The Express.
London, England, 1851-02-12 00:00:00

THE EXPRESS, WEDNESDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 12, 1851.

extending the suffrage. Ths noble lord, however, admitted
that the Refeem Act was imperfect, and it was still his con-
viction that it ought to be amended when the proper time
came.
REPORTED WORKHOUSE RIOT IN SUFFOLK.
Dlr. O. BERKELEY asked the Home Secretary whether
be Iss,d received any intelligence of a remarkable ri it at the
Barham union workhouse in Suffolk, the home having been
lucked, and the military called out.
Sir G. GREY replied that he had received nn information
whatever on the subject.
THE INDIAN GOVERNMENT.
Mr. ANSTEY said that in consequence of the statement
made on the previous evening by the l'resident of the Board
of Control, he should on an early day move an address to
the crown declaring that it was expedient to ascertaiu the
condition of the Indian territories, and the nature of the
management of the East India Company, and praying her
Majesty for that purpose to appoint a commission to pro-
ceed to India to inquire into the operation of the existing
act fur the government of the British dominions in India,
and to report thereon.
COURTS OF CHANCERY.
Mr. STUART glee notice that on Thursday he should
ask the noble lord at the head of the government whether
he intended to bring in without delay a Mll to authorise
the appointment of a Vice-Chancellor in the room of the
late Vice-Chancellor Wigram ; also whether the noble lord
was aware of the enormous delay, expense, and inconveni-
ence to suitors in the Courts of Chancery arising front the
want of a competent judge to discharge the judicial duty
lately discharged by Vice-Chancellor Wigram.
THE RIOT IN SUFFOLK.
Mr. BANKES begged to ask the chief poor law commis-
sioner whether he had received any information with regard
to a workhouse riot in Suffolk. (Hear, hear.)
Mr. BAINES maid he saw in a newspaper the paragraph
containing the report mentioned at nine o'clock that morn-
ing. On arriving at the office he immediately caused in-
Rairtea to be made, and he begged to say that no informa-
tion of the kind had reached the Poor Law Board, either
from the guardians or from any other quarter. (Hear.)
AGRICULTURAL DISTILESS.
On the motion of Mr. DIPIPAELI the clerk then frail the
paragraph in the Queen's speech relating to agricultural
distress.
Mr. DISRAELI then rose and slid—Mr. Speaker, a
condition of general prosperity concurrent with the con-
tinued depression of a most important claw of the commu-
nity appears to me to be a conjuncture which should
make a minister reflect. But, sir, if such it
combination of circumstances be brought about by
legislation which has at the same time produced
the general prosperity and the continued depression,
I think the aubjed Is one which merits not only the ton•t-
deratios of the cabinet, ht.t also the deliberation of parlia-
ment. (Cheers.) Sir, these remarks. I think, apply to the
present condition of the owiwo and oc'c'upiers of land in the
United Kingdom. I think It. iay "at'. without any exag-
geration. that the feet of the ea 'ateuee of great and con-
tinent depromion amidst the own. era and occupiers of the
soil in the United Kingdom is not .cmotested by gentlemen
on either side of the house, whales. 1. their ?Mintons may
be as to the cause or as to the pm,. which may have
produced the consequence. I reme. ober five years
ago—and five years is a considerable Passage of time,
a period which will, I trust, allow all ref ua to approach
this discussion with unimpassioned feeling, softened by
that passage of time, and enlightened by th exPeriewee
it has brought hie year, ago, rear.Mier, that
eminent man, whose post 1 unworthily Occupy.
