The Express.
London, England, 1847-02-19 00:00:00

sloes which had lately taken place in that country,
very little sanguinary disposition had been manifested—a
favourable contrast to the people of a neighbouring nation in
the peninsula, where they had seen v deem and bloodshed
committed by all parties. (Hear, hear.) There was another
reason why the government should be particularly neutrons 1
of any interference at present. Ile knew not for what res.
son, but the belief was general in Portugal that the cause of
the insurrection possessed the good wishes of her Britannia
Majesty's government. He did not believe this te be the
1 case, but such so opinion prevailed in Portugal, and it was
I therefore incumbent on the government to be cautious to
avoid any step which should confirm such a belief. (Hear,
hear.) He did not know for what precise object so large a
force was retained in the Tagus; the protection of British
residents and of the person of the Queen were most legiti-
mate objects, but the force there was sufficient to overcome,
the whole kingdom, and the presence of such • force might
contribute to support the opinion in Portugal to which he
had before referred This country had ta'.en an active part
in placing the Queen of Portugal on her throne—probably,
a more active part than they were justified in taking—bet
having established the closest friendship eid intimacy with
that government, he thought we might allied • moral sup-
port to it instead of being supposed to foster and npprove of
an insurrection, one part of which was dip eted to a repubiht
and the other to the restoration of deep Itiaal ; neither of
those objects could we support without dm iating from nen-
trality which we had professed to adopt—we might, how-
ever, take care that the opinion of the government of this I
country might be known without any mistake in Portugal,
as giving its support to the government. (Hear )
The Marquis of LA.NSDOWNE had said that it was the
most anxious wish of the government that the Queen of
Portugal should be maintained on her throne—(hear)—and
he knew of no act which had been done by the government
of this country calculated to produce a contrary opinion--
he defied any person to produce evidence of such an act.
(Cheers.) In • civil war great dissatiafaction would be ex-
pressed on either side, if it was thought, by any accidental
circumstance, that there bad been a greater leaning to one
side than to the other, and no doubt rumours—false rumours
—had prevailed in Portugal, but not on one side only, for
representations had been made from Oporto, that the Bri.
tish governmeat was interfering on the part of the Queen.
(Hear, and a laugh.) He did not wish to exprws any
opinion as to the dissensions in Portugal. but this he would
say, that the only insteuctions which had been given to the
admiral, minister', or envoy sent to that country, were to
preserve a perfect neutrality ; and, if there had been any in-
terference, it was merely the tendering of friendly counsel in
favour of the Queen's cause, and not with the view of giving
any countenance—direct or indirect—to the insurrection.
(Haar, hear.) It hod been thought desirable that
the interests of England should be protec'ed by the presence
, of a larger force than might be likely to be sent by any other
power—(hear, hear)—but the command had been entrusted
to one of the most able and talented officers in the navy—
(hear, hear)—to one who was remarkable for the judgment,
discretion, and care with which he had in various quarters
of the globe performed the most arduous and important
duties—(hear, hear)—and he (the Marquis of Lansdowne)
could not believe that a person instructed, as that officer had
been, to observe the most perfect impartiality, had deviated
from the instructions which had been given him, namely,
not to interfere in the civil contests of Oil country, with but
one exception, which he had before noticed, and which had
not yet occurred. (Hear, hear.) He hoped the contest
would be brought to a speedy terminati .n, and that the re-
sult would be to make her Majesty more secure on the throne
of Portugal. (Hear, hear)
The Earl of ELLENBOROUGH did not think the course
which ker Majesty had pursued had been very constitutional
in imprisoning her outgoing minister—( hear, hear)—and he
might the more especially be perraittel to say so, inasmuch
as he had just been dismissed from office himself. (Much
laughter.) On the subject before the house he would only
say, that all representations to the Portuguese government
would be a mere fame, if it was not intimated that there
was a measure behind which was to be adopted
in the event of their not being attended to. If it
was understood we merely desired that these unfortunate
gentlemen should not suffer death under torture on the coast
of Africa, such representations would not be attended to ;
but if it was understood that in the event of their being in-
effectual Sir Wm. Parker would be ordered to leave the
Tagus, the result would be very different. (Hear, hear.)
As to our squadron protecting the Queen of Portugal, there
could be no doubt that but for its presence her Majesty would
have met Don Miguel in London before this, (hear, and
laughter) ; and if it was now withdrawn the conquering
army would at once march on the capital. (Hear, hear.)
Lord BROUGHAM said if ever there was • non sequitur
it was this : that any body should suppose the presence of our
squadron in the Tagus to protect the Queen would favour the
insurgents. (A laugh.)
AMENDMENT OF THE CRIMINAL LAW.
Lord BROUGHAM, in presenting the petition from Li-
verpool, en the subject of the amendment of the criminal
law, said he had taken some trouble to make himself ac-
quainted with the subject, both in this end other countries.
The magistrates of Liverpool presented their petition to their
lordships its the administrator' of the law ; they came te
their lordships to complain of some things which came to
their knowledge as magistrates, and which their lordship'
would not feel it easy to credit; but if they were allowed to
remain unaltered any longer, the consequences could hardly
be foreseen. The petitioners stated that in the population
of Liverpool, amounting to 300,000 inhabitants, there had
been committed for triA, during tho last seven years, in
round numbers, 51,000 persons, one-tenth of whom, or
about 5,500, bad been offenders under seventeen years of
age, and no lees than onefilth of the whole 51,000 had been
committed five time on an average during those years.
The petitioners, the magistrates of Liverpool, who were really
entitled to the thanks of their lordships for the valuable
document which he held in his hand, had exemintd fourteen
juvenile cases, taken indiscriminately from this fifth part,
comprising the 10,000 offenders ; and it appeared that these
fourteen young persons had on an average been apprehended
each fifteen times, and had on the average been committed
