The Express.
London, England, 1847-07-23 00:00:00

atr eriartissi.

MAILS;
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=MI% Yip Meg Km& Sts, Will be a.ds up MI ch.
elite Ma Judy.
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.111 he aneg• up mile et ihe MS July.
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leehrit mil he saeggiu ea gtienetalztthe July.
Ai Welt min lir Mentes. Honduras. and
the Itmemh, he medebrAhensisting of the and August.
The mug lst MUM Muth Ihrmeds, and the United
Melte. viellemale op es dr eiening dee trd August.
inerlen mite libeler, Ma^ armee. the lonian Wank
OulekTalta.Nougamsg. end Mr, Boattamptee,
Mtautina up en tie nereileg et the Sid Ausu.t.
'Die mei kr the Ilise Me. the Writ Me, Monte Video, Prase.
bum. labia. Msdekre. and lessee Anse, be nude up on UN
evening of the 4th August.

TO CORIUSPONDENTS.
Oar attention bat been celled to the following wages^ In the Gowns
POW. republlehal front the Beatrice W. 411411: —"7lr NW
both w bloaeteo Onsositin and Ge Dem Nang ere ire:t
w. .reef. flpoPeenti d AAA II Yoe kin spent aw the he mil it ft
110• V Offered fur a ewer WAG( erwa.' Rabe We it Klusod
toloehlevons arrtfa asINIGII4 to IM Minnie tg one
not worth costredlellee. bat eve that It la a Looks
paper It omen berme the pills to hem lei mit he
We have therefor, Wow aided imam to Het *I weltreag"=
ledge." by loaleuetteg em sates' to write to tea is the wileeet.
Wertintemete telsedel Ile Yee" laneen=sre.....e be
et the Olio. by Iwo deloenen oor

HIGH WATiI AT LONDON-BRIDGE
i.e. Da 2-11arshag. mi. put 9 I Attems, 19 Ad. past 10.
TAMO2•OO-119001.4. WA. pre 10 ; AtlarmAa, 22 =la past 11.

LONDON, FRIDAY, JULY 23.

IN the House of Lords yesterday, the royal assent,
by commission, was given to numerous bills. The
supplementary minute of the Committee of Council on
Education, which appeared in this paper on Wednes-
day, was made the subject of discussion at the in-
stance of Lord STANLEY. The unqualified terms in
which the noble lord spoke of the concession involved
in it were forcibly met by the Marquis of LANS-
DOWNE and Earl GREY, the latter noble lord think-
ing it intolerable arrogance on the part of any
peer to describe the religious scruples of a large
body of his fellow-countrymen as arising out
of a sophistical and quibbling line of argument.
—The Commons' amendment to the Poor-laws

Bill, prohibiting the separation
of man and wife above sixty years of age in unies
workhouses, was carried on a division by a majority of
29 to 11.—The other subjects discussed were, the
Commons' Amendments to the Bishopric of Manches-
ter Bill, which were agreed to, and the New Zealand
Bill.

In the House of Commons, Sir G. GREY, in
answer to Mr. T. DIINCOMBE, explained the new regu-
lations which were intended to be effected in the Mill-
bank Prison, and in the treatment of convicts at the
several outporte.—Lord PALMERSTON, at the instant).
of Sir D. L. EVANS, made a statement with reference
to the progress of affairs in Portugal, assuring the
gallant officer that there had been no slackness on
the part of the British government in claiming from
the Queen of Portugal the full and complete falai-
ment of the engagements entered into with regard to
the Portuguese people.

IDEAS of advanced liberalism are very different in ,1
1847 from what they were twenty or even ten years
ago. Nothing can be more unlike a radical or the
old school than an ultra-liberal of the new. Of old,
and even until somewhat lately, the great object of
such men was to work changes in the theory of the
constitution, in the mode of representation, or of voting.
For several years after the passing of the Reform
Bill the most conscientious patriots placed all their
dopes in, and devoted all their energies to, the ballot.
We are not sure but that the expediency of such
changes has been too much forgotten. But there is
no use in complaining or running against the cur-
rent of the time, and this current sets towards ma-
terial reforms. Since the incomplete results of the bill
of 1831, few care for spending years and exciting
popular agitation for changes in the electoral law.
We have politicians who cry still for the ballot and
triennial parliaments ; but there are no zealots or
Quixotes in the cause. COBDEN and VILLIERS revo-
lutionised public opinion in this respect, and set the
popular cry after a far better aim and a far surer
scent. _ . _

