The Express.
London, England, 1849-04-03 00:00:00

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nom ties the rate; brides their baviet incirrea a debt
considerably. above 00 000!. Generally spookier; tits?,
year rate idaid Would only be able to supply Om deficiency ri!
ovum In tint distressed &steins wins the sweet Ireland war
possibly - aa at llta preentnsoaart, and:llt4

ray be,_'hot so severe - _ , - them-
•lore it erenad appearoo a general gleam that the Freehold*
of the government. if it means nothie g more than a'sispenny
rite over Ireland, is an thadequateproposidon. (Hoer, heat.)
Bet there may be other objection, to the Or maid* besides
lit inadequacy. It may be an impolitic proposition. I think
it is an impolitic proposition. (Protectionist sheers.) I
think that a measure which, rrofiesbig to eerie the land of
the ibantry, cornmeal* by formidably reducing its capital,
can mutely be called a wise measure. (Hear, bear.) A
measure which, in a country where you all acksicierledojed
that you ought to stimulate exertion, vedmes the excitement
to exertion, can scarcely be called a discreet measere. (Hear.)
A measure that, without enoountering the evil boldly, ee
dealing with the remedies which many have suggeeted,
seeks, or it it doe* Dot seek, tend+ very much to aggravate
the hurdles' upon property, can scarcely be described se •
measure conceived in a ratesmanlike spirit. (Hem, hear.)
A measure which declares that Ireland is to be
governed in a different spirit from any other portion
of the United Kingdom, I say that a measure of
that character can hardly be described in the pre-
sent day as one chareeterhed by profound sa=tl
Sir, I agree with the hon. initlexan who has just ad
the house, and whose ability we recognise with planes,
that there is a difference between England and leelaiel.
But, sir, while I admit that there is a difference, I as of
must never look upon it se an imperial difference. (Hear.
hear) It is very possible that the position of a county or a
province of Ireland may be very different from the position
of our English counties. (Hear, hear.) Who doubts it?
(Cheers., But all we can dm by constitutional legislation ie
to lay down great and leading general principles, which
should be applicable to all parts of the empire, which all
which all
mmusustt bra° recognise,
wllbniebd governed.amust ad(almearre,, and by
But in a
vlar empire ob-
vious thatgrelaitkediffthei u will
res,
noriathair anycinu systemses taneeofs it is b-uaolly
occur. Why, the tenure of land is different, as between
Middlesex and Kent. But because the tenure of givelkind
exists in Kent and not in Middlesex is that any reason why a
different police should be pursued is the one county from that
which preys* is the other ? (Hear, hear.) So with re-
gard to the differinca bef wept Reglard and Ireland. There
may be a differentia bethe coirenatstances of the two countries
—there May Jm gen#aphiloalf differences, and differences
arising from internal associations, but is that any reason why
you should 'mulct OM one in • tit to which the other is not
liable.) (Heat, hear.) There is nothing, therefore,
in the argument of the different circumstance of Ire-
land, and I say, then, that this is a proporitios
which is historically inadequate and politically indiscreet.
(Cheers) But let us proceed with the analysis, and see if
there are not also other objections brit. But, sir, if it be
inadequate, and if it be impolitic, what I most object to
in it is, that it is also illusory—that it is essentially a decep-
tive proposition. (Cheers.) It is a national rate to which
the whole nation cannot contribute. Hew can you go to
the desolate Connaught, that cannot now raise its Tate—
(hear)—that cannot raise; its own local contributions, and
say we will all on you to contribute to this national
rate. (Hear.) I say it is not a national rate, and toe this
reason, that Crest portion of the nation will not, and can-
not, contribute to it, and essentially and particularly
that portion which is to be benefited by it. (Hear,
hear.) What are you low called upon to do by the
proposition of the minister? You are asked is introduce
Into Ireland a repetition of the same vicious system which
Ragland groans under. At a moment of unprecedented
difficulty and unparalleled trial, when every man feels called
upon to perform an extraordinary duty, and to make • re-
markable sacrifice—what is the gist and essence of the pro-
position before us ? It is this, that property should incur a
fresh sacrifice, which has already borne the brunt of all those
difficulties under which the country at present suffers.
(Hear,) Now I ask gentlemen who represent Engli-h consti-
tuencies, is it for the sake of bringing tome petty pique re-
specting the ability or inclination of Ireland to contribute to the
necessities of that country—is it fur their interest—is it for
the interest of this country diet they should sanction by
their vote to-night so dangerous a system and so perilous a
precedent? (Hear, hear.) I say they ought to come forward
and declare in language that can no longer be mistaken that
• system of peculiar and exclusive burdens on the agricul-
tural interest of either England or Ireland is no longer to be
permitted. (Protectionist cheers.) These are briefly the
reasons—l sketch them slightly, because I have no wish to
trespass unduly on the time of the house—and because I am
forced by the turn the debate has taken to advert to other
subjects—these are briefly the reasons why I feel it my duty
to oppose the bill of the government—first, because it is in
adequate—secondly, because it is impolitic—thirdly, because
it is illusory—sad, lastly, and chiefly, I oppose it because it
is unjust. (Hear, kear,) Sir, whatever the general opinion
that may be paned on the expositions of so distinguished
a statesman as the botourable baronet: this I think must
be conceded—that after such exposition of opinion, it is
utterly impossible that we can have anything more in this
house of what has been called the laisses faire system of
politics. (Hear, and a laugh.) I remember, sir, some two
years ago, when one whose loss I always regret—(bear,
heir)—but never more deeply lament than on occasions like
the present when the condition of Ireland is brought under
the bonsiderat'on of the house—l remember well, some two
years ago, rising in my place humbly to support that mea-
sure which the future proved to have been so sagacious and
statesmanlike, on the part of my late noble friend, Lord G.
