The Express.
London, England, 1848-04-20 00:00:00

'HE EXPRESS, THURSDAY EVENING, APRIL 20, 1848,

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.
HOUSE OF LORDS.—WEDNISDaY, APRIL 19.
The Loan CRANCRLIOn took his seat at 5 o'clock.
PUBLIC BUSINESS.
SECOND READING.—Gown and Govsnunent Seserity BR.THT
ITIONR IRD READI—Ry Lord so
BNACIII,OI trNG.—Eltion RreartWesew Sill.
PEain T 1160114 Wage' Of Odd
fella.m. Pveltaa that they may is Wiled.
CROWN AND GOVERNMENT SECURITY BILL.
The LORD CHANCELLOR, in movieg the second read-
ing of this bill, said that lie had no doubt sufficient in-
formation was before the public to induce their lordships to
come to the conclusiou tha: means ought to be put lain the
hands of the government to enable them to prevent the con-
tinuance of the *edition and treason which had of late die.
turbid the public mind. When meetings were daily held,
not only in London end Dublin, but in moat of the I
manufacturing towns, at which inflammatory ignite-es
were made to escita the people against the con-
stituted authore ire of the realm, it was high
time that parliament should interfere, and provide means to
put a stop us such proceedings. The conduct to which he
referred was incest ; but there were certain cases which the
law did not adequately provide for, a deficiency which the
bill before their lordships was intended to supply, and
which he hoped would have the effect of preserving pace
and maintaining order. (Hear, bear.) This necessity for
altering the efficacy of the criminsi law arose from the sets
of those who prolcssed to be the friends of the people ;
par-
and
of that liberty which their acts made it imperative on
liament in some degree to reetrain. (Hear, hear. The
)
noble and learned lord then stated the law of treseon and
sedition as it at present exile, referring to the statutes of
Edward 111., 36 Geo. 111 , and 57 Geo. 111., and said that
it was proposed to MAO certain offences felony
the which by
the two latter acts were declared to be treaso
tiled as were
n
parties committing those °Renee* would be
persons guilty of other acts of felony. Another object of the
acas to remove an doubt whether Ireland was
to t wbe included within the operation of the acts
for suppressing such public offences —it was theee-
fore proposed to esti lid the laws on the subject of
sedition and treason to Ireland—their, kear)—and be
thought their lordships would not object te such an altera-
tion of the law. (Hear, hear.) The words "or by open
and advised speaking " were by the present bill proposed to
be aided to the third section of 36 Geo. 111. And it was
open and advised speaking from whence the present danger
anise ; that, in fact, was the very evil against which parlia-
ment was asked to provide. (Hear, hear.) It had been
said elsewhere that this would be introducing a new prin-
ciple of law, but be was astonished at hearing such an
opinion esprersed, because it was not the fact. lJnder the
statute of dw. 111. a person could not be idic
ated
my
for
mere words—as, for instance, ilf a man said. " mke
son heir to the Crown," meaning the Crowubut the
speaking of the words would be taken in connexion with
other circumstances by a jury—for instance, en to whether
the party who had used the language had also been guilty of
acts with a view to the accomplishment of his wicked design.
The intent operating on the mind would often be evidenced
by the words. (Hear, hear.) There was nothing in our
laws which showed that the crime of trearion might not be in-
dicated by words, and the jury must be left, Irons the
fac,s, to conclude whether the party entertained the
design which his words incited to. If, however, the pre-
sent bill was an invasion of any
lawthe by
visions of the bill, be liable to at least seven years' transpor
tation, and during that period they would have time to re-
flect on their coneuct, and perhaps return to this country
better members of society. In conclusion' he would only
say that, for the preservation of peace and security to her
hi+sty's subjects, the present bill was submitted to their
lordships' consideration. (Hear,hat hear.)
t none of their lordships
Lord STANLEY hoped
would throw any impediment in the way of the
of pawing of
f
the bill ; and it was rendered the more neceesar
the
at which it was introduced. As to the bill itself, he had
taken an opportunity of alluding a short time ago to a gap
in the law between the crimes of sedition and treason which
would be supplied by this bill. Therefore, iu the principle of the
bill he entirely concurred ; but he should have been better
pleased if their lord hip' had not been called on to
introduce a permanent alteration in the law
there wa of treason,
any
toning out of a temporary emergenc y. If s
doubt whether the same law as to *edition and treason
should exist in Ireland as in England, he thought it was
most advisible to extend this law to Ireland. (Hear, hear.)
It might be desirable to mitigate the penalties imposed on
high treason. lie should, however, have been better pleased
if the law had provided that the minor offence was not to
merge into the higher off. nee of for f
treason, but that the
partypy
charged should be liable to be punished elony,
indictment for treason failed. Be did not understand the
restraint drawn between compassing the imprisonment or
restraint of the sovereign and the deposition of the sove-
reign. He would net, however, further detain their lord-
ships, as he did not wish to impede the measure for a day
or an hour, but he regretted that it had been introduced at
a time when it could not be more deliberately discussed.