In their new career the liberal party achieved one
of their most real and efficient triumphs, and the
object of the future parliament should be to follow it
up. But the men required for the task are not always
or altogether the same who were best fitted to clamour
for radical reform. A loud voice, an eloquent tangos, I
and an unblushing front, are no longer sufficient even
for the demagogue. His task requires a variety of
knowledge, an amount of experience, and a
of practical wisdom, which has really thrown the of
vulgar class ef demagogues irrecoverably into the back-
ground. The days of the HENRY Hem are gone by.
And had Col:sem survived till our day, for which
his great and capacious intellect was well formed, he
would have digested his thoughts before uttering
them, and might have turned out an eminent politiod
economist instead of being bat a powerful sneerer at
what he would not take time to comprehend.
One of the effects of the Reform Bill of 1831, which,
in tory estimation, was to depose the gentleman and
put the vulgar ignoramus in his place, was the direct
contrary of all this It has given birth to a band of
radical philosophers, and extinguished the vulgar and
empty demagogue almost altogether. Some would
go bother, and say that reform has killed radicalism,
GM in some respects the assertion would be perfectly
tem.
Foremost in returning men of advanced opinion
have ever been London and its metropolitan boroughs.
The progres4and the results, which we have indicated
as those of liberal triumphs, most have long since
banished from the minds of the wealthy and pacific)
electors any of those old fears of ultra-liberal ten-
dencies. Instead of having their pesos disturbed or
their property invaded the citizens of peat towns
have their liberties extended, th trade in-
creased, the distribution of the weight of taxation
rendered far less onerous to them. Year after year they
have gained, and all through the means of returning
thorough liberals to parliament, who, even if they did
not always form a majority themselves, still so influ-
enced statesmen and opinions in these parties, used to
I wield administrative power, that, in fart, the liberal
armhole have pushed by turns tory aid whig to vie
in doiag_their bidding.
(by ef London will not this time be wanting
in return of staunch and true men, most of them
tried, and known. and needle= to eulogise. The me-
tropolitan bonsogha are nearly as well provided.
lambs& and the Tower Hamlets have their old
sad bind representatives. Can there, for the par-
liamssiagy task set forth for next moan, be
float awn more apt, more necessary, for it,
than Hawes or CLAY ? Finsbury has its known
and useful members : no matter what the thee.
retie pissetples d the party which returns each
ama ado snablisid votes and efforts are always
la /war jibs good and rational canes. Southwark
thewe ve striven to depict as the
meet eminent man that
have t
el—Worm and of the new ideas of the time--nesd we
motion the name of MOLEBWORTE ? West-
minster has a tried man in its old member, •
tried name in that of LUSRINOTON : while
the old school of radicalism, which survives

Jo legislature, to say, that
the merest dandy, who may take • Whey to •
parliament, can get up a six months' vulgar notoriety,
and on such a political stock in trade actaally go to
the hustings
Of all the metropolitan boroughs,.Marylebone has
been the slowest to know its own mind. The abode
of wealth, it at first leaned to such recommendation.
Later, it has trodden in the steps of Westminster, and,
for lack of a political notability, took a naval one in
the person of Sir CHARLES NAPIER. Few had bettor
or more various claims than Lord DUDLEY STUART,
and no men are more wanting in the house than
those who take a liberal and philanthropic in-
terest in foreign politics. But the managers
of Marylebone thought, perhaps, that his lord-
ship's claims and influence were such as very
seedy to command his return for a more select
constituency, and that a man of the people was the
proper member for Marylebone. This they have cer-
tainly found, joined with first-rate talents, in Mr.
DANIEL WHITTLE HARVEY. There seems, however,
considerable indifference in Marylebone, when so few
polled at the experimental election that it is diffi-
cult to form a judgment on the true sentiments of the
electoral body. In other instances such a mode of
proceeding, followed by the withdrawal of a candi-
date like Lord DUDLEY STUART, might in certain
constituencies lead to the return of a tory.
There exists no fear, however, but that in all the
metropolitan districts the great liberal cause will be
most fully represented, and that the example will
tell with good effect on those constituencies which
come necessarily later to the poll.

We are not inclined to quarrel with Irish repeal.
People must have playthings ; and what more inno•
cent plaything can they have than an empty word ?
What more useful folly can a youth indulge in than
an ideal or poetic mistress, whom he may address at
all times in prose or in verse, without the possibility
of being mortified by her infidelity, or betrayed into
the solid responsibilities of matrimony? Repeal is
the most innocent of pledges : an Irishman may
as safely take it, as an Englishman may
vow fealty to the five points of the charter.
We can, therefore, pardon even a Dublin corporation,
which bears before it so very uncourteous a compli-
ment, as a demand for repeal, into the presence of a
new Lord Lieutenant. . . .

