The Express.
London, England, 1847-04-13 00:00:00

Zhc eoun.

The Queen and Prince Albert took their menstomed
early walk yesterday is the vicinity of Windsor Castle.
Thear Royal highnesses the Prince of Wales and the Prin.
ems Royal visited the Royal School, near Cumberland
Lodge, yesterday forenoon. bier Maje+ty and Prince Albert,
accompanied by their Royal Highnesses the Prince of
Wales, Prince Alfred, the Princess Royal, the Princes
Alice, and the Princes; Helena, and attended by the suite,
left Windsor Castle a little before 3 o'clock yesterday after-
noon fur town. The august party occupied five carriages
and four, and was escorted from the Carle to the Slough
nation of the Great Western Railway by a party of Life
Guards. A special train conveyed the Royal party to the
Paddington terminus, from whence the Queen and Prince
Albert. the Royal children, and the ladies and gentlemen of
the Royal Suite proceeded in five carriages and four, escorted by
a party of Lancers to Buckingham Palace. where they arrived
at four o'clock. Her Majesty and her Royal Consort were
received at the palace by the Master of the Horse, the Vice
Chamberlain, Lord George Lennox, and Captain Francis
Seymour.
The Queen and Prince Albert honoured the per-
formance of the French Plays with their presence yesterday
evening.
Her Royal Highness the Duchess of Gloucester
visited her Majesty the Queen Dowager yesterday at
Marlborough House.
Colonel Anson had an interview with Sir George
Grey yesterday at the Home-office. The Marquis of
Donegal had an interview with Lord John Rowell yester-
day, at his official residence in Downing.street.
The Rev. Dr. Clam., of Edinburgh, and Mr.
Crawford, W.S., had an interview yesterday in Downing-
street, with Mr. Hawes, Under Secretary for the Colonies.
AMATEUR PERFORMANCE, ST. JAMF-I'B TYIEATRE,
FOR THR BENEFIT OF THR IRISH AND SCOTCH.—We under.
stand that her Majesty has retained her box for the amateur
performance at the St. James's Theatre, on the 27th inst.
Her Royal Highness the Duchess of Gloucester and her
Royal Highness the Duchess of Cambridge also intend to
honour the performance with their presence.

COURT OF COMMON COUNCIL-HEALTH

OF TOWNS._

Yesterday the proceedings of court were opened
by the reception of a report from the City Commiasioners of
Sewers, strongly condemnatory of the goy, roment monitory
measure, in which it was proposed that a deputation should
wait on Lord John Russell to request that the City of Lon-
don should be exempted from the operation of the bill.
NATIONAL EDUCATION.

The Court then proceeded to discuss the plan proposed by
government of general education. The question was intro-
duced on a former day by
Mr. FRANCIS BENNOCII who said, it was now his duty
to introduce to that honourable court a motion of sur-
passing interest—one which related to a matter in which
were involvedithe happiness of millions, and the success and
the continued prosperity, he believed, of the empire. The
motion which he had to propose was:—
flat the state of education in Gnat Britain and Ireland is ore-
lewdly dcficii at and .ameotably defective. That the eaistence of so
much ignorance is a reproach to the nation, and greatly to be de.
placed ; inasmuch, as poverty, destitution, misery, and crime are,
Nast the consequeme of it, seldom found dissociated from it. As
the mew hitherto employed for the increase of knowledge among
the people have proved insufficient for the necessdhes of the popula-
tion, the WiltillClE of the state becomes an Imperative necessity. It
Is not only an act of justice and mercy, but also to the interest,
safety. and security of society, that no subject within these realms
dionk longer continue without the opportunity of mental =Light-
lament, ass mesas of morel elevation and mental improvement. That
as humble address, based upon the foregoing considcmtioon, br M-
anned to her Majesty the (poen, prating that she will be graciously
pared to exercise every legitimate influence vested in the crown to
lane forward in peril:anent such measures as shall provide for the
peeve education of the people.