Lord BROUGHAM said he should offer no opposition eat
to
the bill. The bill before their lordships was, to a gr
extent, all taken out of the Scotch law. If it were to
extend to Scotland, aid ha eupposed it did, the people
of that country would have great cause of complaint
because now for the first time they would,
te deprived of
their accustomed privilege of being furnished, previously to
trial, with a list of the jury and witnesses. He had always
understood that compassing to levy war was a substantive
offence to be visited with grave punishment, whereas by
the bill before their lordships it did not appear to be so, un-
less it was compassing to levy war in order to make the
sovereign change her measures. If they prohibited sedition
and treason
pram being uttered in
whilst ational convention
and similar ici+, what signified it in the other house
of parliameat such language might be uttered and after-
wards printed, and tent forth to the world i He begged to
give a salutary warning to the newspapers of this country.
There was no doubt that parliament had certain privileges
by which they could protect themselves within doors for
whatever they might utter, but let no newspaper reporter
or editor have the notion that whatever might be said in
parliament be had a right to report and print, for if it was
treason lie was as liable to be punished for it as if he had
himself invents a it. p
rinting might also be a warning to
those who were daily jog and circulating treason and
sedition uttered in different parts of the country.
Lord CAMPBELL admitted that the bill would not reach
Mr. Smith O'Brien in the treasonable speech he made in the
House of Commons the other night, or the reporters, editors,
and proprietors of newspapers • and he should have been
ashamed of the bill if it had had' such an effect. If
or treason,
any mem-
ber within the walls of parliament spoke sedition
he must be answerable for such offence there. One of the
most outrageous attempts made by Charles the First, and
thwhich was probably the main cause of bringing him to
the block, was the prosecution of members of parliameat in
courts of law for speeches made in their places in parliament.
He did not believe that the publication of the speeches I
which had been alluded to had given any encouragement to I
the crimes which they sought to instigate ; on the contrary,
he thought they bad had a strong tendency to rouse the
spirit of order in the minds of Englishmen. (Hear, hear.) lie
would be the last to wish to punish any one for giving faith-
ful reports of the proceedings in parliament, for he had in-
troduced a clause in :o his bill on the law of libel, making
oily the printer and publisher of the newspaper liable
his noble and learned fr.end opposite (Lord Brougham) had
supported that bill. (report The person who gave a
botsa fide and honest report el what took place wee surely
exempt Irvin imputation, and ought not to be liable to pu-
nishment. (Hear, hear.) lie hoped the bill would be effi-
cacious for the purpose for which it was intended, namely,
to restrain seditious and treasonable speeches
termmaded, e
in the National Convention, as it was
Conciliation Hall, and similar places. (Hear, hear.) I
He disapproved of Lord Eldon's bill in 1796, and 'he still
disapproved of it ; hut it did not follow from that he should
disapprove of the present measure, the object of which was
to reduce to the crime of felony a crime which had here-
Wore been considered high treason, and to extend it to
Ireland. There was a clause in the bill, by which
25th whatever !
was declared treason uider the statute of the 25 of Edw.
111., was still preserved as treason. He denied that any
new offence was created by the bill. The noble and learned
lord opposite (Lord Brougham) criticised the language of the
third section ot the bill, but it was totident rerbia the lan-
guage of the 36 Geo. 111., whr.ch was itself taken from
the statute of Charles It. he would be the last persond in
to
consent to a measure of this kind, if he thought it woul
the least interfere with fair and legitimate discussion.
With
respect to tee conviction of Muir and Palmer, he thought it
was not according to law, but was entirely contrary to
law. Their sedition consisted in making temperate
speeches in favour of the Reform Bill : and his noble
and learned friend had made, he would or say more violent,
but certainly more animated, speeches than those for which
Muir and Palmer were sent to Botany Under this
bill open and advised speaking woulu not constitute au
offence. Tad cnstitute an offence under this bill it should
be " open an advised speaking," with the view of com-
passing the deposition of the planningor levying war against
the Queen, or compassing or the invasion of the
Queen's dominions by a foreign force. And he would ask,
was it not right to prove these offences by opea and advised
speaking ? Some of the most constituuonal judges of this
country bed laid it down that language used with a view to
the deposition of the sovereign was in itself an act of high
treason. It was so laid down by Foster, who said that if the
words were an expression of opinion, it might be sedition ;
but if they counselled an act to be done, then they
amounted to high treason. Similar language was I
used in the statute of 1 Edw. `
of Elizabeth. 1., ch. 12,
He
the
I and 2 of Philip and Mary, l
ad the 1 I
hoped that the house would assent to the second reading of
this bill, wnich would not interfere with the right of free
diecussion--a right which he hoped this country would long
entities to enjoy.
The Duke of WELLINGTON said he fully approved of
the bill, though he regretted the house had not more time to
consider it. (Hear, hear.) He concurred in the opinion
that some measure was necessary for the purpose of making
the act quite sufficient, in order to oppose some check to
those great and gigantic meetings by which this country and
the sister kingdom have been disturbed for some years past.
