The Express.
London, England, 1851-02-07 00:00:00

THE EXPRESS, FRIDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 7, 1851.

meet the motion. (Hear, bear.) But, after the address
had been carried, even supposing it was carried by
surprise, he did not think the advisers of the crown had
liar other course to pupae than to adrish her Majesty to
acquiesce in the prayer of the address. Unless the resolu-
tion hid a different purpose from that which it appeared to
have on the paper, he must oppose it. (Hear.)
Mr. M. GIBSOIY wished to ask the noble lord at the
head of her Majesty's government how this proposition
would offer!' the ordinary motions which members were in
the habit of-making for the return of papers from public
offices. (Hear, hear.) If he understood the matter aright
such motions would, in case of opposition, have to go
through two stages, and two majorities would have to he
obtained beforethey could get the returns. (Hear, hear.)
If that were so, it appeared to him that it would he only
reasonable to eseept motions for the kind of papers he
referred to—returns from public offices conveying informa-
tion in regard to legislation. (Hear, bear.)
Lord J. RUSSELL said—lf there were any opposition to
any returns which might be moved for from any public
office, his resolution certainly would have the effect ofcansing
the motion to pass through two stages, but he did not imagine
that any opposition would be offered to such motions. He
did not make any distinction between motions for returns
of papers, to which there was no objection, and addresses
to the crown for papers during the progress of negotiations.
In answer to the right hon. gentleman who opposed the
motion he begged leave to observe that he did not see how
this resolution could curtail the privileges of individual
members of the house. It only decided that the wishes of
the majority of the house and not those of the minority
should be conveyed in addresses to the crown. The inten-
tion of the resolution was, that there should be more than
one vote of the house before ouch addresses were carried, in
case opposition was made to them. In the case of any insult
toting offered to any member of the royal family he did not
think any opposition would be offered to any address. If there
were, the house would go into committee at once. But he
would read the resolution in other words, which might do
away with the objection with regard to the address to the
crown at the commencement of the session. It was this,

"that no address shall be presented to the crown by this
house unless such address shall have been considered
in a committee of the whole house, or by a select commit-
tee, except in eases where no opposition is offered to motions
for such address." This provided—what he wished to pro-
vide—that there should be more than one vote of the
House of Commons before an address to the crown was
sanctioned, in ease of opposition. His object was to give
sufficient time for consideration on matters of importance.
(Hear, hear.)
Mr. GOULBURN thought the resolution was liable to
considerable objection. (Ilear, hear.) They were bound
to consider not only its immediate effect with respect to the
present government, but its general effect nn the business
of the hour. (Hear.) The resolution, in his opinion,
introduced an entirely new principle. (Hear, hear.) One
course was followed when the:motion was not opposed, and
another course was followed when it was opposed,—(hear,
hear)—and it was impossible to picture to ones mind how it
could be acted on. A solitary " no" might have the effect of
postponing an important question till a committee was ap-
pointed. A great part of the business of the house was done
through the medium of address, for papers which, being
in the Secretary of State's office, it was impossible to get at
except by an iuldress to her Majesty. Let them consider
how this would op.rate. If a party in opposition required
information nn rertnin matters not pending at the time,
but executed and done with, the records of which were
lying in the Secretary, of Suite's office, it would be possible,
by a simple dissent from a minister, to put an effectual
stop to an steps taken to obtain this information till a
committea has appointed. (Hear.) He did not think it
was expcvlient to legislate on questions of rare occur-
rence, and the noble lord had not been able to produce
any two instances of inconvenience. lie, after a long ex-
penenee in that house, recollected so few cases in which
anything had been carried by the house which it would
not have carried after mature deliberation, that he did not
think it worth while to legislate for such rare and excep-
tional cases. (Hear, hear.) lie thought that the terms in
which the resolution was drawn up required great care and
consideration. hear.)
Lord BEItNAItD said that a great constitutional ques-
tion was involved in the present motion, for in the case of
an address of want of confidence in the whiners of thecrewn,
as was the case with'regurd to Lord Melbourne's administra-
tion, it would alfoni the ministry an opportunity of coming
to the House of Commons and taking another chance.
(Hear, hear.) That case might have occurred, if the reso-
lution now moved had been in force, during the debate on
Lord Stanley's Irish Registration Bill, when parties were so
nicely divided, if a vote of wind of confidence in ministers
bad been moved. (Hear, hear.)
Sir 0. GREY said the intent and effect of the resolution
was, that two stages should be gone through, in order to
prevent an address to the crown from being hastily adopted.
But it was desirable that the terms of such a resolution
should be carefully considered; and, therefore, it would he
better perhaps to afford more time to consider them.
(Hear, hear.)
Sir H. INGLIS said it was better that there should be
no difference between the practice of both houses of par-
liament in this respect, which there would be if the present
resolution were adopted.
Lord JOHN RUSSELL said that perhaps it would he
better to take time for a little more consideration, and he
would therefore more the adjouruunent of the debate till
'Tuesday next. e' No, no.")
Sir R. INGLIS objected to an adjournment of the de-
bate. (Hear, hear.)
Lord J. ItIJSSELL said he would then withdraw the re-
solution, and would move one on Tuesday nest. (Hear.)
Mr. DISRAELI reminded the noble lord that an impor-
tant motion was to come .on un 'Tuesday night. It seemed
to him that the question was not so mature that a fort-
night's consideration of it could be deemed insufficient.
(" Hear, hear," and laughter.)
Lord J. RUSSELT. did not mean that the discussion of
the resolution should take precedence of the motion of the
hon. gentleman.