Nothing could be more bland than the mode in
which the Earl of CLAREN DON received this imper-
tinent and insincere bit of counsel—nothing more per-
fect than the way in which he coolly set it aside. " No
theory, gentlemen, if you please," said his lordship ;
"speculations and abstractions will not cure the mate-
rial ills, or awaken the native energies of Ireland.
Let as be practical, and set to the business of the
country in the same sensible tied earnest way. that
every private individual sets about his own business,
and, instead of expecting government to make each
man's fortune, let each man do it for himself."
Such is a brief paraphrase of the very sound, very
caustic, and very courteous advice, administered by
the Lord Lieutenant to the corporation repealer.. We
observed, in a preceding article, that not only English
liberals, bat English radicals, were tired of theory, were
all for practical and material reform, leaving con-
stitution-mongers and political changes as things to
come after. The Irish are not so advanced. They do not
see that if they can get wealthy, and prosperous, and
enlightened, that their mere words and wills could
enforce a repeal of the union, or a repeal of anything,
Enetvided their sense then dictated such a measure as
Bat no—they will put the cart before the
.rse
, and be theoretically independent before they
ste really so. Instead of applying to the genius of in-
dustry to clothe and feed them, they kneel to the God-
dess of Politics to do this, which Politics never did
floe any till they were well-to-do, and enlightened,
and industrious, and civilised.
Another illustrious body of Irishmen, being the
members of the Royal Agricultural Society, has ad-
dressed the Lord Lieutenant in complimentary and
loyal language, bat still imitating their fellow-
countrymen of the corporation "in making a poor
mouth. Lord CLARENDON'S answer to the lamenta-
tions of these landed proprietors, and to their desire
for measures " to increase the productiveness of the
soil," was singularly apposite. In lieu of fine and
empty phrases, his Lordship treated the Agricultural
Society to a few agricultural facts, showing how
enormously the agricultural produce and exports of
Ireland have increased:
" The export of grain from Ireland to England was 820,000
quarter. in 1815, 1,600,000 quartets in 1824, 3,280,000 quar-
ters in 184.5. Results such as these, proceeding solely from
individual exertion, and capital judiciously employed, are,
indeed, encouraging to the zeal and perseverance with which
you labour, not only to introduce improvement in agriculture
and to diffuse sound practical knowledge, but to combat the
want of support and the apathy of thou from whom you had
a right to expect far different conduct ; but that this blind-
ness
to their own interests should long continue on the part
of landowners in this country I hold to be impossible—for
they must knew that we live in times of active competition,
when all who will not be distanced in the race must exert
every energy they possess, and that upon the progress of
agriculture their own welfare and the future prosperity of
Ireland must mainly depend."
The economical maxims of the Irish rem sin-
gularly backward. They put all faith in the land,
and look to government to render it productive. They
brat themselves and their energies for nothing.
Wen the worthy citizens of the corporation look first
to repeal to help them ; secondly, to an English lord-
lieutenant; thirdly, to the cultivation of waste lands
by government aid ; fourthly, to fisheries set up
ander the same pay and patronage. Not a
word of manufactures, or trade, or civic in-
dustry. One would think the members of the
Dublin corporation came from the plough, in-
stead of from the ledger. And it is the Lord
Lieutenant who is obliged to remind these citizens
that the 'manufactures of Ireland, to judge from the
specimens be had seen, might well compete with those
of England, both in home and foreign markets,
The following is the conclusion of this Lord Lieute-
nant's answer to the corporation :
" Differing though we may as to the means, we have the
mama end in view : to promote the improvement and the wet.
fare if Ireland mon be *or common purpose. You may
possibly consider that this imperial object can slope be se-
cured by the all of government and of laws ; while my be-
lief, founded sa expenence both at home and abroad, is, that
the ism a pemeameet or a legislature interferes beyond the
reemoval at elistraetions and securing of perfect freedom the
Imre the the ssearausity ; because the result of legislative,
iseerventica la tke again of individual" has, in most cases,
bra to put a check upon enterprise, to destroy self-reliance,
sad to misdirect capital and industry, and amass the best
laws of resat days see atom which have impelled the legis-
lation et Mmes Wow To bad laws—most of in.. happily
reposied—rasy of the evils of this country are doubtless
seteppmegalo; but towards bringing about a state Acegs
wersi mast le be desired kw Irrend, neither lawshe
men of the executive government are indispensable. They
mg indirectly mein, but they should net, In my opinion,
dare be relied upon for rendering the land and the sea
MN pesdustivs they they have hitherto been, fee pro-
=babies of err sad industry, for giving security to
miners Winds, and inicouregammt to maniac-
=whisk, te Mr best the specimens exhibited at the
Dublin Resist% right, I am convinced, successfully
rawer with the imeallesperes of Ragland both in the hers
sad ism* rarkets. ltheirel bream, such as these, de-
peat hat in a small degree upon the government ; they
math In realty, be the work of the people—of all classes,
delselninsul to unite be the common good—laying aside,
with tree perimism, these political discussions which have
an rag Wired the preersity of Ireland, and remembering
the post ray r a wears( for the future. May we not,
however, .wider the present moment as auspicious for the
essmenserent of a sew ere, when, from various au e,
male etrilh bee rip subsided; when an awful visitation
if riewaisse km bought different thaws and creeds into
kindly ee•apseella sad sympathy ; when misfortune has
taught lams, hitherto eomal4 estreaged, to linen and
to apperiste each ether ? Lad, imtleineu, if, in be-
ggaring of the wish pea hays kindly expressed, I
have Itemefter the sodshedea of thinking though
wither pr ma elikaisg any share in their
pulanellem—that, slh*ng my raidence in leased, the weir
'MUNI el thesereatrybeemse Improved—that lead wee no
lesser the AM nsesoney at IM to the peen* poteent, eat
tha ha ea depended he substress epos die Lowed
owed geng.. the law was duly obeyed, sad atheades
widely estrial—that capital was invested with
sad Walley directed into the most productive
shall them esesides that day the happiest of my life ca
with roaseisatior doubts as to my own fitness, I ventured to
swept the are which I have now the honour to hold."
Such language u this, so well calculated to sink
into the national mind, without irritating it, is that
best fitted to recall the visionary and the theoretic
Irishman from repeal, to rouse at once and she me the
despondent into other than mere political activity,
and to direct the hopes and views of the people to
practical and materiel improvement.

•-iisol importance, that a
prinai of netwonformity may be slightly corn-
while some of the most eminent noncon-
elithorities believe such a contingency to
haler* the range of passibility. The only ground
Abet lir. BAINas, as a nonconformist, could have
Italia for opposing the ministerial measure of national
elanation, was, that it had indirectly a tendency to be-
OMNI a new form of endowment for religious instruc-
tions had he confined himself to this issue, it would
have been better for him, for his associates, and for the
canoe of education generally. The question that
would have been put in issue would have been strictly
limited to religious instruction, and instead of dis-
cussing whether the English state possesses a right
and duty recognised in and by every other state in
the civilised world, we should have had to inquire
how that right could be exercised, and how that duty
could be performed without wounding the con-
scientious scruples of the most fastidious noncon-
formists.

