The Express.
London, England, 1847-09-16 00:00:00

THE m*PRESS, THURSDAY EVENING, SEPTEMBER 16, 1847.

England is now upon every man and board in Ire-
land entrusted with public authority. There is no
escaping its scrutinising gaze. If boards of guardians
wish that their proceedings should be done in dark-
ness we well know the construction which will be put
on it. The English people would not trust an unre-
ported House of Commons, and in this country all our
public boards are properly reported. We do not see
why we are not entitled to have accurate reports of
the Irish guardians in their public conduct Surely
the gentlemen who constitute these important boards
ought to be desirous of some legitimate public channel
through which they might convey their real wishes
and views to the English public. We can answer for
it that, in England, we are moot desirous that all
facts which throw light on society in Ireland should
be brought forward. More valuable and effective
representatives of opinion could not be devised than
boards of guardians, if they are properly worked,
and if their members habitually act under a quick
and lively sense of public responsibility. To the form-
aionof a stable public opinion in Ireland they could
effectively contribute. We trust that our hints will
not be thrown away upon them. We can scarcely
suppose that the Irish press can be to blame for the
absence of proper reports from the boards of guar-
dians. Surely no morn vital or important topic could
engage its attention than the conduct of the various
guardians in different districts, representing as they
do so mach of social influence and popular sentiment
in Ireland. We may probably have to return to this
subject again, as the absence of proper information
respecting the Irish guardians has been very gene-
rally commented upon in English society.

TIIROUGHOLT the special inquiries we have lately
been pursuing, in the hope of throwing light on the
duties and claims of the railway interest, we are met
at every step of the process by the necessity of arriv-
ing at some general decision on the principle of state
interference, as a corrective of the assumed error of
private enterprise employed in a business of imme-
diate public concernment. This topic, which we have
already named as often referred to, and seldom, if
ever defined, we cannot pretend to exhaust within the
proper limits of the subject we have now in hand.
The nature and tendencies of administrative action;
the bounds within which it should be restrained ; the
duties it ought to fulfil, present one class of materials
for discussion on a general theory of the beet possible
organisation of a body politic ; and another, quite dis-
tinct from thew, on a practical view of such ques-
tions as applied to a given state of society and a par-
ticular object. On this occasion, leaving general hy-
potheses at a distance, we must confine our remarks
oh state interference to the matter immediately before
us—as we find it in these times, and in this country.
One general remark, however, may precede more
special observations. The action of a government
may be highly efficient in either of the two following
ways. It may treat the governed as minors, requiring
at every step the guidance and restraint of supreme
authority ; discourage all exertion that does not ori-
ginate with the ruling power ; take minute cogni-
sance of all transactions; and leave no scope whatever
to spontaneous motions in the body of the people.
This, which has been practised with considerable
effect, in some continental kingdoms, is a consistent,
if not a very advanced system ; and may be recom-
mended by various reasons at certain stages of social
progress. A government presiding over a nation
more mature, and used to self-dependence, may adopt
with equal consistency the opposite course ; attempt
no special interference with the acts of the sub-
ject in a capacity purely administrative ; leave
duties and prohibitions to the guardianship of
laws; and, within the limit of these, allow to
every man and association of men the free use of
their energies. This, which to us appears to be a
kind of rule well suited for a nation arrived at mascu-
line power, and favourab!e to the further develop-
ment of such power, is the second clear and intelligi-
ble way of dealing with the affairs of a people. I
From both of the systems named, if duly applied to
suitable conditions of society, good results may be
looked for—though in different ways. But from a
mixed system, that combines some properties of each.
without arriving at completeness in either—from an
interference that lacks power to determine thoroughly
—from a license to act that is continually thwarted
by attempts to apply arbitrary checks—from such a
hybrid composition of irreconcilcable systems of
governing—it is to be feared that nothing but confu-
sion and evil can ensue. The mixed method will have
the disadvantages of both systems, without the good
of either ; it bears the taint of original weakness,
and belongs to a class of dispositions which, neither
in individual men nor in bodies politic, has ever pro-.
duced beneficial or exemplary results.
Such, however, is the system that we hare been
advised to apply to the control of railways. Hitherto
they have been left—under the direction of general
laws—to the principle of free adjustment between the
demands of those who use them and the interests of
those who have prepared them for use, which has
usually been found sufficient for the transaction of the
business of varied and practical life in this kingdom.
We are now told that for the railways this is too
liberal a condition—that it is not enough to make
them obedient to such specific laws as can be justly
enacted for their regulation—that a discretionary
interference, ready for use in presumed special cases,
which cannot safely be left without some peculiar
control, mast be entrusted to a department of go-
vernment: in other words, that an occasional and
temporary direction of those concerns, without the
responsibility attached to the entire charge over them,
shall be exercised, in cases that cannot be previously
defined, by individuals appointed by the state
superseding, in a manner variable and uncertain, the
authority of those who are responsible for the daily
course of the service. This is the process which in
some quarters the state is clamorously called upon to
undertake; as if by dividing the power, or rather
setting one power to check another in the working
details of a given business, all errors that human fal-
libility can commit, would be rendered impossible.
We are told that there should be a government officer
to inspect this part of the system; and another,
without whose authority nothing shall be done in
another part of it ; and that the complicated
scheme of overseers, and reporters, and informers,
should be entrusted to a state department,
in order to prevent the abuse of " leaving
the national communications in the hinds of
private individuals;' the whole of this assumed ex-
pediency being founded on two assumptions, one of
which may be true, bat the other is certainly false.
That the actual managers, being mere men, are apt to
err, and do occasionally err, is possible and pro-
bable ; that the men whom government shall appoint
to control their propensities to error by occasional
interference will be impeccable in conduct and infal-
lible in judgment, must also be assumed to justify
any hopes of good from the system ; and this is an
assumption the fallacy of which vitiates the whole
plan.
One might be surprised at the confidence with
which it has been made use of, without an apparent
doubt of its soundness, by men living in the daily
view of public and private affairs—by men even
who are apt enough to distrust and denounce
such government offices and officers as they
see in action already—were it not observed
how few even of those who lay claim to authority in
public affairs can bring themselves to look at more
than one side of a given question at a time. Accord-
ingly, we need not wonder at hearing an eloquent
hI.P. one day laying before the house a catalogue of
the grievances of alleged mismanagement in the Poet-
office, or haranguing on misdeeds of the poor-law
commission, and abuses in the convict department ;
and the next day crying shame on the government
for not appointing new commissions, new officers, to
look after the railways. To-day we are told the
public servants are incompetent, lazy, hostile to im-
provement—arc appointed, not for their merits, but
through patronage; to-morrow it is a crime in the
state that hundreds of other such men are not set in
motion throughout the length and breadth of the
land to restrain the works and watch the ways of a
body against which, so far, no single established in-
stance of serious default, disobedience to law, or abuse
of powers, has been proved. And this inconsistency
is exhibited in a case where the magnitude of the
interest at stake, and the good already done by those
who have created it, might seem peculiarly to require
deliberate and just conclusions.
Considerate persons, who are familiar with this
subject, far from believing in any magical powers of
the method proposed, will be apt to judge the plea
for a new issue of state functionaries by a reference
to the practice of establishments which are now under
state control. Without inquiring, meanwhile, whether
. than the •