The ralolution was then withdrawn.
PUBLIC PETITIONS.

The followinFtmemi;r; were nominated ex the select
eommittee on public petitions:—Mr. Thornely, Sir Robert
Harry Inglis, the Earl of Arundel and Surrey, Capt. Jones,
Mr. Mackenzie, Mr. Brotherton, Lord Alfred Hervey, Mr.
Stott, Mr. Carter, Mr. Clements, Mr. Lushingtoii, Mr.
Duncan, Sir Charles Douglas, Mr. Adderley, and Mr.
Owen Stanley.
COUNTY FINANCIAL BOARDS.
. .

On the motion of Mr. MILNEK Ginsom leave was given
to bring in a bill for the establishing county financial
board., for the administration of county expenditure in
Englund and Wales.
The house then adjourned at a quarter to 6.

FALKIRK Bruons.—On Tuegday Mr. Loch met
the electors and non-electors of Falkirk, in the Bank-street
Chapel, Falkirk, and addressed the meeting, explanatory
of his political views. At the conclusion of the proceedings
Mr. Davis, of Airdrie, moved that Mr. Loch was a fit and
proper person to represent the burghs, which was seconded
by Colonel Dundas, and unanimously carried.—.Voritt

REPRESENTATION OF REDFORDSHIRE.—The high-
sheriff has received tho writ, and proclamation has been
made for holding the election, at Bedford, on Monday, the
17th inst., at half-paid 10.

•
DEATH OF THE REV. DR. PTE emi-
nent divine, after occupying for half a century, perhaps,
the moat distinguished place in the Nonconformist ministry
of this country, expired on Wednesday. Within the put
year Dr. Smith retired from the presidency of Homerton
college, the oldest among dissenting educational institu-
tions, partly on account of the arrangements consequent on
the e‘tablishment of New College, but also in consideration
of his declining health. Upon that occasion he received the
most stratifying proofs of the regard in which he was held,
the sum of 3,0001. having been subscribed to provide an
annuity: fur him during the remainder of his life. The in-
terest of this sum will now endow divinity scholarships,
hearing his name, in New College, St. John's Wood. The
deceased scholar, is principally known in theological litera-
ture by his works on the Soeinian and Arian controversies,
and on the connexion of geology and scripture. His death
occurred at Guildford, whither he had retired on leaving
Homerton.

