The Express.
London, England, 1848-06-12 00:00:00

FlAtill MATek AT LONDON ■NIIIIIC.

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Te.seesow—Mweapja =la paw 31 Pat I

LONDON. MONDAY. JUNE 12.

THE revolt of Moultan, of which intelligence has
just arrived, is not an event calculated to excite
serious aporehension. It is one of those provinces
with which we have never be en under the necessity
of directly meddlteg ; and lying, as it does, between
Scinde and Lahore, it was considered natural and
inevitable that it should follow the fate and shire the
subjugation of those countries. Moultan has always
been more o lebrated for its w. alth and industry
than for the military spirit of its inhabitants. Still
its capital was defended by a strong fort, which it
cost RUNJEET SINGII a considerable loss of men to
capture.
In the re-arrangement of the l'unjaub, consequent
arm the defeat of its armies, Moultan was that
provin,e which gave the least trouble ; and when the
Queen-Mother and the Sirdars entrea•ed the Itritish
to remain, they declared their protection was re•
quired for the maintenance of order in every pro-
vince, exce 4 perhaps Moultan, whose l)ewan gave no
trouble. That functionary leased his government and
stipulated a certain tribute; but like manyan humbler
leaseholder in a troubled country, he was continually
complaining that the terms on which he held the
country were too onerous, and declaring that he de-
sired to be released from it. As far back as December
last the journals stated that I 3e wan MooutAJ requested
to resign. COl. LAWRENCE seems to have paid no
attention to this request; but his successor, Sip
FREDERICK CURRIE, took it in earnest, and despatched
Mr. VANS AGNEW and Lieut. ANDERSON to take the
government from the existing Dewan, and appoint
another. _

They had just completed this act when they
were fallen upon by the Moultanese, maltreated, and,
it is feared, Lieut. ANDERSON slain. The English
residents were, however, defended by the Sikh troops.
And the revolt seems to be purely Moultanese, and
probably fiscal. Should it prove local and remain so
it may not prove of any great importance. But
as the country round the fort of Moultan
can be inundated with the waters of the
Chenab its recapture may prove tedious, and
will require, if the garrison be staunch, a regular
siege. DEENAII NATn, the old Dewan of Moultan,
has hastened thither atom Lahore, to try and bring
Nlootatr to terms. The attack, however, upon the
resident, and the slaughter of his companion, is an
insult difficult to be atoned, and dangerous to be over-

looked, in India. The event, as may be supposed, had
created no little stir, both at Lahore and Ferosepore.
MIME _