rage of human institutions, they will have little he-
sitation in asserting that they are infinitely better
managed, as they are, than any existing department
in the hands of the state. It will be not untruly
asserted that in the system, as it now exists, the
popular wants are more sensibly felt, the public con-
venience is more attentively regarded, the redress
of grievances more prompt and satisfactory, the
progress of improvement more willing and rapid,
the general arrangements more rational, the despatch
of business more punctual, quick, and courteous, the
cases of personal default er misdemeanor rarer
than in any public establishment of similar compass
and importance. It will be added, that there are two
great reasons of this contrast in favour of the rail-
ways : one, that they are governed by men not hamp-
ered by official machinery, or set above popular reach
by the dignity of place ; another, that the prevailing
rule is to choose for the work the best men that can
be got. We know that two main causes of the defects
of public offices are, that the men employed
there are usually chosen on a totally different prin-
t ciple, and that the public voice is but faintly heard
amidst the pompous routine of office. And when
such is the contrast shown by the state service as it
now exists, when such are known to be its defections
in points of the last consequence in a business like
that we have in hand,we may fairlyrejeet the assump-
tion that errors in private management—admitting
them to exist to an extent demanding amendment,
which, also, is another unproved assumption—will be
certainly abolished by merely calUng in a new set of
the same kind of agents. To justify the proposal, in
short, two things should be made clear. Ist. That
the railway companies at present are ill-governed, and
require forcible amendment. 2nd. This necessity
being proved—that the state may be depended upon
toappoint functionaries qualified to produce the amend-
ment required. As far as the evidence of facts can be
taken, we see no reason for admitting either the one
or the other. At all events, the ejfleary of calling in
the state as regulator, which is constantly dealt with
in this discussion, as a matter of coarse, has vet to be
prored before we can accept it as a remedy, even
taking for granted the existence of disease.

SONIE of the opponents of national education lay
great stress on its expense. In counting up what it
would cost, however, they uniformly leave out of
view what is already paid for education throughout
the country. The whole cost of an adequate system
of national education would not be an expenditure
entirely new added to what people already lay out in
the course of a year. It is scarcely an exaggeration
to say that if all that is actually paid from one year's
end to another by those who can and do give their
children an education (omitting what are called
accomplishments and professional education) were
taken into account, it would be found that it costs
more to train and instinct the portion of our juvenile
population who are trained and instructed, than it
would cost under a judicious system to educate all.
Dr. Nicitoz. and M. Mut—both men of a wide

practical experience—concur in the opinion that,
under a properly organised system, ten teachers
would be amply sufficient for the wants of any town
or parish with six thousand inhabitants. Dr. NICHOL
says :
Upon the estimate of one teacher sufficing for every
hundred pupils, the efforts of ten teachers—half for the boys'
school and half for the girlie—are enough to implement the
wants of any town or parish of six thousand inhabitants,
in the matter of primary education ; they would sustain—in
a wag so effective, that nothing, in our present state of know-
ledge on those subjects would seem to be desired—not merely
the primary school itself, but an infant school, indispensable
as a prep oratory, and doubly so, because of the lug reme-
diable ports of existing civilisations of Western Europe;
and a supplemental school, for adolescents, in which funda-
mental instruction may be carried on. The instruction, be
it recollected, is not what, in this country, we have been
accustomed to in our first schools, or dune schools ; but a
culture that in truth aspires to reach the profounder roots of
our human nature—which starts on its work with an avowal
of the amazing fertility or power of that life which dwells
in that whole complex fabric, even in infancy ; and which
has, u years pass along, to communicate a structure, fit,
through its greatness. for eternity.
Now, whatever may be the case in the rural
districts, there are few towns of six thousand in-
habitants in which there will not be found from two
to three times the number of teachers here men-
' tioned. They support themselves by their profession,
I some of them wretchedly enough, but some of them
with tolerable comfort, and others in what
may almost be called affluence. la estimating
how much a complete system of national education
would add to the national expenditure of the com-
munity, we must make allowance for what is already
paid to all employed in the task of tuition, from the
keepers of " select preparatory seminaries "to the
teachers of those schools which, by the voluntary
endeavours of societies and individuals, are esta-
blished for the children of the poorer classes. We
believe that what is at present expended in this way
would be found sudicient, under proper management,
to defray the expense of educating all the children
in the kingdom—of educating them well ; whereas,
under the present scrambling no-system, we too often
find the time spent in school so much time wasted.
Admitting, however, that something would be
added by the introduction of a national system to
what is at present expended for educational purposes,
still we deny that the opponents of such a system are
entitled to look upon the increased outlay for this
purpose as an actual augmentation of the national
expenditure. They must write off against it what
would be saved in the matter of precautions for pre-
venting a machinery for punishing crime. It is as
undeniable that a good primary education—such as
we hastily sketched an outline of on Tuesday—is a
preservative from crime, as that the mere teach-
ing imparted at most schools is either ail
utter nullity, or imparts to the pupils knowledge
which depraved hearts can make the instrument of
more skilful and effective dishonesty. The greater
security of property, the reduced expenditure for
police and for the institutions of penal law, which
would be the result of universal education in the true
sense of the word, would render the establishment of
a national system, though at a considerable addi-
tional cost, a real economy.
There is a subject intimately connected with these
reflections, to which, however, we approach with some
hesitation. But it has already been again and again
alluded to, and cannot fail ere long to engage general
and earnest consideration. In all parts of the country,
and especially in London, there are large amounts of
property vested in trustees for educational purposes.
Are these now administered in such a manner as to
spread sound and useful education over as large a
surface as possible ? Are they really administered in
conformity to the intentions of the donors? If these
two questions are to be answered in the negative, by
what means can a more efficient and satisfactory ad-
ministration of these funds be insured ?

There can be no doubt that in many instances the
number of children who derive benefit from educa-
tional charities is less than might be the case were
a pedantic conformity to the forms of administering
the charities prescribed by the original trust deeds less
strictly adhered to. As little can it be doubted that,
with the growing value of the property of many foun-
&lions, they have been adapted to the educational wants
of an entirely different class from that which the
founder had in view. The middle and even the wealthier
classes do not scruple to avail themselves of funds
which are the rightful property of the children of the
poor. The rich man spares his own flock and feeds his
children on the poor man's ewe lamb. The facts of ex-
penditure disproportioned to results, and of the appro-
priation
to one class of society of what belongs to
another, are beyond dispute. But the remedy?
We sincerely believe that want of reflection, net
positive bad intention, has occasioned the neglect sad
perversions at which we point. Still, the means et
obtaining redress are far from obvious. It is iicttz
to persuade men that what they have been aceulji
to do and see done can possibly be wrong. Then the
parties to the misappropriation are either emprisoned
at fortified—it is difficult to say which—in the forms
of law. Many who would gladly reform arc afraid
that in so doing they may compromise themselves by
contravening the technical forms of deeds ; while
others, who would resist all reform, are glad to in-
trench themselves behind legal formalities. In the
first instance it is desirable that every means should
be used to induce corporations and other trustees to
take the first steps to render the application of the
educational funds placed at their disposal more et&
dent and more generally useful. If they are die-
, posed to have this done they are entitled to tin
honour of doing it. But if it be found that from
apathy. or prejudice, or less honourable motives, they
still bigotedly adhere to the old barren way, there
will be nothing for it but to act upon this hint of Dr.
NICHOL :
Shall we be doomed to lament for ecer,that—owing to the
nervous feebleness of an English legislature, on its approach
older times - ' ' -es of

"olaertnene'valoso4 of untoli Amman—Wl by good men in
put oentwriss, with the siactere desire to benefit public edu-
cation, 14, remain—to say nothing worse of them—so often
only oonsumirli their means ? Is it to be established finally
by the authority of England, that every great benefactor,
while framing some important scheme for futurity, must
feel himself at the hazard of those inevitable but Inde-
finite changes of time, which, by modifying in some
unknown manner the society he would beneficently affect for
ever, may withdraw it from harmony with the mode of his
designs? Rare guardianship of law ! In the name of pro-
tectton, to remove from whomsoever would do prolonged
good to their species all shadow of security egaiost the
chances of a world that is always vacillating ; and out of so-
called respect for memories that deserved to pan through
many sges as a living presence, to refuse to forbid that hos-
tile and ever altering circumstance—withdrawing reality and
life from their operations—should reduce them, in regard of
their cognisance by society, to the likeness of some withered
mummy, pertaining to the epoch of the Pharaohs !

