The Express.
London, England, 1847-03-09 00:00:00

PARLIAMENTARY PAPER.

MALT.—A return has been printed, by order of the Kw*
of Commons, of the quantity of malt made, and abrepil
duty from 10th Oct., 1845, to sth Jan., 1846, sal hum
10th,Oct., 1846, to sth Jan., 1847. The desuription et
from which malt was made is distinguished. In the
period 11,446,631 bushels of malt from barley were
and 182,793 from here or him. In the second, the
of bushels of barley malt aimed had increased le
13,664,533, while here at bid malt had dee:Head IP
163,169.

41
T-" ft, CornifS.
it

. .
The evolod alma oak vieMAILS. bLereettlea to the
=Air e, =lrk Hew Ewe. &e., will be iffreedet=
etehe
Ilse rim ler Vletibem, Madeira, OM; aml algal*
WSW mai oven at Pe 17th Owelk.
71re weeelied wale ' ado, OMNI. As Temlim MO'
Mt4410•0111101420.8ollakolper Cher, vie air..'
=lie wee emeemlot tithe star*
The Omni lie MeV IWO Wash Vern thoehr's lAmi, sad Mew
leaked WM he =de VIP ea theeeoleM Odle Itlet ben&
beThe Woe ISr meelmeho Ow he IlkieSee.
ye leedelqo ea themeeelmist the 13111
me ode be EA iissalbse. Ilemeedm, est the
stale% mfa ts mole em Oa waft et the at /Nu. • • 7r
The nab he thh Os Mir MO Maim Vida, Nolo.
riel liwalbs. Aro MII be nob op is lii.
duo SO AWOL
)
. .

2:001131111PONDINTS.
stibp.DAnox_s" and_!.UPLUC'
boo Ira from 114-6.IILET, to No.
PLEXT-111112T, Goodman to the
and Poiliddni
N moot mink In my way, my coomounisation. Oat Is not 3
tolodr to Wm, et in ow/Mom
ta_l_n fryrominototL THRR CAN Wlt 0141=7

WRATEVICIL COLIPTE
Me
leimbed tar The Evros., Leaden aelelbellebel
mad be se Os Ogee by Teo %Meek as the day at eabliodea.
. .

• ,;
MOTE RAT= AT LONDON-BRIDGE.
T.• DILT-11andm, 10 'dm pmet 6; Altarhook 30 361 a. pot It
To-lioasow—ilsralai, bt WA. p I; Afterams. 10 ob. pigt J.

LONDON, TUESDAY, MARCH 8. ' '
IN the House of Lords, yesterday, the Marquis st
LAWBI3OWNE, in answer to the Duke of &own:man,
intimated that there would be no objection to lay 111
the table returns relative to the execution of, and
sums expended upon, Public Works in Ireland ; and
also of the amount raised under the authority if tht
Queen's Letter ; but did not see how the resealing*
could furnish statements of the distribution of the
private fund so subscribed. Lord Baoormir .
its
presenting a petition from Glaw, complaining of
the influx of Irish paupers into that city, took oust,
lon to advert. on the authority of information sr
plied him, to the alleged fun, that, while the :Wm&
of all ranks were called upon to subscribe for the
relief of the Irish poor, many of the landlords of
Ireland did very little in furtherance of so 40011
an object : that be had silo received information of
the ism of four thousand processes for rents, the
day after they became due, and complaining also dint
four sons in the family of a gentleman of property is.
Ireland held seven well-paid offices under • local
relief committee. The_hUrquis of LONDOMDZILIig
and the Earl of MOUNTCASEIZIL protested against the