They were at last °onset* that stage that the law was despised
and contemned by every one of thou persons who broke it.
When the three chief persons in Ireland were proceeded
against for a misdemeanor under the existing law, and as
soon as bail taken for their appearance, one of them con-
tinued by his speeches arid writings to commit an
ag:ravation of his offence, and others went to a foreign
country to excite foreigners to invade her Majesty's
demisters'. (Hear, hear.) What was this but an aggrive:
tion of the offence and a positive contempt of the law
(Hear, hear.) This contempt of the law was ruining this
country day by day, and destroying that respect for it

which had had been its characteristic for eges- The eettsfe7
was coming to that state that it would be of no au-
thority, and then there would be no means of indorsing the
law except by the use d physioal force. He warned their
loriships against allowine the country to toms to 'nth a
state of things if they wiseed to promos its character maths
itiatitutions. He had lag; contemplated this Oat* of thine,
and observed in a remarkable degree the progrem made in
the contempt of law in this country. Some years ago, in
1831, there occurred in Bristol and in Lyons riots and dia.
turbances of a serious nature. In the former place the
bishop's palace wrie battled, the gaol was burned, and great
violence was committed for some days. The magistrates
were enabled to eiree the city of Bristol from entire conga- '
gratioa by the calling in of one troop of d
under Colonel Brereton, who performed hisnlrya.
But it required an army
_of sixty thousand men,
under the connaand eta marshal of France, toput down the
riot at Lyons. What was the cause of this difference ? Be
attribsted it to the respect which was entertained for the
law in England, and to Chet
of of the people of Bristol
that they were disobeying thee law m persevering in the riot.
(Hear, hear.) Lately there were large bodies of persons
collected in this town, but they disposed. Was that sub-
mission of theirs owing to their respect for the law ? Was
not the whole population of the town, civil as well as mili-
tary, under arms ? Were not hundreds of thousands sworn
is as special constables, organised and directed by persons
capable of directing them ? Were not thousands of' troops
under arms, as well as thousands of police ? Could it then
be said that it was respect for the law which produced this
effect in London ? No ; because on the very same night,
and every night since, there was a repetition of the same ex-
pressions which it was the object of this bill to reveal.
Did that show respect for the law ? No such.
thing. It
showed a want respect for the hoe, which if continued must
prove fatal to the greatness, if not to the very (intef
this country. There was exhibited of late a great want of
respect for the law, which was to be attributed to the trans-
actions in Ireland within the lest few years.
after ye ar, They
mout had We h
ll
hundreds of thousands of parsons year
after mcath, and week after week, parading through that
country with impunity. They bad heard of seditious and
treasonable speeches made at those meetings ; they had seen
men Putout heir trial for sedition spoken at those weedir,
and.aftas acquitted on some point of irregularity at the
trial. (Hear, hear ) All this tended to the same point—
' namely, contempt for the law. lie therefore approved of
' this bill because be hoped it would have a tendency to in-
' spire some respect for the law as applicable to these meet-
ings: But he begged of their lordships to recollect that thin
magistrates and the authorities were placed in an awkward
position with regard to those meetings, if, alter
having evidence on oath before them that numbers
dangerous to the public peace were likely to as-
semble, they were left to free
the public peace
by means of the civil force at their disposal.
lie did not want to prevent public dimension on any subject
that was desirable ; but no subject could be properl dis-
cussed where such large numbers were stumbled, aid where
it was impossible for many to hear what was said. Public
diecussien m such cases was the pretence, and these meetings
bad no other object except to create tenor and to overpower
the government. He rejoiced that the present bill was likely
to be passed. He hoped it would pus unanimously, and in
as short a time as possible, in order that government might
tabs advantage of it in the approaching time. (Hear.
hear.)
Lord DENMAN had beard with pleasure the epeech of the
noble duke which was full of excellent sense, and animated
with the bat pomible feeling for the interests of the country.
They ought to feel grateful to him also for the part which be
had taken in preserving the peace of the town on the late
occasion. (Hear, hear.) There were some points in the
speech of the noble duke, however, to which he felt bound
to allude. He quite agreed with the noble duke respecting
the growing contempt of the law which was exhibited
la a portion of the empire,i and the danger which
would result from allowing it to remain unchecked
could hardly be overrated. (Hear.) lie thought that
exciting and seditious language could not be addressed to igno-
[ rant and needy persons assembled in large numbers without
great danger not only to the peace of the community and to
the property of individuals, but to the safety of the state. lie
I had no fear that the present proceedinp of those parties
I would prove dangerous to the state, but the toleration of the
language used by them, and the permission of declarations
not only against the government, the parliament, end the
law, but also against the middle classes, appeared to him so
enormous and intolerable an evil, that if any new law was
necessary to put it down he believed it would be received
with favour on all sides. But the existing law was not so im-
potent as was 'apposed. Monster meetings—meetings which
were incompatible with andiscustion, ashcanhmight lead to
breaches of the peace, be turned overpowering
force in any one direction, were in themselves a misdemea-
nor, and they might be put down. But the monster meet-
ings in Ireland were never proceeded against as such. For
some reason or other the government of that day thought it
better to allow them to proceed ; but they proceeded against
certain parties by indictmentf which he would not then
speak, but which was ss monstrous in the shape of an indict-
ment, and in the shape of an offence, 41 the meetings to
which they referred. (Hear, hear.) When the noble duke
said that those persons were acquitted by reason of some
ireegularity, and that the law was thereby brought into
contempt, he trusted the noble duke did not mean to allude
to any of those who thought it their duty not to confirm
the sentence of the curet below as having done anything
inconsistent with their duty. On the contrary, if any
noble lord sitting as a judge in that house were for a parti-
cular object to say that that was the law which he believed
li notch be the law, and abstained from giving that judgment
, whic in his conscience he believed to be right, he believed
he would forfeit all respect ms 'judge, and that all confidence
in the law itself would be destroyed. (Hear, hear.) The
noble duke said that what lately took place in London
showed that the law had fallen into contempt. He thought
that the noble duke in making that statement had hardly
done justice to the people who left their peaceful occupations,
at the risk of some danger, certainly to their great inconve-
nience, in order to preserve the public peace. (Hear, hear.)
