The Express.
London, England, 1853-01-31 00:00:00

JANUARY.3L 1853;

no other interest bet that of justice and sound policy. (Cheers.) How will you appeal to them ? There is no I
other way but that which was adopted by Clarkson and his
friends, misty or toresraty years ego; yon must appeal to
them from the platform by your lectures, and through
the press, by deluging them with tracts and publications.
And never was there a time se precious sad so pesdag as
the present ; bemuse, if this great nestle* had not been
held—if we had net bun here to make this demase—
If the prim in London bad heaping on, for another month
or two, as it has been going on for the last month or two, it
might have been too late even to have averted the cala-
mities of a war. New, I will SIMS* that we provoke a
war will France. I presume that we would, in the very
polite phraseology of suns of the war parties, " pitch into"
France. No one is more prepared to admit than lam that
the end would be very disastrous to France, no doubt.
Bet is there not anybody else to be considered in the mat-
ter besides Frame Now, I have heard a great deal of
Week talked, and have seen • great deal more written,
about whit is to be expected from the United States of
America if we declare war with France. Don't deceive
yourselves. America is not coming to pat herself in al-
liance with the Anglo-Saxon race to make war with France.
(Cheers.) If you go to war with France I tell you what the
llsited States will do,—the first thing they will do will be
to assume a very bold attitude, and require you instantly
to abandon that right of search, which was claimed and
exorcised during the last war, and was left an open clues-
Men, even at the peace. Now, you will be obliged instantly
essesines the right of visiting Ameriemt vessels. America
mill En here allow you, with her tonnage, now nearly
swab year own, to do what you did forty-five years ago,
impunity. And what will be the consequeace ?
Amadei will carry on the commerce of Europe. Do you
think with your navigation laws repsaled—aow, I invite
the merchants of Liverpool, whose organs talk so glibly
of war, to pay attention to what I say,—do you sup-
pees that, with the navigation laws repealed, that if
there is a war between France and England, and our
narrow seas swarm, as they will, with privateers having
letters of marque—many and many a stout steamer, built
on the Atlantic shores, coming over here, with letiers of
marque to seise as prises your mercantile vessels--do you
supplies that, under such circumstances, anybody will be
such a fool as to send one ounce of freight under the Eng-
lish gag ? Would not the insurance be some 20 or 30 per
coat more than the insurance of some Amerisan ship ? and
who in the world do you think could carry on competition
in any sommoditiea if he had to pay 20 or 80 per cent, more
than those who brought their goods in ars_y foreign ship?
What must be the effect instantly of war? Your ships must
leave your harbours and go and enter themselves and get
registered either u American ships, or Dutch ship*, or Ham-
burg ships, and be anything but English ships; then you
may bring your commodities here under some other flag, and
what will become of the shipwrights of Liverpool when all
the English ships are gone, and no others building ? They
may follow the ships, or they may go to the workhouse. Now
I say for myself, I pledge myself—and I have not been want-
ing in my word in parliament in what I have said in this hall
—(cheers)—l pledge myself that I will hold no terms with
any government that repeats what I have seen so often done,
that iirhilston their lipsyou hear expressions of the most
perfect confidence and reliance on the good intentions of the
governments of every other country, yet they are in the same
breath proposing an increase of our warlike esta-
blishments. I will hold no terms with that go-
vernment. call it what you will, Whig, Tory, or
Peelite—l will do my best to turn out that government.
And when that government is oat, I will give notice to its
successors that they shall have the same terms from me,
if they
_pursue the same course. (Cheers and laughter.)
Now, I say this without the slightest feeling of
hostility to the present government (Hear, hear.)
I say it without the slightest feeling other than
of favourable expectations from Lord Aberdeen. Well,
knowing, gentlemen, what the convictions of Lord
Aberdeen are, and what those of the late Sir Robert Peel
were, and fortunately having those opinions recorded before
this meeting took place or this agitation was ripened to its
present height, and therefore hamg a minister whose opi-
, alone have gone before this agitation, and cannot be said
Ito have been pressed into our service by either feu or
hope—(hear, hear)—l think that he, of all men, is
the statesman who can, with propriety, take our object is
hand. (Cheers.) And what a glorious opportunity for
such a work ! What do we ask him to do? To effect a
complete revolution in the feelings and relationships of two
of the greatest countries in the world. We ask him to put
an end to 'he hatred and disaffection which exist between
the two countries. We ask him to employ his diplomatists
to aid in mitigating the burdens of their countrymen. We
ask him to enter a new path, and probably the only path
open to him by which fame and honour can be achieved for
her name ; and we say if he takes that coarse. although in-
terest may be opposed to him. though powerful Pertlesea
be opposed to him, though the professions may be
to him—aye, and although aristocratic feeling
oppose him—that there is guarantee enough in this hail—
(cheers)—that if he will take the right step he may depend
upon it that we will enable him to succeed. (Cheer.)
And now, gentlemen, before I leave you, I say, follow the
advice that hat been given elsewhere by my friend Mr.
&urge. When you return home, let an organisation be
created ; let it be understood that you, influential, quiet,
peaceable men, who are here from almost every borough in
the kingdom—let it be understood that you go back to take
apart in the elections of your boroughs whenever they
some on ; sad let it be undenteod that if men vote for
increase of armaments, if they are found voting for Militia
Bills, or for more artillery, unless yon can have some
better ground for doing it than you have at present;
then, I say, let them feel your resentment when
they want your en2port at the poll. (Loud cheers.)
And now, there has been something said of a subscription.
I am sure I am doing everybody a service who hears me,
when I say that now is the time for everyone who wishes to
do his duty in this great cause. My friend, Mr. Prentice,
is just now, I believe, writing or noishing the first volume
of a history of the proceedings of the anti-corn-law league.
I can imagine with what pride sad pleasure the sons and
descendants of the men who were the first to take a part
in that great organisation will cherish the volume that
records the honours of their parents and forefathers ; and I
say, in this great movement let nobody lose the opportunity
of enabling themselves to my, er to let their children say
for them—when this great movement began In the cause of
peace, a cause greater than the muse of the repeal of the
corn laws, has been completed—l was one, or my father
was one, of the first who gave their mitts to the cause.
(Great cheering.)