and whose 1011.4 I the more deplore as it falls,
to me to fulfil this duty, which his scheme. it and
indefatigable spirit would have so much more satisfat toritY
performed - (cheers) —addressed a very important TIM 'Linn
—it was at the commencement of the session of 111141—to the
great minister whop then primmest the repeal of the en. at
laws. Lord George Hemline*, early in the session, bettor '
he had even addressed the house upsouthose questions which
afterwards occupied PO much of hit attention, inquired of
Sir Robert Peel whethe r he had taken into consideration
the effect of tho repeal of the corn laws upon the commuta-
tion of tithes. Ile reminded the minister that on the last
seven years' average the oceupie r of the soil was paying
tithes at the rate of 58s. Bd. a quarter, and that
assuming that the consequence of this change io
the law would be to reduce the price of the quarter of
wheat from 38s. Bd., the existing average, to 4se., it
would take seven years to work down the average to 4.35. ;
and he inquired of the minister whether, in anticipation of
such a consequence, ho was prepared with any measure
which might soften the burden upon the cultivators of the
soil. What was the answer of Sir Robert Peel ? It is due
to him that I should give it in lois own words. Sir Robert
Peel replied " that he did not propose to make any alteru-
lion of the law as to tithes, es he did not believe there
would he any material alteration in the price of wheat."
(Hear, hear.) Now, Sir Robert Peel lived to change his
opinion on that point. Most of us are familiar with a
circular which that eminent man addressed to his tenantry,
in which lie stated that the price of wheat had then de-
scended to a bower figure than he anticipated as probable,
adding that in his opinion there was no prospect of any
increase in the price. List year, sir, when I made none
effort to call the attention of the house to the suffering, now
recognised, of this important dim, the Chancellor of the Ex-
chequer,for a reason which we altdeeply deplored, was absent.
Hut in the year 1848 the right hon. gentleman was present,
and never did Chancellor of the Exchequer favour the house
with more suceessful expression of eemomical opinions, or,
according to the opinion of the house, carry away a greater
quantity of laurels. (A laugh.) It was on the occasion
when I set forth in its proper light that long misrepresented
question of local hoorthens. I will not enter now into the
question of local burthens further than to refer to the speech
which the Chancellor of the Eschniner mail,' on that occa-
sion, in which, having expounded the question of local bur-
thens with his usual facility and ability, he gave his matured
sentiments and the matured opinion of the cabinet on what
he was pleased to call "agricultural distress." The cabi-
net acknowledged the existence of agricultural distress ill
1819; and mire than that, they deplored it: but then they
said it WAR partial, being most iieverily felt in the south of
England, and here is the judgment on which the finance
minister anountssl for that distress. The Chancellor of the
Exchequer said, " Ile was inclined to think that the present
depression in the price of agricultural produce wan very
much caused by alarm." (Laughter.) Ile waxed still
stouter in that opinion from receiving the empathy of his
supporters, and in the course of five minutes absolutely
said "he thought there was abundant reason to believe
that the present prices were unduly lowered by the lan-
guage held at a recent country meeting." I believe he
even intimated that the principal cause of the depremion
in agricultural prices was some speech that had been made
by my motile friend the member for Stamford. Now there
is no person who more highly estimates the abilities of my
noble friend or fume admires the sacrifices which he makes
in his persevering uttention to public business. Neither da
I deny the eloquence of my noble friend; but I can hardly
ascribe to it an influenee over the markebi fur agricultural
produce. "The price is temporarily depressed below
the average rate." What was the average rate of 1348,
which is the year, of course, referred to in the speech of
1819, which he says is a temporary depression of prices, rend
which he declares and anticipates cannot last any time ? I
have the average of 1648, the year mentioned in the speech
of the right hon. gentleman, and I will take along with it
that for 'Sift, to .I.e if there was any reason for the opinion
of the right hon. gentleman, that the then depression was
temporary. 'the average of 1848 for beef was 4a. 51d.,
being tho average of temporary depression; and the
average of 1850, which I take from the otlicial returns of
Smithfield Market, is 3s. Md. (Loud cries of " Hear,
hear.") So that after two years of temporary de-
pression, we find ourselves in a very much worse
condition than in 1818. (Hear, hear.) In 1848, the average
price of mutton wes 54. 21.; but in 18.50. after two ream
of " temporary depression," it is only 4s. 24.—(hear, hear)
—and that, I may here observe, is applied to the observa-
tions made on the first night of this session by. the hon.
member for Norwich. My only object in referring to the
opinions of the Chancellor of the Exchequer is to show
that it may be menhir to form an erroneous opinion on this
important subject ; and that therefore, when great men on
, both aides of the house have formed erroneous opinions, it
1, is still more the duty of this house, calmly, temperately,
end diepasaionately to see whether we cannot discover
the cause of this continued depression, and pene-
trate the occasion of such an anomaly as that,
while the country was in a state of general pros-
perity. there should be depression, continued depress
ties, among one ?met important dam of the community.
