The Express.
London, England, 1846-11-23 00:00:00

yea*

intiseigi
_

iouthampton.
With fair play- he salt n`-,. "'
through the good quality and cheapness of their salt,
and the activity of English merchants and ship-
owners, could undersell the native produce of any
part of the world accessible to them. Until very
lately the duty upon English salt in the United States
varied from a hundred to four hundred per cent. on
the prime cost. A large quantity of excellent salt is
manufactured within the Union, and yet the
averse annual export from this country to
the Mates between 1838 and 1841 was nit
wards of four millions of bushels. This fact will
enable the reader to estimate approximatively the
restriction imposed upon British commerce by the
exclusion of our salt from the markets of Bengal. If
twenty millions of people in the United States, with
large manufactories of excellent salt, took upwards of
four millions of bushels off our hands yearly when it'
was subjected to a heavy duty, how much would
forty millions of people in Bengal, who cannot pro-
duce any palatable salt, take off our hands, supposing
no duty, or even a moderate duty were imposed upon
it ? The importance of obtaining access for our salt to
Bengal cannot be adequately estimated by confining
our view to the quantity exported and its value. The
salt would be carried as ballast. At present our total
annual export of salt averages above eleven millions
of bushels, affording employment for shipping to
upwards of two hundred and ninety thousand tons of
dead weight.
It is only on the part of the company's government
that any sultana opposition is to be looked for to the
abolition of a monopoly so oppressive to the natives
of a great part of India, and so restrictive upon
British commerce and navigation. We are not in-
clined to undervalue the arguments by which it
has hitherto resisted the abolition of the salt
monopoly and the opium monopoly, which must
stand or fall with it. With all its defects, the com-
pany's government is immeasurably superior to any
that ever existed in India before it. The necessary
condition of its permanence is the maintenance of the
finances of India. The company's government must
derive an income from its subjects adequate to
maintain its civil and military establiihmen endts
s
on a liberal footing, and part/
of dvid
of the holders of India stock. Ihe capital of the
East India Company has done little for the com-
merce of Hindostan, but the expenditure of that
capital has given Hindoetan an efficient and stable
government The Company's stock is the funded
national debt of India. We perfectly understand
how the Anglo-Indian government, with such expen-
sive establishments to maintain, and such large divi-
dends to pay, should be averse to experiments in
taxation. The peculiar system of taxation which it
inherited from earlier Indian governments, was part
and parcel of the constitution of Indian political so-
ciety, and not lightly to be tampered with. But the
plan of raising revenue by monopolies in certain
large branches of produce, is becoming obsolete, even
in India, throughthe natural course of events, and can-
not much longer be upheld. The mediatised sovereigns
of India are one after another subsiding into the rank
of mere private subjects; the capitalists of India are
assimilating their modes of conducting business to
those of Europe ; the relations of man to man
in India are becoming European. New tenures of
property, new forms and channels of commerce, new
modes of industrial enterprise, call for new modes of
levying government imposts. Government mono-
polies cannot long co-exist with indigo and sugai
farms, banking companies, and railroads. The only
remnants of the old monopoly system are the opium
and salt trades of Bengal. The latter we have shown
is destructive of the health and happiness of the
Bengalese, and restrictive of English commerce. The
former is injurious not only to Patna and Benares,
but, as the payers of the pass-duty on Malacca opium
can testify, has at times brought on commercial
crises in Bombay. At no time have the arguments
advanced by the favourer:, of these monopolies proved
more than the advantage of a cautious and gradual
abolition. And now the altered interests and feelings
of India have rendered these arguments inapplicable,
by rendering a speedy abolition inevitable.

WE beg to call attention to the letter of our Lisbon
correspondent, in which the true state of affairs in
Portugal is fully depicted. The nature of Colonel
WYLDE*B mission seems not that of a mediator
between contending parties, but of a diplomatic
agent empowered to see treaties respected. A portion
of our treaties with Portugal renders us guarantees for
the security of the Queen's throne aad person—a sti-
pulation to be regretted. The best guarantees for this
should be in her Majesty's own wisdom, conduct,
and popularity. The royal decree, declaring Lisbon
bank-notes a legal tender, though circulating at 20
per cent. discount, and enforcing the order by heavy
penalties, is merely a sample to the commercial com-
munity, both in Portugal and in England, how abso-
lute authority is to be exercised in that country,
and how far it is likely to agree with public credit
and financial honesty.