The motion, Mr. Bennoch continued, divided itself into
three parts—first, the deficiency of education ; next, its defee-
liveuess ; and, lastly, the consequences of this deficiency and
defeetiveness, and the necessity for the adoption of some dif-
ferent system. To prove the deficiency of education, he should
refer to reports, and other documents of unquestionable data.
In 1833, he found that the population of this country was
14,400,000—that there were 300,000 of the population be-
tween the ages of five and fifteen—that there were 1,200.000
day scholars between those ages, 2,400,000 attending no day-
sehool—tkat 1,548,000 attended Sunday-scheols, 548,000
only being in the habit of attending day-schools. The re-
salt came to this, that out of that number, 1,000,000 were
fivaday-school scholars, 1,200,000 day, and that 1,400,000
win in total ignorance, without an stem of education.
This above one-thud went to day-schools; lees than
enethird to Sunday.sehouls, and mere than one-third
of a 0 the children of this Tut empire, between the
was of five and fifteen, are without any means of
education whatever. (Loud cries of "Hear, hear.") Bat
gm reports peblished in 1844, proved that the state of Wu-
cation, et that time, was worse rather than better. That
wee the general character of education. The particular
character ores somewhat more remarkable. In his estima-
tion, statistics proved everything ; but some were of opinion
that anything might be proved by statistics; but here they
were undoubted, u they were collected by parties employed
by the government, and by educational societies ; the results
thus collected demonstrated, that instead of showing the
darkest side of the picture, the actual state of things, pre-
vious to these inquiries, bad beennsuch under-rated. In Man-
duster, there were 50,000 children between five and fifteen,
10,000 of whom attended day schools, 23,000 Sunday, and
17,000 attended no school at all. Salford was the same.
Liverpool wee worse, as fully one-half were without the
means of education. Hull, Tork, and Bristol presented the
seise results, and were all equally bad. The hon. and
Rev. Baptist Noel made a private inspection of several
sehools, in order to ascertain whether the government
reports were, or were not, correct, and he found that
50 exaggeration had taken place, and that the 'tate of
education nu ss had been represented. Mr. Bennoch read
a number of other extract., showing the same result. With
respect to many of the rural districts, from a return pub-
lobed by the Registrar-General, it appeared that only one
half of the people married could sign their name.. Some
People might say that this arose from timidity—(isughter)—
Is people in such a situation were apt to get exceedingly
nasals ; but why they should be timid and nervous in the
Met honourable sit of their whole lives, he was wholly at a
be to know. (Laughter.) It also appeared that 8,000,000
of the population could not write, end that 5,000,000 could
not read. Then, with respect to the schoolmaster: it had
beet shown and proved by competent authorities, that the
are of the rising generation wee, in the majority of cases,
confided to those who had failed in all other pursuits ; and
that the schoolmaster was the lowest, instead of being the
blithest and most respected, person in the kingdom. (Hear.)
The greatest number of schools in the large towns were
day end dame schools, but from certain reports which
had been published, they would perceive bow monstrously
defective was the system of education pursued in them.
It would be almost superfluous in him in that court to refer
to the oils which arose from a want of education, but his
lordship and the gentlemen of the Court of Aldermen who
bad held the office of sheriff, had, in that capacity, and as
uagirtrates, been in the habit of visiting the criminals of
the metropolis, and had no doubt found that ignorance and
wretchedness and crime went hand in hand. The judges re-
ferred to it ; and Mr. Serjeant Adams came forward with his
monthly report lamenting the amount of juvenile crime,
end his inability to remedy the evil. In the valuable report
of the British Foreign School Society for 1845, he found that
we-third of the criminals of Berkshire could not read that
is Cambridge and Stafford, one:half could not read ; in Den-
bigh, two-thirds were in a, similar condition ; and that the

half of thine of Essex were totally ignorant. In Hereford,
eat of 3.95, only one could reed well ; and in Sussex (one of
those delicious sequestered agricultural districts), out of 877.
