The Express.
London, England, 1853-10-15 00:00:00

said,
dwg
wtnasaldnn
ogwkt and.hrt:eni
glemri
aolf :tut. ritiyt ‘aiwtt iet
ithicreyeayrt ashroehlani
ad:
.tiyhrio,telcfaiul
iisaaneguotio, whichba es Admiralf ohitnhre.
Cobden had informed you that they were now lying peace-
ably liside each other in Besike Bay. It is jest twelve
years ago since they were lying in Ilesika Bay in the same
peaceful manner. We were lying cheek by jawl appa-
rently on the most friendly terms; but while that was
the case what were the French iliiieg but meditating to
destroy our fleet—
Mr. Convex—Then why go there again ?
Sir CIIAILLES NAPIER—My honourable friend asks me
why we should go there again to lie side by side. That is
another question; but let us look at the exact state of
matters at the period to which I was referring. France
differed with the allied powers about the last Eastern ques-
tion. Whether we were or were not right is not now the
question; but France differed in opinion from us. She
withdrew her fleet from Besikn Bay to Toulon ; she in-
creased her fleet by the enormous means she has in her
power to twenty sail of a e line. With the greatest exer-
tions we could possibly make we have mustered no more
than fourteen or fifteen sail in the Mediterranean at the

moment France had twenty. It was contemplated by
Monsieur Thins, who was then at the head of the
to
oretve Mehemethgovernment, A
to surprise
hT
had alsoßritish fleet, a
and
large
fleet at Alexandria. It was Sir liken Peel who
said he had three courses to follow. Now,
one or other of these courses would have been
at least destructive to us. The first course was to bring
7 the
twenty sail of the line to Alexandria to enclose the Turkish
fleet, and to drive us from the coast, and had he done that
he would have accomplished his object and have relieved
Mehemet Then as to the second course. Ile was lying
at Toulon a full month or six weeks in advance of us. 1 he
whole force we had was 15 or 16 sail of the line in the
Mediterranean, dispersed all over the coast. We could not
move a single line of battle ship in England. Now, I ask
the ladies and gentlemen here assembled what would have
been the situation of this country in case of a war, with
the French fleet at Cherbourg, sod with not one single ship
in this country manned. What was there to prevent the
sending an army of 50,000 or 60,000 men over to this coun-
try, and who would have defended you ? (Rear.) Would our
10,000 or 15,000 troops do because we had no more ? And
yet my hon. friend has still a wish to disarm this country.
In consequence of the remanstrances which he and the
Peace Society made to Lord John Russell and the whig
government in 1848, they succeeded in diminishing the
fleet to almost nothing; and 1 believe that the Emperor
of Russia would never have attempted this ingression
against Turkey if we had a fleet at the time ano could
nave said, Illtep the puteee " (Cheers.) My hen. friend
talk. of economy. Let me ask him where is the economy.
In 1848, through his exertions-1 give him credit for it—
(a laugh)—fur he can almost do anything he undertakes,
particularly with the whig government—(laughter)—in
1848 he succeeded in diminishing the English troops by
5,000 or 6,000, and in getting paid off six or seven sail of
the line fur two or three years; and these ships were put in
ordinary after they had been full manned and full disciplined,
and ready fur whatever might occur; and what happens?