(Hear, hear.) That was the opinion of the cabinet (n
1849 ; but what was the opinion of the cabinet in 1830?
Here it is. The right hon. gentleman was unfortunately
sat is his place when the sub et was so amply discussed
I bet swim • but in another place no lens a man than the
Lied Peesident favours the world with the opinion of the
cabinet is the important subject of the condition of the
agricultural claw's. That was an opinion coming from a
statesman 'second tono living ran in experience and judg-
ment, and from a nobleman, who from hishigh position and
connection with the soil, is the object of respect and affection
with large chassis of the agricultural community. What
vim the opinion of the Lord President, expreseed early in
the session of parliament in an august assembly, and for
the purpose of relieving the anxiety of the still depressed
owners and occupiers of the soil? He told the country
that the depression had been occasioned only by excep-
tional circurrotanees, which would not exist, probably,
many weeks. (Hear, hear.) This eminent statesman—
for a most eminent statesman he is—deeply sympathising
with the cultivators of the sod, informed us at this time
last year that the idea of continued depreesion was absei-
-1 lately absurd. (Cheers.) A cabinet minister hail a great
deal to do ; we expect him to take general views, and can
scarcely hope that he should be master of details, except
with reference to his own department ; but there
are other members of the administration who entirely
devote themselves to the investigation of economical details,
and who are supposed to have particular talent for such
investigations. There is the bon. member for Westbury.
(Loud laughter.) He is a gentleman distinguished, and
Justly distinguished, for his statistical Requirements and his
economical information. (Continued laughter.) I can say
this sincerely of him, that I know no man in this house
who has more successfully demonstrated or more ingeniously
or more incontestably proved that that which has happened
should never have occurred. (Loud laughter.) We were
favoured with the opinion of the hon. member fur West-
bury in the discussion of last year, and the absence of the
Chancellor of the Exchequer at the time rendered
hie assistance doubly valuable ; because the noble lord at the
heed of the government, although eminent for his judg-
ment on great constitutional questions, has not that love of
Lewes which great statesmen like him may be excused for
sot indulging in. (A laugh.) The hon. member for We•te
bury then, when prices were much higher than they are at
wenn% proved that all the importations of corn had ruined
Um importers. (Ironical cheers.) No man has proved
mere sompletcly that France could not spare • single
quieter of wheat—no one has demonstrated more perfectly

that the teeming millions of the United States were ready
to devour everything that could be produced in the valley
of the Mississippi. But still, notwithstanding the calcula-
tion* and reasons even of the honourable member for
Westbury, the difficulties of those important classes,
the owners and °couple's of land, still continued.
Nowemy object in making these observations on the past is
dot in any way to build on those circumstances an argument
in favour ofretracing our der. That is not the topic I am going
to introduce to the house, nor am I going to question those
fable estimates. Our legislition may have been politic—
beneficial ; I will not enter into that question. But still poli-
tic as may have been your course, beneficial as may hate been
your measures, you cannot deny that all your estimates
were wrong, and that all your calculations were erroneous.