The fact formally announced by the ministe..
papers on Thursday, of the absorption of Cra-
cow, engrossed all minds in Paris on Friday and Sa-
turday, and raised one consentient shout of indigna-
tion from the public and the press. To this feeling
there was no exception. The journals of the right,
the centre, and the left, the representatives of the fal-
len royalty of the elder Bourbons, legitimists and
democrats, dynastic ministerialists and dynastic oppo-
sition, anti-dynastic and republican—all joined in one
common cry at this audacious violation of solemn
treaties and contemptuous insult to the national dig-
nity. The journals of the party, which has for seve-
ral yaws been uniformly adverse to the cultivation of
the English alliance, now bitterly reproach the
Guizot cabinet with making shameful and
unnecessary sacrifices to the maintenance of that
alliance when no adequate benefits arose from
it, and wantonly sacrificing it to mere
family interests, at a moment when its maintenance
would have preserved the last vestige of Polish
nationality. If the entente cordiale, so dearly pur-
chased by France, say they, had continued to exist,
the courts of the north would never have ventured on
this audacious measure. Some of the journals of
Paris, including one or two that are usually well
informed on lussian affairs, affirm that M. Guizot
was aware of what the absolute courts contemplated,
as far hack as September, and yet with his eyes open
to the coming catastrophe, he wantonly broke the
only instrument by which he could avert it.
The cause cf this striking change in the politics of Europe
(stye the Constitution net) is understood by every one. It is
true that it is a formal violation of the Treaty of Vienna in
the face of Poland, of France, and of England. It is the
first usurpation of territory which has taken place in Europe
for thirty 'eats, and Russia, Austria, and Prussia have
seized, for its perpetration, the moment when the good un-
derstanding of France and England was broken. A long
time must have elapsed before the annexation of Cracow
could have been an accomplished fact, if that good under-
standing had continued to command the respect of the
powers of the north. We have never dissimulated the incon-
veniences of the English alliance. We know that the
interests of France and England are often different
—sometimes opposite—but we know also, that in
the present position of things, the good understanding of the
two countries is after all the only sure guarantee of peace
and freedom in the world. Since the year 1343, we have
thought and have said that the English alliance, cultivated
with intelligence, would be beneficial to France. While the
Tories were in office, although these benefits were only
nerrative, they were nevertheless real ; with the'Whigs the
alliance might have been active, liberal, and glorious. With
what sacrifices has it not been preserved, when it was com-
paratively of little benefit under the Tories, and at the
moment when its fruits were about to be gathered, it is
violently broken
The attitude about to be assumed by the Guizot
cabinet is clearly indicated by the article in the
Journal des Delbats of Thursday, quoted in our cor-
respondence of Saturday, and still more unequivocally
by another which appeared in the same journal on
Saturday. These articles are regarded in Paris as
ministerial manifestoes; so much so, that the Bourse
was strongly affected by them, as will be seen by
reference to it.
We can add nothing, says the Dantts oa Saturday, to the
force of the expression used by M. Guizot and Lord Palmer.
ston on this question. It treaties were of any avail, if there
still remained in Europe any other law tnan that of the
bayonet, we should say without fear of being oontrarlicted by
any public writers of Russia, Prussia, or Austria, tha tthe free
city of Cracow had all the guarantees which the
letter, and the spirit of the most solemn treaties could confer
upon it. And why were these guarantees violated ? What
crime did this iudependtiat city commit? It was invaded
by refugees from Galicia, an Austri in province. It is not

wilt aßp warrant
praettree—otr the -left -b
cities of Oenoa or Basle.
We ask," says the journalist, "by what mark we
can know in a treaty the articles which may be abol-
ished at pleasure and those which must
thbe
doctrine
main-
tained. We fear much that, according to e
of the Northern Courts, no articles in treaties are
obligatory, save 'those which the strong are interested to
support. As to those which protect the weak
ve, the
iny arerest su
tf-
o
fered to exist only so long as the powerfid ha no te
violate them. It has been said that the demoralisation of
international law in Europe began with the French revowithlu-
tion and with Napoleon ; this is a arose error ; it began
the partition of Poland in 1772, and is sustained by this mea-
sure of 1846. The faith of treaties and the sanctity of
European right sleep in the tomb of Poland, but we believe
as little in the death of European right as we do in that of