That Mr. BAINES and his allies have been hope-
lessly defeated is, of course, notorious ; and that they
should be mortified at the result is not unnatural.
But they most impute the greater part of the disaster
to themselves. They very unwisely took issue, not
on a question of conformity or nonconformity, but on
a question of state expediency, and they maintained
their mistaken position by arguments that belonged
to a different cause, and weapons suited to a different
kind of warfare. As nonconformists, they neither
won nor lost by the issue of the contest, for they did
not fight the battle on their own special and peculiar
principles. As politicians, not as religionists, a great
point has been decided against them—namely, that
to train citizens to a knowledge of their rights, and
to the performance of their duties, is the proper
function of the state.

Now we hold it to be of great importance, at the
present moment, to keep this distinction steadily in
sight. Had dissenters insisted that national educa-
tion should be so conducted as not to clash with any
principle of dissent, and had this demand been re-
fused, then, as dissenters, they would have reasonable
cause of discontent and dissatisfaction. But if a
body of dissenters choose to set up a political prin-
ciple, which has no more to say to nonconformity
than the repeal of the malt tax, or the occupation of
Scinde, then the rejection of that principle, however
it may mortify them as politicians, leaves them quite
untouched in their capacity of nonconformists.
It is, then, as politicians and as electors that the
conduct ef Mr. BAINES and his associates at the pre-
sent crisis must be investigated ; if they have power
to return a candidate perfectly representing all their
peculiar opinions, we should at once recommend them
to persevere, even though we should dissent from
some of the doctrines which the candidate would be
erected to maintain. But if they are clearly unable
to command such a majority—if they shrink from
such a test of strength as has just been applied in
Marylebone, we cannot understand how rational men
ahuld combine to defeat those, with whom they agree
in most points, to ensure the triumph of those with
whom they agree in none.
We know that there are men who say, " Let tories
and high churchmen come into power—let them
rule the land unchecked—and they will pur-
sue such a course as will provoke a po-
pular re-action sufficiently strong to ensure the
success of all our great principles to which moderate
men, in these quiet times, accord only faint and luke-
warm support. This is just such a course of policy
as if the rulers of a country about to be invaded
should say, "Let the enemies advance into the
country, seize its positions, and occupy its garrisons ;
their exactions, and forced loans, ana contributions,
will raise against them a popular insurrection, more
fatal to their strength than the loss of a dozen
battles." Would not sensible men reply to such a
recommendation, that the predicted insurrection could
not be received as anything like a certainty ; that
before it could burst forth, the enemies would have
occupied every available position, and every atom of
vantage-ground, and that the possession of power
might have enabled them to fortify their strength by
new alliances, and to seduce into their ranks many
who, had the invasion been resisted from the first,
would have been the most resolute and determined of
their opponents?
Those who give such advice to the dissenting body
' calculate on two elements, in neither of which would
it be safe to repose confidence—first, that a high
church party would pursue a course likely to provoke
resistance, and secondly, that popular reaction would
be the consequence of such abuse. We believe that
they would be disappointed in both results. The most
ultra-conservatives are convinced that the days of rule
by brute force is past, and that in order to ensure per-
manence of power it is necessary to win the good will
of the people. By adopting, then, such a course of
policy as that above indicated, the dissenters would
only give the church larger means of winning
popular favour and acquiring means of aggression,
which, while human nature remains what it is,
must be more or less effective. Dissent is not a dis-
qualification for office in the eyes of the law, but
it may be made so by the tacit agreement
of the members of a high church administration. The
cant of "measures and not men" includes a palpable
absurdity, for we cannot get rid of men and procure
angels ; it would be possible with the best system of
law in theory to have the worst possible rule in prac-
tice ; and it is not only possible but probable that
more injury would be accomplished under the influ-
ence of unavowed prejudices and concealed opinions,
than could be effected if principles of exclusion were
openly maintained. What dissenters should most
fear is an administration secretly hostile to dissent
under a constitution which maintains the principles of
religious freedom. The popular reaction, on which
some are disposed to calculate, is a still more danger-
ous ground of confidence. A defeat of the liberal
interests at the present moment would produce a
state of political apathy from which the nation
would not recover during the life-time of the
youngest amongst us. There is a large and inert
mass in the country, and in the constituencies, feebly
interested in politics save when some great crisis
arises, and so constituted that it would more
readily pardon a crime than a blunder. If this body
saw great and attainable advantages lost by the per-
versity or obstinacy of a few enthusiasts, it would
pronounce sentence of condemnation on the whole
liberal party, and would assert that the conservatives
were the only men fit for the management of public
business.

