The Express.
London, England, 1847-07-02 00:00:00

CHANNEL ISLANDS.

Mr. NEWDEGATE had received information with re•
god to great irregulerities in the administration of the
gimbal law in the Channel Islands and the Isle of Mae.
legged to ask when the report of the commissioners to
gaquire into that subject would be laid before the house, and
whether the government would be prepared to found any
messnuri it ? And also, when the commission to inquire
fat* t.6a a mlaiatrattoa of the civil law, which had been pia
robed, would be put into action ?
'e 0, OBEY raid that the commissioners for inquiring into
criminal law bad completed their inquiry,
• yet made their report, which they had
the end of May. He had received a letter
, of the commissioners, giving. reasons
report was in a forward state, and
soon be presented. When it was
government would give it their hest
- was not prepared to give an entrance

Mr. T. DUNCOMBE wished to put a question to the
right hon. gentleman the Home Secretary. He was no doubt
aware of a calamitous explosion which took place in a col-
liery near Wigan, on Tie day last. It was the wish of the
parties interested that a commissioner should be sent down
to investigate the matter. For some days past the men had
represented to the proprietors that the pit was not in a safe
state, and on the morning of the explosion they wens
to the man at the bottom of the shaft, and again stated
that it was not safe, and wished to leave. lie refused,
sad ordered them back, and in a few hours afterwards the
explosion wound • seven or eight men were brought up, two
of whom did Immediately, and the lives of the ethers were
despaired of. It was known that six men had been left in the
pit who must be dead. The proprietors were requested to
allow persons to go into the pit to see after them ; but they
refused and sent down some of their own men, who paid a
very mysterious visit to the pit and gave no information. An
experienced miner, well-known in the neighbourhood, bad
volunteered to go down accompanied by another man to see
if he could rescue the persona who were left below, but their
request had been refused—and all this was because they
would be able to give evidence before the coroner's inquest,
which sat to-morrow. There was, of course, great excitement
in Wigan and the neighbourhood, when it was known that
six persons were immersed in the pit and no one was allowed
to go down to their rescue. It was necessary that some step
should be taken ti protect the lives of persons in collieries.
He hoped that a commissioner would be sent down to make
inquiry into the matter.
Sir O. GREY was not acquaint d with the facts of the
cue beyond the short statement which had appeared in the
newspapers. None of the statements the hon. member had
made to the house had reached him (Sir 0. Grey), either
officially or in any other manner. Of course there would be
an inquiry into the circumstances of the accident, and ha
trusted that it would then turn out that the conduct of the
owner of the mine had not been such as had been described
by the hon. member. In former cases two gentlemen of
practical experience had been sent down to watch the pro.
endings at the inqueets, and, if it was found necessary, the
minse coarse would be pursued in the present instance.
Mr. T. DUNCOMBE thought it ougnt to be done at
toss. It was not to be tolerated that the unfortunate men
known to have been left in the mine should be allowed to
remain there either dead or in a dying state. If this had
been a railway accident, a commissioner would at once, and
without delay, have been despatched to the spot by the go-
vernment.
Sir G. GREY remarked that the investigation of this cam
did not properly devolve upon the government, and he hoped
it would not be thought the magistrates and local authori-
ties had not power to act in such a matter. Indeed, the ma-
gistrates would grossly neglrct their duty, if they had not
already taken steps, if the case stood as the hon. member re-
presented it. (Hear, hear.)
Mr. H. BAILLIE wished to know what powers the magi,-
trates had to interfere in such a case. The usual course was,
that a coroner should hold an inquest on the sufferers, and,
if a verdict of accidental death was returned, there the mat-
ter ended. Scarcely six months elapsed without some serious
coal-mine accident, by which vast numbers were killed, and
others severely injured, and he thought the subject quite as
important for investigation by the government, as any sea-
way accident that had ever occurred.
Sir G. GREY said the hon. member could not have
heard the original statement, which was, that the accident
had arisen from the grass and wilful neglect of the owner of
the mine. Now, if death had been caused by wilful neglect,
he apprehended that was a charge which ought to be in-
vestigated by the magistrates.
Mr. HUME remarked that, looking to the number of
wrecks and collisions at sea, by which so many lives were
lost, especially in recent times, he thought the government
ought to institute some sort of inquiry with a view to ascer-
tain how far such calamities might be avoided.
Mr. M. FORSTER inquired from the hon, member for
Finsbury upon what authority he had made so serious a
charge as that of wilful neglect against the owner of the
mine ?
Mr. T. DUNCOMBE replied that he bad received a
communication that morning from Mr. Roberts, a respect-
able solicitor at Manchester, who was the legal adviser of the
body of colliers, and be had as much reliance upon the accu-
racy of the statement of Mr. Roberts, as upon that of any
statement that could be made by the hon. member himself.
COMMUTED PENSIONS.
Sir D. L. EVANS asked the right hon. gentleman, the
secretary-at-war, what decision had been come to respect-
leg the restoration of their pensions to the commuted pen-
sioners, so many of whose petitions had been laid before the
house in the course of the present session?
Mr. F. MAULE replied that the whole question had
been discussed in 1845, and he found a treasury minute of
the late government declining any interference in the
matter. Ile thought that minute founded upon a right
principle, and injustice to the public he could not advise the
restoration of pensions commuted 15 years ago.
POOR-LAW COMMISSIONERS.
Mr. FERRAND inquired at what period of the committee
of supply it was intended to move the vote far the expenses
of the poor law commissioners, and gave notice that he
should take that opportunity of refuting the cutrailiction
given to his statement respecting the supply of medicines
which had been offered on Monday night by the hon. and
learned member for Bath.
Lord J. RUSSELL Raid that whenever the house got into
a committee of supply it was intended to take the vote for
the poor law commissioners if not the first certainly one of
the earliest votes.
JOINT STOCK COMPANIES BILL.
Sir R. H. INGLIS inquired whether it was the pleasure
of the government to press the discussion on the third read-
ier of the Joint Stock Companies Bill this evening ? He
asked the question because it was virtually a bill to repeal
the statute of raortmain in favour of joint-stock companies,
and he thought a bill fought with such consequences ought
not to be brought forward at an inconvenient period of the
night.
Mr. M. OIESON said of course it would not be desirable
to press on any bill which would require discussion. lie
assured the hon. member that the bill did not infringe either
the letter or spirit of the mortmain acts ; and he, there-
fare, hoped to be allowed to bring it on.
Lord J. MANNERS begged of the hon. baronet opposite
(Sir It. Inglis) not to take fnr granted the right hon. gentle-
man's law : not only this bill, but also several private acts
which bad paned, wholly infringed the statutes of Mort:main.
PRIVILEGE.
Mr. D. ROSS complained of a misrepresentation in the
Times of that day, of what he said in the course of the
debate on Wednesday. He was reported in that journal to
have said " that there was now an opportunity of doing
great good, by exposing the system of jobbing which pre-
vailed through the whole constitution of Irish society."
The language be had used had exactly an opposite bearing,
for he said that ho hoped the returns desired by the hon.
member for Mallow would be granted, as then the guilty
parties would be disclosed, and the opinion, that the whole