noble and horned lord's persisting in attempts to run
down the Irish landlords, on the authority of state-
ments originating from parties whose only object was
to attain an unenviable notoriety. lord BitounwAX
Amid that he had done that of which he wag as
tinted : She cases to which he had referred, no doubt
sere meneptions to the general rale, but they wets •
•id the lees teas on that coconut. The noble and
imraed lord then presented a petition from Hull on
die abject of juvenile offenders, stating that he
. weed with those who thought it would be
right that the subject of the abolition of
wampertation should come before the house in the
daps of a bill. He was prepared to move that a
committee be appointed to examine into the execu-
tion of the criminal law, particularly with reference
to the transportation of young offenders. Lord
Rana'? thought the experiment proposed by Earl
Gan, on a former night, was one of so much magni-
tude sad importance, as to require an expression of
des opinion of both houses of parliament upon it.
Unless that coarse were pursued, it appeared to him
that the prerogative of mercy vested in the crown
might seemingly be endangered, if not abused. Earl
GUY reminded the noble lord that the law of the
pantry gave, and always had given, to the crown
• de power of deciding how certain classes of offenders
sentenced to transportation should be disposed of.
The magnitude of' the change he had tat a for-
mer night propounded had been over rated, in-
asmuch as transportation as a punishment was
not to be abolished, all that was to be changed was
the places at which its consequences were to be car-
ried out. Lord BROUGHAM contended that a minister
would deserve impeachment, if, because he was op-
nosed to capital punishment, be endeavoured to abo-
lish the system by the mere exercise of the pireroga-
live of the crown. Lord CAMPBELL was of opinion
that all the government proposed to do might be done
without an Act of Parliament. Earl GREY said, that
ander the plan he had suggested, the punishment
would not be capricious es it was at present, but
would be subject to known rules.
In the House of Commons, a new writ was ordered
far the city of Canterbury, in the room of J. Bradshaw,
Bsq, deceased. Lord BENTINCK presented a peti-
tion from the association of Spanish bondholders,
stating that the only chance of redress against the
had faith of the Spanish government was their coming
So that house praying that it would take their claims
into consideration, and afford them such relief as it
might deem Bt. Viscount PALMERSTON, in answer to
Mr. Hume, said, with reepeet to the Brazilian slave
trade, that it was not the intention of the government
to repeal the act of 1845, which declared the trading
in slaws, carried on under the Brazilian flag to be
piney, unless the government of that country should
agree in a treaty for the suppression of the
trade altogether. On the question of going into com-
mittee on the Landed Property (Ireland) Bill, Mr.
Bonecx, in an introductory speech, moved the fol-
lowing resolution, " That any plans of relief for the
distress of the Irish poor by means of loans to the
owaers of property in Ireland, would be unjust and
impolitic unless accompanied by &system of taxation,
which would subject such property to the burdens
already imposed upon all property throughout Great
Britain." An animated discussion ensued, in which
Sir R. Peet and Lord J. Roseeti. took part, against
the motion, which was eventually lost, by a majority
el ninety-nye, after which the bill was committed,
various clauses giving rise to some discussion.

