The Express.
London, England, 1848-02-15 00:00:00

THE EXPRESS, TUESDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 15, 1848.

mat Ind not bees
deceived and plundered he Mr. Barry, as
=Am& grndgmen seemed to think. Whoseer was to
Sig delay or increased expenditure, they should at
lees' delve** to his MUM% to his real, and to his abilities,
which ne mite &stied. Indeed, oae of the elements of
Mn Barey'e sigisisetien was elm applause he received,lnot
only of'Ut dint ostudrymen, bet of foreigners, who with.
out ezon..had expressed their achnisaiion of the build.
g. the Roble RIM would glint a committee
which
Zahrhaifronghly Investigate the question, and prove
that neither the architect, nor the noble lord, nor be (Lord
Lincoln) had been wanting in their duty to ths Homes of
Commons, but rather that the /loused Commons was went ,
ing in duty to itself and the country.
Mr. 0. THOMPSON conceived that no satisfactory
answer had been given to the questions put to the govern-
ment, either respecting the cause of delay, or the excess of
expenditure over the criginal eleimate.
Mr. EWART advocated inquiry by a committee.
Mr. BANKES considered that the time was come when
that house ought to check the public expenditure.
After a few words from Mr. A. Hors,
Mr. DRUMMOND demanded a simple reply to the
simple question, " who was responsible for the excess of
expense over the estimate," bet no reply being given, the
Speaker put the question that the house resolve itself into •
committee on—
THE NEW ZEALAND GOVERNMENT BILL.
The Earl of LINCOLN said he felt it necessary to inter-
pose some remarks at this stage of the bill ; and proceeded
to show that the present constitution of New Zealand, al-
though correct and beautiful in the abstract, was yet so
erroneous in form, so theoretical in its application, and had
been so universally condemned by members of that house,
and by those competent to form an opinion out of it, as to
ustify a discussion of the question upon the present
bill, in order that they might consider what had
bowie the errors already committed by the government, and
I what war their best remedy. The noble lord refetred to
forme" debates, to show that the opinion of the house had
been in favour of a represeatative government for New Zea-
land, beginning with municipal institutions. The right
hon. barocet the member for Tamworth had stated that he
regarded municipal institutions as the germ ot represent*.
tive government. The noble lord (the Fir.t Lord of the
Treasury) had said that a municipal constitution was the
proper prelude to a representative constitutien. He more-
over distinctly stated, that he did not anticipate that it would
bo wise or desirable that a colony should at once jump from
a state of despotism into)an elaborate aid fine-drawn consti-
tution.. Such a constitution had not been desired by any
party, or any memb.r of that house, and in a pvtition pre-
sented by Lord Howick, in July, 1815, asking for a
representative government without distinction of race, the
petitioners stated that, looking to the ignorance of the lower
orders, it was desirable that the local constitution of the
coantry should be es little democratic as passible, and should
be composed of persons having an interest in common with
the colonists, and not of strangers who went there in search
of place and salary. How Cc appointed must those petition-
ers have been when they received at the hands of the noble
lord through whom instrumentality they had made known
their sentiments a constitution which they now perceived
had not attained the objects intended by it—a constitution
which might be said to be half American and yen little
English. lie (Lord Lincoln) regretted that the noble lord
had acted with such extraordinary haste, end without oh-
tsining the opinion of the governor, of the colonist', or
of residents in thin country competent to lichees upon it.
The machinery of that constitution, though perhaps perfect
in itself when put into operation, was found wholly inap-
plicable. The noble lord, tor instance, proposed a franchise
intended to be democratic, being limited only by the ability
to read and write English ; but, if ever there was a plan de-
vised to produce, not an amalgamation as anticipated by the
noble lord, but a war of races, this was that plan ; for,
according to the authority of Captain Grey, not one of the
natives (meld read or write English. This suffrage was
therefore limited to a email minority of English settlers, and
the entire uatives deprived of it. The noble lord, too, had
had his attention drawn to these and other points by four
leading colonists resident at the time in this country, is a
report containing their objections to his proposed constitution.
They were most anxious that these corporations should have
a more extensive bearing, About the time that the noble lord
(Grey) succeeded to the Colonial-office a body of free-church
colonists prepared to leave Scotland for New Zealand, es the
understanding that they would there find representative in-
stitutions. At the close of the session of 1846, the noble
lord's bill having passed, and they having received the
assuraiiee of a representative constitution, they sailed for
Otago, where, he believed, the) had new arrived.
Mr. AGLION BY—They are now on the sea.
Lord LINCOLN—At all events, when they arrived, they
would bud that the constitution on the faith of which they
had emigrated was suspended fur five years.
Mr. M. MILNES—They have gone to the southern
island.