ZOOLOGICAL SOCIETY op LoNDoN.—At the monthly
_general meeting held yesterday at the Society's house in
Hanover-squarc, Mr. E. 1. nudge, F.A.S., in the chair,
Messrs. E. W. Cox, Mansfield l'arkyns, and Wm. Hartree,
were elected fellows, and Mr. Remington and Mr. E.
Robins were proposed as candidates for the fellowship. The
report of the council stated that the number of visitors to
the gardens during the month of January presented en in.
crease of 5,533 over the corresponding month of WO. The
additions to the menagerie are of unusual interest, includ-
ing a tine male specimen of the Malayan tapir, and two
pairs of Mandarin ducks (ais galerieulata.) These beautiful
birds having the full use of their wings, exhibit for the first
time the peculiar arboreal habit of the genus, and may be
observed flying to a perch several feet above the ground in
the large aviary, in which they are displayed. Among
other additions now in progress, the council have made an
arrangement with Mr. Gould to exhibit his collection of
moanted humming birds in a building which will be con-
structed expressly for its reception in the gardens.

•
PUSETISM IY WORCESTERSIIIRE.—The parish of
Bellbroughton is in a considerable ferment in consequence
of alleged, Puscyite practices in the church. Last week two
of the farmers of the parish canvassed the inhabitants for
signatures to a requisition calling upon the rector to aban-
don his objectionable mode of conducting the services, the
principal points of which are, his preaching in the surplice,
the intoning and chanting the services, the existence of a
cross formed of holly berries placed over the altar, &c. The
parish now exhibits the sad effects of party spirit in religion,
being like a house divided against itself. Besides this there
are certain indications of violence going on which arc most
lamentable; amongst others, a grave-stone which had been
recently erected form of a cross was knocked down in
the night of PridWiast, and the wall of the church have
been chalked over with " No Popery," and such like in-
scriptions ; these " signs of the times" affording the
matter for stirring appeals from the pulpit.— Wor
ournal.

DROGHEDA CORPORATION.—At a meeting of the
above body, held on last Monday, Town Councillor Lynagh
brought forward a motion of which he had given notice,
calling oil Sir William Somerville, Bart., to resign the
representation of the town in consequence of the hesi-
tation of the right hun. baronet in answering an address
which will voted at a former meeting of the corporation
calling upon him to oppose any step towards the enactment
of any penal law or other measure affecting her hfajetty's
Roman catholic subjects. The motion was lost by • mar
jerky of six--sight Toting for and fourteen against it.

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LONDON, FRIDAY, FEBRUARY 7.

THERE arc strange anomalies in English life and
modes of thought—none more strange than our con-
sideration of titles. There is nothing that Englishmen
respect more than titles, when quietly worn, naturally
inherited, or worthily,. acquired ; nothing that they
more despise or make light of than titles assumed or
' made a source of pretension or authority. Half of
the personages called lords arc merely so by cour-
tesy. Yet habit and custom have made these appel-
lations as much a matter of right and a claim to re-
spect. as if the gravest political privileges were at-
tached to them.

No doubt, however, the chief foundation of our
general respect for title is its denoting authority, and
in most eases implying a right to power. A lord in
England means a 'lord of parliament ; and a bishop
means a prelate, who by virtue of his ecclesiastical
promotion takes his seat with the peers of the realm,
and shares their authority and privileges. Al-
though all persons wearing titles do not really
enjoy these privileges and that authority, still
they are assinulated m dignity and respect to those
who do. There may, indeed, be little intrinsically
in the circumstance that the sovereign or the court