A cabinet council was held at St. Cloud on Monday,
at which all the ministers were present. The subjects
of consideration were understood to be the affairs of
Spain and Italy. Queen Christina and the Duke of
Rianzares arrived at the chateau at an early hour,
and had a long conference with the King and NI.
Guizot previous to the assembly of the ministers.
The recall of the Duke de Glucksberg is definitively
settled. It is said that ho has committed some in-
discretions, by maintaining in a manner too open and
undisguised his intercourse with the agents of Queen
Christina. It is said that an aide de-camp of the
King is to be sent on a special mission to Queen
Isabella. The Dukes of Nemours, Aumale, and
Montpensier were present at the cabinet council.
Marshal Oudinot, Duke of Reggio, Governor of the
Invalides, died on Monday evening. The age of the
marshal was 81.
Among the embarrassments which beset M. Guizot
at this moment, Greece is not to be forgotten. M.
Piseatory is coming home; and M. Coletti, having
got his waggon into a slough, screams oat for help
to the Hercules of the Hotel des Capucines :
It is n (says the National) either that M.
Coletti shall yie d and retire, or that he shall accept the
responsibility of a state of things wi,h which war is inevi-
table. At this moment the unfortunate minister must have
his eyes turned towards France, whose protection has
caused him so many modifications. Austria, whom
he had chosen as arbitrator, has united with England,
Russia, and the other powers, in approving of the conduct
of the Sultan. M. Bourqueney alone has protested at Con-
stantinople. There, therefore, remains to the King of
Greece no other resource than M. Guizot. Sad position and
sorrowful hope! Otho may ask his neighbour, the Pacha of
Egypt, whet that support is worth, and at what value he
ought to esteem the promises which he has received. M.
Placatory, who has driven Greece into this difficulty—who
has pledged himself in word and honour to support Coletti,
is, it is said, on his way home to sec M. Ouizot, to defend •
policy which has been theirs in common. We offer to bet
that all our ambassador will gain, will be the expense of his
journey. Nevertheless, M. natatory will gain this on his
return—not to be recalled, and will avoid the eclat of the
disavowal which he expects.
It appears that the news of the success of Abd-el-
Kader, which we gave from the Journal des Didnds,
has greatly exaggerated it. The following is quoted
from the Echo d'Oran of the 4th, as representing
the situation in Morocco more exactly :
Ever since the Emir has taken refuge in Morocco he has
established himself on a mountainous zone peopled by Ka-
byle tribes, who have been independent for centuries. His
position as a retreat is a good one, but his means of acting
beyond it cannot be considerable, from the very constitu-
tion of the populations on which he has contrived to force
himself. The interior of the empire, on the contrary, is peo-
pled by a numerous "ULU, 71, whose existence is connected
with that of the Cherifs. The Kabyles would not adventure
themselves there after the Emir, and even if they consented
to follow him, he himself would not dare, with his small
army, to march with banners floating against the chief of the
religion. There Is in what passes, and bsyund what our
eyes can distinguish, more of reciprocal circumspection than
is imagined between the two leaders in this struggle, one of
whom is seated on a throne which is splendid in the eyes of
Islamism, and the other of whom is under the necessity of
not quitting the character of detender of the faith. Thus it
is that we saw the latter, albs having seized the camp of the
Caid El-Amar, endeavour to excuse himself for his Tido; y
by pleading the necessity of his own defence. The corpse of
eke Caid was not yet cold when he protested his respect for
the sacred authority of the emperor. Such are the two situ-
ations ; they may be prolonged in these conditions of equili-
brium, but any one may calculate the effect which a christian
influence would produce thereon.
In a few weeks it is expected that the line of rail-
way from Paris to Boulogne will be open for traffic to
a place within eight miles of the latter town. The
time of transit between Paris and Boulogne, for the
fast trains, will then be reduced to eight hours. The
mails which leave Paris at seven in the evening, will
arrive at Boulogne at three in the morning, and if a
post-office steamer lay in the roads ready for their
conveyance to Folkestone, they would reach the latter
place before six, and, with a fast train, might be de-
livered in London before nine o'clock. Thus, by pro-
per arrangements, the correspondence between Paris
and London might be so regulated that the letters
and despatches leaving either city it. the evening
might be delivered in the other the next morning.

The Madrid mails of the 9th, with the journals and
despatches, have arrived, but their contents have little
to interest. The I)uke de Frias had not yet arrived,
but was expected that evening. The vacant places in
the cabinet had not yet been filled. M. I'acheco was
reported to have been nominated to the embassy at
Rome, with a salary of 15,000 piastres. The mode.
rado party affirms that a difference prevails in the
cabinet on the questions of admitting to the army some
of the officers included in the late amnesty, on the
organisation of a national guard, and on the convoca-
tion of the Cortes.

We continue to receive from day to day a mass of
correspondence from Italy, with reports of the pro-
gress of the great movement which prevails on that
peninsula.
The popular celebration appointed for the Bth, at
Leghorn, was not confined to that city. The occa-
sion was seized for like demonstrations elsewhere.
At that city, at Pisa, and Sienna, but more especially
at Genoa, the manifestation assumed a most im-
posing character. At the latter city the people as-
sembled in vast numbers, displaying the flags of Rome
and Sardinia, and paraded the streets with cries in
favour of Pius IX., Charles Albert, the army, and the
independence of Italy. The cortege included the mem-
bers of the families most distinguished among the
Genoese noblesse, mingled with the mass of the
people.
Daring the day innumerable copies of an autograph
letter of the King were circulated, addressed to M. de
Castagnette, his private secretary, in which his
Majesty declared that in the event of any aggression
on the part of Austria he would not hesitate to put
himself at the head of the army and present himself
as the rampart of Italian independence. This letter,
whether authentic or not, elicited the most unqualified
expression of enthusiasm.
Letters from Leghorn, of the 9th, say that since
the Lucchese affair the excitement has only in-
creased. The celebration appointed for the Bth took
place without disturbance. The inhabitants of Pisa,
availing themselves of the railway, poured into
Leghorn. The troops issued from their quarters and
fraternising with the people assumed the Italian tri-
color cockade. A Te Deum was sung in the cathedral
from the high altar, from which the clergy blessed
the national flag, the multitude being on their knees.
A Te Deum was afterwards celebrated is honour of
the Pope and the Grand Duke Leopold 11. A statue
of the grand duke was exhibited amidst the acclama-
tions of the people, and inspiriting and patriotic
speeches delivered.
At Lucca, on the Bth, the hereditary prince pre-
sented himself to the populace, in front of the palace,
and delivered to them the Italian tri-color flag, amidst
shouts of " Viva Carlo Ludovieo l"

