The Express.
London, England, 1847-09-16 00:00:00

gut IL' rovego.

DI AI LB.
Tte men for Vigo, Oporto, Lisbon, Madeira, Carlin, and Gibraltar
ili be made tip on We morning of the 17th September.
The west India emits, exeltutimr those for Neaten, Honduras, eel
:he Ilarannak ari:l be made up on the Inerningof the 17th September.
The tn..:. for British North America, Bermuda, and the United
Mates, will be made tip on the evening of the 18th Saute mbar.
The overland Pails foe Gibraltar, Malta, Greene, the lonian Islands.
Egypt, Aden, Cey:on, India, Hong-Kong, end China. via Southampton,
sill le made up on the morning of the 20th September.
The oreriand dared maths, Ma Marseilles, to t►e Mediterranean.
er-pt, Aden, Ceylon, India, Hong Kong, gm, will be made up on the
evening of the 24th September.
The melts for New South Wales, Van Diemen'a Land. and Nov
Zealand mill he made up on the evening of the 30th September.
The mails for the Brasile, the Hirer Plate, Monte Voleo, Pertain.
h.eo, Bahia, Madeira, and Batson ATM, will be m►de up on the
treeing of the 4th October.

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Maw Ulke, Itk

CORIUSTONDINTI.
Weeded he Ms &pre.. Uri.. meth. Foe, ee.t be
eo,„6e.emee. be Tee ride* es the akr .bikAti.••

111011 WATER AT LOADOLIBEIDOE.
T•l4 Da f—lievsinA 34 all 4. pa. 5 . ARATAAAL 44111- P•4l
AMonto•—Mervas& a skla. peel S, AbsersAAA 45 sem.

LONDON,THURSDAY,SEPT. 16.
THE question whether Ireland should have ebrpo-
rations or not, distracted political parties for some
years. It was very properly decided in the affirma-
tive; and one of the grounds upon which Ireland's
claims to corporate franchises was insisted upon, arose
from the necessity of creating and fostering public
opinion in that country. It was not unreasonably
supposed, that when citizens were selected from their
brethren to exercise political functions under the
public eye, a strong and healthy sense of re-
sponsibility would be generated. It was thought
tkat the corporations in the cities would form good
training schools for the citizen classes, and that gin-
dually a vigorous public opinion would spring up
to aid the executive effectually, and raise Ireland to
be a self-judged land. It is, perhaps, too soon to in-
quire whether these expectations have been realised :
and it is only right to add, that the experiment was
never carried out on the scale originally contem-
plated by Lord JOHN RUSSELL and the statesmen of
the liberal party. Sir ROBERT PEEL, sneered at
the idea of corporations being useful to the Irish
people. He reminded the House of Commons
that the Irish had no extensive commerce, and
that really they had no business to look for
corporate powers. It was to Sir R. PEEL'S question
of cui tons Irish corporations that the Irish Attorney-
General for the time (the late Mr. WOULFE) made
the effective reply—" They will go far to create and
to foster public opinion in Ireland, and to make it
racy of the soil." Sir Roussel., however, by means of
his conservative party, succeeded in crippling very
considerably the local privileges conceded to the
Irish ; and hence, as far as the urban populations of
Ireland are concerned, the experiment originally.
designed by the liberal statesmen of the age has never
been practically carried out.
But, not long after, the legislature was called upon
to devise a poor-law system for the relief of Irish
pauperism. Boards of guardians were constituted, and
entrusted with most extensive powers. At subsequent
periods, their constitution and privileges have un-
dergone modifications, but they exist in the main
as moral corporations. Although not technically so
highly privileged, it may be questioned whether they
do not possess more virtual political power than the
town councils in the cities. Therefore it might bo
fairly expected that the same political results as to
the creation of public opinion, would follow from the
existence of boards of guardians, as were looked for
in the city corporations. Thinkers of all parties also
argued that the mingling of persons of opposite sen-
timents together—the concentration of men represent-
ing opposite classes and antagonist ideas, would work
well for the community, This last .expectatimi has
not been vain. Prodigious benefits have already
accrued from the personal intercourse resulting from
the institution of boards of guardians. A elhimunity
of public interest has been discovered to exist be-
tween parties who thought themselves radically op-
posed to each other. Ideas have been exchanged, pre-
judices have been modified, and the views of sectional
politicians have been enlarged. The influence of the
boards has in this respect been most beneficial. But,
we believe, that the influence has not yet been carried
to its legitimate length, and we have now to call the
attention of the Irish boards of guardians to some
considerations that merit their particular attention.
We must first observethat every politicalinstitution
has two modes of working upon society. These
are the direct and indirect influences attached to
everrpolitical power. The distinction between these
influences has been nicely discriminated by the
modern German jurists. Por example, they say
trial by jury works in two ways, judicially
in its special character as arbitrating in cases, and
morally in its indirect influence upon society, by
familiarising the community with the ideas of right.
There can be no doubt that the institution of
trial by jury, in the latter point of view,
possesses an invaluable germ of sterling demo-
cratic sentiment, as distinguished from ochlocracy,
or rabble-power. Now, a board of guardians
has the same two-fold power. It has first
its special duty of administering to the relief
of pauperism, which is nominally its sole object. But
in performing this function it goes through another
aleb. It discusses and decides open the material in-
terests of the local public. The state of society in its
neighbourhood is practically brought before it. It
inspects, and at the same time represents, the social
body,of which it is the organ. The capacities of its
industrial interests are canvassed—the claims of va-
rious classes criticised—and that important topic, the
public good, debated upon by men invested in
their sphere with no small share of power.
Thus, a board of guardians in its neighbour-
hood can wield considerable influence—can check
unreasonable expectations on the one hand,
and control the possessors of property upon the
other. It can act as an effective mediator between