and taken their trials nine times, being generally convicted.
(Hear, hear.) He would 'Miele out three of the cases : the
first was that of a boy twelve years old, who could neither
read nor write. The first tine of his commitment was in
September, 1838, and the last in January, 1842, and dories
that period of three year' and feur months he had bees
apprehended sixteen times and committed to take his trial
nine times, the sentences having been various terms at
imprisonment in the common gaol, and ultimately the boy
being only twelve years old, was traurported for ten
years. The next case was that of a boy ten years
ad, who had been fourteen times apprehended, eleven
times tried and convicted, and ultimately was sentenced to
'even years' transportation; and thelast ease was that of a boy
9 years old, who could neither read nor write, and who, it
appeared, had in two years been apprehended 16 times for
felonies of different kinds, and convicted four times: that
unfortunate child, also, was finally, at the age of 9 years,
sentenced to 7 year,' transportation. These were melan-
choly bat powerful and convincing proofs of the utter ineffi-
ciency of the present system of prison discipline
in • reformatory point of view, and these poor
creatures were, in fact, the victims of the law. (Hear.)
These facts showed them the necessary inefficacy of the
present criminal law to repress crime or to reform the of-
fender. The magistrates showed them, from their financial
books, that 8891. had been expended in dealing with these
14 offenders ; and, in ordinary caste, that amount would
have been increased to half as much more. The magistrates
asked them, was it not now high time to begin to reconsider
the matter, and to ask one another whether they hod or had
not all along been proceeding in the wrong path, and whether
it was to punishment they were ever to trust? and whether
it was to the fears of men they were always to appeal, in
order to prevent them from committing offences. When
they talked of young boys of 12, 10, and 9 year' of age being
convicted of fey, were they dealing right with them in
only appealing to their fears, and never once looking to their
wishes or their hopes ? Now he would leave generalities and
go into details. What he wished was, that their lordships
should accede to the prayer of the petition, and institute an
immediate inquiry into this matter, and see whether no
better remedy could be substituted for the present ; punish-
ment had been already tried, the nature of which he would
state. When they caught a supposed criminal, they
east him into prison • they then tried, convicted,
sentenced, and punished him, either by trans-
portation or imprisonment with or without hard labour,
either solitary or otherwise, capital punishment being now
nearly extinct. He was no friend te teneepotation. One
eldeedon was, that it was anything bateseeenbal, an
lintinet to the ealsoies where the conyiele won seat; butia
=**elm was, that it did not toratry, did not mei,
est ennere le bad fa the meet ampere= abentle be
meet alibi evideneesew hegira him Ova W vairintratee
sally eamerases et oda timed feet tie" elf
awed as to
the milt el their sip-'ease that belebtemeat had the
Iwo lona then trampertatisa. They seat ;NO esaliels
renown le ssgoiliemente. and the eat et tisk tame
paladin eel Stan la the halhe ineenatei to half a
Wan ihrdllag. the seat of tre~lfe ewe sober
la pima be two yeeelameanhed to 71p,1i Thendbree if
tramportation did ad IMMO the elbsder mire, tat, ca the
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that thy ebeedi aell leave 00.11016 worse that when
fEstradrui
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tattle II illsaibiliale If needhle. To
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his habits, to cheap mode of thinking, and make him a
conscientious' romettingi and well-thinking person, so that
he Should heperfutly certain that he should be fora long
time tut 'eff fr•m hie former essoeiations; for if he was to
know that he was to be out in a few weelm be would be
content to suffer for a time, knowing that he would he soon
out, and the he would be all right. But all would not be
right; for, instead of being, bettered by imprisonment, he
would Ti turn to his former vicious practices. Now, this led
them to consider how they could make punishment reforma-
tory, and how they could prevent him, iirheu he was turned
loose on the world, from falling into his former course. lie
was happy to Hy. for the honour of Germany, that, in the
neighbourhood of Hamburg, there existed RR establishment
for the last ten years for the reformation of offenders. The
French, too, were not above imitating their foreign example,
for they had founded a similar establishment in the neigh-
bourhood of Tours. The results of both experiments were
as satisfactory as they could possibly be. He had greatpride
in saying that it was in Warwickshire that the principle was
originally established, for there an institution of the land
existed for the last twenty eight years. The results of the
experiments in the three were equally beneficial. The
sstablisbment near Tours was founded in 1839, since which
time 521 boys were received. None but male convicts
ander sixteen years of age were taken. They were not in
actual confinement, but if a boy misbehaved himself he was
sent back to prison. The fear of being sent back was con-
stantly kept over their heads. They were distributed in
families, each consisting of a master, two assistants, and forty
convicts. Each master was an officer of the establishment,
a humane person, chosen for his good temper, but of pre-
bend chsracter. The muter, were called fathers, and their
nenstants brethren, and the latter were chosen front the te-
ibemed criminals, and in no instance whatever had such a
choice fallen on an unworthy person. They were all taught
some useful branch of industry, generally either agriculture
or gardening. They were instructed in military exercises
and gymnastics. They were addressed as one body by the
head of the establishment on the subject of religion and
morality, and they all attended religious wcrship together.
Their food and clothing were simple, and they all slept in
one dormitery, each in a separate cell, and always under the
supervision of a muter. Since the year 1839 only 17 had
arc, and only 12 had been sent beck to prison. 144 bed
bum sent out m various situations, and the remainder were
still there. Out of these 144, 7 had relapsed, and 9 were ef
• doubtful character. Of the 14 that had been sent back to
prison, there was not one who was not convicted of felony
seven times since. In consequence of the success of this
establishment which was founded by a grant, and had
been in the main supported by private benevolence and the
labour of the convicts, twelve others had been founded
throughout France. It was hie national feeling that made
him envy France in this respect much more than he envied