Lard LINCOLN—But it was well known tbat the suspen-
sion of the constitution applied alike to all parts of the co.
lorry. Governor Grey hail taken the view which all the
world took, and at once suspended this constitution as impr.x-
ticable. It was condemned here, and condemned their ; all
the New Zealand papers were opposed to it. It was on the
suggestion of the "overtime that this constitution was now to
be suspended for live years. To this he should not object,
were the intl real occupied in devising some more practicable
' measure; but a suspension implied an abstract approval of
the constitution. Rather let the government confess
in substance, what was confessed in spirit, that the
thing was wholly inapplicable to the colony, and repeal
it at once. The uncertainty in which these continual changes
involved the colonists was a great evil. At one time a re-
presentative constitution founded on universal suffrage was
given them ; then the whole power was vested in the
governor, who might grant or refuse such constitutions at
his plessute, This was a very unfair responsibility to cast
on an individual; and the noble lord (Grey) seemed sensible
of that. By the fifth clause of the bill b, fore the house,
the governor was even authorised to regulate the qualifica-
tion of the burgesses. In this country such a power would
be thought most unconstitutional and improper, and. would be
regarded in the colony with great distrust. The noble
lord in kis despatch empowered the governor to grant li
censer to vote; and though such a poster would doubtless
be properly exercised by Governor Grey, yet he was not
immortal, and his successor might be less judicious. (Hear.)
Upon the whole, he thought it would be far better to with-
draw his bill, and bring in one of one clause, entirely
repealing the act of 1846, and empowering the go-
vernor to establish suitable municipal institutions in the
whole colony. It was evident, from the governor's recent
despatches, that the colony was in a very critical state ; and
on this ground he heel avoided the introduction of many
exciting topics, being sincerely desirous to nee past emirs
corrected. A, the government valued the peace of the
colony, and the well being of those emigrants who bad gone
thither on the faith of enjoying a representative govern-
ment, he hoped they would early consider the question, and
not let the matter rest where it was till the five years had
nearly expired.
Mr. LABOUCHERE assured the noble lord that he wpm
fully 'sensible of the importance of the subject; but he thought
many of the points now urged would be better discussed in
committee. He hoped the whole of the time of the house
would not be consumed in preliminary discussion.
He would not revive the discussion on the land
question, but would assure the house that there existed not
the smallest difference of opinion between the noble lord at
the head of the colonial department and 0 .vernor Grey on
the subject of the waste lands. This was confirmed by a let-
ter which had been received in this country from a mis-
sionary in New Zealand. On a formsr occasion he (Mr.
Labouchere) had mid he could not acquit the Bishop of
New Zealand of indiscretion : he must now express on his
own part, and that of the noble lord (Grey, their thanks to
the right rev. prelate for his successful exertions toward, ef.
fecting a settlement of the differences which existed with the
missionaries on the subject of the grants. (Hear, hear.) As
the present bill proposed the suspension of the constitution,
he did not feel it necessary to answer seriatim the objections
which had been raised against it by the noble lord opposite:
Otherwise it would not have been ditli,ult to defend the
steps which had been previously taken by government. The
noble lord had come into the Colonial-office at the end
of a session of parliament, and fueled the government pledged
to giant representative institutions to New Zealand. He had
accordingly sent out this constitution; but it was to his
credit that, as eonn as it was finind inapplicable, he had
directed its suspension. (Hear.) As to the Scotch emi-
grants, it could not be made matter of complaint on their
laccount that, when they arrived in the island, they found
that institutions which were inapplicable t i the colony had
been suspended. All were agreed that this constitution
should be either suspended or aboli.hed ; but to adopt the -
recommendation of the noble lord opposite for the with-
drawal of this bill would be extremely unwise. It was true
that extraordinary pow.rs were proposed to be given to the
governors, but this was the only nurse which could safely
and promptly be adopted for putting the colony in posses-
sion .1 suitable representative institutions. The p
tion would Ones be prepared for the pos.se,eion of
such institutions ; and the governor might gradu-
ally Introduce such widening of the !remoldse and
extension of liberties as he might see to be 'desirable.
Governor Grey said that the southern part of New Zealand,
where the majority consisted of white inhabitants., and
where the aborigines were but few, was fitted to receive free
institutions, but it was not ripe for such as they possessed at
home. (" Hear, hear," from the opposition.) The noble
lord called this a "hybrid constitution." He (Mr. Labou-
chere) did not defend it as a permanent system, but it was a
constitution, however, that was not unknown in the colo-
nies ; and, recollecting that the noble lord was a member of
a cabinet which, under the auspices of Lord Stanley, had
sent out a constitution exactly similar to Newfoundland,
after suspending a more popular one, he was surprised that
the noble lord should call it a hybrid constitution. A similar
constitution was established in Guiana, and it existed at
that moment in New South Wales. This bill would empower
the governor to increase the number of the legislative coun-
cil, which was desirable, because it was proper that he should
surround himself with the best local advice, when so much
responsibility was thrown upon hint. There were to be
provincial councils, into which he might infuse as much, or
as little, of the popular element as he thought fit. All this
was to be done by ordinance, but it wt' to be subject to the
approval of the crown. The noble lord laid great stress on
the preservation of municipal institutions. But the bill be-
fore the house did not interfere with the establishment of
municipal institutions. He had stated the reasons why he
did not think the proposal of the noble lord was so good as
that of her Majesty's government, which he considered
would lead to such free institutions in New Zealand as
would be consistent with their welfare and safety.
The house then went into committee. Clauses 1,2, and
3 were agreed to. On clause 4 being proposed,
Mr. GLADSTONE said be wished to point to something
which appeered to him to be defective in the framing of the
bill. The right hon. gentleman defended the suspension of
the bill rather than its repeal, on the ground that, having
held out to the people of New Zealand the hope of free in-
stitutions, they ought not to do anything to create a doubt