(Loud protectionist cheers.) The moral that I draw from
then: circumstances is this—that as great men, our moat
distinguished men on boat sides, have not been au sagacious
on this subject as we mite them credit for being, it is a
reason for them to approach it, not in a spirit of haughti-
ness and contempt, or with overweening confidence in their
own judgment and information, but that, seeing a met
important class in this country in a state of continual de-
pression, and making a striking anomaly, seeing that that
depression is concurrent with what is called general pros-
perity, that they will feel it their duty, with more temper
and more patience than they have hitherto shown, to approach
the investigation of this great subject—(hear, hear)—and to
take that course which in my opinion justice and sound
policy both recommend us to adopt. After tire years' expe-
rience, after a lapse of time which allows us to look back to
the past in, I hope, an unimpassioned spirit, I cannot resist
the conclusion that during the great controversy which led
to the important changes in legislation to which I have re-
ferred, great injustice was done to the character and con-
duct of the British farmer. (Hear.) In all these discussions,
and in the preliminary agitation out of doors, representations
were made to an excited and perplexed community, which
most unfortunately and most unjustly conveyed the impres-
sion
that the British farmer was an unenterprising and
slothful man. (Hear, hear.) Want of energy end want of
industry were faults constantly thrown in his lace, until at'
last ecareely any one duct get up to speak in his vindication.
(Hear, hear) I remember when this great controversy
had actively commenced in this house we always treated it
as solely a farmer's question, and it was as continually
thrown in our teeth that it was not a farmer's but a land-
lord's question. (Hear, hear.) Now I should have thought
that the greater amount of economical knowledge which
at present exists would hare put an end to this fallacy. But
when I recal some (enervation% that I have recently read
and from persons of great authority on the subject, I find
it is still believed ; and that rent is looked upon 0.4 a sort of
arbitrary exaction, a kind of Tallagium which is •
reward of conquest, and which, if the owners of land were
prepared to sacrifice, would remove all the difficulties of
which the occupiers are complaining. I think, sir, that the time
has come when we should terminate this fallacy as we have
terminated ...many others. (Hem.) I should think that the
majority of this house on both sides will agree with me,
that, in an ancient country where there is a great breadth
of land, and a great variety of soil in cultivation, rent is an
economical result us certain and as inevitable, as the harvest
is the natural result of and follows the seasons. (lieu, hear.)
I want to know what becomes of the barbarous outcry
against rent which we hear front persons of great authority
on this questien, and whether it is not a flagrant error we
are circulating in that community we ought to lead and en-
lighten, when we hold out to the musses of the people that
any attempt to seek relief for the distress and difficulties of
the owners and occupier. of the soil, is merely an attempt
to disguise and sustain the rent of the landlord. (Hear,
hear.) I think that the whole tendency of our laws is to
blot out that class in the agricultural hierarchy. I think
that the tendency of our laws is very much to reduce our
agricultural community to two classes, the proprietor anti
the peasant. Is that a result which this bows can either
function or desire? I hare always been taught to believe, and
most sincerely do I believe, that the middle classes have been
the hest security end the beet consequence of civilisation.
( Hear, hear.) You are making war on a most considerable
ae si not the least reputable portion of the great middle class,
ane' therefore when I am told that this is a landlord's ques-
tion, I meet you by an argument which I think LI a sound
fine, and which proves your observation to bo a fallacy.
But I on equally opposed to the war you are midtingsigaiud
the heeler, hecauee I think that the social and political
evils wen'eh would arise from the destruction of his clam, it
is impoesielle to exaggerate. (Hear, hear.) The house will
excuse me for having ventured to make these somewhat
preliminary observation; before entering into the subject to
which 1 intend. everely to adhere for the nonainder of this
discussion. 1 have thought that these observations
woulfl clear the way for my object : which is to
bring the house on both sides to forget the past,
not to allow the feelings of controversy wheel. have now
passed away for more than five sessions to confine. the clear-
ness of their judgment, but in that temperate and impartial
spirit which the great body of our fellow subjeoste wish us
to adopt, to endeavour to ascertain the cause of their suffer-
ine, and if possible to find a remedy fur it. (Hear, hear.)
And I beg here to state, in order that there may he no
mistake as to my object in making this motion, what my
object clearly is. In the first place, it is not, as we have
been lately told with some uoitliority, a debate on the con-
dition of the people. I find that condition described in one
paragraph which at my instance hue been read from her
Majesty's speech. I accept that description of the people's
condition, it is one of general prosperity concurrently with
the suturing of a particular class. (Hear.) 1/0 not let me I
be met to-night with reports of or law commiesioners or of
registrar-generals. (Cheers.) Don't prove to me to-night 1
that pauperism has declined and that marriages have in-
creased.