her Algerian glories or Spanish marriages, and far more
than he envied the glories of Napoleon. With regard to
the Spanish merriages, though he believed his noble
friend (Lord Normanby) to be in the right, he hoped that all
quarrelling about them, and all other such trifles, would be
put an end to. (Cheers.) He did not care who was in the
right. They should imitate the example set to them by
France, which was the greatest step. that ever was made
towards the amendment of the criminal law, He would
now read a statement made by the Rev. Mr. Clay, the chap-
lain of the prison at Preston. He said that out of 1,050
criminals, 562 were utterly unable to read, and 226 to write ;
thus out of that number 788 were in total ignorance ; 614
did not know the names of the months ; 527 did not know
the Queen's name though she had been reigning for 10 years
--(Laughter)-490 were incapable of und ntanding the
words virtue, Tice, guilt, and ran, though they knew what
stealing, thieving, and picking pocketa meant; 62 could not
count a hundred, 242 could read or write • little. Out of
the whole 1,050, only 20 had anything at all like education.
Those who could read would be better if they did not know
how, for they read nothing but those vile and filthy pro-
ductions which degraded the press of this country and the
press of Paris. They should alter their criminal law as
machinery increased in this country for though machinery
in the end would prove beneficial both to the manufacturer
and the labourer, yet there was an interval during which
the latter would be thrown out of employment, which led to
the commission of crime, in a great many instances. That
was an urgent reason why they should more diligently per-
form their duty, and should see that the criminal
law was made effectual in deterring persons from
offending, and reforming offenders. With these news,
he deemed it his duty to bring before their lordships this
important question ; and if they agreed with him and the
petitioners in thinking that the time was come when they
should no longer delay in applying themselves to the amend-
ment of the criminal law, particularly as regarded gaol dis-
cipline and its reformatory character, then he should be pre-
pared at an early day to propose that a committee be ap-
pointed to take this important subject into consideration.
The Duke of RICHMOND roes to state that he
concurred with his noble friend in thinking that
the magistrates of Liverpool were entitled to the
thanks of this house for bringing the matter forward.
Nothing was more serious in this country than the increase
of juvenile crime. Prison discipline might do much ; but
other things were required. At present, very young child-
ren were committed for thefts, to which they had, perhaps.
been prompted by their parents. They were at once branded
with felony, from which stigma they could never escape. Ile
thought en extensive inquiry ought to be instituted into the
subject, in order to convince the public that it was possible to
reform prisoners, for this was very generally doubted at pre-
sent. While not distrusting the results which his noble and
learned friend had stated with reference to the Mettray in-
stitution, he should like to know whether the cuss there
had been taken as they occurred, or a selection had been
made ? A most distressing case had remedy occurred in
this country : a man. after being twelve months in Penton-
ville prison, became thoroughly reformed. He obtained a
situation on a railway; after six months of good conduct his
wages were increased, when some busy-body informed the
directorsthat he had formerly been convicted of felony, and he
was immediately discharged. (Hear, hear.) This proved
the scepticism of the public as to the possibility of reforming
offenders. It was desirable that the system pursued at Park-
hurst, to which his noble and learned friend had not
alluded, should be taken into consideration. From
his own experience at the quarter sessions for Swan, he
found that nothing produced such terror in the minds of
prisoners as the sentence of transportation. If an inquiry
were set on foot, he trusted it would not be confined to the
one subject ef juvenile offenders, but would embrace the
whole question of prison discipline and criminal punishment.
Earl GREY expressed his sense of the importance of the
subject, and said that, some days ado, he had presented to
the house papers, which would be printed immediately, and
which would show that the government had given much
attention to the matter. They had taken many of the views
with regard to juvenile offenders which his noble and learned
friend had expressed ; and a bill would shortly be introduced
into the other house for effecting many desirable reforms in
prison discipline.
Lord BROUGHAM : Why not introduce it here ?
Earl GREY said it was more immediately under the care
of his right hon. friend the Secretary for the Home Depart-
ment. The great difficulty at present was that offenders
could not Ile placed in any reformatory institution without
a remission of their sentence ; and then, in the event of
misconduct, they could not be sent back to prison as a
punishment. To remedy this would be a main object of the
intended bill, by which also a reformatory school would be
established in London. The system of transportation bad
been folly considered, and it was in contemplation to adopt
measures which would have the effect of almost putting an end
to that punishment. In the papers which had beenproduced
on the subject, the evils of that system were fully detailed ;
but as their lordships had not yet the papers before them, he
would refrain at prevent from entering into further details of
the proposed measure.
Lord BROUGHAM said he had intended, beenfe sitting
down, to speak favourably of the system recommended
Capt. Maconoehie, which was one of much ingenuity. It
proceeded on the principle of shortening the imprisonment
in proportion to the good behaviour of the convicts. The
course which had been adopted at Birmingham by his learned,
friend the recorder (Mr. M. D. Hill) had been most bene-
ficial. When any juvenile offenders were brought before
him, he caused their guardians orparents to be sent for, from
whom be required an undertakteg for the care and good
management of the young offenders.
Their lordships Attuned at half-pest seven o'clock.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.—THURSDAY, FEB. 18.
There being only 27 members present at 4 o'clock, the
house stood adjourned until this day.
The following is a list of the hon. member present :—Mr.
Barnard, Dr Bernina, Mr. Brotherton, Capt. Corry, Mr.
8. Crawford, Mr. B. Eseott, Mr. O. Pinch, Mr. Forster, Mr.
Greene, Mr. Grimsditeh, Sir A. Leith Ray, Sir John Elope,
Sir R. Inglis, Major Layer& Capt. J. Lindsay, Major Mae-
samara, Mr. M. Mimes, Mr. Mentz, Sir Charles Napier,
Mr. Cornelius O'Brien, Mr. W. Patten, Mr. Plumptn,
Lord Bandon, Mr. Spooner, Mr. Staadield, Mr. R. Trevor,
and Mr. Thornely.