.-4".

-"thee branch of the legislature or
itself. On these grounds, he moved 'as an amendment that
the bill be committed that day three months.
Col. SIBTHORP seconded the amendment. He com-
plained of London being lift out of the provisions of the
bill, and said that it required unitary measures much more
than York. Perhaps the fact that there were 16 metropolitan
members—an important number to a government—had
something to do with it. lie contended teat the authorities
of the city he represented ( Lincoln), had just as clean hands
as the Lord Mayor and Common Council of London. No
'less than 21 new clauses were now introduced into this bill,
which it would be impossible to dream thoroughly. He
regarded local government as a most important institution
it was, in fact, the foundation of the constitution. To send
down government inspectors and commissioners, would be
an insult to the local authorities. The principle of cen-
tralisation was bad, unnecessary, and dangerous, and would
become more so, perhaps incurably so, hereafter. It was
said, the metropolis would not be forgotten on a future occa-
sion ; why not include it now common honesty required
this; delays were dangerous, and also auspicious. He was
told some parts of the metropolis were not quite so clean as
they should be—laughter) ; but then the scavengers, per-
haps, had votes, and probably they had been canvassed.
Such a coupe was unbecoming a high-minded and honour-
able ministry.
Mr. W. BROWN thought the bill one of the most im-
portant of the session. 0 ring to the deplorable calamity
which had visited Ireland, about 2.50,000 Irish had come
over to Liverpool ; of theso between 6,000 and 7,000 were
ill in fever, and the want of sanitary regulations was moat
distressing. The disease was, in consequence, spreading
amongst the working classes, and even extending itself to
the upper classes. Four medical men had already fallen
victims to the disease, and it was most essential that some
steps should be taken to stay its ravages.
Mr. MACKINNON showed that the objections of the
gallant member for Lincoln (Col. Sibthorp), to the appoint-
ment of commissioners, were unfounded, as the appoint-
ment lay, in the first instance, with the rate-payers. The
commissioners to be appointed by her Majesty would only
be analogous to the poor-law commissioners. (Hear.) He
regretted mini of the 013/811/0118 of the bill. The government
had felt that there was a strong opposition to the measure in
London ; they had, therefore, preferred, feeling the neces-
sity for passing the measure this session, to exclude London,
I but making the bill extend to the rest of the country. Such
a course was perfectly juitiflable.
Mr. SPOONER objected to the bill on account of the
principle of centralisation which it involved. Very soon
the whole country would be governed by commissioners.
While sympathising with the distresses described by
the honourable member for South Lancashire (Mr.
Brown), it should Li remembered that these evils
were local and temporary, and ought not to be met
by a general and permanent enactment. Instead of''
appointing commission. is, it would be preferable to have
another under-secretary of state, giving him power to make
all the necessary arrangements in the different towns. The'
measure was either right or wrong. if right, why exclude
London ? if wrong, why should it be pressed on the house ?
Ile objected to the appointment of commissioners on the
ground of expense, as well as its being unconstitutional.
Mr. E. G. BARNAItD was understood to say that the
town of Deptford had seen itself unwillingly excluded from
the bill, and wished that the measure should be made appli-
cable to it.
Mr. NEWDEOATE said it was understood before that
the excluded district comprehended a circle of four miles
round St. Paul's. This was the most objectionable part of
tkis bill ; and now tho excluded district was suddenly ex-
tended to a circle of ten miles. Why bad this been done?
Some explanation was certainly necessary. Besides, it was
almost entirely a now bill; 18 new clauses had been intro-
duced; and the supporters of the measure had no right now
to claim for it the public support.
Mr. HUDSON said, there were 18 new clauses in the bill
out of 58, and the bill, therefore, ought to be begun afresh.
Moreover, he did not think that either house would pass such
a bill, excluding, as it did, the metropolis, which required
its operation more than any other place in the kingdom. He
also objected to the power which the bill gave of fixing an
unlimited rate; and, in fact, the bill was of objectionable
'clauses. Moreover, he believed that the appointment of the
proposed central commission, and the officers under the bill,
would be quite a matter of jobbing, and he objected to the
system of centralisation which the bill proposed. The noble
lord (Lord Morpeth) only cared to get the commission ap-
pointed for the sake of patronage. He thought the metro-
politan members, who had no direct interest in the matter,
should not vote for or against the bill.
Mr. T. DUNCOM BE thought that it might be better if
hon. gentlemen who were directly interested in the bill did
not vote for it. (Hear, hear.) His constituents did not wish
the metropolis to have been excluded, and he should vote for
expunging the 13th clause, which exempted London from
the operation of the act. There were some objections to the
bill, which, however, might be remedied in committee ; and,
amongst other matters, the salaries of these great scavengers
of the country should be fixed.
After a few words tient Capt. Pechell, Mr. Peter Borth-
trick, and Mr. 11. Berkeley,
The house divided—For going into committee 117
Against it
The house then we at into committee.
Lord MORPETII said it was his intention to reduce the
number of commissioners from live, as originally intended,
to four, one of whom only was to receive a salary.
On clause 1 being oroposed,
Mr. HENLEY objected to the principle of centralisation
contained in the bill. He believed it would merely create
patronage, and leave sanitary regulations to take care of
themselves. He most decidedly objected to the great power
invested in the hands of the commissioners. The really
effective part of the bill was contained in the Towns Improve-
ment Clauses Bill. He would, therefore, move that the
clause be omitted.
Lord W. I'AULETT thought there were objectionable
clauses in the bill, but he agreed in its general principles.
Mr. BUCKE agreed in the observations of the hon.
member for Oxford.
Col. SIBTHORP thought that they should know the
number of commissioners, and their names. The public
had a right to know how much this bill was likely to cost
them. If he could help it, the bill should not pass into a
law this 141121011.
Mr. SPOONER said the objections which be entertained'
to this clause he had already urged in speaking against the '
principle of the bill. He should like to knew what was to
be the salary of the one paid commissioner.
Mr. MACKINNON did not think that the towns would ,I
act of themselves without the existence of a central commis-
sion, although he admitted that centralisation was to be
avoided.
Sir W. CLAY supported the existence of a central board
as the only means of diffusing information with respect to
sanitary regulations.
Mr. HUDSON thought that those who were to bear the
expense of the measure ought to know how much it was
likely to be. Nothing could be more absurd than to place a
town under the operation of the bill, merely because it had
a corporation, and without reference to its sanitary condi-
tion. (Hear, bear,) The effect of the measure would be
to paralyse the towns. (Laughter.) In order to be valua-
ble, the bill must be received everywhere with good feeling,
and it must be generally felt that there were no unjust ois-
tinctione in its application. (Hear, hear.) Corporate and
incorporate must equally be included in its provisions.
Lord MORPETH said he had been asked what mystery
there was in the salary of the single paid commisaionei.
The amount would not exceed 1,0001. ayear. It was a popular
argument that if this bill were required, the towns would
petition for it. He feared that those towns in which it was
most needed would be the least likely to petition for it.
He centered that to him there was nothing formidable
in the word, " centralisation." (Laughter.) They who
most feared centralisation moat required that kind of pun-
ishment. (Laughter.) The business of the central audio.
rity would be merely to advirc, guide, and stimulate local
sgency ; and be believed that this bill went no further.
There was no single provision in it which did not assign all
that was to be done to local agescy. If there were any blot
in this bill, it was, that there was too little stringency in it
as regarded the central authority. (Hear, hear.) The sans.
tary commissioners had strongly urged the importance of
such authority, on account of the neglect and ignorance of
the keel authorities, who had neither the opportunities nor
the education requisite for the purpose. On this ground it was
recommended that while everything originated with the
local agency, the crown should have a power of supervision. It
was natural for local bodies to contend for non-interference,
as the Englishman's right ; but the statistics of the country
showed that the interests of the community required some-
thing beyond local authority. The principal opposition to
the bill that evening had proceeded from York and Lin-
coln ; but he was happy to gay that he held in his hand a
copy of a petition from the commissioners of paving and
sewage in the latter city, in favour of the measure, as
likely to be conducive to the health and convenience
of the inhabitants. As to the city of York,
the commissioners stated that the main sewerage was
very defective, and the house drainage equally so. It
was not fair to leave the working claims to the unassisted
efforts of local authorities. He felt sure that eventually the
interference of the government, instead of exciting dislike
and suspicion, would everywhere be hailed as a boon. One
advantage of having a commission would be, that the inven-
tions for sanitary improvement, many of which were
daily submitted to himself, would all undergo a proper
examination.
Mr. HUDSON denied that the rate of York was any-
thing like what had been represented is the report of the