They are facts that prove my CAW, unit all your
evidence of that kind might as well be delivered from this
hos as (rain the other. I am anxione also that we should o
obtaiu no 'support ho-night under false pretences, nor acquire 1
ant position by similar means. I trust that no hoe. merabee 1
will rise to-night and say that this motion is an attack dirert 1
or indirect on our new commercial system. Far from it. It
is in consequence of the new commercial system that I have I
felt it my duty to make this motion, and to adapt, if 1 can, i
the position of the owners and occupiers of land to
that new commercial system. (Ministerial cheers.) Let no I
gentleman support me to-night in the idea that this is an j
attempt to bring buck protection in disquiet. It is nothing 1
of the kind. (Loud ministerial cheers.) I adhere to what
I /aid last year on that subject, 'severely, strictly, and reel- o
!dowdy. I said then that I should not in this parliament make I
any attempt to bring back the abrogated system of protec-
tion, and as a reason for that course I deeply deplored the
eirrumstencre under which the change had taken place. I
deeply deplored that a purlianient and a minister, who, if
not formally, were virtually pledged to uphold the ab-
rogated system, should have been the parties to abrogate it.
I say that if I thought that by a chance majority I could
bring hack the system popularly called protection, in this
house, 1 would shrink from attempting it, That must be
done out of the house. (Hear, hear.) And it must he
done out of the house by no chance majority, hut, if not by
the unanimous, at least by a very preponderating expression
of public opinion, and no other result can be satisfactory to
any class or conducive to the general welfare. (Ilene, hear.)
I have attempted to express this opinion before. so that it
is not adopted for the present occasion. lion. members
will recollect it, and I only repeat it now because I wish
that no person may be in error as to my motives or objects
or the policy which I should wish the government to
pursue. But that being the case, 1 wish to call
the attention of the house to those difficulties which
her Majesty's gracious speech has deplored as still
existing among • most important class of the community.
What is the reason that while all the rest are prosperous,
one important clam should suffer? Why is it that the cul-
tivator of the soil, whom you recognise as • man of enter-
prise, of industry, and of energy—whose virtue you now
admire—what is the reason that the cultivator of the soil in
the United Kingdom cannot compete with the foreign pro-
ducer? (Hear.) I believe that the reason why the culti-
vator of the soil in the United Kingdom is at this moment
embarrassed in a helpless contest with the cultivator of the
foreign soil, is the weight of taxation to which he is liable.
(Cheers.) The taxation of the country, generally speaking,
though time has mitigated it to some extent, and circum-
stances, stronger than time--the taxation of this country is
universally acknowledged to be heavier than that of most
others. (Hear.) But heavy as it may be —even if it were
double the weight that it is—l would not on that ground
offer any plea on the part of the owners and occupiers of
the soil. (Cheers.) IVhatever the weight of taxation that
mar rest upon the country, they are prepared, if it be in
' their power, to endure their fair portion of it without a
*unnur. (Hear, hear.) Whatever the amount of the
' duty upon tea, the duty on nobacco, the duty on malt, or
the duty on sugar, no one will, I apprehend, now contend
that the agricultural elms do not bear their fair quota of
the burden. What the amount may he that they do
bear I may have an opinion, hut I will not here
enter into details to show the amount borne by
this class as compared with others, or draw any
invidious 'comparison between classes of industry
which I wish to see emulous, but not envious. (Cheers.)
This, however, all will admit—that whatever the general
weight of taxation the agricultural class bear their full pro-
portion. (Hear.) Unfortunately very hr more. (Cheers
hone the protectionists.) What I 'desire to do to-night is to
ask the house impartially—if it be possible to be impartial
in matters of finance—C. hear," and • laugh)—impartially
to survey your financial system, and see whether it be not
the fact that it strains the energies and presses on the re-
allireal of the owners and occupiers of the land more, much
wee, than upon any other claw; whether we have
not in this country an enormous financial and fiscal
system, which has been created in consequence of
the artificial state in which the agriculture of the country
was placed by your former legislation; and whether the
ileghlator who was its author would ever have dreamt of
inventing such a system, had he not had at his command an
enormous clam—perhaps the most numerous—who, by
being in possession of • sure market for their produce, was
at least able to bear continually a great amount of taxation ?