grants precedence to one person over another, but the
sovereign representing the state, and being by law
the fountain of honour, such rank and precedence
arc real recognition of the rank to be held and the
respect to be paid.
In no case is this conferring of dignity so import-
ant as when it is not so much a grant frinni the sove-
reign as a recognition of eminence, achieved by a
mans self, or springing out of the suffrages of
his fellow-citizens. All new eminence in this coun-
try springs in the first place from a man's own de-
serts, and from the esteem of the public. Profes- !
sional and political eminence must or ought to have
been achieved by the man himself, and be sanc-
tioned by public opinion, era the sovereign
can set upon these the fiat of his solemn
recognition. Tho free agency and influence of
the public voice is indeed at times avoided ar
done without, especially in the church. But in the
main, public opinion ire England has a great share in
swelling and awarding that eminence, which entitles
a man to become the object of distinction conferred by
the sovereign.
Independent, however, of the dignity inherited by
birth, of that which the public voice awards, of
which nem's own deserts lay the foundation,'
and which the sovereign crowns with a grant
of recognition, there decidedly. should be no
source of title or honour in this country.
Hitherto as any infringements of a law, so natural and
fair, have been committed merely by individuals
who render themselves ridiculous therehe, and attain
no object but their own punishment, it did not be-
hove the state to interfere. But the ease of dig-
nities and titles, territorial ones too, assims-
, lated to those worn by peers of parliament,
and claiming equal or superior rank to those,
whom the law and the sovereign's sanction
have endowed with such titles these titles
and dignities to be conferred on a perma-1
nent hierarchy—is a very serious assumption.
Even if the members of this hierarchy were the elect
of their co-religionists, or of the native clergy, it
still would be a serious consideration how far they
might be permitted to assume such permanent dignity
without the sanction of the crown. But when these
prelates are to be nominated solely nt the caprice or
selection of a foreign prince, without the least deference
to the British sovereign's opinion, or to the British
people's choice, or even to the choice of any portion
or sect of tho British people, it is absolutely neces-
sary and just to prevent and forbid all these, not
merely for the sake of the dignity of the crown, but
for the independence of Englishmen, and of their
common rights.
The objections to any such course are, first of all,
the impossibility of enforcing or rendering effectual
any such prohibition. The law is powerless, it is
alleged, to prevent any one wearing what title he
pleases, or to prevent those who choose to acknow-
ledge such titles, making use of them in addressing
these they honour. If so, any five hundred or a
thousand men can create a peerage and a hierarchy.
Tie Odd Fellows may create their chairmen to bo
dukes, and croupiers to be marquises. Law,
indeed, must be null where no ono will obey it;
and if fourteen millions of Englishmen *ere to de-
dire that they would par no taxes, and would not
acknowledge the QUEEN S sovereignty, we really
know no method of forcing them. No one, however,
dcubts that the taxes will be paid and the QUEEN
hcnoured. Neither should or need it be doubted that
saw forbidding Englishmen from wearing titles or
assuming dignities unsanctioned by tho sovereign—
wko, by our law, is the sole fountain of honour—will
be respected. Such a law infringes no civil right
and no principle of religious freedom : it merely
separates religious pre-eminence and constitutional
rack. We cannot prevent the Wesleyans from
having a president of their conferences nor the
esthetics from having prelates. But decidedly these
prelates should not be allowed to take the style and
title of peers without an act of parliament to that
effect.

I Such politicians as Mr. RoEnreit evidently go
upon the assumption that titles are indifterent
things, mere nonsense, that had best be done
without. And other reasoners, akin to Mr.
ROEBUCK, think that an established church is
as great nonsense, and had best be done without.
Now, we do not pretend to set ourselves up as the
champions of either an hereditary nobility or of a
state church. There are countries, such as America,
in which both are very well done without. But there
are other countries in which neither could be done
without. To imagine Russia without an established
church would be to imagine chaos. England has a
ioblesso and it has an established church,
rooted in the constitution, as in the habits
of the people. No politician can ignore
them as facts, as great and powerful facts.
Whether they rill ever cease to be facts depends a
great deal upon opinion, and the progress of that
opinion in future years. But for the present, and
for tho life of its generation, we think it may be
taken for granted that England will have a nobility
and an established church. And it is the duty of
politicians, be they ever so American in principle, to
make such institutions work well for the public
benefit—for the national independence, instruction,
and freedom. For decidedly those who legislate
merely towards a destructive end, or in disgust at
the state of things, and politics, and of society
In which they
.were born and live, are not wise men.
True progress is the gradual advance of society by
its intellect and ideas, not an impatient subversion of
institutions, whatever evil there may be in them, for
the attainment of theoretic or visionary good.
Titles therefore, in their kind, we consider are of
the elements of our constitutional monarchy. We
regret they aro not better distributed and more