Sir J. DUCKWORTH agreed with the noble lord (Lord
Morpeth) that some central authority was necessary ; but he
did not approve of the powers conferred by the bill. fie
objected to the immediate introduction of compulsory mea-
sures, and thought the accusations made against local autho-
rities were not justified by facts.
Col. SIBTUORP said that at the time when the petition
referred to by the noble lord was presented, the commis-
sinners were not aware of the real nature of the bill.
Mr. NEWDEGATE thought the bill under consideration
afforded a very good illustration of the principle of centrali-
sation. The authority was to originate with the govern
meat, and to influence the town-council, and the town-

that he could not in March answer it, and the
deprivation of his organs of speech had lasted to July,
nor was it till the first of that month that he could
answer a speech made in March. It must be plain to
the committee that the object of the noble lord was not to
discuss the clause, but to endeavour, by raising a discussion
on what was not before the committee, to obstruct the pro-
gress of the bill. Among other things he made a frequent
repetition of the charge that the City of London was left out
of the bill because it was represented by the first minister of
the crown, that no one had explained the fact, that a noble
lord who lately filled the office of chief commis-
sioner of the Woods and Forests, who had no
connexion with the Metropolis, and was not one of its
representatives, introduced a bill which slid not contain any
provisions which applied to that City, and that the first bill
which was made applicable to it was brought in by his noble
friend, and that when the first minister of the crown repre-
sented the City of London. When this was done the noble
lord the late commissioner of Woods and Forests objected
to the metropolis being included in the bill, as tending to
make it impracticable. These facts completely answered
the often repeated accusation with regard to the grounds on
which it was excluded. The noble lord (G. Bentinck)
could not explain why the late commissioner of Woods and
Forests omitted the City of London from his bill. This,
however, had reference to another clause, and when
they came to the subject his noble friend would give his rea-
sons for the course he had pursued. The present question
was, whether there should be any central body or power put
into operation by the hill. What fell from the hon. member
for Finsbury, although reflecting on his (Lord J. Russell's)
constituents, had • great deal of truth in it ; for he said that
if yen left these bodies of persons to themselves, and there
was no pressure upon them, it would be a long time before
they adopted any measures of reform. He believed this to
be the case with corporate towns. The plan of the
hon. member for Oxfordshire was to leave the towns to
purify themselves or not, as they pleased. If it was
left to their option, in many of them there would be no such
reforms. What was the severe pressure which was pro-
posed? Why, that they should be subject to the chief
commissioner of the Woods and Forests, associated with a
paid commiaioner at a salary of 1,0001. a year, admitted to
be moderate, and that inspectors were to visit the towns, and
report what they required.
Lord G. BENTINCK—An uncertain—an unlimited