Nome° could be more temperate, more dignified,
ar more just, than Lord JOHN Russent's declarations
in parliament respecting Cracow. Had they pro-
seeded from the pen of the historian, instead of coining
from the mouth of the politician, they could not have
been a more solemn and considerate and frank
exposure of the truth. Our right of complaint, or of
retaliation, against the three powers, and especially
against Austria, is fully proved. If we think it politic
that the stipulations of the Treaty of Vienna should
be considered null, sad that the HitiOHE of Europe
should lapse into a state of nature, of war, or
semi-war with each other, and in a state of chaos, as
far as international rights are concerned, we have
good ground and pretext for declaring that sueh shall
be the case; and there can be no fitter mode of follow-
ing up the declaration than by mulcting Russia of the
annual sum which Mr. Hume proposes to withhold.
Let us, however, be fully aware of what we are
doing. To certain parties, who entertain vague and
sentimental ideas of foreign policy, it may seem very
harmless and very liberal to have a fling at Russia ;
just as, to certain other parties, it seems very spirited
and inconsequential to direct diatribes and missiles
against France. Both are determined not to go to war.
They express a horror of it; and Mr. HUME declared
thatsuch a contingency was farthestfrom his thoughts.
There is, however, a state of rivalry, of mistrust, and
El-will, which, in the present far-spreading relations
of great empires, touching each other in so many
minute points, geographical and political, becomes
quite as dangerous, critical, and expensive as war.
We have had ample demonstration of what it was to
be on such terms with France, when every
packet, every vessel, brought tidings of collision
and dispute. On the shores of Africa, in the
Oulf of Mexico, in the island ports of the
Pacific, on the farthest seas of the globe, as
well as in the seas and lands of Europ
the authorities, and officers, and agents of England
sad France were in eternal strife. Popular attention
sae roused,—the journals on both sides thundered.
lesisteas in France were obliged to spread sail before
the popular wind, increase navies and armies, sanction
searamtunents, and approve of bullying agents whom
at heart they reproved. Ministers in England, having
to deal with that lion-public in their country, which
refuses to be roused or teased or resentful for
small things, continued mild, and meek, and suf-
ferant, and courteous, which merely aggravated their
neighbour's arrogance. Need we depict the dangers
and the cost to us, both in character and money, of
this diplomatic war—a kind of war in which England
always has the worst?
We have had similar experience of a semi-war with
Russia. Public opinion was indeed less active and
kiss roused on either Bide to take part in it. But the
agents of the Russian government form a little public
of themselves; and when the international rivalry, was
at its highest, their agents, as we well know, stirred
all Asia as well as Europe against us. Amongst
other small items, this struggle of intrigue and rivalry
with Russia forced us into the cost and the disasters
of the Affghanistan war. For the last year we have
had breathing time from the struggle with Russia.
Whether it was that our retreat from Affghanistan
emiciliatsd, or the general tone of European polities
drew Remain closer to us, certain it is that we have
seared to feel the active influence of Russian diplomacy
directed against us, as it was our wont to do at Con-
stantinople, Vienna, Paris, Washington, Teheran, and
in the states south-eastward of the Caspian.
Mr. Hums's, motion is neither more nor lees than
a revival of this extinct seed-war with Russia, and
this at a time when we are worse prepared for it
than, perhaps, at any period of our history. If any
see doubt of this, we would first direct his attention
to Ireland—the mention of the name is enough. We
wield next point to Paris and Madrid. Indeed the
difficulty would be to find the spot which does not
abound in difficalties, dangers, and troubles to us.
As to an ally, a support, a branch to rest on, we
might send thrth Mi. Hume as a dove from our island
Irk, and he might make the tour of the globe with-
eel Wing one friendly spot to light upon.
If oar petition at home and in Europe is not such
as to eseourage as to even a semi-war with Russia,
mint is oar position in India ? We have just con-
gested there a great empire, which we find- difficult
to possess or gunmen, and which we either grudge
or maw* afford the number of troops necessary to
men. This newly-conquered region—for Sands
insladed—eztande from Camwe to the
Meath of the Wok It has re-awakened the fears
et every tribe and every nation beyond, creating alarm
"in in the court of Persia. This immense tract of
over semi-subject races we have come to
04/,‘" farm
tow Eve of occupying with the least possible quan-
tity of force. Bands we will not give up, bat
into keep with a corporal's guard, certainly insuf-
&inn to repel the rebel bands of the Belooches,
Whin
the they dewed from the hills in any strength.
Bath is state of our immense Indian frontier, and
its suesielbjest millions. And Mr. Hums begs as,
ke the mke of economising 100,0001., to set Russian
ErrerJedowl, and gold lavished by Russian agents,
Ira* at disturbing this immense frontier, and
*err,* as into a hest of petty and expensive wars,
ma week of which would ost more than all the
Womb of all the Russo-Dutch loans that were ever
eanmeted._
We do, therefore, deprecate any such vote as Mr.
Hoya Prop, or any manifestation of opinion,

