The Express.
London, England, 1847-03-19 00:00:00

THE EXPRESS, FRIDAY EVENING, MARCH 19, 1847.

stages of every bill in each house of parliament, but Matted
of that, this measure wee intended to be carried by a single
vote and expression of one house of parliament. (Hear.)
Was that the way in which a great nail mat question
ought to he treated ? Wee that the way that they ought to be
dish with when they were engaged in the consideration of •
most mumentousquestion, involving their own happiness and
the happiness of their children, and their information and
Fr
r enlightenment? Why not bring this question before
isment with as much courtesy as they would bring •
hay ball before parliament ? A highway bill was read ,
Is six different !tape; hut • measure of national education
was to be read in only one stage. This was, he said, a sub-
motion of the constitution. (Hear). They bad heard of
those, to whom they might be supposed to he opposed es
this oration, exclaim, " Thank God, we have • House of
Lords;" but in this case it might be said, "Thank God,
we are without a House of Lords.' The House of Lords was
sot 'floe ed to deliberate upon this subject. The House of
Lord., according to the proceedings which had taken place,
was rendered a nonentity ; and if they could do w.thout the
House of Lords upon this occasion, why could they not do
without the Renee of Lords altogether ? (Hear.) He had
always been of opinion that the House of Lords was a great
safeguard of English liberty, though they might, to a made
extent, sometimes be disposed to assert the prerogative, they
were always disposed to protect those safeguards of the
constitution which were mynas] to domestic happinees.
(Hear, hear.) But this was not a question which he had to
submit to the meeting upon his own responsibility. He
founded himself upon no lees se authority than that of the
Archbishop of Canterbury. ( Hear, hear.) Ile founded
libuelf also upon another, who is, or at least was, pre-eminent
is the estimation of many of the gentlemen on his right—he
mut Sir Robert Peel : and he founded himself upon the
Zzton of another, who was deserving of high esti
h he differed with him in polities, and that wa=
titaney. Aad what did Lard Stanley, the Archbishop 111
Canterbury, and Sir Robert Peel say of this Committee of
Council for Education—this nondeeript ; this thing unknown
to the constitution ; this fungus, conjured up to retry a cer-
tain purpose, a purpose utterly incompatible with the rules
and usages of state ? He would tell them what Sir Robert
Peel said of this Committ!e of Council. He said that the
proceedings of this committee, and the committee
itseU, were a departure from the general principles
el' the constitution. Were they not, then, jute
tiled in saying that this was a violation of the
constitution, and that the measure was unconstitutional ?
And whet was said by Lord Stanley upon the subject?
Why, that it wail's irresponsible, au unfettered, end • des-
potic body. And were they upon a subject involving the
stbacation of their children to allow an irresponsible and des-
potic body to dictate to them the course of education which
they should pursue ? But the Archbishop of Canterbury
clenched the whole matter, and he says that this committee
of council has engaged in proceedings which usurp the func-
tions et the House of Lords, and supersede one brusch ef the
legislature of this country. In reality, it superseded two
beeneless; not only the House of Lords had nothing
to do with it, hut the Queen would have nothing to do witn
it, and would have no power to give her assent or dissent to
the measure. But what be wished to establish in the first
instance was, that this was an unconstitutional measure, and
if it had been se good as it was bad, if it was ise fraught with
advantage as it was pregnant with mischief, he would have
opposed it on amount of its unconstitutional character.
(Cheers.) He was not there to impugn the motives of the
administration: it was well known that to that ad-
ministration he, for the most pert, had been strongly
attached for the greatest portion of his life ; that
he bed been amongst those who, by their bumble
efforts, had added as much of strength as they had