number.
Lord J. RUSSELL—Uncertain if he would ; hut if the
noble lord wished them to be limited, let him propose it.
When he said there was no limit, he did not perceive that
their eateries must be voted in committee of supply. The '
noble lord was mistaken in supposing that tho power was to i
be token out of the hands of the towns, because the towns I
would appoint their local officers to carry out their own re-
gulations • and the whole power of the commissioner of
Woods and Forests would cantiat in giving his approbation '
to those appointments when made. The power of the bill I
was not compulsory to force great expense, but compulsory i
only to require reports, and to ascertain the state of the
towns. The objection to an increase of the government pa-
tronage was a perfectly fair one to urge in that house ; but
when an important object was to be attained, he thought
that, of the two evils, increase of government patronage or '
loss of public benefit, the increase of patronage was the less.
CoI.ROLLESTON concurred in the object of the bill; but
condemned the machinery as too complicated ; and strongly
objected to the centralisation system.
Lord J. MANNERS having briefly opposed the clause,
The committee divided—For the clause.... lOO
Against it 2B-72
Clauses 2 and 3 were agreed to.
On clause 4 being put,
Mr. SPOONER complained that though the clause pro-
vided for the appointment of inspectors under the bill, there
was no limitation as to their number, and there was no pro-
vision as to the amount of their salaries. He objected to the
clause on account of its being so indefinite.
Lord MORPETH said that the duties of the inspectors
were defined in subsequent clauses of the bill, and until these
were settled he had not thought it expedient to limit the num-
ber of inspectors. He did not, however, hesitate to say that
the government contemplated that it would not be necessary
in the first instance to have more than six inspectors, and it
was hoped to reduce that number after the law had been
brought into operation. As to the salaries, they would be
regulated by the amount of work to be done by the inspectors,
and those salaries certainly would not exceed that of the
commissioner.
Mr. ENTWISLE thought that, looking to the objects
in Tien., and the efficiency required, the salary of the com-
missioner was too small.
After a few words from Col. &amour and Lord MORPETII
in explanation,
Lord G. BENTINCK observed that the 17th clause spoke
of the salaries of the inspectors " as fixed by this act ;" surely
then the salaries ought to be stated.
Lord J. RUSSELL said this would be done se soon as the
bill received the sanction of the crown. The Treasury would
then fix the salaries en a comparison with those of other
officers charged with similar duties, and an estimate would
be presented to the House of Commons, for that house to de-
cide whether tba Treasury bad made • correct calculation.
By this plan the house would have an annual revision of the
vote.
Cul. SIBTHORP thought it suspicious that the govern-
ment refused to state the salaries they intended to give.
Mr. COLLETT (Athlone) thought some limit ought to be
fixed as to the number of officers to be appointed. He saw
that there were to be secretaries, clerks, and *errant', but
there was no limitation.
Mr. HENLEY observed that a port of the duties of the
inspectors was to prepare plans of the towns they surveyed,
and that the coats of those surveys were to be defrayed by
the retepayern Now, under the Towns Improvements Act,
plans had also to be prepared, and he wanted to know on
what ground the oast of two plane were to be thrown upon
the ratepayers.
Lord MORPETH said he apprehended it would not be
necessary to have two sets of plans; and as to the expense of
surveys, the cost would not bo thrown upon the ratepayers,
unites the act was brought into operation in that particular
town. It a town introduced improvements, those improve-
ments should be at the coat of the town and not of the nation.
Lord 0. BENTINCK inquired what would be the scale of
• the salaries to be paid to the secretaries and clerks?
Viscount MORPETII said the salaries of the clerks and
secretaries would be apportioned by the treasury, as was

done in other departments, according to the duties they bad
to perform.
Mr. HUDSON said it would be very hard to saddle the
towns with the payment of officers over whom they had no
control ; be hoped th►t clause would undergo some modifi-
cation, so as to throw the cost on the Consolidated Fund.
Mr. HAYTER observed that clause was not now before
the committee.
Col. ROLLESTON asked what was the number of corpo-
rate towns to which the act would apply?
Visct. MORPETH said the whole number was about 180.
The clause was then agreed to, as was clause 5, with some
amendments.

On clause 6,
Mr. HENLEY snowed the omission of the word hats.

Visct MORPETH said there would he no objection to
this, were it not that the legal interpretation of the word
" town " was not the same as its popular acceptation. Its
legal meaning was • township, which in many cases did not
embrace the whole of the town, and on this account the
word " district" had been employed ; but there was no in-
tention thereby to extend the act to the rural districts.
The ATTORNEY-GENERAL said that no difficulty
could arise front the use of the word " district," as the ex-
tension of the act to any place not an incorporated borough
was dependent on the option of the inhabitants.
Mr. HENLEY said it was for that very reason he feared
the introduction of the word district." By the interpreta-
tion clause, " street" was made to mean road ;" and this
would facilitate the application of the act to rural districts.
Viscount MORPETH said he would agree to strike out
the word " district," and substitute some other which might
answer the same purpose.
Mr. C. BERKELEY feared the noble lord had consented
rashly to strike out this word. The alteration would have
the effect of excluding those parts of Cheltenham, and many
other towns, where the act was most needed.
Viscount MORPETH said that some other word should
be substituted to include the suburbs of towns.

After some further conversation,
Viscount MORPETII promised to insert an interpretation
clause to distinguish urban from rural districts.
The clause was then agreed to.
Clause 7, regulating boundaries.
After a short discussion, the committee divided on the re-
tention of this clause, when
The numbers were, for the clause
Against 59-44
The clause was then agreed to; the chairman reported
progress, and obtained leave to sit again this day.
SUPPLY.

In answer to a question by LITrilG. BeNriNcx,
Lord J. RUSSELL said that it was not his intention to
proceed with supply to-morrow (this day).
LAW OF COPYRIGHT.

Mr. M. GIBSON obtained leave to introduce a bill to
amend the law relating to the protection in the colonies of
works entitled to copyright in the united kingdom.
The house adjourned at 1 until 12 o'clock thin day.

ghe WO*

MAILS.