PARLIAMENTARY PAPERS.
Dory ox WH/lAT.—From a return delivered with the
votes it appears that between the sth of July, 1846, and 19th
January, 1847, there was duty paid : on foreign wheat, to
the amount of 68,3451. ; foreign wheat meal or flour, of
46,6191, • wheat front British possessions, of 3,7141. ; flour
from ditto, of 14,310/. ;in all, 132,9881.
OVTILIONO IN laatuen.—This paper gives the number
and description of outrages specially reported by the con-
stabulary in 1845.6. They are thus divided :—Clus 1.
Offences against the person.—ln 1845, 1,693 ;in 1846, 1,923.
—Clam 2. Offences against the public peace.-1845, 4,64,5 ;
1846, 4,766.—C1a5s 3. Offences against y.-1845,
1,789 ; 1846, 5,670. Other off enees.-1 , • 1846, 21.
T 4614.-1846, 8,104 ; 1846, 12,380. The number of out-
rages increased enormously at the close of 1846. During the
first three months of the latter year they amounted to 2,516 ;
whereas, during the last three months, they amounted to
5,911. During the corresponding period of 1845 there were
only 1,771. It is remarkable that the agrarian outrages were
fewer in 1846 than in 1845. The numbers stand, for the
former year, 1,920 ; for the latter, 1,303. The localities of
the entrain are thus divided Ulster (population, 1841,
,373 13 Leinster
731
1,418,8591
249648'