He considered this exhibition of orderly and peaceful men
thus turning out, one of the finest spectacles of attachment
to the law on the part of a people, because they hid confi-
dence in that law, and had a long experience
of the benefits they derived from it. (Hear, hear.)
He thought be should be wanting inf his
edutyei to
the real character of the Euglish people,g contempt of the
i the xpreson
of the noble duke, respecting the growin
law, as shown on the late occasion, had
ar.) been allowed by
him to pass without comment. (Hoer, he
The Duke of WELLINGTON said thatthe la what
that the
he said
was, that it was not owing to respect for w
public peace bad been preserved, but to the formidable army
which was ready to act against those who arrayed them-
selves against the law. He did not say a word against the
decision of that house, with respect to the trial to which he
referred. Be had great respect for the decision of that
house. He did not presume to express an opinion on the
subject of that decision—he only stated the tact as one of
the circumstances which tended to bring into contempt the
law, with respect to meetings.
t for the
Lord DENMAN said that instead of a contemp
law there was a growing confidence in the law amongst the
great me
of the people. With regard to those who
attended public meetings in vast numbers, they had, he
believed, some notion that they were acting according
to law, and they acted without considering the
circumstances in which they placed themse.ves.
One great advantage of the bill would be to inform them of
the danger they were incurring ; and, event without this
bill, they incurred great danger by lending themselves to
meetings of an illegal character. (Hear.) He rejoiced that
this bill had been very fully discussed in the other house ;
and the objections that had been made to it were not
such as to lead him to object to its passing. As to the cases
in Ireland, ke should he sorry to se
es the prisoners deprived
of their right of chellenge. No peons had ever done their
duty
.more fully than the juries on the late special commis-
sion in Ireland ; and he was induced to hope that this bill
would have the best effect.
Lord BROUGHAM, in explanation, said that Lyons was
a much more excitable place than any in this country
ether , anwith
there were 30,000 or 40,000 workmen banded tog
the determination to cause an outbreak.
The Duke of WELLINGTON said he had only con-
trasted Bristol with Lyons in reference to the respect which
had been shown for the law. (Hear, hear.)
The Earl of St. GERMANS said, it must be acknow.
ledged that it was extremely difficult to get a juies on the
g in Ireland
not open to intimidation or undue bias. The jur
late special commission were certainly an exception. In gene-
ral, when ten or twelve persons were put on their trial, they
completely exhausted the panel with their challenges. As
to " open and advised speaking," he thought the mischief of
the speaking was extremely small, compared with that done :
by the publication. The National Convention and the Irish I
Confederation were but small bodies; but their proceedings I
ware read by great numbers. It was toe the editors of 1
newspapers exercised alsound discretion in suppressing ph.
sagcs unfit for publication; and he thought if that discretion
were continued, it wouls, be successful in preventing any bad
effects. In cases where such discretion was not exercises], let
the patio be prosecuted.
the bill as it stood was perfectly
Lord CAMPBELL said,
approved of by the law authorities in Ireland, and by the
Lord Chancellor. Had the offence been continued a misde-
meanor, it would have still been a bailable offenceti ; and
and
the
parties might have gone on repeating it. If seditious
treasonable sentiments were published for the purpoae of
giving effect to them, that was a highly culpable misdemea
nor, or it might be prosecuted under the present bill as an
overt act for compassing the deposition of the Queen. An
, editor of a newspaper publishing a treasonable speech with
I such an intent, might thus be prostecuted and transported
'i beyond the seas.
S said he had referred to mere'
The Earl of St. GERMAN
matter-of-course reports of such speeches.
The LORD CHANCELLOR trusted the effect of this
bill would be to atop the speaking, and then of course the
publication would be stopped.
time.
The bill was then read a second
The LORD CHANCELLOR said the bill would be com-
mitted next day, and also read a third time.
not
The MarquisMarquisof LANSDOWNE time
notice
orders in
that he
should move, next day, to impend the standing
reference to two other bills (money bills)
Bills B which
ill had
and come
up from the other house—the Exchequer
Public Works Bill.