awe
We must exam ourselves disappointed at the
impotency and threatened failure of the French republic.
Not that we prefer a republic to monarchy, but that
we consider the restoration of a monarchy impossible
in France, except upon a basis of military rule and
stringent despotism. Let us suppose any of the
BOURBON princee, of either branch, seated on the
throne ; and we must at the same time suppose a
rebellious and resentful people, detesting royalty,
abhorring the dynasty, nursing hate, making con-
spiracy a duty. and sedition a religion, till such time
as an opportunity occurs fur one of the country's pe-
riodical revolutions.
Nor is it the lower class of the French alone that
must be ground beneath the sceptre of di spotism.
Suppose any prince upon the throne rand how can M.
BAItROT, or a moderate liberal like him, demand
purity of election, or the right of association ? These
fair and simple demands proved the signal for the
movement of February, and the anarchy that has
ensued. Let the French tories once more regain
power, and they will he in a manner entitled to grant
but a shadow of public liberty. We must own that
we prefer a republic, not only as more free, but as
more permanent and redid, than this. And therefore
we would gladly hail anything like sincerity, good
sense, capacity, or resolution, in French republican
politicians.
We regret to say, that we see no sign of these
saving qualities on any side of the French assembly.
' The popular party is mad, intolerant, led by a
minority, who trust to audacity for success, and who
seem to think neither experience, nor capacity, nor
even honesty, required for the government of a great
nation. On the other hand, the moderates displayed
such a lamentable want of courage on the first days
of their overthrow, and such intolerance and i iiveteracy
since, that instead of a peaceful prevalence such as
would befit the inteltgent and prosperous classes,
'they seem to aim at a restoration of their weponde-
ranee by force, by calling in the military lira and in-
viting some new monarch to follow after in the mili-
tary baggage-cart, in the way that Louis XVIII.
came to recover his kingdom and capital.
'l•he worst feature in the present state of French
society and politics is, the utter separation between
the citizen and the operative classes. There has long
been no mutual trust, no link of dependence between
them ; and unfortunately, theorists have come between
to teach to the working classes a creed and a doctrine
that have led them to seek not only their own
individual happiness, but human regeneration in
the destruction or metamorphose of property. All
the horror, the anarchy, the pirate sis of industrial
life, and the civil war which must rage in the streets
and throughout the land, proceed from the iroculation
of communist doctrines on the old democratic ones,
which were sufficiently subversive of themselves.
Left without any religious convictions, or such forms
of religious belief as reason rejects being alone
offered to the French, it is but natural that they
should put hope and credence in doctrines of
perbctibility upon earth. The communists in
France do not form, indeed, the majority of
the working classes. Far from it ; but then they
form a sect, possess a purpose and a creed, and are ani-
mated by fanaticism. I. is they who made the revo-
lution of February, and they who in seeking to
realise their doctrines have Hung indelible discredit
upon democracy, and shown republicanism to be sel-
fish, incapable, spoliatory, aed anarchic. 'the com-
munists have ruined the cause of democracy in
France, and have then by forged, we fear, the chain
of their own and their country a despotism.
And yet we think the moderates and the represen-
tatives of the middle classes might have saved tne
state front the two fearful extremes that seem now
likely to alternate.
More courage at first, more tolerance at laid, might
have done this. More courage at first would have
prevented such men as Luott -Howe and his party
num assuming an undisputed ascendancy. That
ascendancy, once unfortunately permitted, more toler-
ance ought to have been shown to those who wished
to let it down by gentle means. But no—one by one '
each of the republicans who would have gladly
favoured the views of the moderates, have been
repudiated and disgusted. Instead of dividing
the popular party, the bad tactics and puerile
vindictiveness of the moderates have caused
them to unite. And a civil war of classes is immi-
nent, in whit h, if the moderates do conquer, it will
probably be by the aid of the military—that is, by a
power naturally regardless of, if not hostile to, the
liberties of both the civic and popular classes.
Instead of consolidating a constitution, putting an
end to the provisional state of things, and replacing it
by a government with unity, with force, and with an
interest in restoring order, the assembly, in which '
the moderates predominate, has spent its
time in the idlest squabbles. With the greatest
imbecility, it allowed itself to be insulted
I and almost dissolved on the lath of flay; and its
whole time since has been spent in seeking to avenge
this upon the individual guilty, as if it could gather
strength from prosecution, at a time when no severe
punishment could be inflicted even on the wont
political malefactors. liven in punishing or
seeking to punish the authors of an insole,
the Assembly evidently trembles before the
prospects of the next, without taking any decisive
steps. It leaves Downier: and LEDRU ROLLIN
in power, whilst mistrusting and calumniating both.
The moderates, unable to take the governmen. them-
selv, s, are most busy in discrediting their rivals, the
thorough republicans, forgetting that the country is
perishing during the interval, and that a general dis-
gust pervades not only Europe, but France, against
both, and ad parties who are carrying on impotent
and childish struggles in the National Assembly. A few
weeks more of such imbecile conduct, and the first
soldier that shall raise his sabre or his boot to kick the
Na.ional Assembly and representative government
with it into the Seine, will be hailed as the saviour
of his country, not only from anarchy, but front con-
tempt. And he will be saluted as an autocrat, by the
ri4ht of common sense, and by the proved incapacity of
the French to support or carry on either constitutional
monarchy or republican government.
It has been the misfortune of the French National
Assembly not only to fling away time and opportunity,
but men. There was I. s NIA RT I N It: what more able, more
courageous, more succeeslul politician than he, up to the
very moment of the meeting of the National An-
senility? LAMtRTINI VIM a great card for that
assembly to make use of. But the very first act of
the assembly, or of its moderate majority, was to fling
that card away. LAMAIATINR may have contributed
to his own depreciation, but it was the jealousy of
parties in the National Assembly which did the work,
and flung him where, fur the present, he is utterly
lost. _ _