Poland.
All the Paris journals, without exception, have
republished, most of them at full length, the speeches
of Lord Palmerston and M. Guizot on this question.
A courier was despatched by Lord Normanby to
London on receiving the communication from the
Prussian minister and another by M. Guizot to M.
de Jarnac on receiving the communication from the
Austrian Chargi d'Affaires. The answer of M.
Guizot to Lord Palmerston's last note, which in our
former correspondence it was said would be forwarded
to London on Saturday, was held back untilth theaffair
in-
tentions of the British Cabinet respecting e
of Cracow should be known.
M. Guizot is reported, on receiving information of
the steps taken by the three northern courts, to have
observed, " C'est peut-etre un pont pour repasser la
Manche" (it will, perhaps, prove to be a bridge by
which we may repass the channel.)
Another on dit, ascribes to Marshal Soult the ob-
* servation, " Old as I am, I may yet have to organise
another army of the north."
Such trifles, true or false, show how the wind
blows.
Count d'Appony, the Austrian ambassador, has just
returned to Paris.
The Frankfort Post-Amt Gazette of the 19th states :
" Since a fete hours the republic of Cracow has ceased to
exist. Cracow has been incorporated to Galicia, conformable
to the resolution taken by the three powers of the North,
and at the express desire of the Emperor of Russia."
A government courier was immediately despatched
to the Austrian Ambassador at Paris.
PARIS, SATURDAY, FIVE O'CLOCK.
Notwithstanding the menacing tone of the minis-
terial journals to-day, the condition of things on the
Bourse was on the whole more steady than for the
last two days. The Three per Cents. fell lower at
one period of the day than they have yet been, having
been done at f3of. 90e., and were done even a shade
lower in the morning in the Passage de l'Opera. Still
they left off a shade better than yesterday, and busi-
ness on the whole was considered more favourable.
Great confidence prevailed among commercial
and money people, that the Cracow affair must
lead to a rapprochement of the two countries,
an end so devotedly wished by all. A conviction
prevails that in the present excited state of the pub-
lic, a change of the cabinet here which would restore
M. Thiers to office, would almost inevitably lead to
war, especially if the belligerent turn of that minister
were seconded by the Foreign Secretary in London.
PARIS, Nov. 21.—Three per Cents., 81 10 ; Free per Cents., 116 40;
Four-and-a-Half per Cents., Ill; Belgian live per Cents., 1840, 991;
Do., Fire per Cents., 1842,1011, Naples acmes, 102 dingo,an Loan,
991. Exchange on London, (30 dart), paper, 23 45, (9O days)
piper, 25 95: cash, 28 921.

The Madrid journals and private correspondence of
the 14th and lath were received in Paris on Friday
and Saturday.
The intelligence they brought from Portugal was
not so recent as that already received in London, and
in other respect their contents were uninteresting.
The Progresaistas had issued a manifesto, in which
they asserted that there were dilapidations in the
public revenue, in consequence of which M. Mon,
Minister of Finance, ordered the parties signing it to

be prosecuted.
The 13th being Sunday, the Bourse was closed.