7= he "4' pregg.

MAILS.

The overbill,' mails for Gibraltar, Melte, Greece, the lonian islands,
Aden, Ceylon, India, Hong-Kong, and China, rio Southampton,
made up on the morning lithe bith of Pelirnary.
The overland domed malls, ma Mao nines, to the Mediterranean,
Egypt, Aden C=et
ryla, Hoeg Kong, an, will be made up on the
evening
The malls for Ingo, OiLtilLisban, Madeira. Cadiz, and Gibraltar,
will be made tip on the of the 27th February.
The mails for New South aka, Van Land, and Now
Zealand will be made up on the evening of the Ist March.
The West India mail, Including those for Iderieo, Honduras, and
the Haventish, will be made up on the morning of the 2nd March.
The mails for Bedell North Americo, Bermuda. and the United
I Mates, will be made up on the evening of the frd March.
The mails for the Bauxite, the River Plate, Monte Video, Pernam-
buco, Rabin, Madeira, and Buenos Ayres, will be made up on the
evening of the 4th March.

TO CORRESPONDENTS.
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PAIUVERMSTIMZET, FLEET-STREET, contiguous to the Printing

1001;;.-
We cannot MY% Is any way, any 0001 SO ordeal:Sou that In 'Mt W OS
6=a4j Yet *OW who eboare to widener on in confidence wW
sollbore mama-teat. NEITHER CAN WE UNDERTAKE
TO immix ANT MANUSCRIPTS WHATEVER.
•.• blverdasarobr Wei br The Ewe" London evening paper,
mint bit at be Case by Tom Alai on the day of publication.

HIGH WATER AT LONDON-BRIDGE.
Tun DAT—Mord:4, 41 Ilia past 4 ; Alterno" 3 min. put 5.
14 via. past ; Alterman, 47 min. put 5.

LONDON, FRIDAY, FEB. 19.

IN the House of Lords, yesterday, on the bringing
up the report on the Destitute Persons (Ireland) Bill,
the Earl of ELLEN BOROUGH observed upon the inti-
midation and jobbing which had taken place under
the Labour Rate Act, a subject which he viewed
with greater alarm than the potato disease, and
thought that the effect of the present bill, taken by
itself, would be to give food, paid for by the hard
earnings of the people of England, to the poor of
Ireland without exacting labour in return. The Mar-
quis of LANSDOWNE reminded the noble earl that it
was not just to consider this bill apart from other
measures now in progress elsewhere. As regarded
intimidation, and that worst intimidation of all, the
preventing public works being carried on by the most
deserving, it had been most successfully put down.
An interesting discussion on foreign policy fol-
lowed, arising out of a question put by, and
a speech from, Lord BEAUMONT, the ques-
tion being, whether any steps had been taken
by her Majesty's ministers with a view to the obtain-
ing of a reversal of the decision at which the Portu-
guese government had arrived with respect to certain
individuals who had surrendered themselves prisoners
of war on the occasion of the late battle at Torres
Vedrsa, to the Queen's troops. The Marquis of
LANSDOWNE informed the noble lord that the
case of the individuals in question had been made
matter of representation to the Portuguese govern-
ment, and he earnestly hoped the result would be,
that the punishment to which they had been doomed,
that of transportation to Africa, would be commuted.
The policy of the British government was non-inter-
ference as regarded the civil war in Portugal, bat a
different state of circumstances might arise if an
attempt were made to place Dom Miguel on the throne.
The Earl of ABERDEEN cautioned her Majesty's mi-
nisters against interfering with the course which
the Portuguese government might think it recessary to
pursue at the present juncture, and to avoid any step
calculated to sanction the belief that the cause of the
insurrectionists was viewed by them with approba-
tion. After some explanatory observations from the
Marquis of LANSDOWNE, the Earl of ELLENBOROCGH
observed, that but for the presence of the British
squadron in the Tagus, the Queen of Portugal would
have met Dom Miguel in London ere this. Lord
BROUGHAM, in presenting a petition from the mayor
and magistrates of Liverpool, praying for the amend-
ment of the criminal law, entered into a detailed
statement of the statistics of crime and punish.
ment, as derived from the petition, in that
town for the last seven years, making particular
reference to the cases of juvenile offenders, and con-
cluding his observations by stating, that if their lord-
ships should concur in opinion with him and the pe-
titioners, that the time had arrived for the amend-
ment of the criminal law, as regarded gaol discipline
and its reformatory character, he should be prepared
at an early day to move for the appointment of a
committee on this important subject The Duke of
RICHMOND considered the magistrates of Liverpool
deserving of the thanks of their lordships for bring-
ing the matter under their notice, and he did hope if
an inquiry were instituted its object would not be
limited to juvenile offenders only, but would embrace
the other questions of prison discipline and criminal
punishments generally. Earl GREY intimated that •
bill would shortly be introduced by the Home Secre-
tary, with a view to effecting reforms of an important
character in prison discipline ; and as regarded trans-
portation, the subject had been fully considered, the
result arrived at being, that it was desirable to put An
end almost to that description of punishment alto-
gether.
In the House of Commons, there being only twenty-
seven members present at 4 o'clock, the house neces-
sarily stood adjourned until this day.

