The Express.
London, England, 1848-01-22 00:00:00

the increased competition of other sugars;
and with the augmented power to meet com-
petition on more equal terms which this fact indi-
cates, the productive power of the colonies has also
increased. Both in 1845 and 1846 the quantity of
West Indian sugar imported was lees than the quan-
tity consumed. Each succeeding year saw a diminu-
tion of the stocks in hand. In 1847, notwithstanding
a large increase in the quantity consumed, there wee
still left a considerable artionat of the year's importa-
tion to replenish the stocks on hand, which had been
reduced more than prudence warranted. In spite of
the severe pressure which the sugar-traders have ex-
perienced in common with every other class among
us, the experience of the first year and a half of de-
creased and decreasing differential duties upon sugar
vrarrants the most sanguine expectation that free
trade, though a rough medicine, will ultimately prove
BS wholesome to our sugar colonies as to all the
rest of the community.
And not only is the balance of argument against
the advocates of an increased differential duty on
foreign sagars,but the balance of parties in parliament
--a consideration hitherto too exclusively looked to by
the West India leaders—is also against them. The
mere politicians in parliament they know are indif-
ferent to them; the leanings of the whig party are
avowedly in favour of free trade; the conservatives
have repeatedly plated fast and loose with the West
Indians, and deliberately thrown them overboard when
anything was to be gained by it; and, what is of
more consequence. the friendship or hostility of the
West India interest in parliament is a matter of much
less importance to a political party than it used to be.
The great manufacturing interests of the country—
necessarily earnest advocates of free trade—are
on the eve of becoming, if they have not al-
ready become, a more formidable phalanx than the
West Indians. This new element of parliamentary
power is the only one which approximates to the
agricultural in its natural and necessary connexion
vast. the soil. Th. junta position of coal and ore
throughout the region of our iron manufactures roots
that trade in the soil. The presence of coal required
for the generation of steam prescribes quite as impe-
ratively the local residence of the textile mannfac-1
hires, cotton and woollen, and scarcely in a less de-
gree of the glass and eurthenware. The growth of
our staple manufactures is the consequence not
merely of our favourable insular position for distribu-
tion, but of the natural products of the land. That
direction of industry is as natural and spontaneous as
agriculture, and likely to be as permanent. Our great
manufacturers are as well calculated to be an endur-
ing political power as our great landowners; while
the West Indians are a mere sub-section, as the case
may be, of the landed or monetary interests. And
under the auspices of the Reform Act this new power
has found its way into parliament, and even into the
ministry. Not only is the representation of great
marts like Manchester and Birmingham, and of the
minor boroughs linked in business connexions with
them, in the hands of this interest, it has ruffled with
the landlords for county Beata, and beaten them both
in Lancashire and Yorkshire; and more than one
gentleman now in office owes his place to the support
of this interest. The new secti of the House of
Commons of which COBDEN, SMITH (JonN BENJA-
MIN), WILSON, WALMSLEY, JACKSON, &C., may be
taken as samples, is independent of any of the old
parties—has views and objects of its own—and as
soon as it acquires habits of co-operation and concert
will be courted as much or even more than the West

Indian.
There is but one safe course of policy for the West
Indians, and that is, frankly and at once to identify
themselves with the interests of the great public.
And the way to do this is by acquiescing without fur-
ther struggle in the system of free trade, claiming in
return the removal of all impediments to the immi•
ration of free labourers of tropical race into our
sugar colonies, the abolition of the navigation laws,
the equalisation of all duties on corresponding pro-
ducts of the mother country and the colonies, and any
other reform that may be required to place these out-
lying portions of the empire on a footing of entire
equality with the central islands.

THE Manchester Chamber of Commerce has spoken
out wihely and in good time against the infatuated
notion of re-imposing the duties on imported grain.
It is to be hoped that the example thus set will be
followed throughout the trading and manufacturing