101 IN Barony, Esq., M.P. for Manchester, who was en-
thusiastically cheered, said,—l will argue this question of
he grounds our ate admit, which not professing
Christians sad heaths', and every
man of in sad eienems sew, mad memos hu-
manity, will ; will mpg it %pea this woad, that
war is probably the greatest el eii banes admilise—tbat
expenditure, in itself, by a goveramesit of the reseurees of
the people ever whom it raise, b ea ; and that pew
is the soil upon which industry, moslity, iatelligenee.
and civilisation, all prosper; sad, therey% I will call
upon all men at least to listen to the ; sea unless
they can confute me, upon this platform sad upon this
ground, I claim to have the opinion of this audience sad on
the country. (Cheers.) Now, you have heard what has
been said I. the newspapers recently. You will observe
that it is a common charge against us, that because =na-
bob of the peace party—l like that word, there never was
• more honourable title given to any body—(cheers)—it is
a party that will last when the war party is forgotten, or
resollected ealy to be executed—(cheers?;—but they say
that, beams the peace party are against unneeessery
aegmatation of the forces, that therefore we are against
all fez:ha:alto inch propositioa has ever been submitted by
us toront, or • nt, or defended maintained by us in pub-
lic. e have had a war, forty years age nearly ; some
persons recollect many of its eireanutances • most of us
have read many of them 111 the histories of the period ; all
of us have felt the prelims, when the tax-gatherer hes
called upon us. And I should like to know what
were its results? Was freedom established in Europe ?
Europe bas been in chains ever since. Wee freedom se-
cured and established In England ? For forty years it
stifled the cry for freedom, and prevented the carrying out
of those measures of reform which we obtained in 1832. It
landed Europe in tyranny, not better than that which it
overthrew • and it landed us in an amount of debt which
we yet boa; the burthen of. The nun of oar taxes, spent
on past and present wars, amounts to 28 millions for debt,
and this year about 16 millions for a peace establishment,
making altogether 44 millions. That is • very large pro-
portion mach the largest paipertion of the whole
texas that we raise. Now, take the 20 years from
1826 to 1844. I find, on locking back to the returns,
that the whole exports of this country during these 20
did not average more than 23 millions pet annum ;
yeah,
tTuring the whole of that period, or nearly so, or at the
preheat moment you are actually paying every year, for the
debt of past wars and our eacemoes expenditure now, as
much as the whole export of all oar industry to all parts of
the world, each year, from the year 18M to 1844. But
come to the expenditure only. You will find that as our
experts for the last two or three years are not much more
than some 65 millions per annum; that under our present
expenditure you may conceive that one ship out of four that
leave our ports with their cargo, is seised, and that
marvellous sum, which we cannot Imagine, or cal-
culate, or understand is that which we now pay
every year for wars that are past and prepare-1
Lions for wan which we hope are not to come.
We were always told that the Duke of Wellington was the
'saviour of this country, and that the battle of Waterloo se-
cured the liberties of England, and the peace of Europe.
Well, it is a very odd sort of security—(cheers)—it is a
very odd sort of security which you got in the year 1816,
which requires that you should pay some twelve to sixteen
millions per annum for the next forty years to secure it,
and, at the end of the forty year, the sixteen millions is
not enough, and those who said that the peace of the
country was neared say that we are utterly defenceless,
and must now begin to make oureelves secure. (Cheers.)
Now, if I were one of the persons who believed that we
were not secure, and I take it for granted that there
are some honest and ignorant persons who do believe
that—(laughter)—if I were a minister, pressed by the
services to add to the military
.expenditure, instead of
coming to parliament with a ample vote for four, or
six, or eight hundred thousand, as the case may be, I
would take another course. First of all, and without at all
taking the views of the peace party, but taking the grounds
which every man who really cares for his country must
admit to be true and sensible grounds, I would ask whether'
the money now expended is well or ill applied ? I would
ascertain whether all oar weapons of destruction were made
alter the most improved model. (Hear, hear.) I would en
whether ern ships really could sail or not. (Laughter.)
I would tako care that half the ships that were built, should
not be cut athwart that they might be lengthened—that
some should not have the screw, sad afterwards the screw
, tiken oat and the paddle-wheel ettbetituted—(gnat laugh-