stranger or less temperatethen rizreriglXl3.
We are by no macs parapet-li. . alltemce,
u opposed to. a Frew& Ane. : -Frisch politicians
always make .nE their eountry a Quixote, to whom
ease animus w necessary as a Resinante, astride
of which he is to sally fotth, now to attack wind-
mills, and now to slaughter sheep. We do
not join with the French at all in the
absolute necessity, which they acknowledge, of
two countries always plotting to rob a third. This
has been done at Cracow, and it has also been done at
Madrid. If this be persisted in, we most forswear all
alliance, and stand the chance of isolation. The dream
,and delight of every liberal mind has long been, and
must still be, the hope of England and France
uniting, not for the purposes of seltaggreadisement,
but for mutual security, and for the peaceable and
fair protection of their popular interests and free
governments, which spring up as the citizen classes
develop themselves. If France, under guise of pro-
tecting such intereeta,merelylaboun for her own selfieh
ends and for the predominance of parties who confiscate
and retard public liberty, and constitute themselves,
like Isvunrrz and Commit, the mere valets, not even
of France, but of the Tuileries, we cannot keep
company with France in so disgraceful, and mean,
and unfair an alliance. We shall never abandon the
hopes of a liberal and frank alliance with the French
people. But as long as their government conducts its
policy by such base trickery as that displayed to
bring about the Spanish marriages, and as long
as the French charabere uphold a minister and
monarch in playing so vile • peat, we must really
suspend any wish for intimate connexion. And
whilst. thus &reed to suspend alliance with France,
we must be excused from volunteering, upon any
sentimental grounds, a quarrel with either Austria or
Russia.