districts.
The arrangement by which the duties on corn were
to be gradually abolished within a term of three years
was accepted by the free-traders merely to escape dis-
union in their own camp. No person, either agricul-
turist or trader whose opinion was worth anything,
expected any benefit from it—except, perhaps, the
prevention of panic in peculiarly ignorant quarters.
But as it enabled Sir HOBERT PEEL to disarm opposi-
tion in certain quarters, the three years delay was
acquiesced in.
But what earthly purpose can be served by renew-
ing the duty in next March, it is impossible to conjec-
ture. It would only give the agriculturists oat year
more of their cherished protection. It would renew
this protection to them just at a time when experience
might have shown them that it is not required.
Many years have elapsed since the farmers and land-
owners have been in such comfortable circumstances
as during the time that corn has been imported at a
minimum rate of duty or duty free. The very high
prices realised for corn in 1846, and during the first
six months of 1817, have afforded them more than a
compensation for the deficient harvest of 1846. It is
notorious that there is more money circulating in the
agricultural parts of the kingdom than formerly, eel
the bankers of the manufacturing districts felt, to
their lots, when money was scarce.
The agriculturists do not need to have the duties on
grain reimposed; and the manufacturers and mer-
chants who bore the brunt of the late crisis would be
materially injured by such a step. There has been of
late an increase in the exports of some of our manufac-
tures in return for imported grain; this revival of
depressed trade might be checked by the re-imposi-
tion of the duties. Again, under the apprehension
that they are to be re-imposed in March, speculative
entries of grain are already being made to escape the
duty. This movement may precipitate a renewal of
the drain of bullion, or lead to losses that may involve
us in another crisis. By re-establishing the sus-
pended corn-law for one brief year, no good can be
done to the agricultural classes; but wide-spread
misery may be entailed upon all classes connected
with manufactures.
In connexion with the meeting of the Manchester
Chamber of Commerce we may be allowed to offer
one remark concerning ourselves. Our readers would
learn from our yesterday's report-of the proceedings
that our correspondent in Manchester was compelled,
by the indifference of the reformers there, and the
professional jealousy of a favoured local newspaper,
to make a public application for a copy of the cham-
ber's petition. We are duly tensible of the readiness
and frankness with which the request was complied
with on the present occasion ; but there was much
meaning in our correspondent's remark, that " lie
had been compelled to make the application before
the president left the chair, well knowing that,
as on former occasions, while gentlemen were
putting on their hats, and in the confusion which ge-
nerally ensued upon the breaking-up of a numerous
meeting, the documents might be taken away, and
he might be deprived of their use." The Daily News
bas all along been the earnest and uncompromising
advocate of free-trade. As our correspondent told
the meeting, we enjoy in Manchester a circulation un-
precedented for a daily paper. Not only do we offer
the liberals of Manchester a sympathising medium
for giving publicity to their views and wishes; we
are engaged in a struggle which, if ulnassuccessfl we
do not doubt it will be), will insure them ( far
as mere publication is concerned) the services
of all our rivals and competitors on the same
moderate terms, by compelling them to descend to
our scale of prices. Our cause is more their
cause than our own, and the indifference to
our succeos or failure betrayed by the members of
the Manchester Chamber of Commerce, and the par-
ties who petitioned for the removal of Jewish dis-
abilities, bears slender testimony of the zeal by which
they are animated for the promotion of liberal and
national measures, or the intelligence with which
they apprehend the means of promoting such objects.
We cannot expect that all our correspondents are to
display the same harm and generous regard for the
interests of his employers—the same promptitude
and manly courage—as enabled Mr. STOKES to assert
our rights on this occasion.

A CASE which was tried the other day in the Glou-
cester County Court, throws a curious laght, not upon
the law, but on the internal military organisation of

