The Express.
London, England, 1851-11-13 00:00:00

THE EXPRESS, THURSDAY EVENING, NOVEMBER 13, 1851.

the true revelation of mankind's divine origin. It is there-
fore, that the people is everywhere highly honour-
able, noble, and good. But, though to me, as
to • Hungarian, that sort of sentiment may not
be becoming which befits a British man, who,
whatever be hill personal merits. puts—and with right—his
greatest pride in the idea to be a citizen of Great Britain; mill
allow me to prostrate myself in spirit, before the memory
of my suffering people ; allow me to bear witness before
you, that the people of Magyars can take with noble self-
esteem, a place in the great family of nations; allow me,
even in view of your greatness, to proclaim that I
feel proud to be a Magyar. (Great cheering.)
While, during our holy struggle, we were se-
cluded from the world, our enemies, wanting to Cover
their crimes by lies, told you the tale that we are in
Hungary but an insignificant party, and this party fans-
ticised by myeelf. Well. I feel proud at nay country's
strength. (Hear, hear.) They stirred up by foul delu-
sions to the fury of civil war our Croat, Wallach, Serb, and
Slovsck brethren against us. It did not suffice. (Hear,
hear.? The house of Austria poured all his forces upon us;
still it would not do. (Cheers,) We beat them down.
(Cheers.) The proud dynasty w as to stoop at the foot of the Czar.
He thrust his legions upon us, and still we could have been
a match for them One thing there was which we the
' plain children of straight uprightnesa could nut match—
that is the intrigues of Russian diplomacy, which knew how
to introduce treason into our ranks, (Cries of "'Shame.")
This caused us to fall, combined with Russian arms. But
still we were styled to be only a party fanaticised by me.
Well, " I thank them for the word." You may judge
by this what will then be, when not a mere party
but together all the Magyars, also all the Croats
Walachia, Serbs, and Slovarks melted in one body will
range under the standard of freedom and right. (Hear,
hear.) And be sure they will. (Cheers.) Humanity, with
its childish faith can be deluded for a moment, but the
bandage soon falls from its eyes, and it will be cheated no
more. Aud yet, though we are oppressed, they are op-
pressed and deceived. (Hear, hear.) Afterwards the
scorned party turned out to be a nation, and a valiant one.
But still they said, it is I who inspired it. Perhaps there
might be some glory in inspiring such a nation, and to such
a degree. (Cheers.) But I cannot accept the praise. No;
it is not I who inspired the Hungarian people—it was the
Hungarian people who inspired me. (Loud cheers.) What-
ever I thought, and still think—whatever f felt, and still
feel—is but a feeble pulsation of that heart which in the
breast of my people heats. (Hear, hear,) The glory of bat-
tles is ascribed to the leaders in history—theirs are the
laurels of immortality. And yet on meeting the danger
they knew that, alive or dead, their name will upon Ma
lips of the people for ever live. Let me there**,
hold the consoling faith, that, in honouring me by your sym-
pathy, vou were willing to give your sympathy to the
people of the Magyars. But let me ask what can be the
meaning of this sympathy of the English people ? Is it but
a funeral feast, offered to the memory of a noble
dead? God forbid! The people of England are
the people of life; their sympathy belongs to the
life. The hurrah which greeted me on your shores
—the warm, sincere cheering of the hundred thousands
in your streets, so generous and still so modest,
so loud and so sincere, so free and still so orderly—l take
for the trumpet-sound of the triumph of freedom, justice,
and popular rights. To be sure, sleep is the sorrow which
weighs on me : it is, as I have said, the concentrated woe of
millions; but do not think, I pray, this sorrow to be that
of despondency, which knows nothing better than hopeless
complaint. No, this sorrow is such a one as enlarges the
horizon of hope and of perseverance, getting, like the
Ant;eus of the fable, new strength from every fall. Let me,
therefore, assure you, gentlemen, that the penile of llun•
gary has a future yet; let MC confidently state that the
people of England have not spent their sympathy on
a corpse. (Hear, hear.) But, well may, you ask,
" What are the motives of this hope ?' The first
basis of my hope is the Almighty himself—(hear)—
the God of Justice who cannot grant a lasting victory to
wickedness. Ilietury has to be sure recorded the downfall
of mighty empires, of nations, to whom compared,
we Magyars can scarcely claim a name. But the
fall of those nations was precisely the revelation
of the eternal justice of Goal. They fell by their
own crimes. Nations die, but by suicide. (Hear.) That
is not our case. Hungary is not the sacrifice of its own crimes.
An ambitious woman had in the palace of Vienna the sa-
crilegious dream to raise a child to the seat of
power upon the ruins of liberty. Well she knew
that God would not be with her, hut she knew that
the Czar would be with her ; and what du they care for God
if osly the Czar be with them ?—the Czar who dared to
boast that he has the calling to put his foot upon mankind's
neck. Arrogant mortal: thou dust before God. No,
gentlemen, b such an act a nation may suffer
but not die. The God of humanity can not admit this.
Let them not rely on their Czar ; his hour
also will come. The millions of Russia cannot be
doomed to he nothing else than blind instruments of a
single mortal's despotic whims. Humanity has a nobler
destiny than to be the footstool to the ambition of some
families. The destiny of mankind is freedom, sir, and the
sun of freedom will rise over Russia also; and in the
number of liberated nations who will raise the song of
thanksesing to God, not even the Russians will fail. So
let thebome of Austria trust to his czar. The people of
Hungary and myself we trust to God. The second anchor
of my hope is my untowering faith in the destiny of hums-
aity. The realisation of this destiny can have no other
basis than the people itself. I have the firm conviction
that every state's organisation is perverted, perverse, and
doomed to be turned up, where single individuals or single
classes have the pretension to constitute the basis of the society.
