The Express.
London, England, 1847-02-11 00:00:00

LETTERS ON THE POOR-LAWS.--No. I.

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Sir,—Among the strenuous multitude of writers I
end speakers on this subject, it is to be hoped there are not
wanting sonic careful thinkers ; for if there is no practical
question more urgent, there is no theoretical question which
connects itself more deeply with the fundamental principles
of civil society.
The remarkable change of opinion about the poor-laws
which has taken place within the last few years, may be
ascribed to experience or to agitation. My persuasion is that
the agitators have had some ground of reason to work upon.
But the danger is now that the re-action goes too far, and
that in enlarging our theory, we forget the principles already
ascertained and established. A wise mediator is yet wanting
between the economists of 1834 and the philanthropists of
1847. That office I would urge it upon you to undertake, by
mesas of the powerful instrument in your hand. In the
mean time I avail myself of your permission to offer a few
general coesiderations to those anions your readers who may
see anything in them. My experience has been gathered in
the North of England, very appropriate ground for a middle.
man, if we consider Scotland as exhibiting one extreme of
poor-Law management, and the south of England before the
late change, the other, and both of them as failures from
opposite CaILIOS.
Two presumptions, I think, may low be hazarded Ist.
That we shall have another revision of our poor-laws; and
2nd. That the alterations will be in the duection of libe-
rality—in other words, that the main object henceforth is to
be not the protection of property ageing rates, but the
effectual relief of all honest poverty—at:ok by many degrees
the most important and most difficult that civilisatioe has
before it.
The poor-laws of England are of ancient date as a code
of police, but the 43rd of Elizabeth was the first compre-
hensive measure of legal charity, and was framed, as I have
been informed, upon the model of a similar ceheme still
extant,. projected, but never adopted, by the magistracy of
Ypres, Flanders. Be that as it may, this great statute
bears the strong impress of a legislative mind, and, at this
day, it is a fair question, whether in principle it can be im-
proved upon. for nearly 2.50 Tears it has struggled on
through failures and obstacles which some philosophers pro-
nounce to be inevitable and invincible, yet their own amend-
ment act of 1834 sinks decrepit before it is well into its teens.
There must be a reason for this beyond mere clamour and
want of political science in the British public. Let it imply
ne disrespect to the authors of the new poor-law, if we say
that their experiment has not boon successful, and endeavour
to investigate the causes of its failure.
First of all, this much-abused amendment act was mimed
under the influence of a panic in all the southern counties,
where the progress and pressure of pauperism had become
justly frightful to all thinking men. The main object,
therefore, of the act, was to atop that cancer at al events;
but in attempting to do so by suddenly cutting of the sup-
plies, injustice was done to many classes who bad grown up
under the evil system, but especially to all willing workers
out of employment by no fault of their owe. Nor were
pains taken to ascertain beforehand the proportion of
these to the idle and dissolute—that is, to ascertain the
natural state of the labour market in England, apart from
the disturbing effects of the poor-laws. The workhouse test
was solely relied upon for doing this afterwards. But such
test was justifiable only upon the supposition that work and
wages were to be had for all, and that poverty is a rice
suppressible by pains and penalties. To whatever extent
this is not true—to whatever extent the workhouse is un-
willingly accepted by the able-bodied,—both moral and
seesnomend wrong is done. The labourers am exasperated
against the law, and their labour is lost to society. Work-
houses, moreover, containing for the most port the popu-
lation of a gaol, without the discipline, are apt to
become special nurseries of vice. Workhouses are partly
asylums, partly schools, partly almshouses, and partly
houses of correction; and if anybody will consider the
sort of distracted multitude thus gathered together for such
opposite purposes—the scum of forty parishes swept into
one receptacle—and divided only by two sexes and two
he will not be astonished at clamours and riote, either win
or without; but will wonder only at any rule at all being
maintainable in such pandemoniums. In truth, the work-
houses are, for the moat part, governed as well as is possible
under the circumstances. But the result is that, like reli-
gious tests, they operate only to exclude the best characters,
and to admit the worst.
I say, then, that the experience of twelve years has over-
turner' the theory of the new poor-law as a whole theory.
It has failed of its end. It has not suppressed pauperism ;
it has not raised wages; it has not restored the industrious
labourer to independence or contentment, or begun to do so;
above all, it has not satisfied the public mime of justice, or
fulfilled the hope. of reasonable and moderate men. Do I,
then, mean any reproach to the authors of the law ? Very
fax from it. I was implicitly of their school at the beginning,
and it is experience only that has shaken my faith, and that
slowly, and again-t my will. The Commissioners of Inquire
were men of great ability, of great industry, and of high
character, inspired by an earnest desire to find a remedy fur
a great public evil ; and notwithstanding all clamour their
experiment remains a moat valuable one, and their labour%

instructive to all future times; but in such an enterpriic who
can hope not to fail again or again.
Parltamo-nt and the public are now called upon to recon-
sider the whole question ; and, impatient ea newspaper rs alien
and practical men are of general principles, it is hopeless,
without a great deal of reflection and discussion, to put any
legislation whatever upon a sound foundation. If people
will not consider the natural cause of poverty and the opera-
tion of the common receints for relieving it ; if philanthro-
pists will only abuse political economy, end economists will
admit no exceptions to their general laws, then all our
experience will he thrown away upon us, and we shall go en
like quack doctors—for ever attacking the symptoms and
never the source. _ . .