The mails for British North America, Bermuda, and the United
Mates, will he made up on the evening of the 3rd July.
The overland nails for Gibraltar, galta,Grtece, the lonian Islands,
Egypt, Aden, Ceylon, India, Hong-Korb, and China, sin Southampton,
will be made up on the evening of the aid July.
The mails for the Brasilik the River Plate, Monte Video, Pernam-
buco, Bahia, Madeira, and Buenos Ayres, will be made up on the
evening albs gat July.
The overland closed mails, via Marseilles, to the :Mediterranean,
Egypt, Aden, Ceylon, India, Hong Kong, tic., will be made up on the
evening of the 7th July.
A mall for the United States, British Nerth America, &c., will be
made up on the morningof inth July, for tr.insmission by the steamer
Washington, from Southampton. Lettersand papers must be specially
marked, "Per Washington."
-fhe mails for New south Wales, Van Diemen 's Land, and New
Zealand will be made up on the evening of the Slit July.

TO CORRESTONDENT2II.
Alrertlerr.r.ts INended for The Xsprees. Looa. (119.ing pptr, agar ba
at ma O. by Two o'clock ua the day of ►ullkNlw.

HIGH WATER. AT LONUON-BRIDGI.
Tau Dar —lllontu. 71 nitt. put 4 Win.
51 mt. um 4.
To•Nositur—Maralsg, ego. past b; Aftelmon, tottt. put 5.

LONDON, FRIDAY, JULY 2.

TIIE old Whig organ is monstrously and mercilessly
severe upon the whigs for spending so much money
upon Ireland, without having devised lime profitable
mode of expenditure. It reprobates the Labour Rate,
which did make this trial, and is quite as angry with
eleemosynary relief. It taunts and twits the CnAN-
CELLOR of the EXCIIEQUI•R with his empty treasury,
and almost exults in the financial embarrassments
that await the government. We would not allude to
this unreasonable ill humour on the part of a jour-
nal, if Gs° many did not participate in it. We
do not, for our part, want to set ourselves up
as champions of the government, and of its absolute
wisdom, but we do think it exceedingly important,
that the failures and short-comings of English govern-
ment in the management of Ireland should be traced
to their true source. For if we go on fancying that
these are all owing to the errors of the party which
happens to be in power, we may go on changing
ministers for ever, without is the least improving or
redeeming Ireland.
There are four sections in parliament pretty strongly
separated in their views of Irish necessities and affairs.
There is first the economist, and the exclusively English
party, who are for considering all colonies ae in-
dependent and self-sufficing, and who would treat
Ireland as a colony. They imagine that England
could do very well without Ireland, as it could
without India, or without Canada—nay, that Eng-
land could dispense with colonies and sister kingdoms
altogether, without sinking into a third-rate power,
and becoming much such an empire—if empire it
could then be called—as Holland is. The English
government, according to this party, should only
interfere in Ireland to make its landholders divide
their substance amongst the population, and that what
wealth there is should be swallowed up by the
pauperism of the country.
The protectionists have other ideas. They would
spare the Irish landlord, and save what remains of
the upper classes and their influence in Ireland,
believing that they form the great link between the
countries, and that the old divisions of a population
are necessary for order, prosperity, and peace. It
would, therefore, pour money into Ireland ; employ it
in industrial undertakings—in railroads to begin with ;
and, by ensuring a profitable return, make the com-
mercial enterprise of England act as a cure for the
sluggard pauperism of the sister kingdom. There is
grandeur in this idea; and were it practicable, was the
application of it spread everywhere over Ireland, and
not exclusively given to one interest; was the capital of
England really overflowing; and was there a power-
ful and independent government to guide and keep the
country in a certain line of policy, the idea of Lord
GEORGE BEN TINCIt might prove the best. But what
English government could carry this out
Sir R. PEEL'S views with respect to Ireland are, in
our opinion, the narrowest of those entertained by any
party. His panacea for Ireland consists of drainage
and charity. Any great auxiliary or permanent mea-
sure he decidedly sets his face against. He turned his
back upon emigration, and reclamation of waste lands,
and was not very zealous in favour of the poor-law :
gratuitous distribution of food, even to the interruption
of regular trade in corn, was his favourite measure. At
everything, more or lees, he shook his head.
In the face of these parties, each entertaining dif-
ferent opinions, not to mention the Irish party, which
formed another separate and formidable band, the
men in power had to frame a certain set of measures
for Ireland, not such as their own wisdom might de-
vise, but such as might run the cross-fire and the
gauntlet of these different parties. The ministerial
measures were various and numerous enough. But
each opposing party seized on a victim, and slew that
most obnoxious to it. It was a wonder, that even the
Poor-law passed, maimed and doctored as it was.
Why, then, blame a government for the result of
things in Ireland ? Parliament has been the govern-
ment for the last six months; and we need not say,
that where a government consists, as parliament does,
of five contending parties, it cads by being no go-
vernment at all. Where there is a breach, it stops
it; where there is a famine, it brings momentary
subsistence. It meets the necessities of the day, but
declares " that enough for the day is the evil thereof."
As to foresight, delicate and sagacious legislation, a
building-up of the ruined materials and supports of a
social edifice—a parliament such as we have had,
and a government such as it necessitates, are utterly
unequal to the task.
And yet the pressure of distress, and the employ-
ment of the most obvious and necessary means of
meeting it, have done much good. We have, in-
deed, still three millions dependent upon daily alms,
but more and more of these alms are of Irish finding.
The system at present in operation is a modified poor-
law, and its success in so many districts ensures the ful-
filment of that law. In many instances it may still
prove impracticable ; in others, harsh ; in general,
it must amount to a revolution in property, disastrous
to the present generation of proprietors ; but future
generations will profit by, and will bless, its harsh
nese. At the same time, much ought to be done, and
must be done, to aid the present generation through
its difficulties.
If little of the kind has been attempted this session,
parliament and its parties are to blame. They have

denied it. And they have been warranted in denying
it by the crudeness of every scheme, the absurdity of
almost every proposal made by the Irish themselves.
We do think, thaflltts the turn and the duty of the Irish
to exert at least their imagination, which has ever been
fertile, and, in some way more practical and salutary
than in devising political change. It will not do
for the Irish and their friends, in and out of Ireland,
to continue the labour of abusing parliament, abusing
ministers, abusing England, for not providing reme-
dies, which Irish invention and experience are unable
to point out. Less vituperation, less anger, less per-
sonality, less party squabbles and international spite,
would be a great improvenrmt. One practical sug-
gestion would be worth columns and volumes of
diatribe.
And here we may take occasion to regret the
attacks upon Irish landlords made in the last blue-
book, and in so pointed a ray, as t^ !loco= nem,
eerily public and personal. The gentry of Ireland
are exceedingly, and with much justice, sore at the
business and management of relief being so com-
pletely taken out of their hands, and given to boys
and subalterns. There naturally must have been a
great deal of mutual irritation produced between these
beardless captains-general of Irish unions, and the
gentry of the county, some of whom may be here-
ditary jobbers, but the majority of whom are high-
minded, patriotic. and intelligent men. The reality
of legislation has been quite harsh enough to the Irish
educated classes, without rendering the forms and
the execution disparaging and discourteous.