141 did not know their Saviour's name; 498 knew it and
n 0.9 mi.idoreo,ily u tu.d
and
„th3otn only in etnnexion with an oath ; '
',flan ef his his, ; and oily 1
in 14, oc Le, had the faintest glimmer of the Christian taitk.
They had tried punishments of various kinds, in order to
det..r persons from the commission of crime, but they had
signally failed, and he hoped that they would now take
more religions means, by the aid of education, to improve
the condition of those unhappy persons. As a proof of how
much more expensive the punishment of crime was than
its prevention, he might refer to the fact lately stated by
the magistrates of Liverpool, that they selected at random
14 criminals, whose ages varied from 9 to 14, whose ag-
gregate commitments amounted to 133 times' or 91 times
each, and who had coot the country Seel. 11.-8891. Is.
for punishing 14 criminals, or between 701. and 80!. each,
whereas by a properly organised system of education,
the common interest of the money would have educated
30 or 40 children. (Loud cheers.) This money was
spent in punishing, not in reclaiming, because they had
each been repeatedly punished. Then the question woes,
would education deter trim crime? (Hear, hear.) Was
education the cause of crime, or was its want the cause ?
The argument that men of education had become criminals
was nu reason against the education of the people. He
granted that such things had happened, but still that did not
prove that it was not the duty of every man—the duty of the
nation—to give every man the means of advancing himself
in the world. Because a man was born poor, was that any
reason why he should nor rise in the social scale, that he
should not have the means of elevating himself? He con-
tended that the most important means to that end was edu-
cation. But how was this to be done ? We ate the neces-
sity, but we are overcome by the difficulties which surround
it. Could they overcome it by voluntary contributions,
which some people considered the great panacea for the ig-
norance of the people ? Two opinions prevailed—one that
it was sufficient, and the other that it was not. But if volun-
taryism was sufficient, how was it that one-third of the
population were in Cimmerian darkness? Certainly, if it
eras sufficient they must have sadly neglected their duty.
Voluntaryism was a beautiful system, but what did it do?
It certainly contributed largely in various ways; but the
voluntaryism of the state was tar more Important ; for aid
by the state was but another form of contributing money
from the some source. Voluntaryism did not punish
criminals, it did not fight their battles, it did not provide for
the poor. When it did all these things, then be should con-
sider that voluntaryism would be enabled to (divide
the people. (Cheers.) There were probably many gen-
tlemen in that Court, who had not had any large sums
of money expended upon their education. (Hear.) Yet
there were many who were without education, so far
as the schoolmaster was concerned, listening and taking
a part in tOe discussion of this great question. Thus
severe! who bad been thus situated had become re-
presentatives of the city of London; but had they re-
=Lined totally ignorant, they would not have been called
to fill so honourable a post. Was there a man there
who could not read and write? (Yes.) Some gentle-
man said yes, but he never bad the misfortune to meet with
one who was so ignorant. He could not understand any
means that could be brought to promote education efficiently
without the assistance of the state. Could the state educate,
was one question, and how educate was the next. He could
prove that the state could educate. Even despotic nations
had shown that they could educate their people ; but a free
country possessed an additional advantage, as it could edu-
cats and consolidate its power. In Germany and Prussia
education was compulsory. In America it was not so ; but
it was made very attractive. In America it was stated as a
general rule, that in those states in which education
was promoted by the government, the moot was done by
the people; and that " wherever the government extended
education, the people were found anxious to avail
themselves of it; where then now is little or no
legislative effort the amount of instruction is as small
ea was compatible with any degree of diffusion of know-
ledge." That fact showed more forcibly that the aid of
the government was required than anything he could
urge if he were to speak for a month. Those states which
did not receive much aid were exceedingly ignorant. In
New Y..rk education was progressing favourably, as
one-fourth of the population was receiving instruction, and
for a man to have a child growing up without going to
school was considered the greatest scandal that could attach
to him. But if all be had stated was done in America, I
why could it not be done in England? It was said',
here that the assistance of the state would do away with '
the independence of the people. Was it more destructive
to independence to look to the state for education, than to
feel that we depended upon private bounty or public charity
for it ? Many of those who were educated in charitable in-
stitutions, found that a kind of stigma attached to them
which often lasted to the day of their deaths. He was re-
proached with it. The state, therefore, was the proper and
only means by whose aid a national system of education
could be carried out, and the state was now desirous to do
it. (Hear.) He regretted that one of the greatest obstacles
raised to the scheme was religion. Religious difficulties
were the only obstacles now placed in the way of the govern.