LISBON, Nov. 17.
The departure of the Polyphemus for England
gives me an opportunity of sending this:
After the portentous tidings which have been recently
transmitted to England by some of the London correspon-
dents re.ident here, it will perhaps be regarded as a disap-
pointment when I inform you that not a single shot has been
exchanged between the belligerent parties in the field, with
the exception of a few cannon and shells which were dis-
charged against Evers (where 13omtim and some 1,400
regulars and irregulars are in arms) by General Schwalbach,
who, after amusing himself in this manner during the 10th
and 11th of this month, without producing any result, re-
treated to Estremoz, whither the Count I3omfim, it was said,
had followed him.
After the affair at Viana, in which Schwalbach dispersed
the force under Celestino, Count Bomfim collected the men
again, and marched with them to 0 Toroa, where he now
is organising measures for keeping possession of the Alentejo.
Some surprise will naturally be telt at the retreat of Das
Antas into Santarem, after the exaggerated accounts that
were so industriously spread of his determin lion to march
at once on the capital. The fact is, that although he has,
numerically speaking, as strong a force of regulars as Sal-
danha, and as well disciplined, he is deficient in cavalry and
guns. Whereas the Marshal has a park of 12 pieces, admira-
bly appointed, and an effective squadron, or rather a regi-
ment• of horse. Under these disadvantages Das Antes
could not have done • wiser thing than to take pos-
session of so admirably situated a fortified position
as Santarem, and in allusion to his position he said to
a gentleman who was in conversation with him on
the subject " Mons. le Mareehal (Saldanha) m'a fait un joli
cadeau en me laissant prendre cette ville. 'the Queen's
troops, under Saldanha, are quartered around Cartaxa, in
the chateau of which place he has taken up his quarters,
being the same house which he occupied during the war of
succession of 1832-4. Colonel Wylde proceeded thither on
the 12th, and on the following day despatched a messenger to
Santarem, demanding an escort from the outposts of the
Queen's army to the headquarters of Das Antes. The re-
quest was promptly acceded to, and an interview took place
at Santarem, in the course of which the Colonel distinctly
reencethetoCotrlnet
inviolabilityte undirstan d
of thate hltso;naissiroen hnad
and
d-
that the principal object of his seeking au interview
with him was for the purpose of impressing on
the chiefs of the movement the determination of the
British government not to suffer the throne to be
menaced in the most remote degree. It is understood that
Das Antes professed to be actuated by sentiments of the
sincerest loyalty to her Majesty ; that he regretted in the
meet earnest language the painful necessity under which he
bad been placed of taking arms, a necessity occasioned by
the acts of persons surrounding his sovereign, to which acts
be expressed his belief her Majesty would not have given her
sanction had she been aware of their tendency, or of the
general sentiments of the Portuguese people. The Count
further stated that he had risked the success of the cause on
which he had embarked, by not at once advancing on Lisbon,
which he might easily have done with the greatest proba-
bility of success ; his motive in aostaining from coming to a
collision with the Queen's army being, to spare him-
self the double pain of coming to extremities with her
Majesty and of shedding the blood of his old com-
rades and countrymen. When the Count was reminded of
the violent and even treasonable language which had been
made use of in the manifestos and other documents issued by
the Septembrist partisans in his name, and that of the
Junta, he emphatically denied having sanctioned their
publication, and protested that the only desire he entertained
was, to see his Queen released from the thraldom in which
her brie and incompetent advisers had ea long held her, and
to afford her the means of governing the Portuguese people
according to the spirit of that charter, in defence of which
they had formerly shed so much blood. In general, lan•
guage of this description must not be interpreted au pied de
in kttre ; but the consistent and thoroughly honest charac-
ter of Das Antes, renders it more than probable that he
spoke his real sentiments. That there are persons engaged
in the same cause—Aguiar for instance—who are personally
and violently opposed to the Queen, and who would dethe_ne
her if they had the power, there is no doubt. The firmness
and candour with which the British government has ex-
pressed itself on this point, however, will, I believe, be found
ultimately to have quelled all such hopes or intentions. The
difficulty, therefore, of reconciling the professions of loyalty
made by Das Antes with the overt acts and the widely-
avowed declarations of his more violent partisans, and of the
peasantry who form so large a portion of his supporters,
vanishes when these circumstances are well considered ; and
the asseverations of the Count deserve serious consideration,
and even a considerable degree of respect and credit, when it
is recollected that he bears the character of a frank and
brave man, though not possessing an intellect of the highest
order. Bandeira and Albuquerque also partake of this loyal
f eling to the fullest extent.
Before I proceed to the other topic to which I. have to
draw attention, I must state, with reference to the so much
talked of, and so positively vouched for, Intervention, that
such an act has not for a single moment been contemplated
at any period since the present crisis arose. It is perfectly
true, that, being in some degree misled, if not wilfully de-
ceived, by the court party here, as to the 'cavity of the c r• '
and the safety of her Majesty, our government was induced
to assent that the experimental squadron should anchor in
the Tagus during the first ebullition of the movement
which preceded the seizure of the Duke of Terceira, and
whilst the intentions of the junta of Oporto were yet un-
known. But as for landing a single marine, or taking
any active part in a struggle which has resolved iteelf into

,:'. . --- ,- ,
- .. ..,
iitug Bulimia, .mcel y,. ~ , NO.yEDIZENIR' 4 at, 'IMO.
.
9f error*. * that Tki .
d Oromplaint. ;Lit I the 0. . has
. Iftel7lll6o' if 3111:1" friiir essiturhed, a4d As. y ism 1 ierr,
6 • .'d diplostsiv__ s. stielipi:.
~ delity
b . iifstifelt salt- itt • of the wolf Win. Ion).
of the
•
distance from the Mersey ; and railroad thin-ape-ft has Such is the language of the official organ
already brought them as neat -te the -estuary of -the French eabinek-whieh goes On'fitrfher. to affirm that
Ct'ewertit anti will in a few peas to the water of theimme right which justifies the seizure of Cracow
• • ' v • ..flPeauallr warrant Fiume in seizing the Prussian
•._--.2...Am..• •••• wkar-Phioins