many hours' sail of this wealthy, this abundant, this I
self-gorged capital.
Truly, when one thinks of the painful sympathies,
the universal and excited Christian feeling,the over-
flowing charity which animates all classes of Eng-
lishmen, the wonder is, that numbers of the wealthy
have not taken op_ their staffs like those Quaker
envoys of mercy, Mr. FOSTER and his companions,
and proceeded to survey and to relieve suffering., from
which cur age was deemed exempt It is fearful to
think that the most horrible state of national destitu-
tion, this decimation of a whole people, has taken
place, or is taking place, by the side of the wealthiest,
the best nurtured, the most richly provided nation
under the sun. Some one has said that providence
delights in contrasts; but this is too horrible. It is one
that strikes us with shame, that will strike us with
disgrace, and that, if tolerated and unrelieved, cannot
prove other than a curse.
We are talking of railways; we are discussing
the value of different kinds of future improvements;
we are shirking the burden and throwing it upon
Irish landlords, and Irish landlords perhaps upon us.
And here is a district, where there are not six land-
lords, and who are probably powerless and poor—a
strip of shore, on which a population has sprung up
on sea-weed and potatoes—a population that our laws
or our neglect has suffered to shoot up like the
mushroom, and which we are now suffering like the

mushroom to be trodden out.
The thought is intolerable, impossible. Can the
beings, the society of this great metropolis, feed, sleep,
or smile, while such scenes of famine as that of Schull
exist in a thousand places, uncared for? How is it,
that life runs in its usual channels, that gaiety and
business roll unchecked, that no trumpet tongue tells
us of these dreadful things, that the pulpits are silent,
that the press itself doth but half wrangle, half-jest
about Irish ill?
Truly, such a letter as that respecting Schull ought to
awaken us to a more full and Christian sense of the
horrors of Irish famine. Government ought to be
empowered, encouraged, or, if need be, compelled,
not to stay totting up the items of a budget, and
higgling for pounds when the economy is paid in the
life of starving wretches; and what government
cannot do, the generous and continued impulse of
the English people ought to do, in providing, out of
comparative prosperity and abundance, for destitu-
tion horrible in the extreme, and, on the part of the
poor sufferers, so unprovoked and undeserved.

A bill for the " improvement of agricultural tenant
right in England and Wales" has just been brought
into the House of Commons, which goes far to
realise the notions of the farmers who have most
actively discussed this subject. Mr. PUSEY'S measure
is so reasonable, so obviously beneficial to both land-
lords and tenants, and steers so clear of all inter-
ference with individual contracts, that we cannot
imagine it will encounter any serious obstacle in
either of the houses of parliament. That a measure
thus free from points of conflict with the established
prejudices and rooted evil habits, abounding in
our rural system will have a very important influence
on the advancement of agriculture, is not to be ex-
pected. On the contrary, we are by no means sure
that this legislative right to receive payment for
certain improvements in husbandry may not, to some
extent withdraw the attention of the yeomanry of
England from the far more essential question of
leases. For, as we on several occasions remarked, no
tenant-right, whether general or special, can be a
substitute in its effect upon agriculture for the de-
fined and certain security afforded by a lease.
We rejoice, however, at the pro of the measure,
and heartily desire to see it into a law, for two
reasons: first, because it will prove to the farmers
how completely illusory is the reliance on tenant-
right; secondly, because it really will meet a subor-
dinate practical evil incident to the present state et
the law, which regulates the outgoing and incoming
of farming tenants. The comparative inefficacy at
tenant-right will appear on the perusal of the sum-
mary we shall presently offer of the present bill,
which is framed in a very fair and even-handed spirit,
though there are some points ou which it may be use-
fully altered in committee.
The subordinate evil for which it will supply:some,
if not a complete, remedy, is this;—and it is, in this
respect, applicable rather to terms of years than to
yearly tenancies. During the last few years of a
term, farmers are apt to imagine it essential to their
own interests, to endeavour to take out of the land
some of the fertility, which tolerably good farming in 1
the earlier years of the term may have bestowed.
This is sought to be accomplished by growing as
much grain as possible, with as little es possible of
manure or high cultivation to the fallow crops,
not supposed to be of themselves profitable. Ar-
tificial manures are discontinued, or if not disconti-
nued, applied almost exclusively to the grain crops.
The feeding of stock is curtailed; manure is lessened
in quantity, and lowered in quality ; and, at the
termination of the lease, though the letter of restrain-
ing covenants may have been strictly observed, the
landlord or his succeeding tenant finds the farm given
up in a condition of considerable exhaustion. We
very much doubt whether the outgoing tenant will
have bad much benefit from this coarse of quitting;
bat there can be no doubt that the next tenant comes
in, in consequence, under very great disadvantages.
Indeed, it is by no means an uncommon occurrence
for a new tenant to hold his farm for the first year
nearly or quite rent-free, es a compensation for the
want of condition in which he finds the farm.
Now the object of tenant right is, that tenants shall
farm well up to the last hour of their terms, and shall
then be entitled to claim from the proprietor or his
next tenant payment in respect of those acts of good
husbandry, in the bill before us called " temporary
improvements," of which from the termination of
their leases the outgoing tenants do not otherwise
receive the benefit.