ment. (Hear) The episcopal church would have no educa-
tion unless it was placed upon or supported by religion. The
dissenters would have no state support, and other seats
opposed it for similar reasons ; so that between them all the
nation would suffer, unless the government had the determi-
nation to go fully and fairly into the question, in defiance
of such opposition as that with which they were me-
naced. The flowing tide would be stayed, if not rolled
backwards for fifty yeses. Could it be (or the interest of
religion that a scheme in which the happiness of the rising
generation was involved should be destroyed ? It could not
be. Perhaps the best system to adopt would be a system of
perfectly secular education, making the parents responsible
' for the religious instruction of their children, not that he
was opposed to say system of religious education, but be was
anxious to Amin knowledge for the people almost on any
terms. (Cheers ) No compulsion by the state could make
a person change his religion. A remarkable instance of the
tenacity with which persons adhered to the religion of their
forefathers was to be found in the last report on education
in Ireland. Several children of Roman Catholic parents
were educated in a Protestant school, and in the Pro-
testant religion ; but when they left they went back
again to the Roman Catholic faith. Ile thought he had
maintained the principles which he enunciated at the
commencement of his address, and that the scheme of
the government was likely to prove most advantageous
—it was the best and most comprehensive that could have
been adopted, in his opinion, under the circumstances—
(hear, hear)—and a considerable degree of excitement had
been occasioned with respect to it. He thought there had
been a considerable degree of crude, hasty, unreasonable
calumnies east upon it. If he had any objection at all to the
government plan, it was this—that it did not go far enough.
But he wished to have it tested as proposed, and no doubt
the experience which would be obtained would enable them
to materially improve it. Some said that it was unconsti-
tutional, but be was at a loss to know what could be
unconstitutional in giving the representatives of the people
—their representatives—the control of education. Then
it was said to be sectarian. How could it be secta-
rian, when it supported alike every religious belief, and
every religious denomination? If it applied only to the
Established Church, it might be called sectarian, and it
would deserve the same character if it applied to the dis-
senters; alone; but as it applied to one sect as much as to an-
other, he thought it was about the best scheme that could be
adopted. " But it is inquisitorial," said a third party.
Why ? Wherever public money was applied to a public
purpose, there must be public inspection. Private charities
privately administered, were too frequently seats of corrup-
tion; and public money, if privately expended, might be
expended improperly, and diverted to corrupt purposes; but
here government inspection world keep the fountain clear,
and prevent any misappropriation for the future. But ano-
ther party objected to it, on the ground of centralisation—
centralisation, the bane of Europe, the curse of France, and
the misery of civilised world. Centrelisatien wielded by
a despot was unquestionably bag, as he might attempt to
curb the will and thoughts of his subset i hut centralisation
in the British remnant was awatrthmition, in point of fact,
in the people ter ht ties ease of these schools, in-
spection waddling le keep the rbeisietraliss of the funds
pure and just, and mope' these intrusted with them, and to
whom they were paid, to do their ditty. With centralisation,
if abuses crept into the administration if the funds, they
would be immediately known at head quarters, and the per-
son who had saisconducted himself would be at once super-
seded. To his mind a centralisation of this kind possessed
much beauty, and formed one of the most important princi-
ples in the government plan. Another great advantage
was' the establishment of normal schools, because by their
aid they would be enabled to do away with that obnoxious
clam to which he had referred, who, without requisite
knowledge, pretend to teach the children of the
poor ; and in their place they would have men
with young blood in their veins, anxious for the work, and
determined to perform it thoroughly, and not half. They
would get rid of the half stupid, lame, blind, and frequently
immoral old men and women, who had set themselves up as
teachers. (Hear.) Besides, they would know, if they dis-
charged their duties properly, that their old age would be