There are occasions when • minority can be tyran-
nical as well as a majority; when parties are nicely
balanced, a section of either may take an opportunity
of making special demands, and setting forth special
claims under the threat of neutrality or desertion.
Such a course was often pursued by bodies of merce-
naries in the middle ages, and such a course is, unfor-
tunately, not unknown in the political annals of recent
tines. We doubt very much whether it can be
deemed quite fair, but we are certain that the adop-
Aun of
,such a course by the lihsenters of the present
. day ivaild be aerial* injuries' to the character and
interests of nonconformity.
Mr. BAINES is well aware that a large and not unin-
fluential body of the nonconformists themselves dis-
approves and laments the coarse which it is said he
has resolved to pursue. Does he imagine that a dii.
ruption of the congregational body is the best means
of securing strength ? Does he believe that his
limited forces will effect less good as part of a regular
army than when acting as • detached corps of con-
datlieri 1 He is a man of sense and learning ;he
has powerfully exposed the fallacy which declares
that a majority should bind a minonty ; but we hope
that he has not adopted the worse fallacy of the right
of a minority to dictate to a majority. History will
tell him that the attempt has been frequently made,
and that it has always ended in complete failure. We
shall sincerely regret the result should he so far mis-
lead the nonconformists as to induce them, under the
pretence of displaying strength, to make a lamentable
and mischievous parade of weakness.

The recent trial held by the Court of Peers still con•
tinuod to be the prevailing subject in all circles in
Paris. It is the prominent topic in our Paris letters
of Wednesday. The feeling of the public, rendered
more and more manifest, is one of unmixed commise-
ration for General Cubieres, and there is scarcely a
dissentient from the opinion that the measure of
punishment inflicted on him is out of all proportion to

his offence ; a tam, indeed, which very few appii
to his case et all. It is everywhere asked if
every director of a joint stock company who has
been aocessot7 to firing a donoenr to people in office
to expedite the objects of the enterprise were to be
thus fined, degraded, and outlawed, how many mem-
bers would be now qualified to retain their seats
in either chamber? Nay, some in Paris ask
whether even the puriq. and integrity of Eng-
land itself would stand the test of an inquest
the result of which would outlaw all persons who
have been privy to the giving a douceru to members
of either house of parliament, or other official func-
tionaries? The case in which some lords of the
treasury were visited with an almost nominal punish-
ment on the part of the British government for some-
thing of a similar kind is not forgotten in Paris, and
it is told on every hand how entirely exempt from
any soal degradation these corrupted senators and
officials were. The case of M. Teste is separated
altogether from that of the other parties, and his de-
fence and repeated asseverations and protestations of
innocence have greatly augmented the public feeling
against him. Nevertheless, it is believed on all hands
that if every one had an equal share of justice, M.
Teste would not be the only minister of state locked
up in the Conciergerie.
The opposition journals speak out with unusual
boldness and freedom on this subject, and do not con-
fine their charges of corruption to vague generalities ;
but give them form and substance, by 'Assigning
places, dates, circumstances, and persons. The fol-
lowing extract from the Notional will inform the
English reader of the odour in which the Guirot-
Duchatel cabinet is now held in France :