been able to. add to their policy, but he thought that in the
present case they were pursuing a dangerous and mischievous
policy. They were pursuing a policy that would endanger
their pontion' and was calculated to subvert the princieles
the: brought them into power; and if it was only from
friendship for the admieistration he would oppose the mea-
sure they had propounded. But here he thought it neces-
sary to make an admission. There was something so
alluring and so captivating in the idea of insisting the educe.
lion of the people, that be was of the number of those who
were taken in by that feeling, and therefore when a measure
was brought before parliament in the year 1839, he was one
of those who said that he thought money might be voted on
the recommendation of this committee of council. (Cries of
" Hear, hear," and laughter.) But there was this difference
between the measure brought forward in 1839 and the pre-
present measure. Then it was proposed to vote a sum
of 30,0001., but now a scheme was brought into opera-
tion, which, if fully carried out, would require 1,700,0001.
(" Howmuch is voted teethe army matey ?") A (need below ,
asked how much they voted for the army and navy : his
answer was, that the more they voted for the army or navy,
the less they would have to vote for duration. There was I
another feature of the measure which he deemed an impor-
tant one, and It was this—The measure brought forward in
1810 only proposed to build schools, but the present one
proposed not only to build schools, but to educate the people,
and to educate them in the catechism. (Cries of " No, no.")
Did anybody say no to that ? (Cries of" Yes," and " No no.")
Did the church party say no to that ? (" Yes.") If they did,
all that be could say was, that they did not understand the
nature of the proposal they supported. That proposal was,
that they should be instructed in the church catechism in
all the sthools—("No, no")—in all the church schools. There
was nobody who had read the minutes of the council who
did not know that. (Murmurs oe disapprobation.) Then,
also, this measure was not only a measure for the purpose
of giving education, but it was a measure for the pur-
pose
of giving a religious education ; and on that ground
was objectionable in a way that the measure of 1839 war
not. list he had told them, and with great cacdoar, that,
he had changed his opinion as to the legality of those ma-
tures. Had not Sir Robert Peel changed his opi•ion as to
free trade ? (Hear, hear.) And if Sir Robert Peel might
change his opinion as to free trade, surely he (Mr. Seines)
might change his opinion as to free education. ("Hear,"
and &laugh.) And, in addition to Sir Robert Peel'. change
of opinion, he believed that the worthy vicar of Leeds had
also changed his opinion. In 1839 the vicar of Leeds wee
opposed to the order in council, but he bad now been in
London to tell them that he was in favour of it. Therefore,
if they had their Rowland, he thought he (Mr. Beier.)
might have his Oliver. (Laughter.) But there had been
a most extraordinary assumption put forward on this occa-
sion, and that was, that those persons who opposed the
government grant for education were the enemies of educa-
tion. (" No, no.") There was not a man in that assembly
who was more the friend of education than he was. For fifty
years he had been fighting the battle of education.
He bad fought the battle of education when the high
church party said, " Do not educate the people ; it will
make them discontented with their station.' (Cheers.)
(Cheers.)
What was the answer to that? The answer was, " We will
educate the people at all hazards; we believe it will not
make them seditious ; we believe it will not make them dis-
satisfied with their petition ; on the contrary, we believe it
will make them better children, better parents, and better
masters." And they proceeded in that coulee for some time,
the work being in the hands of those who are now said to be
the enemies of education. But the question, now. was not
that which it formerly was—Shall there be education or
none—but, shall there be education founded on parental
feeling, and upon the assistance that Christian communities
can render to their neighbours and those who belong to