conflicting classes—between the rich few and the
needy many, and help to adjust the differences be-
tween the rival houses of the Haves and the Have-
note. Few of our secondary institutions present
themselves in so important a light as that of board of
guardians for the poor.
In Ireland we believe that they will discharge a
most important public function in shaping the anoma-
lous elements of opinion as they exist there. A rebel
poet of the last century, whose mistaken politics do not
blind us to his intellect and high character, addressed
his country as—
Hookas nat:on—baplote land—
Hoop or uneemenung sand.
The lines graphically describe the chaotic state of
Irish society. All institutions which assimilate the
repugnant particles are of inestimable value. We
believe that the poor-law system will eventually bind
into something like a social body the "heap of unce-
menting sand" invoked by the poet of the United
Irishmen—Dr. DRENNAN.

But it is evident that the members of the boards of
guardians should feel their respectable prerogatives,
and assert them accordingly. When they perform
acts involving most important questions they ought to
do so as much as possible in the face of day, so that
the public at large, English and Irish, should
be informed of the reasons for their conduct,
as well as ascertain what they have actually
decided. On the recent proceedings of the boards of
guardian in Ireland there has not been sufficient
light thrown. Up to the time at which we write
we are still without proper reports of the decisions
made by several boards last week, although we were
aware for some days back that several important linea-
-1 lions were to be canvassed and decided upon. It is
to our Dublin advices we are indebted for the know-
ledge that some of the hitherto recusant boards in
Munster have virtually complied with the rightful
claims of the commissioners, and have consented to
the striking of a rate for repayment. We are
glad to learn the fact we felt assured that the
sober voice of reason, and a sense of justice,
would recall the recusant guardians to their duty.
We cannot decidedly learn from any of the Irish
journals what has become of Lord MOUNTCASHEL'S
resolutions. We learn, however, rid Dublin, that
they still remain on the minutes of the Fermoy
union, but that the guardians have consented to
striking a rate.
But why are not the boards of guardians properly
reported ? They lose their legitimate influence by
having their acts or important questions passed over
sub silentiu. Where such an alarm existed about the
threatened resistance to the rides for repayment of
loans, it is absolutely necessary that the public should
have clear and precise information, such as is supplied
by authentic reports. The boards of guardians are
too remiss in this respect• They ought to take care
that the local journal, have due notice when impor-
tant public businems is to be brought forward, and they
might even see that the press is properly furnished
with statistical records. The steady public eye
.of