the country. Mr. GIANTLEY BERKELEY is, as all the
world knows, captain of the Berkeley troop of Yeo-
manry Cavalry,. In the course of the great BERKELEY
feud, the number s of the troop fell off, in coniequence,
as the aggrieved captain alleges, of the interference
of the constitutional bead of the military force of the
county. It naturally became a point of honour with
the party opposed to tho lord lieutenant to coun-
teract his exertions by filling up the vacant ranks;
and an active redeem of Mr. GRANTLEY BERKELEY
incurred oonsi able liabilities for horse Ore, accou-
trements, and other expenses connected with this
purpose. The captain encouraged the efforts of his
friend, and failing in an attempt to procure him a
commission in the regiment, rewarded him to the ex-
tent of his own limited patronage by raising him to
the rank of sergeant.
Afterwards, however, as toe often happens to those
who fish in the troubled water,' of Berkeley, the
captain and the sergeant differed. The non-commis-
sioned officer and his friends considered that his ser-
vices to the cause of national defences in Gloucester-
shire entitled him to public acknowledgment and
reward; while his superior, whether suspicious of a
rival in popularity, or zealous for the rigour of mili-
tary discipline, positively opposed his acceptance of a
testimonial. It is hardly necessary to say that any
opposition to the pretensions of a candidate for public
testimonials is certain to increase the zeal of his
friends. The insubordinate warrior was presented
with a sword, symbolical no doubt of his exploits
against the lord lieutenant and the captain, and an
occasion was selected for the delivery of the gift,
which was known to be specially obnoxious to
Mr. GRANTLEY BERKELEY. The quarrel, of course,
grew and spread; and in the progress of it
the sergeant brought an action against the captain for
a part of the expenses which he had incurred in in-
creasing the force of his troop. After a lengthened
trial the jury found a verdict for the defendant, which
seems to have been well warranted by the evidence.
' No point of low was in issue, nor any fact the
authority, if any, given by the defendant to the plain-ptiff to expend money on his behalf.
In itself, therefore, the trial requires no special
notice ; but it is really worth while to observe the
ludicrous state of organisation which it discloses in
the yeomanry establishment. If this force was, like
the royal archers of Scotland, a mere club, autho-
rised on certain occasions of parade to wear a uniform
in public, the organisation and internal arrange-
ments of the body would be of little consequence.
But it must be remembered that the yeomanry is
armed, and, to a certain extent, disciplined, and that,
in case of need, it might be called upon for
actual and important service. If a domestic
force is to be maintained for the protection of the
country, it is evident that a portion of it ought to con-
sist of cavalry ; and there can be no doubt that it is
by the agricultural districts that horses and horsemen
will be most cheaply and efficiently supplied. This is
the only part of western Europe in which civilians
know how to ride. Every former and farmer's son,
and for the most part every tradesman in villages and
small country towns, knows how to sit on a horse,
and, if necessary, how to groom him. If Lord FIT,:
lIARDINGE does nothing che for the yeomanry, his
hounds provide them with the best possible school
1 for riding. A hunting country is as much a school
for cavalry, as a fishing town fur the supply of the
navy. Moreover, the farmers who fill the ranks of
the yeomanry, not only can ride horses, but have
horses to ride. It would be impossible to find
horses at the public expense for a regiment
which is only called out for exercise for a mouth
or a week in the year. Whenever a militia
artillery force is set on foot it will be almost neces-
sarily confined to the towns, from tho opportunities
which they will afford for frequent practice. The in-
fantry, if a large militia force should become neces-
sary, must be drawn from all parts of the country, in
proportion to the population ; but the cavalry will
continue, from every reason of economy and conve-
nience, to be supplied by the rural dist:ids.
lf, however, the yeomanry regimen s are to form
anything more than an armed club, .-eme material
change must be introduced into their administration.
The charges which have been made with respect to the
BERKELEY troop of the Gloucestershire yeomanry are
nearly as conclusive on the demerits of the existing
system as if they had been proved. The fact of
their having been made shows, that they might
possibly have been well founded; while the circum-
stance of their not occasioning the ii.terposition of
any authority to examine and adjudicate upon them
proves that if such proceedings take place, they are
secure of perfect impunity. And let it be considered
what these charges are.
The lord-lieutenant who disposes of the patron-
age of the local military forces, and w;io, to the ex-
tent of his power, is responsible to the crown for
their efficiency, is alleged, truly or falsely, to have
interfered to weaken and disorganise a portion of the
regiment, which he is bound to maintain in its effi-
ciency, for the purpose of injuring anc annoying an
officer against whom he bad family and political
grounds of enmity. The only excuse for passing
over such a charge without notice must be that it is
brought on insufficient authority, and that there is,
therefore, no prinui facie ground for believing it to
be true. But on this assumption, unless all the laws
which govern military bodies elsewhere aro to
be reversed in the case of the yeomanry, it is
impossible to understand how Mr. GRANTLEY
BERKELEY is allowed to retain his commis-
sion. If the charge which he has repeatedly
made is not borne out by the facts, he has committed
a grave military offence, as well as a moral crime.
The proceedings of the sergeant show an equally
happy state of discipline. He seems to have caused
a subscription to be got up in his own honour for ser-
vices rendered to his troop, and to have gratified his
hostility to his captain by causing the presentation of
the testimonial to be made in the manner most offen-
sive to him. It is possible that in this case also the
circumstances may have been incorrectly stated ; but
no one can deny that they are such as may have hap-
pened under the present mode of local military ad-
ministration. We have not the smallest desire to see
a court-martial held on the rebellious sergeant ; but
it would be desirable to know whether there is any
remedy for more serious cases of insubordination and
irregularity.

,•
The fact that every person concerned in them bolls
his position without inquiry, is equivalent, for the
purpose of considering the system, to an admission
that all the statements are true as against the accused
and false on the part of the accusers. A functionary
holds an office in which he has been accused of a
grave misfeasance, while hie accuser also retains his
subordinate rank. The only explanation of the
anomaly is the reason which, in fact, accounts for it.
The organisation of the yeomanry is considered too in-
significant a question to excite public interest or offi-
cial interference. It has always been a source of petty
patronage to the lord lieutenant, and of occasional
parade and conviviality for the officers and members
of the corps ; but it is not fitting that any armed body
should exist in England with a practical exemption
from control and superintendence. There is no occa-
sion to introduce into the yeomanry the strictness of a
regiment of the line, nor to require from a lord lieute-
nant the regularity and punctilio of a general officer:
but the highest functionary in the county may rea-
sonably be expected at least to abstain from thinning
the ranks of a force over which he has influence ; and
some rules of service may be advantageously observed
even by occasional soldiers when they are allowed to
wear the QUEEN'S uniform.
It is very possible that a complete re-
organisation may be necessary before the yeo-
manry bodies can be placed on a proper foot-
ing; but in the meantime we cannot see why
some additional attention might not be bestowed on
the working of the present system. A power of
' supervision might be given to some military autho-
rity, such as the commander of the forces in the dis-
trict, in addition to the duty of occasionally parading
and inspecting the forces. If the establishment is too
insignificant to require system and superintendence, it
would be much better to do away with it altogether.
But it. is not impossible that its services might be ac-
tually called for ; and it is worth while to consider
what would be the effect of an appeal by the head of
the Gloucestershire magistrates for the assistance,
in case of need, of the Berkeley troop of yeo-
manry. The captain would oppose the lord-heutenant,
and excuse himself in case of failure, by the
alleged hostility of his chief. The soldiers would
probably take opposite parts in the quarrel, and any
misadventure would be welcomed by a portion of the
body as an additional ground of charge against their
opponents. It is however more against the scandal,
than against any pressing danger, that we wish
to guard. The commission of the crown should not