their communities, or shall it be confined to state education,
combined with a great deal of state influence ? (" No, no.")
Hitherto they had done without this control—and
had they done ill without it ? He would tell them
how the quertien stood. In 1818 there were in
the public day 'wheels of the country, speaking in round
numbers, 600,000 pupils; in the year 1833 they had in-
creased to 1,200,000. and at the time he was speaking, they
bad increased to at least, he thought he might say, 2,000,000.
If that was so why not let them alone ? Were they not
going on well ? And were they not improving in the
quality as well as the quantity of their education 1 Why
then should they have the interference of government to
arrest their progress under the pretence of State Education ?
There never was a time when education was making more
progress, both in quantity and quality, and therefore they
had no occasion for any of that interference. And why in
the midst of thin should they cover the country with an army
of pensioners—young pensioners ? They had all their
life time been declaiming against placemen and pensioners,
and now they were going to select one hundred
thousand to distribute them over the country, to make them
subservient to political or religious purpoms—(Hear)—and
in that way to give rime to a great disparity in the ranks and
conditions of men, that ought to be preferred by their own
industry and their own eusrgy. (Hear.) The government
measure was calculated to give to the members of the
Established Church great asoendincy and pzedoaiaaat
power. It could not fail to do so. The clergy wan
to give certificates in all the schools of the
Church ; but as to the Methodists, the bidependents, the
Baptiste, the Catholics, and the Unitarians, their ministers
were never once mentioned, but they were utterly shut out.
Was not that a positive injustice ? (" Yes, yes.") Was not
the minister of a congregation as able to judge of the pro-
gress of pupils as a clergyman ? (Applause). But
the church had an advantage in another way ; church-
men could put their hands into the public funds
for the advancement of their purposes, but there were
certain Dissenters who, from conscientious scruples,
could not take advantage of the proposal of government.
(" Hear," and laughter.) Mr. Baines then referred to the
effect the measure would have upon the Methodist body, mid
said that though the Methodist Committee of Privileges had
110010 to no final decision upon it, the subject had been dis-
owned in London on the previous day, when the Rev. W.
M. Bunting had designated the measure as unjust in prin-
ciple aed pernicious in operation. In like manner, Mr.
Baines adverted to its operation on the other dissenting
bodies, and exhorted them, if they did not wish to Tibet'
conscience, to oppose it with all their might. Speaking of
the Unitarians, with some of whom be had been accustomed
to act with great seal, and to whom he owed obligations he
could never repay, he was sorry to see them now associated
with men to whom they had been strongly opposed in
homer educational movements. (Hear, hear, hear.) But
It was said that adversity brought men acquainted with
strange bed-fellows. Arampt those on his right to whom
' they were opposed, he observed his venerable friend Mr.
Tattle, and if there was any man in that assembly for whom
he had a high veneration, it was Mr. I ottie. Me was sorry
to see him there. He bad seen him is better company.
(Cheers and laughter)
Mr. Term .—I am not ashamed to be here.
Mr. BAINES said he was glad to see that the Unitarians I,
generally had • proper appreciation of this measure. He
had a letter in his pocket from Mr. Frederick Schwan's, of',
Huddersfield, which stated that at a meeting of the Uni-
tarian congregation, held at Huddersfield last week, it was
unanimously agreed to oppose the government measure es
unconstitutional in spirit, unjust in principle, and highly
religious freedom. He understood, also, that
ttTitT to
rien ministers of Bradford and of Halifax, were
decidedly opponents to the government scheme. Mr. Baines
then proceeded to argue that if the proposed scheme had been
in operation emu years ago, it would have greatly