Such is the condition of Italy. Surrounded by the
populations of Sardinia, Lucca, Tuscany, and the
legations, all entering on the ways of enlightenment
and freedom, will the excitable Milanese and Vene-
tians rest tranquil under the narcotic despotism of
Vienna? Hardly. And we have already symptoms
of the movement, which cannot long be repressed.
Letters from Milan of the 9th bring intelligence of •
popular movement which took place in that city on
the evening of the Bth, on the occasion of the festi-
vities in celebration of the appointment of M. Romilli,
the new archbishop. The people collected on the
Piazza Fontana, with cries of " Viva Romilli
"Viva Pio IX!" " Viva Italia!" A fresh acces-
sion of 500 or 600 arrived suddenly, when the hymn
composed by Rossini to Pius IX. was sung by the
multitude. The police and military came to disperse
the populace. It is impossible to describe the scene
of confusion which ensued. The people resisted,
crying, " Down with thee' police! Down with the
Austrians." The new archbishop, seeing the autho-
rities overpowered, came out of the cathedral on
the piazza, harangued the people, and after much
difficulty persuaded them to disperse. The patrols
of gendarmes and the regular troops were,
however, everywhere insulted and disarmed, the
people spitting m their faces, and crying, " Down with

the Germans." On the piazza Campo Santo there
was another movement, and the police and military
were compelled in a moment to retreat before the
people. It wee not till four in the morning, on the
arrival of reinforcements, that order was restored.

Letters from Parma represent the excitement in
that duchy to be extreme, and say that the Count de
Hombelles, at one of the last meetings of the council
of state, declared that a general amnesty and the
liberation of the state prisoners were the only means
of putting a term to the fermentation which followed
the celebration of the election of Pius IX. The ma-
jority of the council was of a contrary opinion, and
the count quitted the meeting in anger.
The Picea° of Ancona gives the following as part
of the letter written by the King of Sardinia to the
Pope. offering him support. The latter portion of
the extract is of such a nature as to throw a doubt
over the whole, which is, in fact, contradicted by the
German papers : "As a king and an obedient non of
the Holy See, I acknowledge that we are bound by
the same ties as father and son. I highly disapprove
of the conduct of Austria, and place at the disposal
of your Holiness the whole of the forces of my king-
dom. At the same time, I have directed some of my
troops to march upon that part of Italy which is in
the possession of the emperor, with orders not to re-
turn till after the Austrians have evacuated the
Pontifical States."

Advices from Sicily render it evident, notwith-
standing the devices of the government to obstruct
the transmission of intelligence, that the island is in
a state of insurrection. Popular movements have

taken place with various results at Messina, Catana,
and Syracuse, and were expected at Palermo and
Trapani. At Messina the populace rose, seized the
guard-houses, and attacked the citadel. The guns
from that fort being made to play on them, they were
compelled to retire to the hills that surround the
town. The loss in this enieute (variously estimated)
is said to be 30 killed and 100 wounded. The fact
that this loss was equally divided between the troops
and the people indicates that the latter must have
been well armed and disciplined.
The measures taken by the Neapolitan government
render it impossible to obtain correct and reliable in-
formation regarding the movements in Calabria, but
all reports concur in representing the insurrection as
having assumed a most formidable character, and as
spreading and augmenting in extent and force from
week to week. lteggio has declared for the insur-
gents. It is said that Cosenza and other towns have
adopted the same course. The resources of govern-
ment are drained between the necessity of sending at
once reinforcements to Sicily and to the Calabrias.
Five steam-boats were despatched from Naples on the
6th, taking the 6th regiment of the line, two battalions
of the 6th, and a battalion of pioneerk General Nun-
ciante received the command of these troops, of which
two battalions were destined for Reggio, and the re-
mainder for Monteleone.

ALEXANDRIA, Al.O. 12.
By way of screening the teal subject of Lord Pal-
merston's despatch, and of satisfying the curious at the same
time, certain parties have most industriously circulated a re-
port that its purport was, to order that in future, "All
British subjects guilty of offence,' in the Ottoman dominions,
were to be delivered up to the local authorities for punish-
meat." With such as are wholly unacquainted with any form of
government eseept the "absolute," thieve/tort attracted some
attention ; but with others, and British suujects more parti-
cularly, it only excited a smile of incredulity and contempt.
The cu-tom by which British offenders in the Ottoman em-
pire are judged by their own authei itiee, is the result of a
solemn treaty entered into between the Turkish government
and the British crown, and assured by act of parliament
to all British subjects. Thus, before any change could be
made in that or any other law, a new treaty must be made, a
new act of parliament obtained repealing the former one.
True it is, that with a view to preserve that high moral charac-
ter for which British subjects are generally distinguished, the
British consuls in the Lqvant have the power of punishing
British offenders, agreeably all to the English law, and after
the forms of " trial by jury," ' &c., have been complied with.
There is one instance of this on record, that of " Paolo
X ueneb," a Maltese, who was executed at Tunis for a double
murder. This power was granted to them by an act of
parliament passed in 1812. Turkey and the Turks have
ever found a friend in Lord Palmerston, not in his seeking
to give them a power over Christians, but by doing his ut-
most to induce them to encourage education. Another re-
port, as foolish as the preceding one, was ales current. It
was, that "all British subjects, whether residing in Great
Britain or the colonies, were to have passp irts,' and to be
placed under the same police regulations as certain 'people
in certain parts of the continent." This "on "
came from the same quarter as the previous one ;
a quarter from which it would be as useless to
expect the truth so milk from stones—the same. in fact,
which a short time ago represented the Duke of Northum-
berland when Lord Prudhoe, who is well known in Egypt,
and who is remarkable far the simplicity of his manners and
the soundness of his judgment, as wantonly insulting the
whole mercantile community at Alexandria in the parson of
one of their most eminent specimens of commerci.il acivity,
information, and intelligence—the same which emitted an
observation, upon the occasion of the arrival in Egypt of
the portrait of Queen Victoria, of such a nature that no
Briti.h subject could " repeat" or refrain from " avenging"
if any opportunity occurred—in short, the same that, by
way of ridiculing a clam, which, be it said, en passmat, " as
a class," I mean the English nubility, feats no comparison
with any known class, ancient or modern—calls an ugly
mongrel dog which he keeps in his house at Cairo "Mi-
lord,' and which seeks upon every occasion, whether as
regards official judgment or private employment, to bear
down modest merit when the possessor is a Briton. The
party now alluded to considers it one of his brat jokes to say
to the Turks and French, " I have Fa a great' milord' in
my court; shall I introduce you 1' Then the animal is
introduced.

Two agents from Egypt are now in England, but upon
different missions. One, Mons. Bedin, is the bearer of some
hones and antiquities from the Pacha to Queen Victoria.
The other, Sarni Pacha, is seeking by frequent vi.its to the
Foreign-office, to explain away the dissatisfaction of Lord
Palmerston, and by dint of entreaties and promises of future
Food conduct, to obtain his lordship's consent to the remain-
ing in office of the individual who is the cause of the present
coolness between the British residents and the Egyptian go.
vernment. It is to be hoped, and is hoped by everybody
here, that the consul's request will be complied with: it will
he for the benefit of all Europeans, and an eternal blessing
for the Lind of Egypt.

NOVA SCOTIA.-STATE OF PARTIES, AND

RESULTS OF THE LATE ELECTION.