ELECTION RECOGNISANCES BILL.
On the motion for the third reading of this bill,
Lord MONTEAGLE, who bad given notice to snore the
rejection of an amendment which had
was bee
undersn engratood fted oto sal
the
bill on the bringing up of the rep.ort,
that he should not press that motion but would
heard MON e some
other amendment, the purport of which was not in the
gallery. i
Lord CAMPBELL expressed
be his approval of this course,
and mid the bill would thereby divested of its st post
•. _ _

Toefo—cbaracter.
The bill was then re►d a third time.
The hewn adjourned et 5 minute' before 8.

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NOTICR Or MOTlON.—Poisireeat--Mr. Bane MAST. Taw
day, May to move that an humble address be presented to her the
jest, oaths sudden of British intervention in Portugal.
HUDDERSFIELD IMPROVEMENT BILL.
On motion for the consideration of the report on this bill,
Dir. BERNAL said he did not wish to impede the pro-
gress of this bill, but, in discharge of his duty, he thought it
right to warn members of a point that arose in connexion
with this and other bills. There were certain billy, termed
" model bills," to which the attention of those who cote
ducted private measures through the house was invariably
directed. In this cue, however, the promoters had thought
it right to depart from the " model," and to overload their
bill with a great number of unnecessary and useless clauses.
He should not object to the present bill on that account, bet
he thought it right to warn boa. members, and parties to
private bills, that in future such a proceeding would not be
permitted.
Mr. HEADLAM expressed an opinion that in the pre-
sent instance it was desirable to depart from the usual model.
Mr. GREENE said the object of the model bills was to
save coat to the pasties, and time and trouble to the t commita-
tees and to the house. It was of the utmost importance th
the system of those bills should be rigidly adhered to, unless
very special cause to the contrary could be shown.
After an observation from Sir D. L. EVANS, the report
was cosidered, aud, several amendment. having boss intro-
duced tithe bill was ordered to be engroseed.
MERCHANT SEAMEN'S FUND.
Mr. LABOUCHERE, in bringing up a report Wen the
Merchant Seamen's Fund Commission, paid a high trib
ondu ute to
to
the commissioners for the way in which they had cct
their proceedings.
Sir W. CLAY, on behalf of the eoramissioners, said thatheirt
they should be amply rewarded if it appeared tha
labours bed been for the public advantage and the good of
those whose interests were committed to them.
BUSINESS AFTER EASTER.
LorilJ. RUSSELL—I rise, sir, to move that, after Easter,
orders of the day take precedence of motions *pen Thurs.
days. It has been necessary in the course of the present
session to renew the incoe tax. It has likewise been neces-
sary to take votes relative to the army and the navy. The
consideration of these subjects has taken up a greet portion
of the time of the house. I have not thought it expe-
dient to bring forward measures of the government when the
state of public loathes& was such that there was no pos-
sible chance of their being discussed, and therefore measures
of tbe govern meta have no doubt been delayed in conse-
quence of the protracted character of these debates. I have
spoken to several members of the house, and Ili d that there
is n 3 objection to give up Thursday to government business,
and I therefore shall say nothing further on the subject, but
conclude by moving that after Easter, orders of the day tale
precedence of motions upon Thursdays.
THE ALIEN BILL.
Mr. EWART : Sir, lam sorry to be obliged to put a
question to the government on a subject of some import-
ance but I and others do feel strongly that a bill, which is
not now before us, but of which heard something the
other night—
The SPEAKER reminded the hon. member that he
could not discuss a bill not before the house in putting a
question.
Mr. EW ART had no intention of so doing, but he and
others felt that a bill of the description he referred to seas
most objectionable (hear, hear), and he wished to ask whe-
ther the noble lord was now prepared to make any statement
calculated to enable them to draw conclusions of any sort
with reference to the measure he referred to ?
Lord J. RUSSELL said, that in bringing forward an
alien bill, the government had certainly acted in conse-
quence of information which bad reached them, w Ach ap-
wared to render such a bill desirable and necer. lie
as quite prepared to say that such a bill was entirely op-
posed to the general policy of the country, and that under
ordinary circumstances no such measure ought to sapweed. (Hear, hear.) Bat there were circumstancech
had reuhed them, and which he did not know that lie ought
more particalarly to state, which had certainly led to the
conviction that it was necessary at the present time to in-
troduce such a bill. It must be recolksted that the mea-
sure would have only a temporary operation.
Lord J. RULOSELOI motion was then put and agreed to.
COURSE OFF
THE PUBLIC B
UST
OVERNMENT.NESS.—INTENTIONS
O G
Lord J. RUSSELL I now rise, air, to move that
ne this
house at its rising do adjourn to Saturday xt,
with a view to a further adjournment from
inc that (lay until
Monday, the let of May. It may not beinconvenient to
the house should I now state the course in which her Ma-
jesty's government propose to take the public business after
Easter. (Hear, hear.) Oa Monday, the let of May, I pro-
pose that our first bu:iness should be to consider the ad
vances to be made for special purposes. One is an advance
on account of certain West India loans for the purposes of
emigration, of which the substance was stated by my right
hon. friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer at the com-
mencement of the session, and of which he will then give a
more particular notice. Another is to enable the govern-
ment to repay certain advanzes of sums of money required
for the relief of destitution in Ireland during the last year.