SINCE the beginning of Jane nitre has been a com-
paratively slight but a decidedly continuous increase
of cheerful hopefulness noticeable in the business
of our two great branches of textile manufac-
ture. The reports from Manchester at the close
of May spoke of " small transactions" and " irregular
prices ' during the whole of the month ; but admitted
that " the tone of business had improved under the
influence of fine weather and greater ease in the
money market." Every succeeding week's reports
have been characterised by less and less of depressed
feeling. Last week it was an increase in the prices of
low qualities of cloth, on account of demand from the
Greeks; and this week it is simply, " There is much
more activity in the market and prices are higher,
particularly for printing cloths." So in Yorkshire.
The demand for the American markets, which con-
tinued throughout May, has begun to increase, aow
that the preparations for the fall markets are being
felt; and the improvement first felt in yarns for
Russia has been experienced in the prices of other
markets, and extended first to fancy goods, and then
to tweeds and coatings.
The hour of the greatest pressure is past ; and there
is this unprecedented feature in the late crisis to be
Doted, that it has been attended with an almost total
absence of important failures among the commercial
and manufacturing community. This spealm volumes
bath for the strength with which difficulties of no
ordinary character have been met, and for the caution
with which trade must of late have been carried on.
If the same caution continues, as we have no doubt it
will, to be exercised, the already perceptiblezl=
up of the gloom will speedily lead to its entire
The sources of difficulty with which the trading
community have still to contend are partly artificial
enactments, partly the working of natural causes.
The former, of which the chief are the arbitrary in-
terference by statute with the natural value of money
and with banking operations, and the unequal inci-
dence of taxation, are at this moment some of them
not more, others of them positively less felt than they
have been for many years. And with respect to them
there is this ground for cheerful anticipation, that the bad
effects of heavy or unequal customs or excise duties are
now almost universally acknowledged, and certain to
engage the very earliest attention of the next parlia-
ment; while even the effect of legislative interference
with the freedom of exchange and other monetary
transactions is not only becoming better understood,
but is almost certain to be an influential election ques-
tion in the manufacturing districts, and throughout
the whole of Scotland.
The natural difficulties with which our merchants
and manufacturers have vet to contend are the certain
short crop of cotton in the United States, the possible
or probable short clip of wool in this country and the
uncertainty respecting imports from abroad, and the
general derangement of the ordinary course of com-
merce that would be attendant on a continued defi-
ciency in the supplies of food.
Respecting our supplies of cotton, there can now
be scarcely a doubt that they will be under the average.
The estimate of the last crop of the United States
continues steady at 1,800,000. The opinions regard-
ing the growing crops are, as usual at this season,
contradictory, and not to be relied upon ; but the
operations of dealers will be guided by what is actually
known of the present more than by surmises respecting
the future. Ve ith regard to English wools, the general
opinion seems to be that the next clip will prove an
indifferent one; and with regard to the Australian
wool, which now constitutes such an important part
of our supply, though it is certain that the clip has
been large, it is also certain that it will be later than
usual of coming to hand, and it has not yet been satis-
factorily established that a considerable portion of it
may not be damaged and weather-stained. The dis-
advantage resulting from such a state of affairs is
principally felt in the necessarily cramped and un-
certain character of manufacturing operations. Every
increased demand and consequent improvement in
the prices of manufactured goods is, when the market
is underatocked with raw material, accompanied, if
not indeed preceded, by an enhancement of its price.
Luckily, the stocks on hand are not large either in
the cotton or woollen districts, and are being gra-
dually reduced. The bad effects of a rather short
supply of raw material are therefore likely to be
limited to the contraction of business, without the
introduction of the more dangerous element of uncer-

tainty.
With respect to the supply of food, every week
that passes over our heads tends to diminish appre-
hensions on that score ; and this was, after all, the
great source of danger. It is impossible to exaggerate
the maleficent influences of dearth upon commerce,
especially when it extends over so wide a portion of
the globe as it did last year. It increases the cost e
production, and it drives trade violently and by jerks
out of its natural channels. It is evident, however,
by the stores of grain, the existence of which was
in so many instances resolutely and unblushingly
denied by the holders, which are now being
I thrown upon the market both here and in Ame-
rica, that, even during the year that is passed,
stocks never were so much reduced as they were
represented to be. And every where there is
promise—if not always from the character of the sea-
son, yet from the greater breadth of land sown—of a
crop decidedly above the average. When we last
adverted to this subject we bad to record the fact that
a rich harvest had been garnered in Egypt, and that
the grain harvests of Spsiu were also abundant and
all but secured. We have now to add that the har-
vest of Italy is nearly concluded and extremely
abundant, especially in the south the harvest of
Naples alone is said to exceed by about two-fifths the
consumption of the country. At Trieste, on the 20th
lilt, the favourable reports of the growing crops had
canoed a further reduction in prices. The accounts
of the growing crops from the Danube and
South Russian provinces are most encouraging.
The promke of our British crops may fairly
be inferred from this increased and increas-
ing deliveries which have been noted in all
the ruling markets during the last few weeks, and
which have at last been acknowledged even in Mark-
lane. We fear there can no longer be any doubt
entertained that the potato disease will again dimi-
nish the returns from the much diminished plant of
this year. For this, however, the extraordinary in-
crease in the yield of Indian corn in North Amenca,
henceforth our great food market, will amply com-
pensate.
The well-founded nature of these cheerful views is
vouched for by the reluctance with which the heralds
of another year of dearth have allowed themselves
to be silenced. We do not object to the dis-
semination of alarmist views, or to mercantile
speculations based upon them. These arc the
means by which Providence has provided for reduced
consumption, so long as there is any ground to lyre-
bend short supply. But common decency, if not
common morality, prescribes some limits to the means
employed to disseminate apprehensions: they ought
always to stop short of positive, unequivocal lying•
And when we take into account the alarming
" leaders " of some provincial journals, and the
alarmist circulars (printed and in MS.) of certain firms,
it is impossible even for that Charity which draws s
veil over so many sins to deny that this not re*
• exacting precept has been disregarded.