Sir,—Knowing the deep interest which you take
in the Weirs of these colonies, and especially in the progress
of thaw constitutional principles which have lately been in-
troduced, I believe you will gladly accept an impartial,
though rapid, sketch of our late eleeLon, and of the relative
positions in which the returns have placed the two parties.
At the close of the last session the executive council,
formed of that "fragment" entailed upon his excellency Sir
John Harvey by his predecessor Lord Falkland, had a maio-
rity of six in the assembly, who, although they did not fol-
low them in their measures, were ever ready to rally in a
close-set phalanx upon any question effecting their " tenure
of office." How that majority was obtained it may be of
little consequence now to inquire : but the opposition assert
that it was composed of some who had violated pledges
to their constituents ; by others bribed into the ranks by
official favours; by a heterogeneous and unpriucipled union
of high churchmen and professing baptists; and that,
whenever the trial came, it would be bend that they did
not reflect the true opinions or enjoy the confidence of the
country. If I were here to detail the arts used by Lord
Falkland himself, and at his own dinner-table, to canvass,
ay, to cajole or bully, members to support his government,
and the mode in which patronage was dispensed to increase
the majority, it would open a view of corruption—the secret
springs and machinery of colonial rule—which would shock
the honour of English statesmen, and the manlier tone of
British feeling.
The two parties are divided by the names of conservative
and liberal; but the real distinction is, that one is in favour
of the old system of colonial management, the rule and do-
minance of an official clique or aristocracy ; the other, of the
departmental system, and the constitutional doctrine of an
executive, advising the Queen's representative, and transact-
ing the public business, while responsible, like ministers., to
tke sasembly. The one desire to have the government carried
on by a system of despatches to the Colonial-office, which
practically, have ever been framed by those in power to con-
vey enough only of the truth to suit themselves, thus con-
trolling the policy of the government, settling the emolu-
ments and pay of the public officers, and defeating and over-
coming the assembly in every measure of troublesome eco-
nomy and reform ; while th: other, smarting under the evils
of official tyranny, knowing its tendency to foster discontent
and rebellion, its influence in restraining public spirit
and enterprise, liberal education and general pros-
perity, seek to introduce the British principle of
responsibility, to place the executive, advisers, and officers,
under constitutional checks, and to seesre to the people
a substantial control over the management of their own
local affairs. Give any body of men absolute power over
the people they rule, and let their check be administered by
a head or principal 3,000 miles distant, whom they, them.
selves advise and guide—the result will be just what has
happened in Canada, and in the lower provinces ; the host
of abuses detailed in Lord Durham's report, and a thorough
disorganisation of all the social and moral elements of
happiness and prosperity in the body politic.
The struggle here has been on the one side to maintain the
ascendancy of a clique—the power of a few overpaid and ex-
clusive officials ; while the other have been endeavouring to
introduce into Nova Scotia the responsible system, which
has conferred comparative peace on Canada, is now supported
there by the leading men of both parties, and which, by
giving the people a constitutional power over the govern-
ment, has made them contented with their institutions, se-
! cured their affections to the crown, and rendered them
loyal, happy, and prosperous.
Lord Falkland came to Nova Scotia to carry out the latter
system. In • petulant and evil hour, yielding to his pas-
sions, and to a boyish and silly desire of personal supremacy
—of moving all the wires of the government by his own'

hands—he deserted the liberal party, who hid sustained him,
and threw himself into the arms of their opponents. If, by
this change, he intended to ',Noire increased power, he was
soon taught to feel his error. He was iastently entangled in
the toils of the unscrupulous politicians who surrounded
him ; they wed him for their own purposes ; inflamed his
passions to gain their ends, advised the local patronage to be
dispensed purely to promote party aims, made him exclude
from all intercourse and gourd with the opposition as a
body, and brought down his despatches to the assembly,
purposely prepared beforehand, to justify every extreme
act ; so that, in place of standing themselves as shields to
protect him, they actually made Lord Falkland a se-ape-goat
fur all the sins of the party. It is, however, an old trick of
a colonial compact, to sacrifice a governor—to set him in
front to bear the shock of popular odium, and to fire away
while they are safe behind. And these, forsooth, are the
men who are ever prating of their loyalty and profound de-
votion to the queen
I have already tad you how their majority was obtained;
how it was preserved and attempted to be perpetuated fora s
as curious a his ory of political fraud and jugglery as ever was
attempted to be played off in the face of a free and intelli-
gent people. The conduct of the conservatives boa been
most injudicious and ruinous to their own party influence.
Their leader, the Attomey.General, Mr. Johnston, was
never born to be a statesman—he is a subtle lawyer, and
aims at his ends, regardless alike of the means or
consequences; but, on the floor of the assembly, his
want of temper, tact, and ability to govern a popu-
lar body, soon become manifest. The retirement of
the ex.councillors, the dissolution of Lord Falkland's
coalition, the contest and turmoil of the last four years,
originated in an act of treachery to his colleagues
and to the governor. The appointment of Mr. M. B.
Almon, his brotherin.law, to the council; a man
whose talents are not above mediocrity, and whose
appointment, although the majority sustained it, because it
became a party question, mole than half of them secretly
condemned, gave general offence. Nineteen-twentieths of
the province said he was en indefeasible selection, for he had
not a single claim on constitutional grounds to such distinc-
tion; but the Attorney• General fancied then that he bad
the reins in hand—that the liberal councillors, Howe,
Uniacke, and M'Nab, would not quit their offices, nor
abandon Lord Falkland and the coalition—and that he had
secured a majority for four years upon the "denominational
system "of colleges. Believing the liberal party to be in his
power, he determined to crush them and their principles;
but he calculated without his host—his selhihnetis fearfully
misled him. The councillors amity quitted him and office, and
struck for principle. The people have sustained them, and
the Attorney-General has lost office and power, and con-
signed his party to hopeless ruin and disgrace.
While ho held the reins, he resorted to desperate strate-
gems to confirm his power, to destroy his opponents, and to
give the tree of conservatism broad-set and firm roots. The
consistence of practice with professions was but little re-
garded. He recommended a man of worthless character as
Queen's printer, who published a paper, the dforning Pose,
from the same office as the Royal Gazette, systematically
tided with the foulest slanders and the most barefaced un-
truths. The sanctities of private life, and decency of lan-
guage, were alike forgotten. The debates in the assembly,
the reports of public meetings, and even arguments and
trials in the Supreme Court, were reported, not as they oc-
curred, but in a style best fitted to injure the opposition.
They waged in it a warfare alike against pecuniary means
and private and public reputation. Despatches were written
to the Colonial-office damaging the r. putation of public men,
and impeding every practicable measure favourable to the
responsible system, some of them full of statements and
references positively untrue, which were afterwards read on
the floor of the seiembly, havir.g tokens of approval from
the minister, to bear down those assailed with the weight of
the Colonial-office and the crown. The provincial secretary,
while professing to be the member of a council responsible
to the assembly, was allowed to transmit a private letter to
the colonial minister, which defeated a bill passed by the
three branches of the legislature, curtailing his emoluments
and salary, and the government afterwards refused to give
this letter to the assembly, although applied for. The Civil
List Bill, effecting a saving of 2,200/. a year, shaped by the
three branches, was defeated by despatches conveying prin-
ciples which the opposition resolved to be untrue. The
clique professed a horror at party government, and sounded
their anxiety to "do equal justice to all ;" but, although
holding before all the principal offices, they filled every
vacancy with nominees from their own side. The debates
in the house became acrid, discourteous, aad ungentlemanly,
and the whole fabric of society, political and social, was un-
hinged. Had the conservatives got back with a majority, it
is the opinion of many they would have irritated the people
to loud murmurs, it not to violence. But the oppcsition
held en a steady constitutional course. They had still im-
plicit faith in the crown, confidence in his Excellency Sr
John Harvey, and hope in the future.