impeded, If not wholly obstructed, the rapid advances which
had ►een made in the cause of parliamentary and municipal
reform; and be addressed himself at some length to counter-
act the notion which he said was entertained by that section
of politicians which advocated the principles of the pe?ple's
charter, that the extension of education wou'd inevitably
procure an extension of political privileges. With this slew
he referred to the electoral statistics of Prussia, Austria,
Prance, and other place', where the government had charge
of the education of the people, to show that no such result
had followed in those countries, and he concluded by moving
the following resolution:

That, in the opinion of this emoting, the education of the entire
population is of paramount importanoe to the welfare and happiness
of our country ; this meeting therefore Moires 1n the Increasing
number of all roses of the comentusity who an under the
means of instruction ; but, at the same time, regarding public liberty
r of inestimable value, it protests, in • most energetic manner,
avert the provost 111<ftUre of government, as unconstitutional in its
form, partial and unjust In Its operation, and calculated encionously
to increase the influence of the government, and to destroy the manly
badependence of the people.

Mr. Alderman Citatory, in seconding the resolution,
referred to his experience of the effect of state edu-
cation in Germany, which he mid was more calcu-
lated to destroy than to promote public liberty. After
urging various objections against the government scheme, he
concluded by seconding the motion of Mr. Baines.
Mr. AWL STAMIFELD said that, when they lest met upon
that arena, the struggle was for food for the body ; now it
wee for food for the mind. (Hear.) Then it was to provide
for their natural wants; now it was fee their intellectual
improvement, by promoting education. It might be now, as
at the commencement of that struggle, that they did not see
their way clearly to their hest interests; but this he was cer-
tain of, that England would never rest satisfied till her sons
took rank among the best educated people upon the face of
the earth. (Cheers.) But being confined to the voluntary
principle alone would not place them in that petition.
(Cries of "It will.") He was there as an advocate for
government aid, if administered impartially to all, aud with-
out restraint upon the religious convictions of any. (Hear,
hear.) But, as had been said by previous speakers against
the scheme, what was the um of trusting the scheme with
those who had no scheme at all ? It was waste of time. He
admitted that the scheme was open to tome objection. Who
was to blame for that ? Not the government, who were
deterred from bringing forward a more comprehemive
scheme and submitting it to the ordeal of parliament, by
the opposition of those litigious parties who bad been so
fickle minded as to protest against that for which, io 1833,
they had petitioned. The real question to be determined
was, could the whole body of the people be educated by
means of the voluntary pnneiple ? (" Yes, yes' " and " No,
no.") But in the promotion of the cause of education he
for one would willingly enlist and join the ranks, even if
those with whom he had worked politically all his life, and
whom he should be ready to join spin in the cause of
liberty, imputed to him inconsistency of conduct.
He must be allowed, in his own vindication, to
retort upon them, and to say, that it was they,
and not he, who had been inconsistent. He found
himself amongst those who admitted full liberty of con-
science, by assenting to the government granting aid for edu-
cational purposes to all meta and denominations. The prin.
ciple was grand, was sound, was just and true. (Cheers.)
He stood opposed to these, the main body of whom would
not tolerate that government should grant aid to those who
differed front them in religions belief. Was that religious
liberty ? It was intolerance, which always was opposed to
liberty; it was sectarianism, the natural enemy of religions
freedom, which, by leading man to look open hie brother
man with anything but good will, was opposed to that test
of our Saviour, "By this shall all men know that ye are my
disciples." Those sectarians who were now most opposed to the
government plan of education did not, in 1839, entertain
any ohjection to its aid, because at that time they petitioned
for such assistance. They did not object when the British and
Foreign School Society received a pant in aid of its building
fund to the extent of 6,0001., besides 7501. a year for salaries.
Supposing a law were framed enacting that each sett should
provide for the education of Its own body, would there be any-
thing in such 'regulation affecting conscience? Parties might
object to being compelled to make such provision, but there
would be no violence to conscience. Now the working of
the proposed scheme was the Name ; each contributed to the
taxes, and just in proportion to its numbers and wealth,
would each sect draw out its proportion of the common fund
for educational purposes. It was this equality which cen-
stituted the excellency of the scheme, and any interference
with it would materially impair its efficiency. The ques-
tion for the consideration and the determination of

the meeting was, would they support the measure pro- I
pteed by her Majesty's government for promoting the
education of the people of this country? If they did not
support it, the government might give way ; but he must tell
them that he had just returned from town, where he had
conversed with several members of parliament, but he had
not met with a single member who would advocate extreme
opposition to all government aid. He had conversed with
the President of the Council, aid with the Secretary to the
Committee of Council, and be was satisfied that the measure
was based on the strictest impartiality. (" Hear, hear," and
"No.") If this meeting supported the measure, it would
be carried, and then their friends who now opposed it, find-
ing themselves shackled by a measure so distasteful to them,
would juin with him, and those with whom he was acting
would join with him (Mr. !Benefield) in going for a better
measure. As free traders they had been taxed,—yet what
was the bond of union amongst free-traders? Why, that
there shall be no monopoly that the ground
shall be free to all. (Hear, hear.) When he heard
of the apprehensions to this scheme (which he considered
to be equally for the benefit of all) that it would be injurious
in its operation to the cause of education. He was reminded
of the objection of Sir Edward Knatchbull, that the repeal
of the corn-laws would lead to the loos of the portions which
they would require for their daughters. It was said to be a
state and church measure. But it was based upon the prin-
ciple of giving aid to all and to every sect alike, and there-
fore be supported it. If the working classes wished to raise
themselves in the scale of society—if they wished to have
their children well brought up, well-instructed, intelligent,
an honour to their parents, a credit to the country, and
worthy of the name of Christians, they would give their
support to this measure. (No, no.) Dissenters, free-
traders, and liberals, be called upon them to support the
scheme of government. He asked the support for it on
the ground that it was not a church-and-state mea-
sure in principle ; that it was impartial in its applica-
tion to all ; and that it was based on the soundest
maxim of justice to each and to all. He was satisfied, from
his recent interviews in London, that equal justice would be
done to all. Upon these grounds did he support it—upon
these grounds did he ask the public to support it. (Cheers
and disapprobation.) As an amendment to the mutton
which had bean submitted to them he begged to propose the
following • _ . . . .

