The Express.
London, England, 1851-12-27 00:00:00

to h amenity ; because we in Europe area pparentlfon the eve
ath„, day, when either the hopes or the fears of oppressed
autos wail he crushed for a long time. Having stated so
the difference of the situation, I beg leave now to state
that it is eaterely an unfounded supposition, that the doc-
trine of teunsinte rterenee lit foreign matters had been, to
biopic of the Uuited States, by your great Washington,
bequeathed to be a constitutioual principle to you. No,
thar is aot the case. Firstly, Washington never even TO-
OtallattlOled DOI interference, or indifference, to the fate of
ether notions to you. He hue only recommended ncutra:ity.
Aced there is a mighty difference between these two
wee, Neutrality is an idea *rich has reference to a
gat, of woe between two belligerent powers; and it O.
0;4 rye which Waeleiagten contemplated when he, ise
farewell address, advised the people of the United
states, nut to enter into entangling alliances. Let quer-
&lief power*, let quarrelling nations, war—you consider
your own concerns, stud let foreien pnwers quarrel about
set:idiom topics, or scanty, partieular interests. Neutra-
lity is • m itter of convenience—not of principle. But
even as. neutrelity has reference to a state of war between
pester*, the principle of rinn-interference ho.l,
on the pet;gen
century, reference to the soyereism right
of nations to dopme of their own domestic con-
woo Therefore, thsse two ideas of neutrality and non-
interference are two entirely different idea., having refer.
ince to two entirely different matters. The sovereign right
a whatever nation to dispose of itself, to alter its inetitu.
nuns, to change the form of its own government, is a coal-
men medic law of manias, common to all, and, therefore,
put under the common guarantee of all. This sovereign
teat of , very nation to dispoee of Ruff, you, the people of
the United States, must recognise, because it is a common
law of mankind in which, being a common law of mankind,
every nation is usually interested. You must recognise it,
secoudiy, because the eery existence of your great republic
la aim the iudepeneleuce of every nation, rests upon this
bins—rests upon this ground. If that sovereign right of
legions w, re no common public law of mankind then your
owe iudependent existence would he no matter of right, but
Daly a matter of fact, Irides might be subject, to whatever
time, to whatever chances of power and of violence.
And where is the citizen of the toiled States who would
net feel revolted *gaited the idea, that the existence of
this great republic is not a righteous nor a lawful one,
but only a mere accident—a mere matter of fact?
You may well remain neutral to every war between two
belligerent nations, but you cannot remain indifferent
to the violeieee, of the euminoa law of humanity. That
indifference Washington has never taught you. I defy
every man to show me, out of the eleven volumes of
AVashingtott's wridor, a single word to that effect. He
reoeumeneleel neutrality in the case of foreign wars; but
Le never n.esenuemoled indifference to the violation of
the CWIIIIIOII jaws of humanity, by interference of foreign
powers with tit! soy. reign right of nation. to dispose of
to melees. And he could not have recommended this
inidlerince witeout easing to be wise as he wits, because
ih, le is, without justice, no wisdom on earth. Ile
coed 1 not have recommended it without becoming in-
consistent, because it am this common law of mankind
which your furchithers invoked, before God and man-
kind, when they pi...claimed your independence. It
wo he himself, your great W.ohington, who not only
ace purl, hut asked agent and aetain foreign aid—foreign
Lip fur the support of that common law of mankind, In
re -peel to your own Marie:nth nee. Knowledge and in-
-;ruction ere so universally eereml amongst tire en-
lietiteuml p.opie of the. United Stites; the history of your
country u seed' a household science at the most lonely
heertio of sour remotest settlements, that it may he sub
ut fur sue to refer, iu that respect, to the instructions
and torn:spun knee between Washington and the mintage
at Faris—the equally immortal Franklin—the modest man,
with tie proud spit oil% which tells the world that be
wrested the lightnine from heaven, and the sceptre from
tee tyrant's hands. One word more to prove that
Waslungton never attached to his doctrine of news
trent; more than the beast, of temporary policy—l
refer to one of his letters written to Lafayette, wherein
Ls .r, Let us only have twenty years of peace, and out
country will onus: to such a degree of power and wealth
the; we well he able, in a just cause, to defy whatever
paver on earth." "In a just cause." Now, in the name
id eternal truth, and by all that is sacred and dear to man,
taut the lustery of mauisind is record: 1 there has been nu
use more just than the cause of Hungary. Never was
the is- people, without the slightest reason, more Petri-
., e.eusly. more treecherouely, and by. fouler memo at.
tasised than Hungary. Never has crime, cursed ambi-
t ,n, despotism, and violent* in a more wicked 1111Itlef
uneeel to crusts do cie freedom, and the very life, those
avenue lbsugary. Never was u e onetry more mortally
~led than Illungury is. All your offerings—all your
europlaists, which, with so much right, 'trove your lore-
Wee rs to take up 'rot., are but slight grieerences rn compose
ti-,1 WWI thaw deeti Muun,l, nut of which the
hi are of Itinerary bleeds! if the cause of my people is not
suttiv:ently just oi insure the protection of God, and the
support of geod.williag men—then there is no just cause'
ana nO justice on earth. Then the blood of no new Abel
will move towards !leaven. The genius of charity, Chris.