ter)—l Weill lake care if it were possible, and as it is per
lathe in the mercantile marine, I see no reason why it
should not be possible in the navy—that ships should be built
seat a manner, that when once built they should be
elMeinat for their objects, and that the enormous and ex-
lineaspint expenditure arising from constant change should ,
MOM unsteady take place. There is no investigation into
, eidassial expenditure! Sir William Moleswarth—a man
at bait as much to be trusted in the government as any
man that welts Ye seen in the government in our time—Sir
William Melesworth, I my in thou admirable speeches
I MY* he made ea the eolOnial. question, showed that at
bag three millions—l believe tour millions—of money
might be saved to this country by a different management
of our colonies. Why should we have some thousands of
men in Canada at this moment ? Canada has a govern-
meet much more free than ourselves. Canada has no 'l-
obe and no newspaper stamp. Canada has a representa-
tive assembly far more equally representing the people than
we have in this country ; and we have not the power, for
we shut ourselves out of it by act of parliament, because
we found we could not exercise it—to raise one shilling
of taxes, or a single man in Canada, by an act of the
imperial legislature. We have now thousands of
men engaged in a war in India in an attack on
the Burmese empire, of which I will only say that
of all the atrocious and unjustifiable wars which have
been carried on by this country in India I believe that
there is not one of a blacker character than that which we
are now waging then. (Cheers.) Having censured the
English press for the course which it has taken in reference
to French politics, Mr. Bright continued to say—Now,
Clem is another side to this French question, and I will ask
you for a moment before I conclude to look at it. Imagine
yourselves Frenchmen for a moment. There are two fami-
lies, two branches of one family, exiled from France—the
Count de Chambord, who hu the most antiquated title to
the throne of France, is visiting with the Empero r of Austria ;
the other branch, some of whom have resided for some years
past in England, are on terms of familiar and social
intercourse with our court. Don't fur • moment imagine
that I complain of this. I wish that England may be in
the position to offer an asylum to men of all countries.
(Loud cheers.) But these two facts are not likely to be
lost sight of by the government of France, knowing as that
government does know that the courts of Europe are hostile
to those claims. What did Europe fight for, but that the
name of Buonaparte should no longer be even known
amongst the royal and governing families of Europe ?
What took place in France had drawn the pen through the
most important conclusions of the treaty of 'Vienna, and
therefore it is natural to suppose that those courts are hos-
tile to the present government of France. But in France
there are many factions. There is a legitimate faction ;
there is au Orleanist party; there is • party repub-
lican; there are several parties, none of which
are favourable to the present government. Never-
theless, for twelve months incessantly the English
press had been endeavouring to influence the minds, net
of Englishmen only, bat of all Europe out of France,
against the French government. Now I cannot be sup-
posed to have any leaning to the present French govern-
ment. lam taking the same line of argument now that I
took when I stud on this platform with the ex-goveror of
Hungary. (Loud cheers.) I resisted then the appeals
that were made to the people of Manchester to engage in
any foreign quarrel, any hostile transactions whatever on
behalf of any foreign nation. And if I were justified in
the course I took then, am I not justified now in asking
that the people of England, and the press of England,
should regard with a dispassionate, with an im-
partial, with a just eye—an eye befitting such a
nation as this—everything that engages their attention