That this ineellsos sessible of the lift ,s slob of seitaticti
to this =Wry, boll al ripe* ossatity sad (mot apssisily)ipolity,
,to.. with estisiotiss da NS that hos boot by oswest.
Worts as
this mot importsot wheat. NM is to sisood its
Worts as keg as lbsy nodose to be liberty, both civil
sott rabgloss. Dislolog Wit to all the 'Moils. this
tosstior ot *As tha er-pimi of domain proymiloi by the
osessiost tosi to Models. supsrwdlog,_ tolsoloya.
tins. NA that it silos semi allsooteges to allorldoset taselArlosrs
with Ow :raglan sylioos at wq. That a yeti*" flag this
ressooko. Mooed by die mow ca behalf of ths wissollog,
prestotod to the Soon of Commis by the two Womb members.
- • • -

Mr. Gorr cordially supported the amendment moved by
Mr. Alderman Stansfeld.
Mr. JAMBS RICHARDSON was beard in support of the ori-
ginal motion. He would tell the men of Leeds, if they allowed
this plan to be carried out, and had not courage
to stamp it to the ground, they would in a few
years find the people of this country corrupted by bribes
offered to their children Is schoolmasters, pupil., teachers, or
stipendiary monitors, and by such means the most alarming
inroads would be made upon the liberties and independence
of the people.
Rev. Da. Hoox said, that after the speech which had
just been addressed to them, he should almost be afraid to
appear before them if he did not come with a certificate from
the hon. gentleman who had introduced the motion, and
who had borne his testimony to the fact that he (Dr. Hook)
had progressed in the cause of education whilst the ben.
gentleman himself had retrograded. (No, no, and cheers.)
He was happy to say that he had laboured diligently for
thirty years in the cause of education, and he was very
well content, as a clergyman, to go on SI he had done.
He had been ten years in Leeds, and in the cause
of education, the church, during that period, had spent
20,0001., and had provided the means of instruction for
upwards of nine thousand children. lliear, hear.)
When he considered how their churchmen offered
education to one part of the community only, he was per-
fectly willing to go on and educate their own people
in that manner. He was not at all desirous himself of soy
state interference—(cheer)—he was not by any means de.
sirous of that ; but if the question wu whether they should
provide for the purple a sufficient and good education with-
out the amistance of the state, he could only say that though
some years ago such a measure might have been opposed by
the archbishops and the clergy, they had now given way,
because they wished to see the people better educated.
Certain statistics were in opposition to the measure; but
with reference to them all he asked of the people was, are
you satisfied with the quality of the education which you
can now give to your children ? (Cries of " No, no," and
" Yes.") Now, what did the government do? It said,
or supposed, that there ought'to be an improvement, both is
quantity and quality, with respect to the education of the
people. The ineetimg might think otherwise, but govern-
ment had that idea; and the object of the proposed measure,
(which was only carrying out a little further the plan which
had been acted upon for some time) was, to afford to all the
means of obtaining a better education for their children.
There could be no harm in aiming at that object. The next
thing was as to the means. The means proposed were by
the anti of voluntary scorn. No person was compelled
to receive an inspector ; no person was compelled to receive
government aid, but the government was willing to assist.
If they thought that their schools ware ro well conducted,
that they needed no assistance, then they would not ask it.
The next object was to provide safe-guards. Now any
gentleman, or any class of persons of any denomination,
had only to state to the government their objections to any
of the details of the measure, and to point out where there
was any want of Leiner or equality, and the government
would be willing to redress it. He understood the pro-
posed measure in that way : persons had only to state
to the government what their objection was, and it
would be attended to. The supporters of the sea.
sure who met lately at Leeds, had an objection to one
particular point, which was stated to government, and it was
redressed. He understood that the Methodists had an ob-
jenion, which, when stated, would be taken into considera-
tion with perfect fairness. The only point of difference
which had been noticed was that in Church of England
school., the clergyman was to assist the inspector in the
examination, and in the Diss' entiog schools the managers
were to do the same. In some schools there was no minister
attached, and that was the reason why they were not men-
tioned ; but lithely was any vitamin in *et it should be

represented to the committee of council. He had may
thought it necessary to allude to these two or three points,
that they might understand the matter neatly, and be pre-
pared to say whethtr they would accept foe the education of
their children, assistance from the goventment. (" No, no,"
and " yes.") All that he could my was diet this was a
m►tter which concerned those before him, and if they did
not want madame he did nat.

The MAYOZ then read over the motion and the amend-
ment, and called for a show of hands for and against the
latter. The majority, though small, was against the amend-
ment, but it was decisive. The mayor declared the amend
meta lost.

Mr. Bunn' then moved as another amendment

That this meeting deems it regaieite to decline that any plan or as
*ma education. to be efficient, Just, and ratisfactury to ell porn.,
loom be tree from metarlenben, and likewise pre the people the
power, through kcal boards, to levy rates for, and to superintend the
management af, the several erbooln
" • .