We know, as well as the Elands, the reserve imposed
on the press, both in criminal proceedings and before the
great culprits, on whom the hand of justice has weighed
heavily. But is it hoped to take advantage of that reserve
to make us accord an amnesty to crime ? Because two ex-
ministers have been visited with speine infainante, is it to
be concluded that it is they only who have been weak ? that
perversity hu taken up its place in their hearts alone ? that
the atmosphere of the government is not poi.oned ? and
that public opinion, aatisfied by the verdict of the Court of
Peers, ought to cry out :--!! Justice has been pronounced ;
there is nothing more !" Nothing more, indeed ! Do you I
imagine you have put down all these accusations of corruption I
which have been made from the open tribune ? M. Testa
is degraded for having received 100,0001. ; M. Duchltel con-
ducts the affairs of the Home Depart went, for having allowed
a theatrical privilege to be sold fur 100,000 f. The former put
the money auto his pocket, and the infamy, we allow, Is
greater. But if M. Testa took 100,0001. for himself, M.
Duchatel allowed 100,000?. to be taken by his friend/. The
concession of Gouheaans could not be refused, since it was
favourably looked on by the engineers and the Ponts-et-
Chaussees. The theatrical privilege like wise, according to the
assertion of the minister, could not be refused, u a favour-
able report had been sent in, and the claims of M. Adam
were admitted. However, M. Teste required 100,0001. in
the first case, and in the second, 100,000 f. were taken by
writers in the pay of the ministry, with the consent of the
minister ! A publif trial proved this to be the case, and one
of the persons who fingered the money acknowledged it.
Are there in the chamber ten members not convinced that
this corruption took place with the connivance of M. Dst-
chitel 7 Is there an individual knowing how to read who
has the smallest doubt on the subject ? Yet M. Duch:Bel is
not proceeded against; he preserves his portfolio; it was
sufficient for him to deny less audaciously then his old e,ol-
- M. Teste, and the clamber passed on to something
else ! After that, boast of equality before the law ! Will any
one dare maintain that the ministry is innocent, and knew no-
thing? Why then has it not prosecuted the persons who caused
100,0001. to be handed over to them ? There is, however,
no medium; either the minister is guilty of prevarication,
or wretches have made improper use of an imaginary credit ;
if these are not prosecuted, it is because they are thought in-
nocent, but their innocence proves that the Minister of the
Interior is guilty. And now is a man, ou whom rests the
suspicion of crime, exalted by a considerable majority, when
two es-ministers are punished with degradation? Is that
all ? Have the charges which remain uneontradicted been
forgotten ; • memoir redeemed fur 30,0001. ; a bill offered
for 1,200,000 f. ; • nomination to the peerage rendered de-
pendent on a condition against which the demandant rebel-
led ? Hu M. Hebert prosecuted the sellers of bills ? Has
M. Delengle been moved by what has been done ? He was
superb the other day in branding with reprobation the
crime of corruption ! Does he believe it more honourable to
corrupt electors than to purchase a minister ? The man who
pays with his money for the concession of a right commits
a vile action, and which it was perfectly right to punish
with severity ; he is a wretched corrupter. But what name
does M. De!angle give to the man who discounts his position,
who pays for votes with the favours of the budget, and who
outrages public morality in lavishing places or the state.
money? The conduct of the two ex-ministers, one of Octo-
ber 29, the other of March 1, is abominable and justly repro-
bated : it proves that there has been no interregnum in the
course of corruption. But what shall we say of the CaMa-
vance of a minister of justice and of a procnreur-general,
both hearing public allegations of swindling made, and re-
fusing to stir in the matter, because they are not convinced ?
Is there not is such conduct one of those failures in duty
which the penal code qualifies and punishes ? Is that also
equality before the law ? A minister who should take rail-
way shares would commit a shameful action, according to
M. Duchael—an infamous action, according to U. Guixot.
Two days after the very numbers of the shares subscribed
for in the Northern Railway, by M. Cunin-Gridaine, father
and sun, are published. There were no less than 500 of
them, which means that with them the mall premium of
200,0001. could have been obtained. The action is no longer
shameful or infamous, it is a matter of course, it is a specu-
lation entered into by M. Cuain-Gridaine, father and son, at
Sedan, whence it results evidently that M. Cunin-Grideine
father has nothing to say to it ! And remark, that the firm
of Cunin-Gridaine, father and sou, had SOO definitive shares.
What firm, of which the partner is not a minister, has been
treated in such a way by the companies s It is all very fine
for the Dibots, in speaking of the Taste trial, to say that it
would be wrong to attribute to the ministry the responsibi-
lity of a fault which is quite a private one! Is the ministry
ignorant of all the facts which we hare just mentioned?
Does not M. Duchfstel belong to the ministry ? And M.
Ceuin4ridaine, and M. Hebert? And tbe Mal who got
the 100,000 fr. for what coethim nothing ! And the man who
received SOO shares in a railway ! And the man who re-
fuses to prosecute acts so plainly set forth ! Are the facts,
thus made public, the only ones ? No. The press has al-
ready spoken of a concession of mines in Algeria, the details
of which equal, nay, go beyond, the Courrser Francais says,
those of Gouhenans. No doubt, explanations will be given
thereon ; an investigation will be instituted to discover the
whole truth. There are also deputies, high functionaries,
and even ministers, in all this affair. They will not r.onsent,
without doubt, to remain under the weight of an grave an
accusation. But when each day appears to throw light on
some new scandal ; when the memory becomes fatigued
with retaining them; when the mind feels sullied in thinking
of them, must we not admire the impudence of the minis.
terial print, which demands that public opinion should be
satisfied, because two ex-ministers have been degraded by
the Court of Peers ?

A change in the cabinet continues to be the subject
of general conversation. At the cabinet council on
Sunday, that subject was the sole question. It was
discussed whether the resignations of Marshal Soult,
as president of the council, and M. Cunin-Oridaine
minister of public works, which have been more than
once tendered, should not be accepted. Nothing was
definitively settled until the sentiments of the minis-
terial isarty could be ascertained. A meeting was
accordingly held at M. Delessert's, the banker, at
which it ts said the retirement of the two ministers
above-named was approved of. It was also decided,
according to Le Commerce, to establish a new semi-
official ministerial journal, in place of the defunct
Epoque, which is to share the defence of the
cabinet with the Dikes, and to be directed by M.
Murat de Bort, a deputy, who has lately been con-
sidered as a candidate for an office in the cabinet.

The Gazette dee Tribune= gives the following
reverting MM. Teets and Pellapra :
24. Test., whose features bear the profound mark of the
terrible emotions which he must have felt during the
trial which ended in a manner so fatal to him, appears to
have recovered all kis calm since the delivery of the judg-
ment. As soon as he arrived at the Conciergerie he demanded
that there should be procured all that is necessary to occupy
himself with a work which he began several years ego, and
Thai, be says, he will now finish. Orders were im.
sedllately given that his request should be complied with.
14epra arrived at Paris on Sunday evening by the
N Railway. He came from Lie, and paned by
Breseels. The akimbo, in which he has been placed is the
mar as OM whisk was occupied by Gen. Cubiires. All
decree relining groundless, smolt as the signification ot the
of his helegget it the ester essenstisa,
the intemeptery. Ohs shies of as Ihd, were M_
plated with nowt to M. Pellapra lane secretly left
Paris; and ilk constituting himself a prikonse at the Petit-
Luxembourg, beady is execution et the =meat for his arrest
issued by the Chamber of Pesos ea Liss ilth rely. It will,
conseaueallyiino. kreurmasesser. taxisl'IsbAa..
esd to stay ahltswbreit
it ea
remembered. *seen the adesseas /11•1110.
man. It is supposed that the mini Ile be empbeted on
Friday, and that on the next day the dmisise of Ms mart
will be given.
A meeting of the principal ossrebantn and traders
of Paris took place on Tuesday, at whisk Count de
Rambnteau, Prefect of the Seine, delivered an address
in which he mentioned several facts of interest con-
nected with the food crisis of the present year, which
is the first visitation of that kind which has occurred
in France since the Revolution of July. It was ex-
pected that in a season of en much distress, the opera-
tions of the Mont de Pike (the national pawnbrolung
office) would have been largely affected. On the con-
trary, however, the amount of the sums lent in the
first six month; of 1847 exceeds that of the first six
months of 1846 by less than 20,0001., while the
amount of the pledges redeemed in the same period
was only 6,0001. less than in 1846. The savings'
bank received 100,0001. leas and disbursed 200,0001.
more than in 1846..