The preamble of the bill states that "it is expe-
dient for the better security of farmers in the
improvement of land, and for the consequent increase
of the produce therefrom, as well as of employ-
ment for farm-labourers, to enlarge and extend the
custom of tenant right in accordance with the modern
advance of husbandry." The purpose, therefore, is
to adapt to the present state of agriculture the ruder,
uncertain, and varying tenant rights which prevail
in different districts under the name of " custom of
the country." It is to be observed, however, that
these " customs " remain untouched, the proposed
tenant rights being additional. The bill then proposes
to enact compensation to the out-going tenant for
the usual outlays. There is one remarkable omission
in this clause, namely, that the artificial food given
to cattle only is to be allowed for, while that given to
sheep and pigs is excluded. The exclusion of pigs is
not, perhaps, of much importance, but to exclude the
improvement made by the artificial feeding of sheep
is practically to ghat out some of the most important
improvements in modern farming. There are far-
mers in many districts who expend more than
1001. a week for many months in the year in the
purchase of corn and other artificial food for sheep.
It has been said that from feeding sheep the
farmer obtains a certain and direct profit, and
that therefore he has no claim for compensation.
But that is a fallacy. Payment is not to be
made by reason of the more or less of the farmer's
profits, but for the fertilising properties which his
husbandry has left in the soil. Now sheep artificially
fed increase fertility at least as much as cattle; and
they form, as we have heard it expressed, "the
farmer's right arm." We trust, therefore, that Mr.
POKEY will in committee add the word sheep bums-
diately after cattle in this clause. The mode by which
the bill proposes to estimate the compensation is est
forth with exceptions of expenses incurred "in the
ordinary course of good and clean husbandry," or in
pursuance of special contract, or " of which the land-
lord and tenant shall have agreed to share the ex-
pense;" and these things are not to be deemed im-
provements within the act. The last exception will
go far to deprive tenants of any claim to moat per-
manent improvements. Thus, where the landlord
provides the timber or other materials for building,
or finds the tiles or stones for draining, and so forth,
the tenant will have no claim for any such improve-
ments under the act.
The second clause provides that the tenant shall
have no claim to compensation for draining or irriga-
....

to landlords consenting in writing to any plan oe
improvement proposed by the tenants, that, as
general rule, is out of the question. Farmers know!
how shy the gentry are of written engagements:
with their tenants, except where the tenants are to-
be placed under special restrictions. So, buildings,
road-making, and fencing are not to be done withal*
such statement and estimate by the tenant, and
written consent by the landlord. But where the.
tenant has erected buildings without the landlord's
consent, for which, on the determination of the
tenancy, the landlord shall decline to make com-
pensation, the tenant may remove them, and for that
purpose is to be entitled to a right of entry on the
farm for three months after the determination of la

....ancy. This is a awful provision, for the power of
removal will generally induce the next tenant to take
the buildings, should the landlord decline to do so.
A landowner, whether entitled absolutely or foe
limited interests, is empowered "to contract with
his tenant beforehand as to the number of yews
which shall be taken as full compensation under any
or each head of claim ;" and such agreement shall be
binding on the valuers and the owner of the farm
for the time being, and that is subject to the proviso
" that if any such special agreement be, in the
opinion of the valuers, manifestly contrary to or
illusory of the intent of the art, such agreement to be
void?' No owner of a farm having a limited interest
shall consent to more than one year's rent being
charged at one time for buildings, except in the awe
of unimproved land. Tenants are to be allowed for
sums paid as tenant rights to former tenants as if
effected by themselves.
Such are the principal provisions of this bill, and
independently of the advantages we before mentioned,
they enable a life tenant of the estate to fix a charge
upon the land for certain outlays, which in the
absence of special powers cannot at present be done..
This teo is an unquestionable benefit to landlords ant
tenants. On another occasion we shall show, from
the discussions which have lately taken place amongt
farmers, that whatever may be the utility of this
measure, it will fall far short of providing for the
requirements of modern farming.