when commenting on thew transactions which have taken
place amongst neighbouring nations, consisting of 36.000,000
of human beings? (Cheers.) As to claims to the throne—
it was a known fact—the provisional government even knew
it, any member of the provisional government of France
would tell you that their only fear when the election of
• president came on was Louis Napoleon. They knew
that the Bonaparte family was the most powerful
family in the sympathies and affections of the
French people; and they knew that the moment he
offered himself as the candidate, that his election
was certain by an overwhelming majority. I do not ex-
press an opinion whether this was a wise course or not, but
it is a fact; and if the people of England—ignorant, be-
wildered, mistaken—might make my selection they chose
of any great officer of state, supposing that our monarchy
were elective, which I hope it may never be—(cheers)—
how should we take the comments that have been made
upon the French people and the French government during
the past twelve months? Would it not bind every man to
the government for the sake of his national feeling,
even though he might not himself have given a
vote in favour of the establishment of that government ?
And if war should arise—if war should spring out of these
inane proceedings—language wholly foils one to fleeced)*
the disastrous consequences that must ensue. I shall draw
no picture of blood and crime, in battles by sea and land •
they are common to every war, and nature shudders at the
enormities of man. But I see before me a vast commerce

eclipsed, a mighty industry paralysed, a people impo-
verished and exhausted under ever-increasing burthens,
and a gathering discontent. I see this now peaceful land
torn with factions—l see our now tranquil population suf-
fering and ferocious—l see sown, as it were, before my
eyes, the seeds of internal convulsion and of rapid national
decay; and, in the mournful vision which must afflict the
sight of any mun who looks forward to these events,l behold
this great:nation, the prolific parent of half a future world,
sink into hopeless ruin, the victim of its own ignorance and
credulity, and of the cowardice and the crimes of its rulers.
Mr. Bright then resumed his seat, in the midst of the most
enthusiastic cheering.
Mr. CARTER, M.P., with a few brief observations, moved
• vote of thanks to Mr. Wilson, for his conduct in the
chair, which having been acknowledged, the proceedings
terminated.