On the same day I propose to take the second reading of the
Alien Bill. On Thursday, the 4th, we shall take the third
readiest of the Jewish Disabilities Bill. (Hear, hear.)
On Friday, the committee on the Alien Bill, and, if
there be time on that day the Committee on the Public
Health Bill. If that bill, however, cannot be then taken, we
shall proceed with it on Monday the Bch. On Monday, the
15th of May, my right hon. friend, the President of the
Board of Trade, will bring under consideration, as the first
order of the day, the amendment of the navigation laws.
(Hear, hea.) He will state, at the same time, the course
we proposer to take with regard to the registry of seamen and
shipa, and be will state also the general views of her Ma-
jesty's government upon the subject, and the course they
propose to take relative to the Merchant Seamen's Fund, so
as to give a complete view of their intentions respecting this
important question. With regard to Irethe land, I shoulda
mo-
state
that on Monday, the lit of May, or on next day,
tion will be made for leave to introduce bills with respect
and
to
the elective franchise and the polling places in Ireland,
the second reading of those bills will be taken on the same
day in the following week. (Hear, hear.) I believe I have
nothing further to state, and, therefore, I shall at once
move that this house, at its rising, do adjourn to Saturday
next.
Sir W. CLAY asked if it was the intention of her Ma-
jesty's government to introduce any measure, similar to tat
of last session, with reference to the ratepaying clauses of hat
reform act, and if so whether it was intended that it shouid
embrace clauses facilitating the right of voting in the cases
of 101. householders where rates were paid by their land-
lords?
Lord J. RUSSELL.—I have to introduce a bill upon the
subject in the course of the session, hitt I would rather not
now enter upon a discussion of its details or particulars. I
should also say that we do not intend to lay on the table, at the
same time, a number of bills only a few of which can possibly
be proceeded with. (Hear, hear.)
Mr. F. O'CONNOR asked at what time the house would
meet on Saturday ?
Lord J. RUSSELL —I cannot precisely say, but I think
probably at 2 o'clock.
Mr. BRIGHT asked, if, in the contemplated meuures re-
lating to Ireland, any provision was to be made to remedy
the grievances of the Irish church--grievancea acknow-
, )caged by the noble lord tome years ago, and which he had
hoped by this time the government would have done tome-
thing to remedy ?
the subj
Lord .
actJ RUSSELI have no measure to introduce on
of the Irish church.
Mr. MONSELL asked when the measure for the purpose
of facilitating the sale of encumbered estates in Ireland, in-
troduced into the other house, was to be brought under their
consideration ?
Lord J. RUSSELL—I do not know precisely in what stage
that bill is in the other house, but I rather think it is be-
fore a committee.
Mr. MONSELL—Was any measure to be proposed for the
amendment of the grand jury laws in Ireland ?
Lord J. RUSSELL bill has not yet been intreduced,
and I repeat with respect to that, what I cannot repeat too
often,that I do not see any advantage from the introduction of
ten or twelve different bills when only two or three can be
proceeded with. (Hear, hear.)
Mr. FOSTER was unders relatingquire if any distinct
measure would be brought in to the Merchant Sea-
men's Fund ?
RUSSELL—My right hon. friend will propose to
Lord J.
introduce a measure upon that subject in the course of the
session.
Mr. THORNELY said a bill had been brought in to
enable joint-stock, companies to wind up their own affairs.
It was considered in the north of England a bill of very con-
siderable importance, and he should like to know when it
would be proceeded with?
Mr. LABOUCHERE eould not fix a lay, but he was
quite aware of the importanee with which the bill was re-
garded, and he would endeavour to proceed with it as soon
as possible.
Mr. P. SCROPE said there was a measure proposed to
them of far greater importance to the people of Ireland than
any of which they had yet heard: he meant a measure re-
lating to the barbarous evictions of tenantry
in that country.
Thousands were now wandering about in Ireland without
home or shelter. He should be glad to know whet
withher the
bill he referred to would be immediately proceeded ?
Sir G. GREY said the bill referred to had been prepared,
but it had been thought necessary to send it to Ireland f r
the consideration of the government and the law officers of
the crown in that country. The bill had only been returned
to him that morning. Several alterations were made to it,
and he should like to look at them attentively before he

*Clio

broaght the measure under the formal
house
Mr.. EWART mid unless some very satlenisteel vamoose
were given by the noble lad at the head of the government
why the Alien Bill should pass into a taw, it would be
his duty, when it cause under consideration, to offer it every
opposition in his power. There wee • bill promised them
with refennoe to the punishment of death—ta make that
the law which was at present the practice. Be should be
glad to know when that memur.. would be brought forward?