spent in comfort. Much had been urged against the plan
which the government bad proposed for the support of the
schoolmasters when they relinquished that employment; but
it wee most important that a teacher should know that he
would not be allowed to die from starvation when his facul-
ties failed him. Then, again, he considered that instead of
the whole scheme enabling the government to tyrannise
over the people, that it would have a directly contrary effect,
and would place a gnat deal more power in the hands of the
people. (Cheers.) The highest class would at the proper time
receive their due reward as teachers, whilst the second class
pupils would become important public functionaries. Thus, in-
stead of government situations being bestowed upon those
who had' no claim to the gratitude of their country, they
would be given to those who had earned a right to hold
them. It was, as he had said a very important matter that
the tenches of this country should take their proper posi-
tion, as he considered the teacher was more entitled to
respect than the warrior whose conquests over foreign
pnarotifoxiolrour
tthegrewaht.ald.rant.tagr eswto. thhiisghoneruntry.th. The
profession o( the schoolmaster was higher than the
minister of religion, because the success of the subse-
quent labour of the minister depended much upon the
perstructure raised for him to work upon by the
superstructure
In every point of view he saw great beauty
in this scheme of education proposed by the government.
Another
easily
riilmy important
than i
tpointwls, that an educated people were
ignorant people. With educe.
men
tion, one might appeal to a MA's semen, to his intellect,
end to his moral feelings ; but without education one
could not appeal to him save through the influence of
mere physical power. Corporal punishment would be
the way they could teach him to do his duty. But by edu-
cation one might appeal to his cultivated faculties, and
through them, possibly, soften and reclaim. They should
then see none of those extraordinary proceedinge, such as
took place some thirty years ago in the Midland Counties,

where men associated and went about in mote to break
machinery—those marvellous instillment' by which they
were now supported—as they thought would interfere
with their individual labour—instead c' now looking upon
them as they did as the most important advantages re-
lea iby his country. rSthin W4s own moeriencele I:sew
at the same period, that serving
men in tngland would not
go into the service of a man who kept a thrashing machine,
because they said it took away their labour, and the
labour of the neighbourhood. At the same time they
could not get a man in Scotland to go to a situation
where there was not a thrashing machine—the one
cites of men, he regretted to say, sunk in ignorance,
and the other, he was proud to say, having the means of edu-
cation which he was desirous that every man in England
should possess. It was this that gave Stetchmen the power
of managing business, whilst the !sheering men in Eng-
land
and Ireland were compelled to be slaves; not that
they had less power, but because they had has knowledge,
It was probable that whilst he was addressing the council,
there were hundreds of thousands rotting in their gaols
who, had the government in years past faithfully done its
duty, would have been gaining an honest livelihood, addiag
to their comforts and respoetability, and increasing the
wealth of the nation. It was, indeed, a lamentable thought,
that much of this arose from the opposition of those who
entertained strong religious feelings on the matter. He could
not conceire anything more extraordinary. They had all
kinds of benevolent and religious institutions; they had
ministers in all parts of the globe,—and each of those so-
cieties had his support according to his means—but to
give a tract to a child, or a bible to a man, without
affording them the means of understanding them, was
a grom insult; it was as bad as binding a man's eyes
and bidding him beheld the glory and beauty of
the universe.—(Hear.) Ile trusted that education would
be taken as the basis of all endeavours In humanise and
christianise the whale country, and that every EllgliSh•
WWI would feel that it was a part of his birthright to be
educated. It was a melancholy thing to think that reli-
gious differences should fetter thought ; but Le confidently
trusted that that court would unanimously declare its
opinion that no child within these realms should be without
mental enlightenment as a means to moral and physical im-
provement. That was the first motion he had submitted to
the court, and perhaps he might not have discharged his
task so well as others more experienced wouli have done.