Mr. T. 8. MACILINTOIIII seconded this amendment.
On a show of havda, it woo negatived by a considerable
majority, and the original resolution was &Homed.
The Rev. J. ELY moved :
That, to addition to the spiel& objections entertain-d wing the
mranure Month, forward by the committee of council, this meeting
met emphatically denies that it is the right and duty of government
to interfere in the education of the people, and would express its arm
confident* in the suflleisney of voluntary efforts to furnish all the aid
winch the exigencies of the nation may require.

Mr. P. F.lll/11111101 seconded, end Mr. 11•NNELIT sup-
ported, the motion. and it wee carried with f: w dissentients,
the supporters of the government having left the yard.
The Ker. T. SCALES moved :
That petitions to parliament, praying that the scheme of edocatke
which has been proposed may not be culled into execution, and that
all grants of public mosey fur the purpose of education may hence-
firth be withheld, be adopted by the meeting, and submitted (or
diestare to the inhabitants of tlieborough, and be presented to the
Home of Lade by Earl Fitswilham, un.l to the House of tkintrob:msul
the members fur the borough ; and that the members for the.ogel
and Wert failing be warily requested to comply with the prayer of
the mene . . . .

The Rev. Josue Permits seconded the motion; and it
was adopted. Thanks were thrn ♦oted to the Mayor for his
terrines in the chair; and the meeting, which had lasted
upwards of five hoar*, then broke up.

IRELAND.

DUBLIN, Maseru 17.
The meeting of the citizens, yesterday, is the
subject of general conversation. Speeches and reso-
lutions in a public assembly, where such aggregates
are not =frequent, demand no special attention, but
the pictures of actual distress among the trading
classes, represented by those who know them best,
and in which they were themselves sharers, have pro-
duced a deep impression. Bad as the present is the
future is contemplated with more painful alarm.
Heretofore the poor were the sole objects of public
interest and sympathy, but now the infection has
touched the middle-classes. The circle widens, and
none sees the true means of escape. At the meet-
ing yesterday a respectable druggist gave a deplor-
able account of the condition of the tradespeople.
The meeting was adjourned to Friday.
It is to be regretted, that though there does not
seem to exist any combination against tillage in
Mayo, still there is very little cultivation. The
Mayo paper received to-day states that a tilled field
in that county is " like an oasis in a desert." It is
much more to be regretted that the probability of
greater exertion depends upon a chance not at all
likely to be realised. While the small landholder
is dependent upon the public works for subsist-
ence, and cannot afford to purchase seed, there
is a third obstruction, which the Mayo Con-
stitution states to consist in " a disinclination
to undertake tillage, unless, perchance, the suggestion of
Mr. John O'Connell were adopted—that the landlord
should forego all claims for rent, &e., in the coming
year." This overstates the suggestion of Mr. John
O'Connell. What he did suggest was that the land-
lords should undertake not to sweep away the whole
harvest in satisfaction of rent and arrears. Did Lord
John Russell make in hie place in Parliament some
declaratio4 upon this subject, it would not be without
effect in smoothing the way to some such understand-
ing, if the subject shall be deemed improper for spe-
cific legislation. lam happy to say, however, that
the accounts from the south of Ireland, Cork, Lime-
rick, and Tipperary are of a much more pleasant cha-
racter : tillage is prooecding.
The order of the Board of Works, requiring the
dismissal of 20 per cent, has begun to operate on
the public mind, and appears on all sides very un-
popular. The papers from Mayo, Tipperary, Lime-
rick, Down, Kilkenny, Waterford, and Cork, all con-
demn its peremptory character rather than the prin-
ciple. At the Cork assizes on Monday, the foreman,
Lord Bernard, stated what is quite true, that •
very large per centage of those employed on the
public works were never engaged in agriculture, so
that a strict adherence to the 20 per cent. will deprive
numbers of employment whom the farmers will not
take to any great extent, and the landlords cannot.
The following resolution was unanimously adopted :
That although it is expedient to discontinue the employ-
ment of the labouring classes on public works, under the 10th
Tic., cap. 107, as soon as circumstances will admit, particu-
larly where agriculture seems to be neglected, yet, 001211i-
denng the evil which would arise from suddenly discharging
a vest number of persons before they could find employment
in farming operations, and also considering that many roads
would be left in a useless, and some in a dangerous, state, if
not finished, the grand jury are of opinion that works al-
ready commenced should be completed, and no new roads
sanctioned. _ _ _