IN another column will be found a remarkable let-
ter addressed to the editor of the Northern Warder,
by a gentleman who has taken a very active part in
the establishment of schools under the Free Church of
Beadand, in which the real nature of the government
pima of education is so plainly stated, and the futi-
lity and whined of the objections made to it, so
shady exposed, that comatent unnecessary. We
wry, however, remark, that on some of the topics in-
cidentally introduced, we do not quite agree with Mr.
Lawn ; we do not comprehend the points at issue be-
tween the Free Church and the Voluntaries, and so
far are we from sharing his objections to the Irish
Board of National Education, that we believe that
board to be founded on the best and soundest principles.
Sines the date of Mr. Lawn's letter, Mr. BAINES has
given a new and stampeded turn to the controversy;
he has turned from voluntaryism and dissent to the
highest of' high church authority, and ised, as
his leaders, Lord STANLEY and the Areh • of
CANTERBURY ! lie avers that a parliamentary grant
in aid of national education is unconstite un-
less accompanied by an act of parliament to establish
the system and details of distribution. He must know
very little of the history of oar times if he is not
aware that such grants have been made every year
since the commencement of the present century. For
more than twenty years to the board that managed
the Irish charter schools—fee more than ten
years to the Kildare-place Society—and for more
than ten years to the Irish Board of National Educa-
tion—a board originally constituted by Lord
STANLEY himself. He must be strangely blind
to what goes on around him if be does not know that
parliamentary grants for the relief of Irish distress,
for public works, for ordnance surveys, and indeed
for almost every purpose to which such grants can be
applied, involve the appointment of a staff of inspeo-
tors, overseen, secretaries, and clerks, just as formi-
dable to those who dread the extension of ppaatrtroonnaaggee
as the staff annexed to the Educational Committee
of the Privy Council.
It requires no little courage to appeal to the oppo-
sition of 1839 for any constitutional principle, or fore
anything on earth save an unscrupulousness in faction
which has no parallel in modern history: The liberal'
ministry was so weak that its adversaries saw that
a slight accession of strength would enable them
to overthrow the MELBOURNE Cabinet, and they'
sought that strength by entering into allies*
with every popular prejudice on which a factions
cry could be founded. " Protection to British Indy*
try !" " Protection to Colonial Interests !" "Me
Popery!" "The Church in Danger !" and many dal-
lar devices were employed simultaneously, and, as we
all know, with sines.. That such cries were restious
and unfair we have the best possible evidence, and
that is, the subsequent adoption by the Conservative
party of all the measures which they thus denounced.
If Sir ROBERT PEEL resisted the Educational Com-
mittee of the Privy Council in 1839, within a few
months he became one of its moat strenuous promoters
and supporters ;—if a majority of the House of Lords
voted for its abolition, some of that majority in a brief
space became active and energetic members of that
body. Lord STANLEY, we grant, did not give such
unequivocal proofs of repentance, but still he was a
member of the ministry by which that Educational
Committee was continued, and since his late seces-
sion from office he has not breathed a syllable against
that body.
How any man calling himself a liberal could take
his authority from proceedings so obviously factious,
is to us utterly incomprehensible. We sincerely wish
that the proceedings of that unhappy time would be
buried in oblivion, and that those who took a share in
that factious opposition would be allowed the benefit
of that repentance which their actions subsequently
evinced. But when we find a precedent of faction
quoted with approbation, is there not reason to fear
that principles of faction have been adopted ?
We regret that Mr. BAINES has recalled a course..
proceedings so sadly injurious to the charade:
public man. Nemesis has had her Una. Oa *el
announcement of the decisive majority which plated
the late ministry in power, an eminent prelate,
attached to the Conservative party, exclaimed,
" There is now nothing to fear, except that Pales
pad Opposition may be his future ministry." The
Aar was prophetic ; the result jastitied the prediction.
We have no fear that the great Dissenting interest
et • England will adopt the factious and dangerous
ipresedent so conveniently disinterred by Mr. BAINES
for their guidance; nothing could more clearly mani-
fest the nature of the opposition which it is the object
of that gentleman to get up; he wishes to be the
Lord STANLEY of dissent, and we heartily wish his
lordship joy of so faithful an imitator, and so sedulous
a disciple. But we doubt the chances of what we
may be allowed to call Slanierhip finding favour
with the Non-Conformists in this country ; we ens
believe that this unwary exposure of the direction is
which they are about to be led, will came many to
pause and ponder on the course they should
Already several have begun to think that =lits
wisdom in the advice of the Oriental sage, " Blame
not before thou bast examined the truth ; understand
first and then rebuke."
All the invasions of the constitution by prerogative,
which Mr. Barns painfully enumerates, are utterly
beside the none ; because parliamentary greats for
educational and other purposes to be expended by a
staff appointed by the executive are of yearly occur-
rence in England and in every free country. If Mr.
BAINES contends that national education is not a
purpose to which national funds should be devoted,
there is an end of the matter,—he is beyond the
reach of reason or argument—we leave him alms is
hie glory. But there is a passage in the nonskid= of
hie address which we cannot pima over ; it heasrds a
prophecy, and it more than insinuates a threat.
Gentlemen, the eye, of your constituents are upon
.you.
The Liberals and Thamenteri among them, with useedingly
few exceptions, view the measure with a degree et dread amil
abhorrence which words would ill express. It hmy firm
conviction that unless this measure should be ahandensel, ear
party at the coining general election will be Wad up end
scanned to the winds. The scenes of 1784 ',JUMP mreneend.
Lord Jam Bead will saceince hie party; amidea
of his state education will SW into the hands of Manley tea

Bentinek
Now this is not the first time that we have heard
similar threats from smell and one-ideed sections of
the liberal party addressed to the general body—
threats which simply amount to this: " If you in the
legislature do not vote against your convictions to
please us, we at the hustings will vote against our
convictions to vex you." We heard the same me-
nem, and from the same quarters, at the time when the
Dissenters' Ihapel Bill and the Maynooth grant were
under discussion; and, irrespective of our opinion of
those measures, we felt then what we feel now, that
if a party could be held together only on the condi-
tion of submitting to such dictation, the u3oner it was
broken and scattered to the winds the better. But
we believe no such thing; we believe that now, as in
times past, the liberals and the nonconformists in the
electoral body will be guided by recognised principle,
and not by avowed faction.