1, wisely conferred. Wo acknowledge the right of
birth to wear them, but birth should lose that
right when tarnished by dishonour. Wo acknow-
ledge the right of wealth to acquire rank
and to render that rank conspicuous by title,
and even hereditary by descent. But as the
claims of birth should be wiped away by dishonour,
those of wealth should disappear with what gave
such claims. In our age a stronger claim to distinc-
tion, rank, and precedence, than any of the old ele-
ments, consists in the choice and preference of our
fellows. Election in this country—the election of
the
.people—of our fellow citizens—of ones own pro-
fession—ought to give a claim to title and rank, and
such claim ought to be allowed. And most certainly we
would not exclude from such claims the ecclesiastic
whom his co-religionists agreed on considering the
most revered amongst them. But the state should
give the fit. For however the QUEEN'S supremacy
as arbiter of religious belief may be questioned, no
Englishman can dispute the supremacy in the con-
ferring of rank. Above all, no Englishman can con-
sent to see that supremacy transferred to an Italian
pontiff.

IT is the last time of asking; positively the last
time. Mr. I BsaAF.I.I has said so, and he is a man of
his word. If parliament will not this year listen to
reason,—that is the reason of rent, the member for
Bucks mill never again• afford them a chance of
retrieving their character, and henceforth will
solemnly wash his hands of all responsibility in the
matter. _ _

Rather hard this, it must be confessed upon the
unhappy farmers, squires, dukes, and agriculturists
of every degree. What have they done that Mr.
Dtsu %ELT should use them thus. Parliament, to
say the truth, has shown but small disposition to
enter upon a retrogressive course of 'action such as he
on the part of his clients, has during the last four
years continually called for. His varied cries in favour
of a counter revolution in industry, have one after
another died away without echo, and all his elo-
quence on behalf of a revival of dear food and re-
stricted markets has failed to excite either faith in
his own followers, or fear in his foes. During all
this time. nevertheless, the said credulous rustics
have been content to follow him, for no other consi-
deration than the assurance of his one day recover-
ing for them their lost protection. %et now he
coolly declares, that if their opponents yield not to
his forthcoming appeal, he will in disgust give up
the game for good and aye. We must again say, we
think this rather hard. We are fir from contending
that any counsel is bound to worry the same unfor-
tunate jury all night, but why threaten to throw his
wig in the fire?
On the other hand, it must be confessed, that the
temptation to parliament is more than minimills
great to give the protectionist leader this time a full
and a fair hearing. Hitherto, disturbing influences
have interposed to mar a perfect inquiry and judg-
ment into the operation of the free system of trade.
The experiment, also, has in sonic respects been until
now open to the charge of immaturity. But nothing I
of this can now he fairly alleged. Five years have
nearly elapsed since the great decision was come to
whereby every port in the realm has been thrown
open at all times to the entrance of foreign supplies
of evert- kind of food. And two years have elapsed
since the expiry of the last remnants of those
graduated conditions which were in 1/446 imposed
upon the practical execution of that decree. Colonial
produce and shipping have subsequently been eman-
cipated, in accordance with the same great principle
of national policy, and in so far as the abrogation of
all legislative right to tamper or interfere with the in-
trinsic and real value of the necessaries and luxuries of
life, the new system may now be said to have had a fair
trial, and to be ripe for a decisive verdict. What
that verdict will be no rational man can doubt; nay,
the very menace contained in Mr. Din:it:Les an-
nouncement of Tuesday night implies his own con-
viction how vain, in a political point of view, every
effort of his for the reversal of that sentence must be.
Still, if the re-hearing ho claims is likely to settle
the minds of those who have hitherto, like some
misguided suitor in Chancery, continued to hope too
long against hope, parliament can hardly he said to
err in directing once more its grave attention to such
a snhject. Instead of impatience or irritability, free
traders ought with gladness to hail an opportunity
in many respects so auspicious for a deliberate and
solemn adjudication of the great issue they have so
long sought for. It is fitting and right that such
adjudication should be pronounced in the hearing
of all nations, before they are asked to participate in
that great festival which, were the truth of free
trade any longer doubtful, would be a matchless
mockery.
Lord STANLEY avows hues conviction that present
prices for agricultural produce must be considered
permanent, and that at such prices the good old
times of high rents and low farming cannot be ex-
pected to return. Some great change in our focal
or financial arrangements, according to the noble
lord, is indispensable fur the restoration of land-
lordism to the palmy state it enjoyed when wheat
was ttOs. a quarter. The alternative "financial or
fiscal" is not without significance. What does it
mean? Are national credit and national industry
Placed thus in palpable opposition, by way of remind-
mg all men that one or other must sooner or later be
sacrificed if protectionism should ever regain the as-
cendant? "Financial or fiscal," receipts or expenditure,
unjust exaction of taxes, unrighteous evasion of debt,—
we are given our choice of one or the other by those
who proclaim their undiminished hostility to the