(Hear, hear.) I know the difficulty of taking • dispas-
sionate
and unprejudiced view of this subject, without going
into detaile. Unfortunately, perhaps, we have all been so
accustomed to details, and so habited to look at our finan-
cial system only in detail, that I am not surprised that hon.
gentlemen opposite to me should not immediately apply to
the facts the same conclusions to which I arrive ; but I will
endeavour, with their permission, to place the matter in
such • light, that—my object being simply to elicit truth—
I need not despair of bringing the house to my opinion. With
that view I will endeavour in the first place to submit •
view of our system of finance. (Hear, hear.) Now,
f::.'neTeluppose it possiole for an individual without any pre
I Judice or preconception, but possessed of all the economical
' education and attrunments necessary for such a study ; let
is suppose such a person examining our financial system
he the first time—let us suppose some one of the distin-
pdabed foreigners about to visit our shores, one interested
k politico-economical pursuits, and struck with our in-
sinetry, our energy, and our general wealth ; let us suppose
nth a man as the finance minister, or • member of soma
egatinentel government, inking to form NM general idol"

ofthe limner in which the revenue of England is raised.
Of the great mass of the taxes we raise from the English
people I will take three items, for those are the most con-
siderable, and altogether they form an amount of very nearly
50,000,0001. sterling. Now that 50,000,00 W. are preoluced, first
by external imposts-secondly, what is now called inland reve-
nue—and third, by local contributions. In other words,
by your customs' duties, your excise, and your local bur-
dens, you raise, at this moment, nearly 50,000 AM/. per
annum. Now, sir, what at the first glance is the character
of this great sum ? Almost one-halt of the whole amount
of the external revenue is raised, as this distinguished
foreigner would bs no doubt surprised to find, by your not
permitting the cultivator of your own soil to produce a par-
ticular crop—(hear, hear)—by withholding from him the
possibility of producing it under a great impost. (Hear,
hear.) Turning to the inland revenue, this gentleman
would say that more than two-thirds was raised by
a colossal impost on • crop of British agriculture.
(Hear, hear.) Again, if he took the third division—
the local contributions—he would find, that on the
most moderate calculation, 7,000,000,. and more out of the
12,009,000/. was paid by the agriculturists, and that the
whole of it was levied from • very limited class. Now,
these are the principal features this foreign investigator
would have to observe—and now let us, in detail, examine
that which we have been contemplating in a more general
manner—take first your Customs revenue. Nearly one-
fourth of that is produced by a law which prevents the
British cultivator from producing a crop of tobacco. (Loud
cheers from the protectionist benches.) I. know I shall be told
in extenuation of this, extraordinary law, that the land of
England is not favourable to the production of tobacco—
(hear, hear)—that ig an observation which is almost stereo-
typed in the vocabulary of the financial minister. (Cheers.)
But the ingenious and distinguished foreigner, by whom
I am supposing this inquiry to be male, could not
fail to remember when he heard this, that every
country in Europe produced tobacco, and some of them
tobacco of a remarkably good quality. (Hear, hear.) lie
would recollect that in }holland they grew such good tn.
burn, that it was exported to Havanna, and there made
into the cigars that were sold and smoked in England.
(Hear, bear.) But he would find also that some *MIS in
England were eminently adapted to the cultivation of
tobacco, and that in the sister island there were great and
peculiar capabilities for it. And here I must be permitted
to express my astonishment that some short time ago—some
two or three 1,6610113 back—l heard the President of the
Board of Trade say in this house, that the climate and
the soil of Ireland were not adapted to the cultivation
of tobacto, and that that assertion was made without any
one of the 10.5 hon. gentlemen, who tell us so often that
Ireland is not sufficiently represeuted herr, rising up in his
place and protesting against so monstrous a proposition.