I

mused, would be put
Sir 0. GREY mid t
10!
the state of the erimb
but they ha 3 not yet
hoped to do before 1111
from Mr. Ellis, one
for the delay. The
hoped would •
received the wee
tonsidere.ion, but be

we have not yet, it seems, heard the last of the
wellington statue. Our justification in returning to
a topic (of which we should, for our own part, have
thought every one must be sick, as well as of the
object of it) must be founded, for the nonce, on the
authority of Lord GEORGE BENTINCK. His lordship
declares that " The matter is regarded with deep
interest by every man in this country, from the peer
to the peasant."
In the name, then, of the peers and peasants, and
those intermediate between the two, we beg to ask,
e Is the statue to come down or not; and if not, why
not, and how otherwise ?"
The gevernmeut seems to take a malicious pleasure
in baffling curiosity on the subject. Its answers are
enigmatic as those of a PROTEOS. Its acts are as
puzzling as its answers. One morning, every month,
perhaps, the passer by sees the consecrated two men
gad 4 boy of the government operative staff (probubl; ,
transferred to the Wellington statue from the Nelson
column) crawling slowly about the scaffolding.
The next morning a beam is gone, and the morning
after, another. A report spreads among the omnibus
drivers that the statue is coining down. A rival re-
port asserts that it is only the scaffolding that is
coming down, and not the statue. Luckily the figure
facts Hyde-park. Members see it in their afternoon
drives. It affords a topic in the Ring and Rotten-
row, as well as on the outside of the omnibus. At
last a question is asked in the house, and an enigma-
tical answer given, which leaves newspaper readers
as much in the dark as ever. On Wednesday, how-
ever, a new element was introduced into the question.
Lord GEORGE solemnly appealed to Lord JOHN to
inform him whether or not he was aware that the
lron Duke himself was anxious that his bronze effigy
should retain its present position. Lord JOHN
shirked the interrogatory, at the same time suggest-
ing that any one might take the responsibility of
ascertaining the fact upon himself, "by asking the
noble duke the question."
This comes of erecting monuments during the life-
time of the persons to be honoured. What would
epitaphs be, if the individuals commemorated in them
were allowed to criticise their awn obituary Latin?
Is the Wellington statue a private compliment to
the Duke, or the monument of a victory ? The funds
for it came from private subscriptions, and, on that
greeted, it may be called a private testimonial, with
which the public have no business to interfere. But it
occupies a public site. It challenges criticism from
all and sundry. It fills, in common apprehensions, the
place of a public monument. In this point of view
the private feelings of the Duke must be postponed
to the judgment of the competent.
Mr. WAELEY and Mr. HUME came forward as
organs of the public feeling apropos of the statue.
But unless Messrs. WAELEY and iiCNIE have fur-
nished themselves with tablets and pencil, and re-
gistered opinions, as the timekeeperstick off the omni-
hoses, we cannot but suspect that their impressions of
what the public think of the statue must be affected
somewhat by what Messrs. WAELEY and Hems think
themselves.
We are by no means prepared to allow that the
coroner of Middlesex and the member for Montrose
are exactly the critics of art to whom we should be
ready to pin onr faith. The former is well known
for his estimate of WORDSWORTH'S poetry, and his
celebrated assertion that "he could write miles of it."
The latter is more notorious in finance than in the
fine arts; and the " figures" in which he has been
wont to deal are very different from any that can be
cast in bronze or carved in stone. Mr. WAKLEY and
Mr. HUMP., then, both declare that everybody is
anxious that the statue should remain where it is. If
this is intended to involve any approval of the statue,
we doubt the fact very much.
It is true that from some points of view the figure
acquires an interest quite independent of its value as
a portrait of the Duke of WELLINGTON. From the
taro at the Albert-gate, for example, the duke gains
as a monster what he wants as a man. He appears
from this back view, as a nondescript in a
bronze paletot and cocked hat, supported by three
horse's legs—a florid and draped variety of the an-
cient satyr. Again, from points of view in the Green
Pszk, the ears of the horse are transferred to the
head of the duke, and impart an amusing effect to the
wooden features. But, as a simple man and horse,
we must repeat it, public opinion is unanimous in re-
fusing all credit to Mr. Wvsre's work.
If the opinion of an English pablic has reached this
point of general condemnation, what must the statue be
in the eyes of cultivated taste ? Still, we are not prepared
to deny that the spirit of alibi quoisin is strong
enough to weigh down even a disapproval as unani-
mous as that of the Wellington statue. Indeed, the
criticisms often run, " Yes, it is dreadfully bad—but
as it is up"—and a shrug of the shoulders completes
the sentence. But ought the government, who is, in
some degree, responsible for the out-door art of
London, to share in this feeling, or give way to it ?
Because Englishmen have an objection to un-
doing what has been done, more especially in
the case of a work of art, about which, disguise
the fact as we may, the English public at
large, as it is, never can be brought to think seriously
at all, is the government to consent to perpetuate a
greater disfigurement in the monumental way than
any that even London can show, fertile as it is in such
monstrosities
At a time when art is beginning to be recognised as
an element in national education; when public money
is voted for Westminster-hall premiums and Schools
of Design ; when drawing is taught even in national
ielools; should government sanction a work which, in
its present position, outrages every rule of art and
principle of proportion ?
It may be true that we have got a bad statue, and
must bear the shame of it. But why should we make
bad worse by sticking it where it has no business to
be, and where it is most obnoxious to remark and
ridicule? If the duke himself does not see the atrocity
of his image, is it kind to concede to his blindness ?
We are indebted to the Duke's taste for the Nelson
column. That is quite enough for his Grace's repu-
tation, without allowing his taste to interf re in the
matter of his own immortality, which is founded on
something more solid than his taste. Should
we not be the more anxious to save him from the
unquestionable humiliation of such a statue, the more
unconscious he is of that humiliation? Because the
duke is satisfied with what is discreditable to the na-
tion, is government to wink at, and the nation to
submit to, the discredit ? We trust it is not so, and
that no long time will elapse before the statue is re-
moved to a less conspicuous and more appropriate
pedestal.