.
tanff of 1846. Lord STANLEY'S words arc lain:p
" I retain unaltered, nay strengthened, my opinion as
to the impolicy of your measure in 1846; and lam
bound to declare that I do not see the possibility of
the agriculturist obtaining any increase in prices
under the existing law, or without some extensive
alteration in your fiscal or financial arrangements."
We believe that the people of this country were
never resolved more firmly upon anything in their
lives than upon steadfastly rejecting either of these
propositions. They will not have taxes on food,
because they cannot afford them, and they will not
repudiate their public debts 14 the same reason.
They know that, with an increasing population upon
a limited soil, to fetter the means of industry, is to
trifle with national ruin. While to tamper with the
national liability of the state to its creditors, is a less
direct but not less certain path to eventual
destruction.
What the exact nature of Mr. DISRAELI'S new
proposition may be we do not profess to know.
There is a surplus in the Exchequer; and, according
to Lord STANLEY, this surplus, being a proof of the
folly of free trade, ought to be appropriated like all
other fines paid by folly, to the compensation of those
it is supposed to have injured. But in what shape
or in what way the boon is to be applied we must
, wait until next week to know. Largess in times of
I old used to be dealt out by nobles to plebeians; but
times are changed, and things reversed—it is the
noble who ask-s for largess now at the hands of
the humble and hard-toiling man. Clearly, how-
ever, the forthcoming project is meant to have re-
krence, not to the surplus of past taxation alone,
but to the mode of raising taxation in faun.
Burthens no doubt will be sought to be shifted, in
order to give some portion at least of his old advan-
tage to the home agriculturist. Schemes of poor-law
centralisation which have for their object to throw
a part of the weight of poor-rates on the consolidated
had, and divide the hopes of the sanguine with ge-
neral projects of ad valorem duties on imports in hen
of the income-tax. Happy would the NEWDEGATES
and TYRRELLS be with either. And, for our parts,
we hardly see why Mr. DISRAELI'S plan might not
as well include both. Each is secure of failure,
and hence all scruple regarding real responsibility
may, safely be laid aside. Why then not amuse both
sections of his credulous followers by a little sympa-
thetic eloquence on behalf of their favourite
nostrums ?

As for that long be-ridden race, the occupiers of
land, it matters profoundly little to them what colour
the new chimera is of. Its lank hides pant only for
rent, and were they filled again until they became as
plump as before, English tenants at will would
be rio better off, for protection has ever proved to be
for them the veriest of chimeras.

nmes, yesterday, referring to Sir CHARLES
NAPIER'S letter to the Indian army, drew a parallel
between the case of junior oftcers, who spend more
than their pay, and that of undergraduates, who
exceed their allowance, which would appear to have
been dictated by that groat master of infelici tons
analogies, Captain Furzumr. Omni; similitudo