(Cheers.) I should have thought that seine one amongst
them would have remembered that tobacco had been culti-
veiled in Ireland very recently, and with great success.
(hear, hear.) That it had keen produced in Wexford,
Wicklow, King's county, and in ether diatricts. 'there
were circumstances attending that experiment which I
should have thought would have brought it to the recollec-
tion of Irish members when they heard such a statement
made by a member of the government. (Hear, hear.)
They might have remembered that an eminent politic
economist, the parent of free trade, and therefore
I suppose the supporter of this law which restricts
British industry, said on one occasion that the climate
and soil of Ireland were so adapted to the cultivation of
tobacco that it would be impossible to raise the revenue if
Ireland were permitted to cultivate it. (Cheers.) Well
sir, I think that in days like the present when a Prime
Minister rises from his out on the first evening that Parlia-
ment meets and solemnly warns the farmers of England,
over the, table of the house, that the time has come when
they must no longer depend on the wheat crop—it might
have occurred to that noble lord that it was eminently in-
consisteut and unjust to support at the same time laws
which prevent their producing another crop. (Loud
cheers.) And here I must take leave to ask the noble lord
for some explanation of a remarkable espy...ohm of opinion
made by him the other night. I understood the noble lord to
say that he deplored the rupid transition that had occurred
from protection to free trade, and he seemed to me to ac-
count for the great depression which the owners and occu-
piers of the soil were guttering by the rapid transition
which had taken place from the old to the new says-
tem. (hoar, hear.) At present I confess Ido not ex-
actly know what the noble lord means by the state
of transition. I had imagined that the state of tran-
sition was accomplished; at the same time I am sur-
priool that the noble lord should be the man to deplore.
the rapid way in which it had been brought about, for the
late government by an obvious and a prudent law endea-
vmsred to prolong the period of transition, and the noble
lord, I recollect, found fault with the distinguished states-
mous who was ut the heal of the government at that time,
because he so tried to prolong that state of transition which
the inside lord now tells us is the cause of the depnwsion,
and endeavoured to form is ministry against Sir R. Peel on
a preposition adverse to that for the gradual introduction of
the new system, and divided upon it.
Lord J. RUSSELL-1 supported Sir Robert Peel's Irrn-
pasition.
Mr. DISRAELI—I recollect there was a division' on the
question, and that Sir R. Peel's motion was carried on a
division. If in that division the noble lord voted against
his own prnposition, of cossree I have nothing move to say.
(" Hear," mod a laugh.) It is only un additional proof that
great men sometimes form wrong opinions. (Hear, hear.)
But without dwelling on the tobacco crop which the British
agriculturist may not grow, or the sugar crop which the
cultivator of the soil io any other country may grow, and
which is produced largely by that country which is now
competing most eucccadully with the ugriculturiet of this
country in our own market, I curse to the second hyena' of
revenue, which amounts to 15,000,00 W., and of whieh mom
than two-thirds are raised by a colossal impost on airs crop
produced by the British agriculturist. (Hear.) Who
will deny that the duty levied on the barley crop of British
agriculture forms more than two-thirds of our whole excise ?
(Hear, hear.) Now let moo call the attention of the house
to the position in which the British farmer is placid with
respect to this particular crop. It is a fashion now among
prime ministers to tell the British farmer that he must no
longer depend on his wheat crop, and I must do the noble lord
the justice to say that though the repeater he was not the
originator of that piece of advice. But is it not monstrous
that the farmer should be told that he is no longer to depend
upon his wheat crop while the laws of his country load w ith
tics enormous tax the next crop, to which he naturally
would resort ? You tell him that he must no longer deptood
on his wheat crop, while you pass laws the whole tendency
of which is to limit the production of his second troop.
I repeat that this case of the barley crop is one of the
most complete that can well be' put before the considera-
tion of parliament. The British agriculturists are coun-
selled not to produce wheat while laws are in existence to
restrict the product of barley. That is our calm..