The Chamber of Deputies have adopted the lam
modifying the contract originally made with the P.
and Lyons Railway Company, and granting the corn.
pony an extension of their lease more or less accord,
mg to the amount of the capital they will have to
expend.
The Centre Railway of France, connecting Orleans
with Bourgea having a length of 210 kilometres,
equal to 150 miles, was opened on Monday. For
further particulars, we refer to our railway depart.
ment.

M. Testa was removed on Monday evening to the
Conciergerie. It is, however, understood to be the
intention of government to transfer him to the fort-
ress of Ham, where Prince Louis Napoleon was lately
confined.

The report of the expected arrival of Marshal Bo-
rend in Paris is contradicted.
La /it:forme save, that within the last few days
placards were stuck up in certain quarters of the city,
to the following effect:—" On demande dee hommes
pour boloyer une eour et nettoyer deux ehanahrea."
(Wanted,—Men to sweep a court and to clean two
chambers.) Similar placards were afield., before the
revolution of July. According to La /2;:fortne, the
police have not only torn down these bills; but
in the excess of their zeal, have maltreated those who
were found reading them.

MADRID. JULY 16.
The competition of contractors for Senor Salamanca's
exchequer bills, to the amount of one hundred millions of
reale came off to-day; or rather there was no competition at
all, the contract being adjudged, without any opposition, to
the Union Bank, whose offer I sent you some time back.
Despatches from Gen. Concha, dated the 9th, are published
I in the Gazette of to-day. The evacuation of Oporto by the
Spanish troops would commence on the 10th. The ht and
sth battalions of Chasseurs, with the regiment of Maria
Christina, would be sent to Braga, with the object of main-
taining free communications with Galicia, and being in a
convenient position.
The first notice in the Gazette of the 15th is a melancholy
one. The Queen's pardon of the two Carlist prisoners who
were condemned to be shot at Burgos on the 12th, although
signified by telegraph, arrived too late. The reprieve was
despatched at 11 ; the men were executed rat 12. It is fear-
ful to think of the terrible aggravation of suffering thus oe-
easinned to the condemned by the gradual extinction of a de-
lusive hope of escape from death. -Undoubtedly, the respon-
sibility of that aggravation rests with the captain-general,
who might., without any ineonvesience, have put off the
execution of the sentence till the result of the application to
the Queen was known.
Don Felipe Rivero has followed up this stroke hr a pro-
clamation, dated the 13th, in which he declares that every
rebel not presenting himself for pardon within eight days,
if caught, will be judged and sentenced according to the law
of April 17, 1821—which means, that he will be tried by
court-martial and shot.

The royal ere9uatur having been granted to M
Brunelli, it Is said, that a committee of &even persons
has been named by the government to treat with the nuncio,
of which Senor Pacheco will be president. The first subject
for definitive arrangement will be the resignations and
appointments of bithops. The Popular published, the day
before yesterday, a list of toe bishops to be ; but the Correa
denied the accuracy of these conjectural appointments, sad
the Popular has withdrawn thins.
The Queen sets out fir the royal seat of St. Ildefonxo oa
the 17th ; she will be accompanied by Pastor Diu, minister
of instruction, and her private secretary Don Ventura de la
Vega.
The monument to Arguelles is to be erected at the Queen's
private cost. Shortly alter the death of this diqinguished
progresaist in 1844. his party formed a committee for the
purpose of erecting some suitable memorial to record his
virtues and services; but their design was atopp:d by the
political chief of Madrid. It remains to be seen whether
this act of the Queen. so welcome to the pragmatist party,
has any political meaning.
The Herald° relates a pleasing trait of the Queen. An old
superintendent of the royal carriages, named Gati, who bat
been in the service of the palace 68 years, moved by that
fatal spirit of officiousness which is a pathetic characteristic of
his elan, ventured some time ego to visit the King. Consort
at the Pardo, and to express his desire to see the royal pair
reunited, and living together in harmony. For this naive
impertinence, or for some other reason, Gati was dismissed.
His children were dead, but there remained to the old man
a little grandson, the solace of Lis age. He caused a petition
to be presented to the Queen for a small pension to educate
this child. Hearing no answer he resolved to !intent an-
other himself. The Queen upon seeing him said, with some
surprise, " What ! do you bring me so soon another petition?
But a day or two back I granted yon one." The old man.
had heard nothing about it. " Well, let us see this one,
that I rely settle this affair for you on the spot." The head
majordomo advanced to receive the petition and to write
the royal stunt " No, no; I will write it myself," said the
Queen ; and taking the paper presented by the venerable
suppliant, she sat down at a table:and wrote upon the margin
of the petition a decree, granting to the grandson of Gati as
employ in the service of the palace, with a salary of 6,000
reals a year, elmmar.ding this sum to he applied in the
meantime to his education till the boy was of age to under-
take the place.