I think it can be shown that the statute of Elizabeth is
yet sound at heart, and capable of successful application to
the circumstances of our time ; that a poor-law so an indis-
pensable instrument of civilisation ; and that a good poor-
law for Bricked, Scotland, and even Ireland, is an idea that
may be realised in this very generation.
But here I mud pause, to return with your permission to
the subject in a few more letters, at such intervals as may
suit your convenience. TRIM:NUS.

IRELAND.

DUBLIN, FEB. 10.

The severity of the weather, which ha; alternated
between snow and frost for the last three days, has
delayed the arrival of the southern mails of yesterday.
They are not expected until a late hour this evening;
too late, at least, for the London post
The
recent accounts of the rapid increase of fever
are extremely alarming. A central board of health,
under the control of the poor-law commissioners, has
been established, and held its first sitting yesterday.
The Reproductive Employment Committee as-
sembled to-day, Lord Desert in the chair. The new
poor-law and railway bills were discussed at consider-
able length, when a series of resolutions were agreed
to. Petitions on the two measures will be forwarded
to parliamen. one strongly disapproving of the prin-
ciple of out-door relief, and the other in support of
Lord G. Bentinclis railway scheme.
The liberality of t.,e people of England fills the
country with amaLement. Such noble munilioroes
cannot fail to produce the happiest results on the
public temper. Ignorance will reason that a people
whose benevolence is so unbounded, and which comes
to the relief of distress with such splendid offering;
cannot be a " very bad" people. 'Prejudice is fast
yielding, and the docile and really generous Iris
peasant will practically learn that England is a
column on which he may repose in the days of his
adversity. This feeling is growing very prevalent,
owing very much to the acknowledgments of the
Roman Catholic clergy, who in their Sunday exhorta-
tions are constantly dwelling on the exalted charity
of the English people.
A meeting of the corporation was held to-day at'
the Assembly-house, when a resolution was adopted
that the town council should petition porlianseat
against the admission of rum, unless paying such a'
discriminating duty as should afford due protection
to the manufacturers of Irish spirits; and particularly

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against the admission of rum into consumption in
Ireland upon payment of a duty of 3s. 2d. the impe-
rial gallon. The resolution was proposed by Alder-
man Gavin, corn-factor, a Repealer, and seconded by
Alderman Kinahan, spirit merchant, and a Tory.

SCOTLAND.

POLICE MOLALITY.—One of the police-serjeanu in Edin-
burgh has had oue son transported for theft ; another was
tour times convicted of theft, and died in prison ; a third has
been three times convicted of robbery, and is now waiting
his trial for a slmilar crime ; and the remaining son, living
at home with his father, has been once convicted of theft.
The father himself once allowed a prisoner to escape, who
had been fourteen times guilty of neglect of duty. lie has,
at last, been dismissed from office.
CLOWN() OP 111011 LAND Roans.—A case was decided
lately in the Court of Session of great importance to the
Highlands, and by which the right of the public to what are
termed drove roads" is established. The case oinated
a few years ago in an attempt by the Marquis of Bre,adallnine
to abolish the long used cattle stance at Inverveach, on the
great drove road through Argyllshire, with the view of
more strictly preserving his lordship's deer forest in the
Block Mount. The attempt necessarily created a great mu-
tation not only throughout the Highlendv, but among the
graziers of the northern counties of England, who are so
much interested in the cattle trade of the north of Scotland.
Public meetings were held at various places, a deputation
was appointed to correspond with the marquis and his agent
with the view to an amicable arrangement of the matter,
and that filling, a public subscription was raised to try the
question in the persons of the tenants of Inverveach, on
whose grounds the right of interference was first exercised.
Their lordships unanimously sustained the rights of the pub-
lic to the roads in question.
Tua Pince or BREAD has fallen one penny in Glasgow,
and a halfpenny in Edinbuigh.
SUNDAY IN GLABOOW.—As regards Lord Brougham's
accusation against the distributors of soup to the starving
poor, it is but too well founded. A hungry man with money
m his pocket, need not suffer any pangs in Glasgow on the
Sunday; fir not only the hotels but the whisky shops will
be happy to give him food and drink fur his money, " be-
tween sermons," or after them. But the poor wretch with
his soup ticket must starve until the Monday—or die in the
meantime. We believe this will be altered, and that the
conductors of the night asylum, now that public attention
bas been directed to this harsh uncharitableness, will open
their doors at least for a couple of hours on the Sunday. to
those objects of their bounty whom they relieve en other
days of the week.—G league Argue.