-----
The rejection of the clauses in the Million Act re-
lative to the erection of farm buildings, led to the
following resolutions, which were forwarded to Lord
J. Russell :
That the grand jury have heard with the deepest regret
that the clause is the Property (Ireland) Bill, manor-
ming 'landlord. to borrow money for the erection
of farm buildings has been abandoned by her Ma-
jesty's government. That we consider the said clause
the most important. part of the said bill. That its
withdrawal will materially impair its beneficial effects,
and that we earnestly implore her Majesty's government to
reintroduce the clangs, That we consider the erection of
farm buildings to be the preliminary step to all agricultural
employment, and calculated to encourage profitable employ-
ment with the cultivation of the lend. That the county of
Cork has great water power, but a deficiency of mills, and
that the want is not likely to be supplied by private
enterprise.
M. Soyer is busy with his organisation. On Sa-
turday he attended one of the parochial soup kitchens,
and from the same quantity of materials he pre-
pared a soup which was declared " fit for the table of
any nobleman in the land." But what the pariah
values quite as much as the excellence of the soup is
the rapidity with which it can be manufactured.
One hundred gallons can be produced in three hours,
whereas the ordinary time of preparation was from
fifteen to twenty. Thus from one boiler the distribu-
tions can, if necessary, be tripled. The cost of the
1 00gallons which" nobles might relish" wasabout 4;d.
per gallon, the quantity of bed need being 521 be., at
eid. per lb. To-day M. Boyer repeats the trial, and
purposes sending some of his soup is the principal
clnbe of the city at the request of the parish committee.

ST. PATRICK'S D•r.—This is the anniversary of the
paMon saint of Ireland. Of yore it was a great day for
Ireland; the consumption of whisky was excessive, and the
number of broken heads and other manifestations of enjoy.

meat was unusually great. To-day the scene was wanting
in those indications of the old mint. The Castle guard relief,
which opened in former years this mid-lest Irish carnival,
was to day a very quiet proceeding. The Lord-Lieutenant,
the ladies of his family, and his Auden de-camp appeared is
the balcony at the Castle wearing tremendous bouquets of
shamrock. The commander of the forces and his sides
rode through town similarly decorated. The accustomed
airs were played, the customary cheers were given—sad the
display was over. I saw no sign of drunkenness.

EDINBUROH, Maim 17.
A steamer arrived in Greenock on Sunday with
another importation of some 300 young Highlanders
intended for railway employment. Such of them as
we have seen have a strong hardy appearance, and
are better clothed than the Irish who visit our shores
for a similar purpose.
Fever is represented as prevailing extensively in
Glasgow. In 1845 the whole cases reported by the
district surgeons only amounted to 194, or seventeen
cases a-month; in December last the number reported
was 257, in January 233, and in February 255. In
one single close of the High-street it was certified by
the inspector of the poor that there were no less than
forty-four cases.
Mr. J. B. Smith, along with Mr. Bright, visited
Dunfermline on Friday ; the former was coldly re-
ceived. Besides assisting Mr. Smith in his canvass,
Mr. Bright bad, while in Scotland, a conference with
the committee of the East Lothian Anti-Game-Law
Association. The emaciation has offered a prize for
the best away on the " Evils of the Game Laws," for
which a great number of competitors have come
forward. Mr. Bright and some of his parliamentary
friends are to act as arAjudicatere.
A correspondent of the Scotsman relates that on
Monday last he " met a poor:woman carrying in her
arms to the grave the coffin which contained the
body of her child, attended by a couple of policemen,
and some straggling spectators," and he complains,
very reasonably, against the parochial board, for al-
-1 lowing such an exhibition.

Rutastcaala DISEA/lE IN 811Eltr..—A Career in Rath-
well, Dumfriesshire, lost about half a score .4' sheep lately;
and, on an examination bring made of the come of death, it
was discovered that the intestines contain d a number of
loch or horse leeches. These animals had probably been
swallowed by the sheep when drinking, end appeared to
have eaten through the coats of the atom .ch until they
reached some of the vital organ,. whereby death was pro-
duced. Mortality among sheep has been very prevalent in
this district: one farmer in the neighbourhood of Anima has
lost forty sheep, and another thirty, this moon.