Next comes M. THIERS, who has hitherto
manwuvied ably, boldly avowed the moderation of
his opinions, and provoked, by announcing them, his
rejection from the assembly. Yet now, there is a
fee,ing, that his experience is wanting, and the
republic is forced to recur to him. He comes, and
will probably astound the assembly by the clearness,
the widom, the ripeness, and practicability of his
views concerning finance. Ho will save the state
from bankruptcy, and from the anarchy con-
sequent upon it. But if M. Mims allies
with the cause of an unpopular dynasty,
as M. LAMARTINE with a republican principle too
dandy entangled with iwitute, the fate of one ►ill be
like that of the other, and his credit, like LAMAR-
TINE'S popularity, will pass. Louts PHILIPPE was
accused of using up his statesmen, and then flinging
them away. The ',tench republic is, however, more
prodigal and reckless of talent. It consumes in a
week what Louts l'itturrs economised the use of
for a year, nay, two. M. Gutzur lasted Louis
PHILIPPE eight years. The republic consumed
LAM RTIN E in two months.

THE readeis of the "Arabian Nights" cannot fail
to be struck with the very great number of incidents
in the tale of the " Fisherman and the Genii,"
which bear a striking resemblance to the facts of the
history of the conduct of the church of England on
the education question. The Genius, three hundred
years before ho appeared to the astonished fisherman,
had been confined in a jar sealed with the seal of the
Sultan SotomoN. At the end of the first century he
vowed to make the fortune of the man who should
deliver him; at the end of the second he doubled the
offer : at last, growing irritated by his confine-
ment, he capriciously changed his tone, and at
the end of the third he vowed the destruction of the
wished-for liberator. This unlucky Wight was the
fisherman. The instant he had opened the jar