IN the remarks we have hitherto offered on the
Customs Duties Bill, we have avoided any expression
of a decided opinion as to the amounts of duty pro-
posed to be levied upon home and colonial spirits.
Our object has been to affirm the principle of the
measure of which that bill, the bill to promote distilla-
tion from sugar, and the bill to permit the use of
sugar in breweries, are constituent parts; and, at
the same time, to point out the suspicion to which
the often loose and inconsistent statements of its op-
ponents rendered them liable.
The bill having passed the ordeal of a second
reading, and standing among the orders of
the day for committal, the time has come
for examining in detail the proportional amounts
of duty which, in justice to all parties, ought
to be imposed on the different classes of spirits.,
The principle which has bees affirmed by the House
of Commons in allowing the Customs Duties Bill
to be read a second time, we take to be the equalise.
tion of the duties on home-made and colonial spirits.
The duty on a gallon of proof home-made spirits
ought to be as nearly as possible the same as the
duty on a gallon of proqf colonial spirits. The accep-
tability of the one or of the other in the market ought
to be left to depend upon the goodness of the spirit
and the price at which it is offered, irrespective of the
ingredient of taxation. The advantage enjoyed by the
home distiller from his local position, and by the colonial
from the greater cheapness of his material, (the malt
duty being left out of account) each is fairly entitled
to. Government has no right to tax either of them
more or less lightly on account of natural advantages
or disadvantages.
The difficulty of applying this principle in practice
arises in a great measure front the manner in
which the duty on home-made spirits is levied,
and also to some extent from the different rates
of duty levied in each of the three countries
of the United Kingdom. The duty on home-
made spirits is levied, partly upon the malt from
which they are in whole or in part distilled, partly
upon the spirit itself. In Scotland one half of the
malt duty is returned to the distiller; in England
and Ireland no such allowance is made. Spirits dia.
tilled in Scotland (where the duty is 3s. Bd. per gall.,
and the duty on the malt used in distillation Is. 4d.
per bushel), when entered for consumption in
England, pay the English spirit duty (79.10 d.
per gallon) ; when in Ireland, the Irish
duty (2s. Bd. per gallon). What with dis-
tillers using nothing hat malt and distillers using
little or no malt, and what with Scotch distillers
ma-
nufacturing for home consumption or for English or
Irish consumption, it is difficult to ascertain what is
the amount of duty levied on a gallon of home-made
spirits. The duty which places the colonial distiller
on an equality with the home distiller from grain,
may be a differential duty in his favour against the
home distiller from malt; and the duty which places
the colonial distiller on an equality with the latter
may be a protective duty to the home distiller from
grain.
As nearly as we have been able to ascertain, the
proportions of grain spirits and malt spirits duty paid
for consumption in the United Kingdoms are the fol.
lowing:—
Enitiand. Scotland. Ireland. Total.
' Grain aplrita 9236,x06 1,072,811 7,022,617 16.433,52/
Malt

Wok 9 076,151 6,411,011 7,605,199 23.04508
Of the malt spirits duty paid for consumption in
England, the greater part is distilled in Scotland fat
the English market. Of those duty paid for con-
sumption in Ireland, the whole, we may say, is distilled
in Scotland. In England very little, and in Ireland,
we believe, no sp i irit s distilled from malt. The we-
dominating distillation in England and Irelanui
from grain; in Scotland six-sevenths of the whole
distillation is from malt. Keeping these facts
view, we shall be able to form a tolerably cornet
notion of the fairness of the rates proposed to be
levied on colonial spirits in the three kingdoms.
In England the duty on home-made spirits is
is. 10d. per gallon : the duty to be laid on colonial
spirits is Bs. 4d. An extensive and intelliont English
distiller, whose letter we inserted some time ago, esti-
mates the addition that the malt duty makes to the
cost price of a gallon of spirits at lid. The sixpesies
of difference in the spirit duty offers a wide enough
margin to cover excise restrictions, &c.
In Ireland the duty on home-made spirits is 2s. Bd,
per gallon ; the proposed duty on colonial epistle
3s. 2d. Here also the small quantity of malt lewd in
distillation leads us to infer that a sufficient margin to
left to compensate for the addition the malt dub
and excise restrictions make to the suet price.
In Scotland, the duty on ham mods spirits •
33. Bd. a gallon, the proposed duty on odoniol apitiY
4s. U. Bat in Scotland distillation Ikon ma lime
the rule, not (as in England and Ireland) the exemple.
In Scotland, therefore, the malt duty enters ow
largely into the wet price of spirits than in either
the other two kingdoms ; and it follows, nesmilli"
that if the additional 6d. imposed on oohnsini
in England and Ireland is no mons
equivalent for the malt duty paid by the healr
dl leer, and the excise restrictions imposed tepee Wee
it must be less than an equivalent in Scotland. II are-
deavouring on a former occasion to guess at dm
amount of malt duty paid by the Scotch distiller, We
were misled by the Report from the Board d
Excise on the use of barley, &c., in iseweali
and distilleries. We did not believe that the ors
board which has stated in a report to the Camlib'
sinners of the Treasury, " that the saccharine pail.
of barley has been increased of late years by thii eei-
tivation of a superior description of grain," and whidt
has estimated the average produce of a guava* d
malt at 18 to 19 gallons, would continue to their
the distillers for malt duty on the aseomptioriat
it was only 18 gallons. Documents hale. 4kNA
been placed in our hands that convince us adli le
the case, and that the greater part of the SwWl
tillers actually pay 3s. W. spirit duty and &t. flat
duty on each gallon of spirite. While we heir*
therefore, that the different rates of duty propene. 10
be levied under the Customs Duties Bill on homiwassi
colonial spirits in England and Ireland is say
near the mark, we are convinced that the diabase
to be made in Scotland is too little to place theism*
- with i colonial