(Cheers.) Sir, lam come to the third division—the amount
of revenue which, as I have stated, is produced by local
burdens. Some time has now elapsed since !brought before
the consielenitiou of the house the whole question of our
local revenue, especially as it affected the land. I took oc-
casion, then, or at least I endeavoured to do co, to place that
subject of vast interest in its just and true light;before parlia-
ment. I was not successful in my first motion on the subject,
nor did I expect to be. I grunt the proposition might
fairly at first sight be styled enormous. It was enormous
that it asked the house fur 10s. in the pound at once of the
debt due to the agricultural interest; and I know that
where you are not prepared to pay, such demands arc:con-
sidered rude and unreasonable. But, sir, the discussion which
arose on that motion did good, and though it was difficult to
carry it on—for one had, at the beginning, to show that the
poor law was a matter of national obligation—yet it was not
without its advantages; and in the following year, when
that discuseion wax renewed, we found that much was granted
which had previously been refused. I was, however, then
unsuccessful in obtaining (I admit) • large, hut at the same
time a partial, measure of relief. And what occurred lust
year? I then proposed a more limited measure, but a
measure, if possible, more just; for, admitting for the sake
of discussion many of the objections which had been raised
against the larger proposition, I allowed that it would lead
to centralisation, to increased expenditure, and to other
evils—though none of those evil could he greater than the
political injustice of making the suffering class pay all.
(Cheers.) We know the result of that motion. I do not
look back to it with regret, for I may say that proposition
was temperately conceived, since it met with the approba-
tion of a very large portion of the house. (Cheers.) I now
again ask the house, as I pass rapidly by this subject, to
consider the position of the laud with reference to its local
burthens. Is it not an enormous injustice that one species
of property alone should pay 12 millions for public purposes
which all should share? But the injustice is mom aggra-
vated when we consider that of that 12 millions the land
raises 7 millions. Of the total amount of revenue, fiuctu-
&ling between 48 and 50 millions per annum, allied
one-half is raised by restrictions on the industry
of the land; two thirds of the inland revenue
by an enormous impost on the production of
that land ; and seven millions—seven-twelfths of the whole
of the local revenue, is raised by direct contributions on the
land. (Cheers.) Sir, it is not necessary for me to enter
upon the lam gubject of local burden,. In the first place,
because the discussions upon it are fresh in the recollection
of the house ; secondly, because, since the last debate, the
truth of the question has visibly progressed. OriOnally, I
had to discuss the abstract justice of making everybody pay
his proportion to the charge of maintaining the poor,--so'
little advanced was the opinion of the house on this subject.
I ern reminded, now, of a burden which is, to a
certain degree, a local one, but which has not hitherto beton
considered as • burden on the land except by itself—that is,
it has not been mixed up with the general local resources.
On this point I ought to recall to the attention of the house
the inquiry to which I have before alluded—the inquiry
made by Lord George Bentinck of the prime minister, as
to what would be the effect of foreign competition
on British agriculture, in the event of prices continuing to
fall as they were falling in 1846. I need not remind the
house that the fall of agricultural prices has been greater
than it was at that time assumed it would be, and much
more so. (Cheers.) The possible result of a change in the
how was described by my late noble friend, by the price of
the quarter of wheat being at 4.5 g., whereas it has lately
been not more than 375. (Hear, hear.) Now let me re-
mind the house of what is the incidence of the fall of prices,
in the degree of burthen which, in respect to the tithe com-
mutation, Is thrown upon the cultivator of the soil. The
tithe rent charge for the year 18.51 is 961 lls. sd. for the
1001.: calculated according to the price of agricultural pro-
duce of the three crops of 1850, at 961. Ils. 5d.,
the farmer would receive in prices 731. 2s. 11d.
The difference at this moment to the British farmer is
231. Os. 84. upon the 100/., and to realise that sum he abso-
lutely has to sell at present prices 12 quarters of wheat.
(Hear.) That is the effect of the tithe commutation. Now,
I need not remind you that, totally irrespective of the tithe
commutation, the action of tithes on the cultivator of the
evil has been held by the greatest and most eminent econo-