A LIBERAL CONSTITUENCY.—The Mayor of Wol-
verhampton (.1. Wynn, Esq.) has intimated to the Hon. C.
P. Villiers that the expenses attending his recent re-elec-
tion have been entirely and voluntarily discharged by the
learned gentleman's constituents.
GOVERNEBBES' BENEVOLENT INSTITUTION. —On
Saturday, a general court of this inoorpontion was held at
the offices in Sackeills-street, Dr. Forbes in the chair, for
the purpose of considering the present mode of voting by
proxy, and adopting any other mode that might be deemed
more convenient. On the motion of Dr. Laing it was resolved
, that the present mode of voting be discontinued, and that,
in future, the votes be given in the same manner as in the
London Orphan and St. Anne's Institutions. The effect of
the change would be, it was hoped, that each subscriber
would confine his votes to one candidate, instead of distri-
buting them amongst several ; and by this means a great
lose of time and trouble would be saved to the officers and
to the subscribers. In ease, however, a large subscriber
wished to divide his votes, he could exchange his proxy for
miller ones by signifying his intention at the office.
BATHS AND WASH-notrBE9.—The following shows
the steady increase of bathers and wuben in London. The
aggreg
ate numbers at seven establishments in the metro-
is,
from January to December 1852 inclusive, amount to
163 bathers, 197,580 washers. Corresponding period of
1851, five establiehments, 657,242 bathers, 132,251 washers.
Corresponding period of 1850, three establishments, 609,200
bathers, $6,164 washers. Corresponding period of 1649,
two establishments, 297,831 bathers, 9,070 washers. Cor-
responding period of 1848, one establishment (Goulaton-
square. Whiteehapel), 48,637 bathers, showing an increase
in 1852 over the corresponding period of 1848 of 761,626
bathers, and 197,580 washers; and an aggregate in live
years of more than 3,100,000 bathers and washers. The
figures in the foregoing statements are irrespective of the
bathers and washers at the George-street establishment,
which is not conducted aecording to the sets.

Apurne.watize' HALL.—Names of gentlemen who
their examination in the science and practice of ate-
rill, and received certificates to practice, on Thursday,
January 27:—Alfred Trousdale, Gainsborough, Lincoln-
shire; Charles George Wood, Bromley, Kent; Charles
Frederic Moore, Dublin.

SAILORS' SAVINGS BANNS.—We understand that
the very large sum of 43,0001. has been paid into the
Savings Bank connected with the Sailors' Home, in Well-
street, in the last year. This is one among the many proofs
of the great benefit that these establishments have conferred
upon the seamen of the country. We are also informed
that in consequence of the benefits of the system the go-
vernment has resolved to establish Savings Banks at the
shipping offices throughout the country.—Shipping Gazette.

- -
THE BISHOP OP RIPON AND BAPTISMAL REGE-
NIBRATION.—At the general ordination recently held by the
Bishop of Ripon, his lordship refused to admit a gentleman
named Hayward, who has for some time past been in
deacon's orders, into the priesthood, on the ground that he
believed in the doctrine of baptismal regeneration—the
point which gave rise to the long litigated case between the
Bishop of Exeter aad the Rev. G. C. Gorham. The Bishop
of Ripon, in erecting Mr. Hayward, gave him the following
cartiftAte : " This Is to certify, that the Rev. George A.
Hayward was examined by me as a candidate for priest's
orders—that his examination was in every other respect
satisfactory, but that I found myself unable to ordain him
because he persevered in maintainins that the outward and
spiritual grace of baptism is ' a saving grace,' which is ex-
plained as meaning ' a grace which effectually secures salva-
tion,' so that none but those who are ulimately saved can
have received of this grace.—(Signed) C. T. RIPON."
DEPARTURE OF THE AMERICAN MAILS.—On
Saturday, at noon, the British and North American Royal
Mail steam-ship Niagara, Captain W. Lang, sailed from the
Mersey, with the usual mails, forty passengers, and a valu-
able cargo of merchandise on freight. Amongst her passen-
gers were the Austrian ambassador to the United States,
Chevalier Hulseman and suite. Her mails were under the
charge of Lieut. Oaks, R.N., Admiralty agent.

DEPARTURE FOR N -EW SOUTH WALES.— The
semw-steamer Ann, which was formerly employed carrying
the mail between Alexandria and Beyrout, left Southamp-
ton for New South Wales on Saturday. She went out
under canvas, and took no passengers, ller cargo con-
sisted of clothes, French wines and brandies, and stores for
the Peninsular acd Oriental Company's vessels. She took
out a mail for Sydney.
THE RUMOUR OF CHOLERA AT PARIS.—A rumour
having been current that some eases of Asiatic cholera had
occurred in Paris, the Union Medicate states on authority
that the number of eases of cholera in the hospitals during
the last six months has not exceeded 12, which is not higher
than the anneal average for years put. In these cases,
only one of which was of a serious character, the Asiatic
symptoms were absent, and the patients were cured.
Influenza (grippe), says the same journal, has been very
frequent, but the disease has seldom resisted the medical
tivatment.