elaudteat is a maxim which we learned long enough
ago, but we have waited for the Times to present us
with a similitude which has not a leg to stand on.
True it is, that both undergraduates and officers
are young, and both get into debt. The blessing of
youth and tho curse of extravagance are equally tho
marks of both parties. And here all similarity ends.
The angry father, who is overwhelmed by the news
that his sun in India is obliged to sell his commission
to pay the debts incurred by a criminal indulgence
in " champagne fifths," and that his other son at
Cambridge bus ruined his prospects for ever by a
dishonest partiality for champagne breakfasts, knows
but too well that the amount of blame to be shared
between the authorities in either case will have to bo
very differently apportioned.
The university student in commencing his acade-
mical life enters an institution which founds one of
its greatest claims to the notice of those who wish
their children to be instructed, on the fact of its
power to maintain discipline, on the conventual
strictness of its rule, on the range of studies which it
enforces—the young officer in joining a regiment
meets with brother-officers, not masters; he hwitomain-
taM discipline over others, but is expected to submit
to no restraint beyond that imposed upon him by
the feelings of a gentleman ; his studies are nearly
finished, and, except as a mutter of choice, be has
scarcely anything to learn. The undergraduate is
considered as a boy, he is defined to be in 'hats
pvillm i—the officer bears her Majesty's commission.
The undergraduate sits at a lower table in a common
hall—the officer as.sociates at mess with those who
command the regiments. The undergraduate, in
short, is placed under a body of men who assume
the most unlimited authority over his time, his
studies, nay even his actions, who do not hesitate to
punish him by fine,by itsposition,t, by rustication, and
finally by expulsion, which is equivalent in many
cases to ruin—while the officer is bound merely by
the rules of the service, which apply with equal force
to his superiors as to himself.
These are merely a few of the points of divergence
of collegiate from military life. We ask any candid
person to say whether far more ought not to be ex-
pected front the authorities of colleges than from tho
senior officers in regiments, in putting a stop to
irregularities which so often occasion the rum of
those who yield to them. The nines, however—as
may be supposed front its endeavour to draw a
parallel between young men so differently situated—
tells us that we must expect nothing from the heads
of the universities, and everything from the young
men themselves.

o What parents and guanliariA Ahnuld learn 14 that tho
follies of their children are not vi.itable on academical au-
thorities, any more than the follies of an age arc vibitaldlo
on the tuirti.Acrs of the crown."

We assert that the contrary is the fact—that it is
proved to be so by the very assertions of the univer-
sities themselves. which chum to lw places for "sound
learning and religious education"--that every great
public institution for education is summed to be en.
dowed with powers for the preservation of such dis-
cipline as is totally inconsistent with the immorality
and extravagance too often witnessed at the univer-
sities. The authorities therefore, and the authorities
only, should be risponsible for the corrupt state of
the institutions which they have in charge. The
attempt to throw off this onus, and place it upon
those who come up to the universities fur instruction,
is as absurd as it is dishonest. _

The university, as we before observed, considers its
students as pupils. It is, therefore, nothing but a
high school. It should be the highest school and re-
quire a lofty standard of attaimnent from its alumni.
Instead of this, it requires less than is necessary foe
a fourth form boy at a public school. The comic-
quence is, that at this highest of all schools the stu-
dents have nothing particular to learn, and time
would hang heavily ou their hands but for dissipa-
tion. The university knows well enough that,
however little it requires, it dues not possess teaching
power of its own to communicate even that, so it
hands the students over to the colleges for instruo-
thin. Now, how do these establishments fulfil the
charge? A college, with funds to maintain twenty
fellows, keeps about four in the university, and dis-
charges the others from the necessity of residence. To
two of these is delegated the function of in.
struction. and these generally perform their duty in
such a manner that they only get pupils to attend
their lectures by compulsion. Such of the students
as wish to learn are obliged to pay heave terms to
tutors who make a living by tuition. 'the conse-
quence of this is, that the undergraduates have the
advantage of mingling with no society of a higher
stamp than their own. The few resident fellows
are elevated by their official duties far above
those whom they have to keep in order, and aro
only visited on occasions of state. There is,
therefore, a great gulf between the " authorities"
and the " MC/1," which can be' bridged over by none
but the former. That they have it in their power to
do this we have before shown, and intend to do att
more fully ; in the mean time it is enough to have
made a protest against the wholesale absolution
granted to these men by the Times. They would
doubtless be very glad to be removed from the un-
bewantly prominent position which they now occupy
ebfore the public, and, acting upon the advice of their
advocate of the press, hove the work of reform to tho
operation of Mr.Tnaegtaiav's chapters on snobbism.
This, however, the public will not allow, and college
dignitaries will ere-long be taught that they will not
be permitted any longer to remain free from the law
obeyed universally—" the pressure from without."