and to injure.
(Hear, hear.) It was not only the fashion, it was the
principle, with the sons and daughters of England to scorn
and hate the French. But other days came. War was at
an end. Peace came, and with it the Engiith visited Paris,
and found they ware not the natural enemies or Fence
they had supposed. Such was the grand Inuit of temporary
peace. At,., now let permanent peace be instants(' by all
the English ;members of the Congress saying tu French-
men, and to all foreigners by birth, "We are brothers.
Ad:eu war! Adieu hatred! In future let charity, love,
and peace be amongst all nations." Accept, by dear ',reliefs
brethren, these few words—they come from the heart. (Load
cheers.)
Mr. W. BROWN, an escaped American blow, spoke with
much fervour in support of the extension of peace principles
to America, where they were eminently nened, for the pur-
pose of putting an end to that terrible element of war,
slavery, which now placed one sixth of the population of the
United States in antagonism with the remainder.
Mr. MIALL followed in an &dater. 01 some length.
The resolution was then adopted with acclamation.
The sitting was suspended fur a quarter of an hour.
On its resumption,
Mr. COBDEN addressed the meeting as follows :—I have
the honour to submit to your consideration a motion con-
demnatory of loans for warlike pajama My °hp et is to
promote peace by witholding the sinews of war. I propose
that this Congress shall make an appeal to the consciences of
all those who have money to lend. Ido not allude to a few
bankers who appear before the world as loan contractors.
They are the agents only for collecting funds from smaller
capitalists. It is from the savings and accumulations of the
merchants, manufacturers, traders, agriculturists, and annu-
flints of civilized Europe, that warlike governments can
alone supply their necessities, and to them we will appeal by
every motive of self-interest and humanity not to lend their
support to a barbarous system which arructs cemmerce,
uproots industry, annihilates capital and labour, and revels
amidst the tears and blood of their fellow creatures. We
will do more ; we will in every possible way expose the cha-
racter and objects, and exhibit to the world the true state of
the resources of every government which endeavours to
contract a loan for warlike purposes. The time is
gone by when barbarous nations devoted to war
could conquer civilised Europe, toilets, indeed, the lat-
ter will be so very complacent as to loud the money neces-
sary for its own subjugation. War has became an expensive
luxury. It is no longer a question of bows and arrows,
swords and shields. Battles are now decided by artillery,
and every discharge of a cannon costs from 12 to 15 francs;
I wish with all my heart it was ten times as much. The
consequence is, that when countries behind the rest of
Europe in civilisation enter upon tiZeetiLi.ii-e, they are
obliged immediately to draw upon the resources of more
civilised states—in other words, to rare a loan ; and how is
the money thus borrowed from the savings of honest in-
dustry expended ? What is war in our day ? Has it learned
any of the charities of peace ? Let us see. I hold in my
hand an :tract from a proclamation issued at Pestb, dated
19th July, and signed " Ilaynau." Praying forgiveness for
your outraged feelings, I will read it: "And individual who
shell, either by word or action, or by wearing any revolu-
tionary signs or emblems, shall dare to support the CAW e of
the rebels; any individual who shell insult one of my sol-
diers, or those of our brave elfin, either by words or
blare, any individual who shall enter into crimi-
nal relations with the enemies of the crown, or
who shall seek to kindle the flame of rebellion by reports
spread for a sinister pu pose, or who shall be rash euough to
conceal anus or not deliver them up within the di lay fixed
by my proclamation, shall be put to death within the
shortest possible delay, and on the spot where the crime shall
be committed, without distinction of condition or sex." This
was addressed to the inhabitants of Pesth ; and • few weeks
afterwards this same signature appeared to a proclamation
addressed to the inhabitants of the countries of the Theist,
from which I will else read a short ,:tract ; Take care not
to incur my vengeance by revolutionary movements. Net
being able in such a case to fiud out the guilty party, I chat
be compelled to punish the whole district. It on the terri-
tory occupied by my army, or on the rear, any attempt shall
be committed against my soldiers, or if any of toe convoys
should be stopped, or • courier, or the transport of provisions
prevented, an immediate punishment shall he inflicted
on the guilty commune ; it shall become the prey
to flames, and shall be levelled to the ground,
to carve as • freightful example to other communes."
I ask you, whilst your flesh creeps and your hair bristles with
horror at these quot.tions, has war borrowed any of the
charities of Chrisianity ? Have modern warriors repudiated
the practice of the barbarians of antiquity ? For my past
I can see no difference between Attila and Haynon ; betwet n
the Goth of the fifth and the Goth of the nineteenth century.
But we address ourselves to those who, by their loans really
hire and pay the men wh s commit these atroeitie,, and we
say " It is you who givo strength to the arm which reurdi re
innocent women and helpless old age ; it is you who supply
the torch which reduces to ashes peaceful and ineffen•ive
villages, and en your HMOS well rest she burden of these
crimes against to vanity." I shall be told that it is useless to
make au apace.' to the sensibilities of men who, with money
lying unpr• ductive at the bottom of their pockets, are think-
ing of nothing but five per cent. I will undertake to prove,
though I shall not weary you with an opinioa upon the
subject, that peace will offer a tar better held