" there came out a vapour, and it rose up toward the
heavens, and reached along the face of the earth ; and
after this the vapour reached its height and con-
densed, and became compact, tied waved tremulously,
and became an Ufreet (evil spirit), his head in the
clouds and his foot on the soil ; his head like a dome,
his hand like a harrow ; his two legs like pillars, his
mouth like a pit; his teeth hke huge stones, and his
wwhereen two
Inaosmtporil,s
auslikteerebasanidns ;lowaeording.his
Neyoews,
fisherman saw that Ufreet, his muscles shivered and
his teeth chattered, and his palate was dried
up, and ho knew not where he was.' Now,
somewhere about three centuries ago—that is to say
some few years after the earnestness which the refor-
mation had communicated to the English church had
given way before the all-powerful influence of a
hierarchy freed from all responsibility to public opi-
nion—the Solomon, of the establishment managed to
bottle down the expansive spirit of education,and con-
fine it as closely and as securely as our friend the
Ufreet was confined in the jar. We are not making
these remarks upon the establishment in a spirit of
hostility: we are merely stating truths which
have been acknowledged and regretted by
nearly the whole bench of bishops. It is a
recognised fact that, until within the last
ten years, the church has resisted all attempts to
educate the people : it kept down the desire for edu-
cation : it resolutely refused to make use of the ample
means at its disposal to assist the universal thirst for
improvement. For three c-nturies it was successful ;
but this success had a limit. Public opinion must
sooner or later act upon the most sluggish. The na-
tion, it was said, must be educated in some way or
other ; and if the church would not assist, the good
work must be begun without it.. So the jar was
opened, the spirit was allowed to emerge ; but instead
of appearing in a docile character it assumed an ap-
pearance more horrible to the ecclesiastical observers
than that of the Ufreet to the fisherman. It
had grown surly, capricious, ferocious, by
its lung confinement : it betrayed no gra-
titude for its liberation ; it insisted on its
own right to perfect liberty • it threatened to de-
stroy those institutions which 'had been the means of
keeping it from its rights. The desire for education
which spread amongst the labouring classes was wild,
ignorant, and imperative. Like the Ufreet, its foot
grovelled on the soil while its head was in the clouds.
Unlike the Ufreet, however, in the continuation of the
tale, the spirit refused to be bottled up again, and the
affrighted clergy were left to make the most of their
bargain.
In one word, the clergy are now, like the fisherman,
alarmed at the magnitude of the spirit which slept
for so long a period. Does their conduc' display any
signs of the wisdom necessary to tame down the won-
derful spirit which has been evoked, and to make it
labour for the service of man ? We think not.
We must confess that there appears something of a
dog-in-the-manger spirit in the manner in which the
church, as a body, is acting with respect to the educa-
tion of the country. It has not educated the poor it-
self, it is not able now to accomplish this object—these
confessions come from the church itself, and yet
the instant the government comes forward with a
plan the hitherto dormant establishment is up in arms
against it. The government, which has a greater in-
terest than the church in the education of all the in-
habitants of the country, takes measures to do what
the church has left undone. The church complains of
an ins asion of these rights, which it never exercised,
and throws all obstacles in the way of
the fulfilment of the government plan. The
government is willing to assist every denomina-
tion of Christians in the education of the poorer
members of that denomination ; but it claims the
privilege of attaching some conditions to the grant of
money given in furtheranc of such objects. This
is surely fair. "We cannot get on without your
assistance," says the church. " You shall have it,"
says the government, " with the proviso, that some
slight condition be attached to our assistance as a
guarantee that our object is carried out as well
as yours." The " slight condition" is repudiated by
the church, or rather by a prominent party in it ;
and education, between the two stools, is likely to have
a tumble. The two hostile parties are at present the
National Society and the Committee of Council : the
former representing the high church party—the
latter the government. The society meets to discuss
the following resolution :
That no arrangement which shall involve the compulsory
imposition of any in inagement clause whltevir, as a condi-
tion of state woostAnce, can be satisfactory to, or ought to be
accepted by, ill^ church.
Now, as we have said above, wecannot hut consider it
perfectly fair that if government bestow money upon any
body of men fur the furtherance of any particular object,
it should have seine guarantee that the money should
be duly employed for the stated purpose. So much
for the general case. But so far as the National So-
ciety is concerned, is there not a particular case which
renders the enforcement of a guarantee imperative?
This society has within the last few years assumed
colossal proportions. Its officers have been zealous,
energetic, and talented. It has come to be
considered as the great channel through which
it is fit that all the bounty of the church
intended for educational purposes should flow.
We have not the slightest wish to cast
any slur upon the motives which have actuated the ma•
' rigging members—we are grateful even for the service
they have done the state—we cannot but recognise the
piety and talent displayed in many of their proceed-
ings. Is it not, however, a notorious fact that this
society is identified with that portion of the establish-
ment which holds that the clergy alone are the
church ? Are not the views held by its most active
members similar to those advocated by the Puseyite
party? Are not its plans all imbued with
the same spirit which has been but too evi-
-1 dently actuating that party in the church of Eng-
land from which secessions to Boise are continually
taking place? Do not the institutions which it
patronises or originates all breathe of the same spirit ?
Take, for instance, the society's training institution at
St. Mark's College. Ask any unprejudiced person to
corn r.unicate to you his impressions of what he has
seen after a visit to this establishment, and lie will not
hesitate to say that the formal ecclesiastical discipline
evident in all the arrangements is extremely averse
from what he has been accustomed to consider
the idea of the English church. There is
a superabundance of form and symbolism, an affecta-
tion of ascetic discipline, a penitential air visible on
the faces of the inmates which appears foreign
enough to a protestant institution. If he attends
divine service, he finds that the clegyman intones the
prayers, that the service is chanted, that all the
minutine of action and posture, which have been the
cause of so much heartburning in the church, are
rigorously observed —that in fact there is no attempt
to disguise that the intention of the directors is that the
mode of conducting the service shall approximate as
closely as possible to that which it was the object of the
writersof theOxfordTracts.o restore. Now, St. Mark's
College is the pet institution of the National Society.
We complain then that the church, in su far as it is
represented by the National Society, is a party ; and
we cannot but see in this fact a strong proof of the
necessity of the Committee of Council insisting on
the right to attach such conditions to a pecuniary
grant as may tend to prevent its being employed
in a manner subversive of those principles which
it is the intention of the commAtte to carry
oat. If the National Society can do without the
assistance of the government, there is no objection
to allowing it to work out its own plan in its own
manner ; if it requires that assistance, it must submit
to pay the price. And let it be remembered that any
reasons for imposing conditions on the bestowal of
any giant, which apply to religious sects in gene-
ral, have a double force when applied to the church
of England. In all dissenting bodies a powerful pub-
lic opinion acts upon the minister; the clergymen of
the established church are absolutely irresponsible.
We think, then, that the Committee of Council would
be unwise were they to be determined by any clamour
to yield a necessary privilege; and we would warn
the members of the society to take care lest, in follow-
ing out a plan which they think necessary to preserve
their own independence, they may be really playing
into the hands of the Oxford party.