We have received our Paris letters and journals of
Wednesday, but they are utterly barren of any intel-
ligence which can interest the English public.

MADRID, JUNE 25.
The Gazette of to-day contains an appointment in
one of the new finance departments, which has attracted
some notice, rather from the fact of provision being made by
t for a man who has done the state some service, than from
any political meaning involved in the nomination. Don
Joaquin Maria Lopez is named fiscal in the public debt office.
Doe Joaquin figured at the head of the provisional govern-
ment
established on the fall of Espartero.
Nothing further of any importance has been heard to-day
about the movements of the Student. The judicial autho-
titles at Burgos had addressed on the 21st, a circular to the
justices of the peace of the province, desiring them to be
upon the alert to convict the promoters of disturbances. The
Student, according to the latest notices from Burgos, was at
Silas de los Infantes on the 21st, with the intention of taking
to the Sierra. He had not, it was said, increased the number
of his troop, which, according to some accounts, amounts to
about 2.5, according to others, double that figure.
Ls Rica will doubtless appeal from the decision of the or-
dinary tribunal to the High Court of the Audienza, and
perhaps from that to tke Senate. He has engaged for his
advocate Senor Hernandez, a pleader of much celebrity.
The Espanol attributes the conference of minister' with
Don[Franciaro sic Paula to the discovery of his royal highneoa's
connexion with a secret society, which has given rise to very
serious explanations. During the life of the late king, as
far hack as ISis), Don Francisca received remonstrances from
his brothers about the nature of his political connexions.
The present ties are suspected of being more demagoyie.
Gonzales Bravo has resigned his place of Councillor of
State. The Clamor has an amusing burst of irony about
the dreadful misfortunes that will happen to the world in
consequence of this resignation.
The queen is about to give a banquet to M. Brunelli, at
which, in addition to ministers. the diplomatic body and
other notable person's will be present.

UNITED STATES.—Foos
—UPPLIF.B.—The fol-
lowing iv an extract of a private letter front New York, dated
June :—" Businen is tolerably fair here ; I hope it is so
with you. The corn-dealers are making all the money, as
speculation in grain iv carried on to an enormous extent.
Flour is dearer than it ever was with us : it is selling at
I 0 dots. a barrel (containing three bushels), the ordinary
price hitherto having been 5 or 6 dub. a barrel. Since the
last news from Europe it became much dearer. Indian
torn is likewise up ; it is selling at I dol. 25c. per bushel,

the usual price having been Mc. Even thing else is also
high ; but the supply of provisions from the interior is extra-
ordinarily great. They are scarcely arrived in our markets,
when they are eagerly bomitit up by the speculators. Our
principal canal, the Great Erie, traverses the state of New York
to the extent of 360 miles ; between 9,000 and 10,000 boats
were employed on it for the conveyance of provisions prin-
cipally ; and this season 1,000 extra Mate have been put on.
You may suppose what they are capable of doing, when each
boat can carry 400 or 600 barrels. Though good our crops
were last year, if the weather prove favourable, this season,
the produce will be tbrsalkdd Ems, as, at the very lowest
calculation, upwards,' *IMO dais the quantity of provi-
sions has been planted timegimmt the country. Our spring
is late ; but everything bids extremely fair. We have beau-
tiful weather, warm, sad a sufficient quantity of rain to bring
everything forward in abundance. There are thousands of
destitute Irish daily flocking amongst us. Our poor houses
are literally overflowing. We know not what to do with
the unfortunate creatures."

JAVA.—The governorleneral, according to the
never* broitght t J the overland mail, had, by decree of the
ldud of April, ordered that a regular service of packet boats
should be established between Java and Singapore. An
agent was to be placed at the latter island to whom paasen•
gars might address themselves. The rates of pavage end
freight would be fixed by • provisional regulation. The
prices of products at Java had begun to decline. At the
commencement of April the quotations of rice, according to
the official list, were 170 H. per kayang at Batavia, 224
at Samaraug, and 212.60 at Sourabaya. On the 24th
of the same month the prices were respectively
' 150 H. at Batavia, and 158 at Samarang. The Jour.
not de la ilaye of the 29th ult. publishes a general
statement of the on:amerce of the Dutch with their settle-
ments in Java and Madeira for 1846, as compared with the
preceding year. The total value of imports (both on account
of the government and of individuals) into Java, in 1846, was
36,120,6851., being 1,101,2716. less than the aggregate value
of the imports of 1845. The falling off was exclusively
in the imports for government account in those far the ac-
count of private individuals there was a alight increase--to
the amount of 294,71811. The aggregate value of ex-
ports for the year 1346 was 60,157,38811. Of this
total, 26,881,7396. were on account of private indi-
viduals, showing an increase in the aggregate value of
this clam of exports over those of 1845 of 2,539,8031.
The value of exports on government account in 1846 were:
merchandise, 31.277,2461. (against 41,553,2326. in 1845) ;
in specie 1,998,40311. (against 2,187,8916 in 1815) ; being a
total falling off in the value of government exports in 1846
of 10,46-5,4746. as compared with those of 1846. Of the
36,120,6856. worth of imported goods in 1846, to the value
of 20,748,47411. were from Europe, America, and the Cape
of Good Hope ; and of this sum, to the value of 13,500,0006.
in goods and 2,500,0008. in specie from Holland ; to the value
of 5,440,8636. from England. The imports from Japan are
valued only at 552,3296. ; from China, Manilla, Siam, and
Cochin China, at 1,838,883 ft. ; from the Indian Archipelago
at 9,422,8186. ; from the west coast of India and Bengal at
817,2146. The hulk of the exports (53,696,8206. in value)
consists of produce of the Indian Archipelago. To the value
of 40,000,0006. was exported to Holland; the exports to
England are valued at 2,365,4876.