r-T--

1 ,
Whitt on this subject we may as well correct en
error into which the Morning Chraniek has fallen.
It represents the masters, trained in normal schools,
as intended to form "an inferior order of clergy," to
be admitted to the diaconate by the bishops. The
principle laid down b 7 the Committee of Council
directly contradicts this, and renders it impossible.
It is not permitted seen to an inspector to hold a cure
of souls, as the person aeoepting each office owes all his
time and his entire allegiance to the state.
If this be the rale with inspectors, it will be much
more rigidlp the rule with respect to masters, who
certainly will be allowed to perform no clerical func-
tions. 'Though how far the mere title of deacon may
in some instances be awarded them, we know not.
This terror of an " inferior order of clergy," to be
reared by state funds in normal school,, is a bugbear
of the BAINES school.

Ir will have been observed, that in consequence of
the Moms of Baron Purr, Beijeant GASELEE is sup-
plying his place upon the Oxford circuit. Without
intending any disrespect to the learned serjeant, who
possesses, we believe, considerable learning and
ability, we may well express • doubt whether it is
possible for any person in his position to perform the
duties of the Bench as intidactorily as one of the su-
perior judges. If the assinitp et employing a me-
jesmt as one of the judges el melee wee an exception
to the general rule, the ineonvenimete might net
perhaps, require remark ; but expanse prom eat,
as might be expected on a calesdatine of chodeek sae
out of fifteen judges, all adenoid in life, in alma
every alternate monk disabled Emu perforedeg ide
duties. Whenever such a ciumaltyeeeurs, ft le MOW
eery to supply the vacs/icy by a serjeant-at-lipsri flap
t
although the three commissions of the psalm
Dyer and terminer, and of general gaol delimrptwear
which judges on circuit exercise their eriedied jade
-
diction, can be directed to any person, the stelae, 14
Edward 111., c. 16, which is still In force, confines
the power of taking inquests of nisi pries* to judges
of the superior courts and serjeants.
In providing for a temporary vacancy on the eir-
emit, the LORD CHANCELLOR is practically limited in
his choice, not only by the restrictions of the law,'
but by the impossibility of inducing any serjeant in
very extensive practice to interrupt it for the sake of
• temporary, and not very profitable, appointment.
He eon only appoint a judge, who has either, like the
late Berjeent ATCHERLEY, almost retired from prac-
tice, or on. who has not yet arrived at the first rank
in the prudes. When a junior seijeant is selected,
it is evidently impemible for him, howeverlearned and
able be nay im either to secure' eneral confidence
in his decisions. et to exercise over the leaders of the
circuit the stiMi, influence which ought to proceed
from the Bea* Those under whom he held a junior
brief a week before, and is likely to hold one again
six weeks hewn, cannot be expected to regard him
with asitraiss, or to yield their own opinions to his
entimity. It is altogether unseemly that the senior
Qessn's- andsant, for instance, who. after the law
allows at the crown, takes precedence of the whole
Ms et England, should argue Hay after day before a
reof his own court. Though Stejeant Tstroune
sespable of taking advantage of his relative position
to diminish the doe authority of the court, it is impos-
sible that his rank and experience should not weigh
with juries, though it may not influence the judge.:
and we may presume that a similar inconvenience is
likely to arise in the case of other leading counsel.
The popular feeling on the subject was sufficiently
shown, three or four years ago, by a high sheriff of
more candour than politeness. At the Spring Circuit,
in consequence of the pressure of business at the'
preceding assize town, a junior serjeant had been'
sent in advance of the judges to open the commis-
sion, and had been mistaken by the sheriff for the
ridge, and treated with corresponding respect
ving discovered hie error, the sheriff was greatly
annoyed at having compromised himself by a degree
of deference which he thought altogether beyond the
claims of a mere setjeant. In the summer, when the