(Hear, hear.) He had only to add his gratitude for the
patience and kindness with which they bad listened to him.
He concluded by proposing the first clause of his motion,
end leaving the remainder of it to be dealt with as the
council might think fit, and returned his seat amidst general
cheering.
Mr. T. Werra seconded the motion. Ignorance was, in
his belief, the most fertile source of crime. The awful his-
tory of prisons proved that indisputably. 0(252,000 persons
who were committed to prison in the space of ten yearn,
229,000 were uninstructed, 1,085 had gone beyond the elc-
military degree, and 22,000 could merely read and write. It
was said that such a fact showed the ignorance of the vicious.
He contended that it proved the viciousness of ignorance.
The backwardness of Eneland in educating the population
was a disgrace to the country, and he hailed the government
system as peculiarly calculated to remedy the alarming evils
resulting from such neglect.
Mr. Pewraress said, that if Mr. Bennoeh happened to
be longer acquainted with the court, he would have found it
to be unnecessary to give so long a lecture upon education: he
would have known that the many motions made in it for the
promotion of education had been supprirted most vigorously,
and that all its members were upon all occasions anxious
to have the deficiency supplied. He could not, how-
ever, agree in the opinion that the deficiency was as great as
had been represented. All experience had shown that the
grossest exaggerations had been made. In fact, education ex-
isted nearly in proportion to the extent of the pepulation.
(Hear. hear.) If gentlemen would take the trouble to
inquire they would find that numbers of schools were
adapted to the accommodation of more children than
attended them. It might be taken as a general rale that
parents wished to have their children educated. What
then was the reason that the schools were not crowded ?
Why, because of the poverty which existed. The poor were
unable to put clothes on their children suitable to attendance
at school. The rate of wages was so low, that even food
could not be supplied. That such was the case in England
as well as in Ireland, there could ho no doubt, and it was
the duty of the government to effect, if possible, an altera-
tion in the labour market, as infinitely better calculated to
benefit the population, than their system of education. An
improvement in that respect would comprehend the education
of children. There was another important effect to be pro.
duoed by leaving it to the people to educate themselves.
He meant the preservation of their independence. (Hear,
hear.) That independence which sprang from the voluntary
principle ought to be cherished by every government. In
fact, a little more justice and a little less charity were re-
quired in the treatment of the poor. Independence, which
was the foundation of all our enjoyments, was perilled by
the interferecce of the government.
Deputy &revues and Mr. Bowen spoke in favour of the
government measure.
Mr. K. TAYLOR. remembered when Lord John Russell
said, in the Guildhall, that it was the intention of the
government to bring forward a system of education as soon
as possible, immense cheering proceeded from the
very persons who were now exerting themselves to
overthrow the measure. (Hear, hear.) He moat warmly
approved of the whole system to be introduced by the bill,
by which the voluntary principle would be vigorously sup.
ported, and a due inspection would be made into the manner
in which the money was expended, by men of first-rate qua-
lifications. lie trusted that the corporation of London,
which was distinguished for its love of civil and religions
liberty', and which never failed to give from its funds to aid
the education of people of all religions, would not hesitate in
supporting the administration in so benevolent an effort to
serve the humbler classes. An objection was taken that the
greatest portion of the money proposed to be advanced by
the government would go to the established church. It was
right that such should be the ca e. (Hear, hear.) Zeal and
activity would secure the largest share. (Cheers.) The
government were assailed on all sides by petitions, got up
against a plan, in carrying out which they deserved the sup-
port of the whole of the community, especially of these who
were bound, from all previous experience, to support them,
but who now opposed them. Mr. Taylor then described the
narrow-minded views entertained by the Church of England
in former yearn, and contrasted them with the liberality of
opinion now generally r xpressed by that church, and aban-
doned by the old advocates of toleration, and concluded
amidst loud cheers. . . .