Why, we were just again, in the course of two years, about
to recruit the army ; the whin government was afraid of
my hon. friend, and it was the tory government (I give
them credit for it), who were bold enough to come for-
ward and tell the country that it was no misery to increase
the army and navy, end they carried the proposition
through the Rouse of Commons. I may say with acclama-
tion. My hon. friend, I remember, made a speech on the
occasion, stating that he would nit resist the proposition, be-
cause if the ministry asked for 20,000 men he believed it
would be carried with acclamation. We have now a decent
and respectable force. (Laughter and cheers.) But my
hon. friend has spoken of what France has done, and what
we have done, and gives us a rebuke. lie says we began
with the war steamers. My hon. friend is mistaken. The
French began erecting war steamers long before us, and we
were obliged to do the same. The same thing took place
in regard to screw steamers. It was the French and not
we who began them ; and we gut so frightened about the
matter, seeing what our neighbours had done, that the
government set vigorously to work, and we have esta-
blished now a strew force which I believe will ensure to
the country perfect security and safety. And if the
people of this country do not choose to pay an insurance
for their safety and protection, let them come forward with
the Peace Conference and petition the government to destroy
the army and navy, leaving the protection of the country to
whoever chooses. I cannot, however, bring myself to be-
lieve that the people of this country—that the people of
Scotland, on the whole of whose coasts from the far north
to the Tweed, there is hardly a gun mounted to resist the
smallest gun-boat that chooses to attack them—l can hardly
believe that they will adopt any such course. (Cheers.) Is
this the position in which this great country ought to be left
in ? And I also say, that unless you have and keep up a
proper fuzee so long as other natiot.s keep up large forces, we
cannot be safe for one single moment. Now, we come to the
great question which is agitating Europe at the present mo-
ment. I have not the smallest dlubt that we remonstrated
with Russia when we understood that she was going to attack
Turkey. You may remember that our minister at Constanti-
nople called upon the admiral in the Mediterranean to come
up immediately to Constantinople. The admiral declined
going there, and I think moat properly. At that time,
through my hon. friend's exertions, our navy was reduced
to nothing. We had not two ships in England, and Russia
had a fleet of 27 sail of the line at Cronstadt. Ido not say
that that fleet was manned by first-rate seamen ; but, I re-
gret to say, no more is our fleet at present. But Russia
had a fleet, and we had nothing. We therefore wisely ab-
stained from doing anything till we got ourselves plaited
in a proper position. (Hear, hear.) Still, however, if our
government had shown more energy after we had got our
Hest in a proper state of preparation—if we hail said to
Russia, if you cross the Truth we will send our fleet to
Cronstadt, and our fleet combined with that of France, my
own opinion is that Russia would never have crossed the
Froth. (Cheers.) Now, Ityssia has creased the Froth, and I
want to know how you are to get her back again. From the
season of the year Russia will gain time, and unless the
government of this country and that of France take some
energetic measures for turning her out, she will probably
stay where she is. Don't suppose lam particularly friendly
to the Turks. I do not care if the Turks were across the
Bosphorus to-morrow ; but I don't wish to see their place
taken by Russia. (Cheers.) I think it will be the most
unfortunate thing for Europe at large and for this country
if Russia gets the Christian population of Turkey under
her dominion. After showing the great extent of country
over which Russia would in that case bear sway, and stat-
ing that if she succeeded Russia would exclude this country
from the Baltic and the Mediterranean, he said that this
country was bound to do everything in her power to pre-
vent Russia moving further, and to drive her back again.
In that case this country ought to insist upon the 1
paying more attention to the Christian subjects
in this country than had hitherto been the case,
and fulfilling all the promises they might make.
Sir Charles in conclusion expressed it as his opinion
that if France and England did not come forward
hand in hand, and the other nations of Europe, to prevent
the hostilities between Russia and Turkey no man wouln
see the last of that war. lie also stated that he was as fond
of peace as any one could be, although he was not one of
those who would support nonsreststing opinions, and
resumed his seat amid loud and reiterated applause. The
gallant admiral immediately left the meeting.
Mr. Thill3llT, M.P., said the admiral said that the
member for the West Riding, who could do everything—
(t Hear, hear," and laughter)—persuaded a feeble govern-
ment to reduce the armaments of this country to nothing.
Is 15,000,0001. a year nothing? (Applause.) We are
against intervention. Now, this question of intervention
is a most important one, for this reason, that it comes
before us sometimes, and asks us by all our love of
freedom, by all our respect for men struggling for
their rights, to interfere in the affairs of some other
country; and we find now in this country a great number
of those who are calling out loudest for interference
are those who, being very liberal in their politics, are bit-
terly hostile to the despotism and excluiveneu of the Rus-
sian government. (Cheers.) I should like to ask this
meeting what sort of intervention we are to have ? Mr.
Bright went on to combat the argument that if Russia got
to Constantinople he would be at Egypt, and we should
not be able to go the overland journey, by saying, that
though he did not believe there was the slightest possibility
of anything of the kind happening, yet, under any circum-
stances, he did not believe it at all likely that we should
have our mails stopped, or persons arrested in passing
through Egypt on our way to India; but at all events it
must be a much more definite danger which would drive
hind to incur the guilt, the suffering, and the ruin of war.
In reply to some who said that Russia would get to India,
he said it was far more likely that we should invade
Russia from India, than that Ramie should invade India.
Mr. Bright concluded amidst loud cheering, by enforcing
the Christian obligations connected with the maintenance
of peace.
The resolutions of the Conference were carried.