The last election wis unexampled in the history of these
provinces; it was a fierce struggle between the supporters of
the new system and the old: each felt that it would settle the
policy and fate of the province for the next twenty years,
awl that if the conservatives were defeated then they were
not likely to rally apia.
. . _

Both parties did their best. but the efforts of the coeser-
retires were tremendous. Their press breathed with a new
activity. They circulated their sheets in sheafs. Slips were
sent abroad assailing the leaders of the liberal party, which
after publication were either disowned by their leaders or
defended by inferior men. The cry raised by them in 1843,
that the responsible system was rebellious, now that it has
been reduced to practice in Canada, and had the express re.
cognition of the crown, would no longer avail. But they
struck out a new liae of p Airy ; they raised a large fund in
Halifax to buy and bribe the county constituency;
they used their wealth and the di Us due to them
to deter electcrs from exercising their freedom of
franchise; they denounced the departmental system as
" Yankeefied ;" they eoundid loudly the increase of
the revenue, as resulting from their superior vigilance and
care ; and, because they could not bring ovir the catholic to
support them, they raised a fierce cry against a catholic
ascendancy, to alarm pious and simple-minded :pro-
testants, and to bring over such of them as they could
alarm and terrify from the liberal ranks Their press
daily proclaimed they were certain of a victory ; and, in arch r
to keep up the spirits of their friends in the interior,
asserted that they would even carry the four seats in the me-
tropolitan county. The liberals knew all the while this was
only vain boasting. Howe led the poll fur the county of
Halifax by 500 votes, and Mr. M'Nab had a lead of 300 in
the city. The departmental system denounced by them is that
of the heads of departments recommended by Lord Durham,
and now adopted in Canada. The late increase in our re-
venue was attributable to improvements in the tariff and
regulatioes made by three of the leading liberals in the as-
sembly—the Speaker, Huntingdon, DP:Cab—who never
made the revenue bills a question of party—and by the
general revival of trade felt since 1844 both in England and
here ; while the catholic ascendancy cry in Nova Scotia is a
foul stain upon a moderate and loyal body, who, in this elec-
tion, have, as before, returned protestant., wbo have only six
seats in 51, who have never pushed even their fair claims,
and who in this election, to their honour be it said, although
availed with every coarse epithet of slander and abuse, have
not committed a single act of violence. The catholic' of
Nova Scotia, except in one solitary instance, have ever voted
with the liberal party. No later than 1814 the conservatives,
while trying to form a coalition upon terms which would
have preserved their ascendancy, offered them two scats in
the executive council ; and had they only abandoned their
former principles, and rallied under the conservative banner,
not a whisper -would have been heard "of the dangers of
popery." It was a pure electioneering manceuvre, under-
stood sad thoroughly estimated by most intelligent pro-
testants, and, except as to one or two rural constituencies, it
utterly tailed ; but it has been a cruel and dastardly attempt
to raise a cry, not believed by the conservative leaders thaw
selves, and thus to introduce and inflame a religious feud
for the sake of preserving political power.
To the liberal party kite results have been most gra'ifying.
The country have responded to their principles, and the
sacrifices made while in opposition, in a voice which cannot
be mistaken. Out of seventeen counties twelve have re-
turned members to sustain them, their majority stands by
the returns 29 to 22, but there are two seats disputed in the
minority, which, it is believed, will be added to their
strength, making it 31 to 21. All their leaders have come
in with increased majorities. Mr. Uniacke was returned
without opposition. Ill'Nab polled S6O votes in the city of
Halifax, Filing a superiority of about 300 over a popular
conservative. Howe led the county be 500 votes. W. Young,
the late speaker, polled 1,043 out of 1,160 votes. Hunting-
ton led the poll 210 in opposition to a picked conser-
vative candidate. Desbanea and George It. Young came
in with leading majorities, and brought with them
liberal, in place of conservative, colleagues. Doyle
was returned for Halifax, in defiance of bribers and threats,
and the cry of a catholic ascendancy ; and in the new re-
turns the party have added to their strength by the accession
of some good speakers and excellent business men. As to
the conservatives, they have lost several of their debaters—
Wilkins, a member of the executive council; Marshall,
Ross, Holmes; Dodd, the soliritor.general, bad to depend
upon the favour of liberal friends, and the attorney-general's
majority. was largely diminished; they are weakened not
only in numbers, but in talent and legislative efficiency;
like a diseased subject, they have not only lost limbs, but
are palsied through the whole system.
The question remains now, what is to be done ? It is
believed that the conservatives will, if permitted, hold on to
office till the legislature meets, embarrassing Sir John Har-
vey, who has now, in feet, no council, for he is too prudent
to take any decisive step, or make any appointments under
their athice. They have not the dignity to retire ; they
have no hope to rally ; but they will not look to the moral
influence of a graceful resignation. They will pocket their
salaries to the eleventh hour, and it is even said that they
will have the meanness to go to the colonial-office and pro-
mote an appeal against that people whom they are bound to
serve.

The liberals will bear their opposition calmly, but witness
this delay with regret. There are several important ques-
tions, which, if the prosperity of the province is to be con-
sidered, ought to be dealt with and settled at our next
session. The arrangement of the civil list; the modification
of our present offices, to give the departmental system
prompt and beneficial action ; the adjustment of a new tariff
throughout all the colonies, on the principles of the Ger-
manic Zollverein; the Post.ottice, which the Treasury have
offered to surrender to us; the "Great Itsilroad" from
Halifax to Queb4, as connected with a sound system of
colonisation; the electric telegraph; the questions open
with the General Mining Association relative to our
mines and minerals--all these require negotiations with
the home government, and the executives of the sister
colonies. At present our executive is powerless to move.
If, therefore, the conservatives bold oa till the usual season
for the meeting of the legislature in January, the elections
which will then follow the new appointments to office, will
delay action next session, and postpone the public business
for another year. The leaders of the sionservatives see all
this ; but this foresight will only induce them to maintain

their position with more tenacity. conservatirts
Colonial
never look to the public—their polar star is themselves.
In the sister colonies the result has been hailed with tokens
of warm approval ; it is regarded as a decisive testimonial in
favour of the constitutional struggle in which Nova Boobs
and her sister dependencies have been engaged. Whaling
apprehensions may have been entertained in Canada Me
devoted attachment of this people to British institutions and
alliance have never been suspected. It is my own opinion
that the responsible system—the transference to the people
of the management of their local affairs, under the guards of
the constitution, is the only sound theory and safe practice
of colonial government; and when once fully established and
carried out in good faith, will preserve these dependencies to
the parent state for ages to come.—A COLONIAL Wino._
Halifax, Sept. 2.