Doctor LYNCR was agreeably surprised and delighted at
seeing so fine a field-day for the support of education, and so
little chance fur these who opposed it. He considered that
great praise was due to her Majesty's ministers for pro-
pounding so noble • plan for providing amidst the unexam-
pled difficulties which surrounded them the means of a sound
moral education for the children of all classes of the commu-
nity, without respect to creed, sect, or party. (Hear.)
They pursued the proper course to ensure the happiness and
to elevate the condition of the labouring classes. The long
and exaggerated sentences which they heard about inter-
ference, tyranny, poison, were mere bugbear*, mere poetic
hyperbole, calculated only to frighten children.
Mr. WIRE said that all the arguments used in favour of
the government measure were grossly fallacious, and all the
statistical details were just as fallacious. He considered the
interference of the state as not only unneceesary, but as cal-
culated to strike a blow at the independence of the people,
about whose education the government never threw away a
thought until they had educated themselves. (Hear, hear.)
It was the object of the government not to make theple
religious, but to keep them in subjection. Mr. Wire, in
compering the population of other countries with that of
England,insisted that this country was more intelligent
than any other on the face of the earth. He deprecated the
idea of giving to government functionaries such a super-
vision as the inspectors were to have, and of their establish-
ing an indefinite influence and patronage ; and be contended
that the whole plan was part and parcel of the atrocious sys-
tem of centralisation which was now, unfortunately, so
prevalent.
Mr. Ds 'EMIT objected to their meddling with ques-
tions of a political nature, such questions not coming within
the province of the corporation. But he objected to the
proposed resolution on other grounds. If passed, he doubted
whether there were two members of the council agreed as
to the mode in which it ought to be carried out; and if it
were merely proposed for the purpose of giving the cor-
poration an opportunity of expressing an opinion upon
the subject of education it was unnecessary, be-
cause that opinion was to be already found in their
records, and in their votes of money for the education of chil-
dren of all religious denominations. He believed that it was
proposed for the purpose of strengthening the hands of the
government towards effecting the establishment of state
education in opposition to, and be might say, to the destruc-
tion of, the voluntary system, under which so many thou-
sands were now being educated in the country ; and by which
the Bible and Missionary Societies had been enabled to carr,
abroad more education than the government, with all their
machinery, could hope to effect in • century. As for making
the government plan of education compulsory, he considered
such a thing both monstrous and impossible. For instance,
—say to a Dorsetahire labourer, with 84. • week, that he
must send his child to school, and his reply would be that he
could not afford to do so, for that he required him to work.
If not compulsory, the same objection would operate
against it. What then was to be done? Why,
this—that before they thought of educating the peo-
ple through the medium of the state, they should
first endeavour to improve their physical condition,
so that they might be raised above the position of paupers
who had neither food nor clothing. It was said that educa-
tion, if good for one, was good for all. He denied that. If
so where were they to stop ? (" No where.") Would they
carry Instruction in mathematics and the sciences to the tail
of the plough ? (" No.") Then where would they draw
the line? If education was good for all, because good for
one, it must be good for all in its higher branches and to its
greatest extent—(" No, no")—and before they could hope to
extend such a system of education they must better the con-
dition of the people. He referred to several papers to show
that crime sprung more frem poverty than from want of
educatiin. He instanced • school with which he was con-
nected as a proof of the nature of the voluntary principle;
spoke of other schools as affording room for the exercise
of that principle, owing to the paucity of children attending
them, and was proceeding to touch upon the subjects of the
poor-law and the sanitary condition of the people, when
loud and repeated cries of " question" gave rise to an
irregular and noisy discussion, coding in a motion " That
the Court do adjourn," which, being negatived,
Mr. Actorwrox said the question involved in the motion
before them simply was, whether they did or did not agree
in the proposed government plan of education. (Hear, hear.)
He was surprised at seeing that motion opposed by a gentle-
man who had heretofore, upon all occasions, shown himself
the warm advocate of education, without reference to sect,
to party, or to particular schools. He was surprised to find
him ROW throwing down the very idol that be had himself
raised up and worshipped. (Hear, hear.) And what were