Two samples of the greatest grossness in public
oratory have excited disgust this last week. One fell
from the mouth of Mr. FC3SELL, the chartist; the
other from the Most Noble the Marquis of LONDON-
DERRY. The former may have been more culpable,
but the peer's language was far more vulgar and
more insulting to the crown. Her Majesty some time
since thought fit to confer the honour of commander-
ship and companionship of the Bath upon certain
eminent civilians, several of whom have rendered

good and great service to their coustry without te.
Sr reward.

This act of her Majesty has been stigmatised in
full parliament by the Marquis of LONDON DERRY as
prostitution." And there was not a minister to
stand up and protest against a speech so outrageous
and so ruffianly. Had such an expression fallen from
the knight of any order on the continent, the ribbon
or cordon of that order would have been torn from him
by a hundred indignant hands, or by the authorities
anticipating such an act of public judgment. But
the privilege of a peer in this country extends to in-
suit flung even upon an act of the sovereign, in tits
face of public decorum.
We see very little advantage in bestowing stars and
orders of the Guelph or the Bath upon the civilians of
this country, who derive their eminence from their
merits—that is, from a source the direct contrary or
that from which such a being as Lord Loewe-
' DERRY derives his notoriety. The order of the Bath
has, however, one merit, which is, that it has rarely,
if ever, been bestowed for political adhesion,
consequently, the term" prostitution" is the last that
a gentleman or a man of sense would have thought of
applying. Indeed, so gross a term might with more
justice be applied to the "Garter" itself, which is toe
often the price of political conversion cr subser.
viency. The Both, on the contrary, rewards the
services of the soldh r in the field, the diplomatist in
his career, the civil functionary in overstepping the
duties of routine and becoming public benefactor, as
moat of the late companions of the order have shown
themselves.

As Mr. FUSRELL is threatened with condign punish.
ment for his gross outrage upon decency and upon his
Sovereign, so we think that the Marquis of LoNnon.
DERRY ought also to be called before some fitting tvi.
bunal. If the order of the Belt be indeed a companion.
ship of honour, those who wear it ought not to allow
that insignia to be spat upon. A petition ought to be
addressed to the CLancellor, the Chapter, or the su-
preme authority of the order, the QUEY.N henr,lf, to
demand that reparation be made by Lord LoNoosr.
DERRY for his foul Billingsgate, or that he he called
on to divest himself of the collar of that order which
he has publicly declared to have been " prostituted'
by the act of his Sovereign.