I STEAM COMMUNICATION WITH AUSTRALIA
Stu,—ln my letter of the 30th ultimo, which you
were good enough to publish, I drew your and the guile'
attention to the affairs of the Indian and Australian Royal
Mail Steam Company, and, according to my promise, now
trouble you with a few further remarks on the same interest-
ing subject.
In your issue of yesterday I observe with pleasure that my
former letter has attracted the attention of Mr. J. Bette
Jukes, who, however, does not agree with me g. nerally. It
was for the purpose of drawing forth such men so Mr. Juke.
that I originally took up the pen on these matters, and I feel
obliged to that gentleman fur his letter. lie (hlr. Jukes)
evidently knows the ground he and I are sailing over; and if
the hints we may throw out do not prove useful to the com-
pany, it will be no fault of ours.
With Mr. Jukes remarks on the importance of an inti-
mate connexion between the Dutch authorities in the Malay
Archipelago and the new steam company I quite agree,
though I scarcely think the time has yet arrived for their
giving it so much of their attention es Mr. J. thinks would
be for their interest. By and br, Timor Coepang may be
made one of the company's calling-places, and by degrees
they may send their feelers and extend their branches to the
numerous islands, ports, &c., in the neighbourhood. Let
the main or trunk line frum Singapore to Sydney
be fairly started, and the rest will follow in due
time. I sin not quite prepared to agree with Mr.
Jukes as regards Cape York, my principal objection
to which as a coaling station for the company is the
want of protection their servants would experience there.
Mr. Jukes will agree with me when I say that it will be
necessary for the company to send a twelvemonths' supply of
coals to Cape York or l'ort Essington, as the case may be,
during the soutk-cast monsoon from Sydney, or, rather,
Newcastle, at the mouth of the river Hunter; and also, that
during the prevalence of the north-west winds and thick
weather, a party would have to be left in charge of the
depot. It is protection for this party that I require, and
which Port Essington alone furnishes in that neighbourhood.
I am aware of the difficulties to be looked for in sailing
through the dangerous channels after leaving Cape York
nevertheless, taking everything into consideration, I cannot
help giving the preference to Port Essington as the head-
quarters of the company in those sets.
Now, I come to Mr. Jukes' remarks on my squatters;
ani in reply to his question, start by st sting that my mean-
ing did not extend to squatters, properly so called, on a large
scale, but to men who, like the thousands of Singapore,
front time to time pick out a nice location near
a township for a sat,* or gair.bin house. With
these nice, when the plan gets fairly started, I wish
the authorities to deal liberally. As to what squatters are
to do at Port Essington, I want them neither to rear sheep,
cattle, nor horses, nor even to breed buffaloes. Ido want
them though to establish something like the Singapore
Bazaar there—to start on trading exlcditions to the nemh-
Louring islands with supplies of English goods. Who
so fit for the purpose as Chinamen ? as, witness
their daring exertions in former days in open boats
with entire bazaars of manufactured goods and opium
in the very teeth of tho north east monsoon, from Singapore
to Pahang. I want them to barter these supplies (which,
rely upon it, will be required in very considerable quantities
within my limit of five years), for the products of those
islands, which will all be-brought to Port Essington, and
turn it into an emporium for the entire produce of the ex-
treme cast, as Singapore was of those of the Malay world.
I want them also to encircle Port Essington with kitchen gar-
dens, orchards, &e., as they did Singapore, to extenct by
degrees into the country or along the coast, when it will go
hard with the Chinamen, if they cannot find soil enough to
yield gambin (terra japonica), pepper, and perhaps sugar—
to say nothing of cloves and nutmegs. It is not, however,
the produce of Port Essington that I value so much as its
10-fthty. Singapore yielded literally nothing for ten sears
after its establishment; yet see how it throve. To this day
nine-tenths of the fond of its inhabitants, including poultry,
eggs, fruit, &c., are imported. Is it then unreasonable to expect
in five years some importance may ne attached to l'ort
Essington, with the incalculable advantage it will derive
from regular monthly communicaton by steam with Sydney,
Batavia, a.id Singapore? If her Majesty's government
would furnish the same protection at Cape York they now
do at the other place my opinions might change ; as it is, I
regret having to differ with one who knows the ground se
well as Mr. Jukes.

Amongst the numerous benefits Australia must naturally
derive from the establishment of the new steam company, and
the extension of the overland mail to her shores, I may men-
tion the facilities the company's steamers would afford the
colonists for importing Chinese labourers. I speak advisedly
when I say a Chinese labourer at field work is equal to any
European. I have seen them pitted together in Australia,
and never found the Chinaman wanting. A supply of
cheap labour thrown into the colonies by the monthly
steamers would be of the greatest importance to all irate-
rested in them.

Again, there is that tract of land lying between 11 deg.
south and the tropic, lately brought to the notice of the
cheater Chamber of Commerce by the Rev. Dr. Lang, wlicse
scheme for forming a colony there for the purpose of grow-
ing cotton I think highly of, and would strongly recommend
to the attention of the Colonial-office. On one point,
however, I cannot agree with the reverend gentle-
man, viz., when he states the climate is such as to
allow European labourers to work in the fields. My expe-
rience between the tropics compels me to express en opinion
directly opposite to Dr. Lang•s on this particular point, and
to recommend Chinese field labourers being placed there by a
joint-stock company to a system I will point out, if need be,
to Dr. Long or any one else. I need hardly add that steam-
boats passing and repassing such an establishment twice a
month would be the means of all others to start and cherish
it.—l remain, &c. G. F. DATIMON.
Mull, Sept. 13.

ARRIVAL OF THE PETEREL.—FALMOUTH, SEPT.
I:s!,—Thi. packet sailed from Rio July 11; Bahia, 24 ; Per-
n►mbuco, 2'J; and arrived here this morning. Her intelli-
gence hu been anticipated.

Ebt Court.
ARDVERIME, SEPT. 13.—Her Majesty and his
Royal Highness walked is the grounds early this morons!.
The Prince of Wales and the Princess Royal, attended by
Miss Halyard, went on their ponies to the hills.
The Duke of Cambridge left Bushy House, Bushy
Park, the residence of her Majesty the Queen Dowager, oa
Tuesday afternoon, and returned to Richmond.
The Duchess of Gloucester arrived in town yester-
day morning from her residence at Richmond, and left Glou-
nester House in the afternoon, on her return to Richmond.
The Governor of the Bank of England had an inter-
view with the Chancellor of the Exchequer yesterday, at his
official residence in Downing-street.--Mr. Carey, Bailiff of
Guernsey, had an interview with Sir G. Grey yesterday.
—Mr. H. Vernon had also an interview yesterday with the
right hon. baronet at the Home-office.
The Chancellor of the Exchequer arrived in town
on Tuesday night from Yorkshire.

TIIE QUEEtetl VISIT TO SCOTLAN D.—Nett Thursday
it one of the days of the northern meeting at Inverness.
The northern meeting is an annual gathering of
the nobility and gentry of the northern counties,
when competition in pipe-music, dancing, highland
game' Be., takes place. l'rinee Albert is eipteted to yiiit
Mr. Bailie, of Dochfour, whose villa is situated on the side of
Loch Ness. The Fairy is already through the lochs at the
west end of the canal, and it is expected that the Prince will
return by sea and join the Queen on board the royal yacht
at Fort William. It is definitely fixed that the Queen
will embark on Friday.