judge in person entered the sheriff's carriage, he was
astonished by the abrupt question—. Pray, my lord,
are you a real judge this time, or have they fobbed us
off with a serpent again ?"
Another bad result of the appointment of a tem-
porary judge will probably be found in the increased
number of applications to the court above for new
trials, and of other modes of appealing from the de-
cisions at nisi Arius. In ordinary cases, even when
the judge who tries the cause is of • different court
from that in which it is depending, it is known that
his opinion will have a certain weight with the court
in bane, if any farther question is raised, or if his
ruling is impeached. Attornies and counsel, moreover,
are influenced by his opinion, even when they dissent
from it, and require strong grounds to induce them to at-
tempt to overthrow it. It is evident that these conside-
rations will apply less forcibly in the case of a judge of
inferior rank ; and that even if the chances of judicial
error are not multiplied, the probability of additional
litigation is greatly increased.
It will at any rate soon become n to re-
move the restrictions imposed by the act of DWAID
111., since the late opening of the Court of Comma
Pleas to the bar in general, it is not likely that imp
barristers will hereafter be ambitious of the expensive
honour of the coif. The race of sergeants will die out in
a short time, after many centuries of flourishing
existence. It would still, however, be
provide against the inconvenience of appointing ad.
vocates of the second rank to fill the place of judges,
who are temporarily disqualified from acting; and •
mode may be suggested which would both remove
the objectionable practice, and be otherwise beneficial
to the administration of ustice.
Of the fifteen judges, fourteen are engaged on the
eight circuits. the fifteenth remaining in town to attend
at the judges' chambers. The business transacted at
chambers which goes on both during the circuits, and
at other times, is of • minute and technical kind, and
is undertaken by all the judges in rotation. Besides
granting writs of habeas corpus and certiorari, the
judge at chambers exercises the jurisdiction of issuing
summonses and making orders on innumerable points
of pleading and practice, subject in some cases to
an appeal to the court, in other cases deciding
finally. The knowledge required to discharge
these duties satisfactorily, is of • peculiarly
technical character, and can only be acquired by long
experience. Some judges who are well qualified for
the higher duties of their office, find themselves em-
barrassed by the complication of petty difficulties
.which they have to grapple with atchambers, of ques-
tions which no principle will help to solve, and which
it is neverthelese of great importance to decide accord-
ing to established rules. " First, then, comes," said a
late 'judge, "a white-haired attorney's clerk, and
then a red-haired attorney's clerk, and then a black-
haired attorney's clerk, and I really do not know what
any one of them wants."
. It Imo, we believe, long been the opinion of the
t.that this hamming juriediction might be
transferred to a fimetionary who should
...11011177.t gis exclusive business, and be selected for
rtccaliar q
rank ou;lifalcalfiounsterfo:f the task. A
the Courts, wtrilg:
okay of perhaps 2,0001. a year, would do the busi-
ness of chambers much better than an average judge
ant would set at liberty, for higher duties one of the,
tetewho must now be in attendance. There could
difficulty in finding some able and eminent
who understands the law of practice
lily, and would be willing to accept such a
eilentlem There would be then a fifteenth judge
at Ninety to assist in the duties of the cr-
eek either by taking the place of an invalid
or by reheving the great pressure
•l Which produces so much inconvenience
Oa lbs lisatbsts Circuit. There can never be economy
ennylloying elevated and highly-paid functionaries
to perfkrin duties which could be fulfilled as well or
letter by others. In the present ease, the change
whisk we propose would both Waugh', the inferior
jurisdiction to an inferior officer, and, in most came,
remove the necemity of providing a less efficient
substitute to discharge the higher duties of the