Sir 0. GREY mid that bill had also been prepared ;but
he must say, respecting it, what his noble friend had aaid re-
garding mottles etteellfe, that he saw no use in laying it on
the tadle, without a chance. of its being forthwith con-
sidered. to ask if certain
Mr. BERRIES was understood
rtain papers
were ready with reference to the miscellaneous and civil con-
.. __— estimates. and when thine estimates would be

tiagency
brought forward ?
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHE
tionQUER sa
toid
civil
butt The mucellaneous estimates were ready;
matters connected with them were under the consider-
ation of the committee upon the subject.
Mr. BERRIES observed that it might be a long time
before the committte made any report ; and it was not, he
spprehended, at all intendeu that the proceedings of that
committee should interrupt the usual course of giving the
house all the information it required.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said he by
no means intended to defer the miscellaneous estimates until
the committee had made their report; but it was not usual
to bring those lotimates forward before the Easter recess.
Sir CLERK observed that those estimates were
usually printed before the recess.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said his
hon. friend the Secretary of the Treasury was not in his
place, and he could not tell why the estimates had not been
laid on the table.
Mr. WOREGOR imbed if there would be any objection
to lay on the table the customs tariff recently passed by
Canadian Assembly ?
Mr. HAW ES said, not only would there be no objection,
but the law required that such documents should be laid be-
fore the house. He would promise that it should be done in
a few days.
rhe SPEAKER then put the question of adjournment,

whereupon
AFFAIRS OF DENMARK.
Mr. DISRAELI rose, and said that in rising into pur-
suance of the notice he had given, to call attention the
state of our relations with Denmark, he should occupy the
attention of the house for only • very brief space. Ordina-
rily to was desirous to leave in the hands of the responsible
minister the negotiations with foreign nati o, but be
thought the circumstances which had arisen ins n a country
with which we had had for an
long a time friendly and ox-
dial dial relations afforded a case which might be taken as an ex-
ception to the rule. It was unnecersary for him to remind
the house of the general position of the state of
Denmark ; but he ought observe that the impor-
tance of a state did not dep. nd on the amount
of its population, but on the character of that population
and the position of the territory. Denmark was an a
kingdom, inhabited by a vigorous and well-informed a
peoplsove-
e.
Its situation was remarkable, and it was governed by
riga whose first act on f ascending his thron was, e on his
own motion, to accord to his people a ree and independent
constitution. (Hear, hear.) There were other sovereigns
who, at a later period, appeared in the character of conceders
of constitutions to subjects from whom all privileges had been
long denied. But the King of Denmark conceded rights to
Denmark at a period when aheolutism was paramount, and
libel al government on the continent an exception. (Hear.)
The territory of which Denmark consisted was composed of
those celebrated islanda on one of which Copenhagen was
situated, of the Scan province of Schleswig, and the
German province of Holstein. To the latter provinces the
King bad given an equal share in the representation. His
Long
comprehended the absolute enjoyment of • free
press, a perfect representation of the people, and equal laws.
But the German duchy of Holstein refused to accept this
arrangement. The King assented to the wishes of the Hol-
stainers that they should not be incorporated with
be inde-
Schles-
wig and Denmark Proper, if they wished to
pendent of those territories, but he declared to them I
that they should have free laws and insteitutionsretense never.
theless. No monarch, even under th pel
pre sent cireumstancee, had ever coneeded most
or made his concessions more nobly. It was impalas,
however. to arrange this constitution in a moment- Belem
its final settlement the French revolution occurred. Its
consequences to Denmark were remarkable. The German
party, who were dominant in Holstein, were extremely I
anxious to exercise similar powers in the adjacent state of I
Schleswig. They announced that they would become a'
free German state with Holstein. Under these circum-
stances a most remarkable event occurred. There had been
a quasi revolution in Berlin, where a monarch had given a
free constitution to his subjects. though not exactly under
the same circumstances with the contortions made to his
siihjects by the King of Denmark. (Hear, hear.) Animated,
as he said, by high patriotic sentiment, the King
of Prussia received a deputatio from the province
of Schleswig, the vast majority of which deputation,
however, consisted of Prussians settled in the province. The
King promised to take the duchies under his patronage and
protection, acknowledged them as German states, and mine•
diately afterwards marched Dome of the troops, who had not
been so successful as ha< been intended in Berlin Wolf, to
recover their laurels in the states of a friendly power. (Hew,
hear.) Now there was probably no event in modern Ilium,
more unwarrantable than the conduct of Prussia in this ossa.
(Hear, hear.) Since it occurred, indeed, it had been allegt4
that Holstein, and, as it was represented, Schleswig also,
being German states, and the Kiog of Denmark being, so
duke of those provinces, a member of the Diet, differences I
having arisen in the provinces, it was the right, and indeed I
the duty, of the King of Prussia, as a member of the Diet, to
march his troops into the territcrities of his co-member to 1
settle these differences. But, in the first place, the King of
Prude had ordered his troops into Holstein and occupied it
without the Germanic Diethasing given any previous autho-
riot whatever for his so doing. (Hear, hear.) In the second I
place, no application for interference had bee)
n m
ade in the
ade to the
Germanic Diet by the duchies. (Hear, hear.
third place, even if the Diet had authorised the King of
Prussia to occupy Holstein, it would be impossible for the
King of Prussia to show that he had any right whatever to
invade Schleswig end occupy a principal fortress of that duchy.