Sian hre, and justice will inourningly fly the earth • a
heavy cane will upon mortality fail- iipao.osed men
sk-
spair, and only the Caine of humanity walk proudly, with
impious brow, 'dent the. ruins of liberty on earth ! I have
saewn, gentlemen, that Washington has never bequeathed
to his country the doctrine uf not caring about the
violation of internatimial law ; has not bequeathed
the doctrine el indeiferentiem to his countrymen, but only
neutrality. At the present time, and in the present
condition of navigation, the Atlantic is no se,mratiou,
but rather a conneet.ng benefit —the facilitating source
of that commercial intercourse which brings the lute-
rests of Europe home to you, couu..cting you with it
with every tie of moral as well as material interest.
It is chiefly in New York that I feel induced to
speak so, because New York is by innumerable ties cou-
nected with Europe—more conneeted than several parts of
Burnes itself. It is the agricultural interest of this great
country which chiefly wants an outlet and a market. Now,
it is far more Europe than the American contiuent
to which you have to look in tin respect. This very eir-
elltnitilllCe cannot allow you to remain indifferent to the fate
of freedom°. the European continent, because, be sure
gentlemen—and let me have spoken this chiefly to the gen-
tlemen of trade—should atewalutieni gain ground in Europe,
it will, it must, mike every ponlile obstacle to
the eommerviel intereourse of republican America,
teaauso cotninereial intercourse is the most power.
lel locomotive of principles; and be aura the
vietery of absolutism on the European continent will
iu no quarter It eve no more injurious national consequeuces
than in the vast extent of your agricultural and commer-
cial inter( sts. Then why not prevent it while yet there is
p esibility to du so with none or comparative small sacri.
sites, rather than to abide that fatal catastrophe, and to
moans the immense sacrifices it would then coot ? Even
in political eousiderations, now-a-days, you have stronger
motives to feel interseted in the fate of Eines than even
in the fate of the central or southern parts of America.
Whatever may happen in the institutions of these parts,
you are too powerful to see your own institutions affected
by it. But let Europe become aboolutistical—as without
the restoration of Hungary to its independence and the
betel= of duly so strongly connected with Hungary, to
be sure it will—and your children will see those words,
which your national government spoke iu 1827, fulfilled on
a larger scale than they were meant; that " the absolutism of
Europe will nut be &pleased until every. vestige of human
freedom had been obliterated even here ' And oh !do not
rely too fondly spies your power. It is great, to be sure.
You Lave not to fear whatever single power On earth. But
look to history. Ancient Rome has fallen, and mighty
empires have venisheil from earth. Let not the enemies of
freolorn grow too strong. Victorious over Europe, and
then united, they would be too strong ev.n for you. And
be sure, they hate you with an infernal hatred. They must
kite you eoeu more then me. They consider you as their
most dangerous opponent. Absolutism cannot tranquilly
she p while the eepublicun principle has such a mighty re-
presentative as your country is. Yes, gentlemen, it was the
bar from the political reaction of absolutietic principles
which huhu:eel your great etatesinen—that principle which
they professed tar Central and Southern America—not to
extend to Europe also, and by no means the publicly
avowed feeble motives. Every manifestation of your public
life out of those times shows that I am right to say so.
And what sort of men are your minions? Are they
ooly native born Americans ? No, European ems-
presets they are ; men, who, though citizens of the
te:ted States, are, by the most sacred ties of Mk.
tienship, attached to Europe's fate. That is a consideration
worthy of the reflection of your earnest and wisest men,
who, alter calm reflection, must agree with me, that in your
present condition you are, at least, as much interested in
the fate of Europe as your fathers twenty-eight years ago
declared themselves interested in the fate of Central and
Southern Aim rice. And really so it is. The unexampled,
immense. prodigious sympathy for the cause of my country
*Lich I have met with in the United State's proves that
it is so. Your general interference with the Turkish capti-
vity of the Governor of Hungary proves that it is so. And
this development rather than change is your foreign policy,
is not even more an instinctive ebullition of :public opinion,
"bid, is called by-and-t y to import a direction to your na-
tional governmental policy ; the direction is already im-
parted, and the opimon of the people is already an avowed
-principle of the policy of the government. I have aped, 1
ate a most decisive, authority to rely upon in say-
ing 10. It the me-sage of the President of the
United States. His Excellency Millard Fillmore com-
municated to Con tress, a few days ago—there I read
the 'Portieraph—" The deep interest which we feel in
the epread of liberal principles, and the establishment of
free governments, and the sympathy with which we witness
every straggle against oppression, forbid that we should be
indifferent to a case in which the strong arm of a foreign
power is 'evoked to stifle public sentiment and repress the
spirit of freedom in any country." Now, gentlemen, he»
is the ground which I take fur my earnest endeavours to
hen tit the c 'use of Hungary. I have only respectfully to
ask, is a principle which the public opinion of the people of
the United States so resolutely professes, and the govern-
ment of the United States with the full sentiment of its re-
reensibility &chines to your Congress to be a ruling prin-
ciple of your national government—is that principle meant
to be serious ? Indeed, i confess that it would be the meet
"nee rtieeut outrage towards your great people and your
national goveromeot, to entertain the offending opinion
tied what the people of the United States and its national
government in such a solemn diplomatic manner profess
to be a ruling principle of your policy, should nut be
coaid to use but a joke about the most sacred
interests of humanity. God forbid that I should feel
the hapertiuent arrogance to think so. Therefore I
take the principle of your policy as I find it established,
without any interference—and I conic in the name of op-
preseal humanity to claim the natural, logical, unavoidable,
practical come qui flees of your own freely chosen govern-
Mental policy, which you have avowed to the whole world
...the right to claim the realisation of those expectations