Beetinck•--(lieer)--ant I remember on that occasion saying,
that in dealing with Ireland it was not sufficient to consider
the commercial question only—that there were circumstan-
ces in Ireland of a political nature with which political
principle could alone cope, and that in atimulatieg
private enterprise you might in that country call, and
rightly tall, on the state to interfere, because the
Mt melee principle of itself was insofficient, since the cir-
cumstanors with which it had to deal were not merely com-
mercial. (Hear, hear.) Sir, I received a reply I remember
on that night from one who, in a weak case, has always
shown himself a powerfhl opponent, and who, under all cir-
cumstances, exercises great influence in this house. The
principle I laid down in order to vindicate my advocacy of
the state assisting. commercial enterprise in Ireland, was
opposed by the right hon. gentleman the member for Tam
-
worth, who entirely repudiated the doctrine that there was a
difference between a commercial and a political principle.
He advocated the principles of extreme political eco.
noisy—which I end not then think, and think
less now—applicable to the circumstances of Ireland.
(Hear, hear,) The right honourable gentleman, however,
demolished my argument. I listened to him with that at-
tention and admiration which is always due to a master
in politics. I regretted that I had made my speech, and
maid not even attempt to make an insufficient reply to his.
Bat "Time avenges truth." (Hear and cheers.) And
I will now ask what is the nature of the proposition the
right bon, gentleman has twice developed to the country
and which occupies our consideration at this time ? (Hear,
bear.) Great is the responsibility of the man who
comes forward, and, standing in a position so eminent
as that of the right hon. baronet, ventures his opinion.
It is an act, no doubt, of duty on his part, and therefore his
suggestions should always be received with great respect.
(User, hear.) But we must weigh them at the same time
wit\ that careful scrutiny which is not given to the propo-
sition of every projector that comes before us—(bear.
hear)—and which, however radiant the hues with which
they may be decked—however tempting their prospects—
we must all be conscious that under such circumstances there
is but little thanes of those projects being carried into prac-
tice'. (Hear, hear.) That, however, is not the position of
the propositions we hive had put forward on the authority
of the right hon. baronet; and if there be hope for Ireland
and for the United Kingdom from the ideas of the right bon.
gentleman—if those ideas be founded in deep thought and
fine observetion—if they be the mature offspring of • sage
statesman, none will be more ready to recognise snob quali-
ties, or, under any circumstances, or at any sacrifice will be
more ready to support the policy which shall bring them into
actioa them myself. (Met.) Well, eirtithe right bon,gentlentan
her era tw•eagagiens eameesei his opinions on this momentous
athlete to the below At is hardly permithd to me, according
to the Wesel the hoses, to refer to the first speech the right
hon. gentlemen made on the subject ; but I think It is only
fair to the right lea._ gentleman, and fair to myself also, that
I should do so. Now, cis, the suggestions the right hon.
gentleman has made ere numerous. They are not, however,
all novel. (Hear, hear.) Facilities for the transfer of
land-ewassettres to encourage emigration, and propo-
einem to promote the investment of public money in
public weeks,—thsee are measures of great in'ereat
and importanes, Nadi, well worthy of oar consideration.
but they bait bees heard of before. (Hear, hear.) But'
what I leek to Ladle eharecteristic feature of what I may call
the revelations of the right hon. gentleman. ("Heir,'
Merl" and a laugh.) What I look on as the chareeterisdo
of the communication is, that somthowhosrpootherermantheagsb,:eaer:
to
the society of England is appropriate to itself than VW
regions that are now the mane of so much eniegoveremeug
and misery in Intend, and that by a
and more sueceesful cultivation, results quite opposite to'
those which are now realised should be obtained, and that
the reginerstioaeflgeland should in effect be occasioned by
• change in the Willis a land,
.perhaps, under the hap-
pier empire of the = squirearchy. (Hear, bear.)Combining the mire exposition of the right hon. ,
gentleman the other night with the preliminary intimation
we received some few weeks ago, an exposition in no way
inferior to that intimation in point of ability—not as the
" Odyssey is to the Iliad"—the mere retting to a sun of
whisk the other gives us the rising and the meridian, but in
every way ea radiant and brilliant as the earlier effort.
(Rear and • laugh.). I say, combining the, two expositions
we have had of the right hon. gentleman's views, I can only
conclude that the right honourable gentleman anticipates
in the bottom of Ins mind a considerable home colo-
nisation in Connaught. The right honourable Worst has
rellered to the time of James 1., and has quoted the icon°.
naked opinions of the wisest of English men—and glad am I
dot he has recalled to the recollection of the House of
001611101111 that
_gnat authority. (Hear, hear) But has the
right hon. gentleman well considered what may be the con-
sequence of the position which he seems to have taken ?
Teem teemed, as far as I could follow him—and I always
follow with great attention whatever falls from the right
hon. gentleman—there seemed, in all the obeervttions he
made on this head, one great and pervading fallacy. (Hear.)
He seemed to assume that thcso lands which are lying waste
in consequence of the opt ration of the poor law—and as I
think perhaps from ether ClUitS is well—he assumes that thee*
lands are also depopulated. (Hear, hear.) They may be
desolate, it is true; but I believe they are not depopulated.
So far as Icon °hub information on the 'eject they are not
so. The legal occupier, who is bound ti pay rent—who is
forced by the law to contribute t 3 the poor rate—is wanting.
He is in a diffrtent region ; he is of a distant country. But
there is a population on these waste lends who are quite
gullible of the rights of possession—who are prepared
to maintain them, and ready to enprort an adverse
claim against any factitious claim, even if i: be a parliamen-