It was equally impossible, had there been no disturbances at
'I Berlin, had all the forms of the Germanic constitution boa
[ observed, to ascertain what would have
itbeen the excuse f
for
or
this proceeding. (Hear, hear.) Was , for example,
the pacifying of the duchy? Surely not, for the King of
Denmark was perfectly prepared tekpacify the duchy. himself.
tietaav err rim) illirilalay ittoth:is thauebjec:,s 4f
D theseemnriuTeCtsh"b.nati
claimed the protective interposition of the Diet ? Even had
such been the case the course of proceed foring was
but not off-
hand to invade the duchy and occupy its tresses, to
call upon the complainants to state their case fully and dis-
tinctly to the Diet, and then to call upon the King of
Denmark for his defence, and to give him the opportunity
of making that defence before the Diet. (Hear, bear.) But
the fact was, that throughout these proceedings no cause of
offence against the King of Denmark had been stated
i , and
the Diet had not been appealed to. (Hear, h.) The nva-
sion was perpetrated without the authority of the Diet ; it
was an invasion without authority and without cause.
(Hear, hear.) Since that time, indeed since the occupa-
tion of Holstein by the forces of Prussia, since the chief
fortress of Schleswig, delivered up to those forces by
treachery, had ben retained by them, a Curious body, itself
in GOUTSe of reconstruction, calling itself a diet, and amem-
bled at Frankfort, had passed an ex post facto resolution
(hear, hear) authorising the King of Prlllaia in all he had
alreaay done, and in all he might hereafter think fit to do,
with reference to these duchies. He (Mr. Disraeli) had
already mentioned the circumstance of a provi-
sional government having been formed in Schles-
wig, and that rebellion was fomented there by cer-
tain parties, in the most daring and most unblushing
manner. Hereupon the King of Denmark appeeled to his
people. Some years back there was no country of Europe
in which pa grty feelin ran higher than in Denmark. There
was an aristocratic party . and a democratic party, which
had not agreed for centuries. There area a German party,
and there was a national party, between whom the most
violent passions had been in operation ; but, in consequence
of the conduct of the present King, all party animosities
and differences bad disappeared from Denmark. (Hear,
hear.) Nothing there was known but Danish nationality,
and reverential pride is
le, the monarch who had trusted to
the loyalty of his peop and their spirit of elevated
freedom. (Rear, hear.) Never was there a monarch more
supported by his people. Front the highest nobleman to
the humblest peasant in his dominions, all were prompt to
rally round his throne. (Hear, hear.) And in this case we
must not rate the power of the King of Denmark accord
lag to the population of his kingdom, as set forth
in the Gazetteer. You may think, indeed, that be has only
one and a half millions of people devoted to him ; but ask your-
self, at the same time, what other sovereign of Europe is
there, at this moment, our own Queen excepted, who has
One and a half millions of his people devoted to him ? (Rear,
bear, and a laugh.) The King of Denmark, then, supporteeird
by his unanimous people—a people distinguiahed for th
high physical and moral virtae—supported by his troops,
1 eapported by his naval power, which owed its existence to
bins, supported on account of that spirit of nationality
I which in its genuine form can so rarely be dependede upon,
Marched into Schleswig, carried all before him, defeatd the
rebels, most of whom were German propagandists, and was
perfectly ready in three days time to have pacified and con-
tented the whole of the population„ had it not been for the
occupation of Holstein by the Prusaians, and the
the
invasion of the duchy of Schleswig by
mme power. (Hear, hear.) tip
to this moment not a single
rational cause had been alleged tor this erratic conduct of die
court of Berlin—no sound reason assigned ; the only ground
put forward, in fact, had been the adoption of some of those
dreamy visions of German professors which duo de
past
a been agitating Germany, which in this disordered and
! distempered age were, it would seem, to be reduced to prim-
' tice in the dominions of a neighbouring wellHea hear.)
For all things there is always a pretext as as a cause,
and the pretext in this ease waa, German nationality. It
was laid down as a principle by men, some of vrhom were
even occupying seats in ElirDPeall cabinets, that wherever
the German language was spoken the Germanflag ought to
wave. This was the pretext on which the invasion of
Schleswig and Holstein had taken place. Now thinwasßall
very fine, apparently very national, andl very valor.
it was desirable to consider whether it would neon, to t become.
the German people, if such was their opini oz.
with a little more consistency. (Hear, hear.) If, wherever
the German language is spoken, the German flag ought
to wave, why did not the Prussians invade Alsace, where
German is spoken, and, occupying that western province, as-
sume a high front to France ?or why did they not,
eastward, invade and occup Podolia, where German is
spoken, and here meet Russia; (Hear, hear.) But sto ; the