ATHENS, JULY 10.
Blood has, at last, flowed. Magnesia is in a state
of revolt. The ministerial parties are fighting amongst
themselves. The Mavromichali par- y are protected by the
court. The Teanetaki party are the bosom friends of M.
Coletti. They joined together to oust out the opposition,
and now they are killing each other. The eldest son of
General Mavrocalchali is amongst the number of the victims.
The Teanetakis have the government troops and a portion
of the authorities to support them ; the other portion of the
authorities are under the orders of Mavromichali. The
government are alarmed, and have sent General Vlach*.
poulos to take the command of the troops in that province,
and restore order. Agreeably to expectatien, M. Colette
has been returned for several colleges. Of this there could
be no doubt; the means which he employed ensured this
result. The grand aim of Coletti has been to prevent a
single member of the opposition from entering the future
chamber ; this, thanks to the sets of violence, and the in-
fringement of the law, he has nearly succeeded in doing.
There will not be ten opposition members returned.
The next packet, of the 20th, will bring you a detailed
account of the result of the elections, if they are finished by
that period, and their probable effect on the country.

CONSTANTINOPLE, iI:LT 7.
The courier expected from Vienna, with despatches
from Prince Metternich for the Porte, arrived here
late on the evening of the 28th ult. He was also
the bearer of despatches from Chekib Effendi to the
Minister of Foreign Affairs. As we anticipated, the
interview between the Turkish ambassador and the
chief of the Austrian cabinet had not a satisfactory
termination. Chekib Effendi adhered to the terms
of the ultimatum, and rejected the modifications pro-
posed by Prince Metternich. In the despatch re-
ceived at the Porte on the 28th ult., the chief of
the Austrian cabinet says that he had received a
letter from M. Coletti, containing certain proposition'
for the settlement of the difference existing between
the Turkish and Greek cabinets. He, however, thought
it more advisable that this letter should go direct to the
Porte and not be transmitted through his handa.
therefore, sent the letter back to M. Coletti with his
opinion as to the manner in which that minister ought
to conduct the negotiation. Immediately after the
arrival of Prince 'Metternich'. courier on the 28th
a cabinet council was held at the Porte, and on that
and nearly every day since interviews have taken
place between the representatives of England, Russia,
and Austria, and the Grand Vizier. Prince Metter-
nich has not sent a copy of Coletti's letter to the
Porte, nor has he even alluded to the tone in which
it is written. Count Stunner, the Austrian re-
presentative, like every one else at Constan-
tinople, is ignorant of its contents. It is this
myetery on the part of Prince Metternich, coupled
with the details of the interview which he bad with
Chekib Effendi, which are given in the despatch of
the Turkish ambassador, that lead the Porte and the
foreign representatives to the conclusion that M. Co.
letti's letter is not of a satisfactory nature.
July B.—An Austrian man-of-war steamer arrived
here yesterday from the Pincus, with a letter free
M. Coletti to the Iteis Effendi, under cover to Count
Starner. It is the (ac-simile of that which had boa
addressed to Prince Metternich by the Greek arr-
ester. M. de Bourqueney consequently ordered the
departure of the French packet to be delayed
that he might be enabled to communicate to MI
government the effect of Coletti's letter epos
the Turkish ministers. Yon can easily imagine tl*
thatindgrn—
K. won
Colettiprod,s
letterucd acot thntaine PeoditenoTwheensinigtiewaswatifoonl
3 IMagy, on the contrary, was written in a tom
insolence. He rejects almost is got
thsil=fle ultimatum, and uses the WOW °I
an aocioner rather than of one who has committed a
fault. This is the dMouement of M. de Metternich.'
mystery ; this is the secret be was anxious to beg
from the sight of the gross world. The pellet!!
which appeared in his communications with the
Porte on this subject is now accounted for, by the
wound which his self-love must have received m
finding that his much-lauded es=nebssf entirely
failed with Coletti. It was that which*
one of the peculiar features of the school of
ticians of which Prince Metternich la the
chrs
which made him shift the humiliation of um'
Toying the news of his ill success to the Ports fret
his own shoulders to those of Count Shame'', au
the mystery which attended all his proceeding.,"
evidently the result of the same spirit. The Poe!
have decided upon immediately adopting cower"

• - .
Till' EXAMS* FAIP4T4EMITIO, MY OP 1"7.
in Widaginder ikin•,`"vt .11 tka bdwKM:of tu
snip* pals fisrmard theretantions st s esisild env gawks* Leeds, hi of the disasion
song.i. Mr,lol"Fitnesli Mehl data; the sessfat siseptates 40 oom sableatt of national
to the honour of reprammitog • the met Injorlast e4stakiosjiave introdampato tbs liberal ranks; Mr.
district of the eipital, we would not hoot hislersot for Sluts itad his follow's* threaten that they will
boyish freaks. But it is really • serious ipabjt to the stand apart frost those with whom they formerly rem-
Isaias sad to the district, which is the seat of geirera- bawd for the maintenance of civil and religious
meet sad the legislature, to say, that the Era boy, rie liborty,beesems oa one debateable point, of no peso-
the merest dandy, who may takes few to •be in Beal importance, Mr. BAINES believes that a