THE GRAVEYAIIDS OF THE METROPOLIS.
A public meeting on this subject wan held at the
Crown and Anchor Tavern yesterday evening, having been
convened by the Metropolitan Society for the Abolition of
,
Burials in Towns. The attendance was numerous, and much
interest was apparent throughout the proceedings. B. B.
Cabbell, Esq. was called to the chair by acclamation. The
secretary read letters from Dr. Bowring, M.P., Mr. C.
Pearson, M.l'., Mr. Muterman, M.P., Mr. E. Ronan,
M.P., the Hon. W. Gore, the Rev. James Carlile, D.D.,
and other gentlemen, expressing concurrence in the object
of the meeting, and in some instances regret at their in.
ability to attend.
The CHAIRMAN said the subject which they had met to
discuss was the practice of interring the dead in the midst of
the living—a practice which, having been introduced, pro-
bably, through the superstition of ancient times, was now
sanctioned and continued from a desire of gain—(hear, bear)
and it was only by means of an appeal to the public
that such • practice could be abolished. It was
matter of astonishment that the first city in the world
should sanction interment within its walls, especially as the
sanitary question was now so fashionable ; for interment in
towns lay at the very foundation of that question. (liters)
He hoped that the public feeling exhibited on that occasion
would direct the attention of the sanitary commission jot
appointed to that important subject. He would now intro-
duce to the meeting a gentleman who bad devoted kis linen-
tion to the question fur many years.
Mr. G. A. WALfint, who was received with loud cheers,
said, that facts and figures demonstrated that the condition of
the burial grounds of the metropolis was such as must shock
humanity. The month of September appeared to be especially
devoted to these upturning' of the dead, on which
the public attention was now fixed. Elim chapel,
Fetter-lane, was at present most conspicuous for
this practice ; and he would appeal to gentlemen then re-
sent, who had accompanied himself to that chapel a few days
since, whether any language could adequately express their
sense of the terrible condition of the place. (Cries of "ho,
no.") In that spot, measuring about 40 feet by 40 feet,
there had been thousands of human bodies placed where
proper space could not be found for hundreds. (Seesition.)
An acre of ground would, according to Mr. Chadwick, give
decent burial to only 136 adult bodies per annum.

railways are better or woree goerued than the are- to aught that in older times was established—those masses of people spitting in their faces, and crying, " Down with L.O-7 '''''"' allthe wires of tho government 17;orowq
_ _ _

weal, thee, must be the result, when, in some of
we graveyards of the metropolie, upwards of three
tboasand bodies per acre were interred annually ? (Hear.)
The followin; were the numbers interred annually in some
of the principal burying places connected with the esta-
blished church ;—ln St. Andrew's Undenhaft the average
per acre was 1,278; in Portugal-street burying-ground,
1,021; in St. Dunstan's, Fleet-street, 1,132; is Se Dun-
stan's-in-the-East, 1,210 ; in St. John's, Clerkenwell, 3,073 ;
in St. Mary-at-Hill, 1,15.); in St. dissenting-street,
1,2.57 ; in St. Swithin's, 1,760. At then burial
pleas the numben were equally striking. In With&
Chapel, Stepney, the average per acre was 1,210 ; in
Boon Chapel, Woolwich, 1,080 ; Parker-row, Dock-
bead, 1,613 ; Moorfields, 1,210 ; Caanoo.street, 1,109.
He would state the amount which had been paid for inter-
ment at Eoon chapel, Clement's-lane, Strand, during a num-
ber of years. The first funeral took plate under that chapel
on the 6th of October, 1322, and the total within the first
year was 1441. 15e. 6d. The grand total which had been
received for burial up to 1838, in a cellar measuring .59 feet
by 29 feet, was 951/. se. (Hear, hear.) He then proceeded
to speak of the necessary connexion between intramural in-
terments and typhus fever, of which he mentioned several
examples, and impressed upon the meeting the absolute
necessity of public interference, in order to remedy at
=disputed evil. (Cheers.) In conclusion he }repotted the
following resolution
Resolved—That the burial of the deed in the midst of the living
has, is many Wetmore, led to the eysternatie violation of the feelings
odour common burnout's.; and that this custom has originated and
inaintained practices which have brought dishonour and disgrace on
the national character, degraded religion, corrupted public morale,
and indicted ine.dculal.:le injury on the public health.
Me. C. Snow, in seconding the resolution, urged the
meeting to do all in their pewee to put an end to the revolt-
ing state of things just depicted, and to provide an uninter-
rupted rev ing-plaee for the departed.
Mr. HEALEY supported the resolution. As • rate
payer of the parish in which the meeting was held, he
must say that there was no parish in the world which
had been managed in such en unchristian manner
as regarded interment. Thousands were constantly hurry-
ing through the Strand, either for business or for plea-
sure, and what was the sight which met their eves ? The
solemn form of Christian interment assuming the appear.
once of packing in a hole an useared-for carcase. (Hear.)
The consequeuce of the present state of things wu,that Chris-
tian interment on one day was followed by disinterment on
the next. Very recently, in the Strand itself, in consequence
of so, r improvement being made in the sewerage, a body
was dititeerrcd within a fortnight atter it had been committed
to the ground. (Hear.) He regretted that the ministers
of the church in the metropolis were not present. That was
not the lint time, however, that the clergy had gathered '
enlightenment from the laity. There were 400 graveyards
in the metropolis conspiring against the health of the in-
habitant=, and no valid defence could be offered for such an
enormity. He believed that by succeeding is their object
they would do more service to real religion in this country
than hail been done for many years.
Mr. CARDEN also supported the resolution, after which it
was put and carried.
Sir C. ALDIS moved the following resolution :
That the esils remit-lig from intramural interments have increased
to an alarming extent, and that a rigid and immediate imperehion of
burial places is imperatively demanded, and that the petition now read
be adopted, and that the chairman of this meeting, B. it. Catibell,
Esq., *respectfully requested to present it to the house of Commons,
and to support the prayer thereof.
Mr. Srevees, in seconding the resolution, observed that
Mr. Chaiwick had calculated that 4.50 acres of ground were
necessary to provide airquatrly far the burial of 59,000 per-
sons per annum, which was about the number of deaths
occumna yearly in the metropolis; whereas the accemmo-
dation provided by the several cemeteries in the vicinity of
Louden did not exceed 200 acres. At present, therefore,
there etas • deficiency of 250 acres in the means of decent
burial. The resolution was put and carried.
Mr. C. ROS.S moved the following reetilution
That the distateremed rut none, the sacriflae of time and money,
and the oi /label/ohm ceidenee brought to bear on socice bv G. A.
Walker, Fsii. :,ortio has far years stood a'most alone in his Winter, on
this wbjcetl, entitle him and the Metropolitan Society for the Aboli-
tion of Burials in Towns to our sincerest respect and grit ltude, and
we pledge ourselves to render them our unhounded support, until the
pestilent, .1 and =gusting swum of burying the dead in the midst of
the living Mill be abolished.
Mr. It. TAYLOR, who seconded the resolution, stated his
belief that proper provision for interment would never be
made by private cemetery companies; which would always
be characterised by jobbing. (Hear, hear.) Besides, the
expense of obtaining acts for the establishment of private
cemeteries must fall on the survivors of those who were in.
tarred in them. It had bean decided by the judges that the
right of interment was a common law right. (Rear, hear.)
It ahoul.l, therefore, be treated, not as an ecclesiastical, but
as a civil matter, and then there would be some chance of
arriving at a proper result. 'When parliament took up the
question, it must be prepared to deal with that bigotry and
selfishntes which was not lesi detestable than the effluvia
arising from the bodies of the dead. (Laughter.) The
etiolation arts agreed to, as was also the following :
nal, for the purposes of taming out the objects of the petition,
and of obtainin. ful. and legislative support, a fund be immediately
raised by mhstriptions and donations, which will be receiredh4e
Honorary Meretary, Mr. Charles James Thicke, It, New n
street; by any member of the committee; and by the following
tatkers:—Meort. Coutts and Co., Strand; Messrs. Masterman,
Peters, Mildred, anti Co., 31, Nicholas-lane; Messrs. spoon r,
At reed, and Co., Gracechurchatrect; and the Commercial
teal:ore.
The passing of this resolution concluded the business of the
meeting.