They are rebels against God who believe the great pyramid
of mankind but for the purpose to exist that they may
proudly stand on its top, having the pretension
to doom the pyramid to immobility, only to
serve as a pedestal to them to look down
haughtily from the height. One shivering only, and they
are ahaked off, and hurled down to the dust. There let
them lay. Truly, on throwing one unpreoccupied regard
on the greatest part of our continent, sir, on looking to
Germany, to Austria, to Hungary—on looking to the in-
dignities of Rome, or to that of Naples, the horrors of which
Mr. Gladstone has lately with generous indignation shown—
on looking in general to that Italy which cannot forbear to be-
, come furious when with its glorious remembrances it casts
but one look into the mirror of its present horrible state—
on casting aglance even over the great French nation,
which the fairest fruits of three great revolutions the glory
outside and the freedom within one by one beholds
absorbed by centralising omnipotence—upon seeing all this,
It is not passible, sir, that the unpreoccupied observer, to
whatever party he may belong, should not be convinced
tiussituation to be so unnatural, so much in contradiction
with the laws of nature and the destinies of humanity, it is
in such striking opposition to the most sacred interests of
millions, that it is entirely impossible to endure. And, be-
sides, when we see the great and the petty tyrants, how
they have paid their people for having been merciful to
them, when the people might have been butjust ; and when
we sec how they are incorrigible, how they have nothing
forgotten, nothing learnt; when we see, on the other side,
how nations have by common suffering learnt that their fate
is bound one for another in perfect solidarity; and
out of this conviction what Christian brotherly love sprung
up instead? The unhappy rivalries of old which formed
the sole strength of the oppressors. Sir, it is quite impos-
sible not to feel that we are already on the eve of those days
when the oppressed nations will hold the greatest court day
ever seen, before the verdict of which all artificial
buildings of mankind's oppression will fall to dust.
The third anchor of my hope is the history of my nation.
Our country has seen already many a storm, and still the
Magyar lives, and still Buda stands. There was a time
when one half of Hungary was under Turkish dominion,
the other half under the iron rule of the Bastes or the
Canatas, the model after which the Haynsus of the day—
or I should rather say their reasters—were formed.
(Cheers.)
_Thu hewn of Arad arc not the first
bloody leaf in the lease of Hapsburg's history ;
end dal the Magyar is alive. (Cheers.) The house
of Haphisog has daring more than three dreary centuries
exhausted mama as open force as well as all sorts of craft.
It hes fbeeeatail ear discords, poisoned our habits, under-
mined our mitional ammeter, lopped our freedom, robbed
us of our rights. It las impoverished, weakened, oppressed
us ; and my nation hes net perished yet. (Much cheering.)
The single genius which was to be found in the house of
M•pdrarg Joseph (but he of old, and not the modern
P oeeph)—bent his powerful mind to the design of
OMMendeing Rosary, sad of melting it into his empire ;
Ma ••=imil wit alreedy by the
et weveashi Marla Theresa cast leek
CIVIL. of the poor, did but with renewed strength
IM si the Ordeal arise. (Cheers.) And even we, three
yeas ages the labia elipirkp of mightier times, there we
Wed derides aelidei bat yew, he eider that the ant-like
ladadry et the were new sirSatrory a paradise OW
es yd, awed in its proven by sufferings. There
IMP only not and royal per-
Jay, but even then not :I.Blllle 'believe it, when it ought
to have been believed ; and, beams not believing, there we
stood unprepan d to meet the danger which gathered in a
frightful manner over us, and so we were attacked—and
you know, gentlemen, how we were attacked, and we,
secluded from the whole world—alas! forsaken by
the whole world—without friends, without an army—
four scanty ranks filled with treacherous elements, who
delivered our fortresses--without money, without arms,
without ammunitions—still we beat back the unjust assail-
ant, yea, beat him down, that he flew to the foot of the
Czar, mendicatiog his assistance to his impious design;
which he obtained it is true, but bad to pay for it all his
hopes, all his future honour, independence, and dignity.
Francis Joseph, what has he, the blood-stained child,
to give to the down-trodden nations? Oppression at
home, shame and curses abroad ; one-and-alai( milliards
of debts; an approaching bankruptcy; the monopoly of
Illiteetio,• heavy stamp duties; consumption taxes (the very
awe tells the nature of it) ; and all his other glorious in-
' Vallffiens to drain the life sweat of the people. These are
Mete. And when the blunt murmurs of groans raised
gifts, in spite of martial law, the hangman, and
state of siege, rises so high as to reach even the impe-
rial palaces, do you know, gentlemen, what the consoling
answer is I will tell you with the very words of the most
deekled of Viennese politics : " It is told the Mag-
got, MdMmbasted. We know it well; but it was not
our data gums them contented, but to see them pay."
Horrible! Me word gives the key of the unavoidable
future bi Warheads, gentlemen. The house of Austria
will set be heed, but paid. Wel!, Hungary will pay
a all it wee to them. It will pay them, I
mom in dui saute of the honour of my native land.
There are sem mations, air, the situation of which, though
very painful Weft the whole, promise sfill some duration to
the pewee; brow at least some classes there are, the iss-
tundte d elm are not hurt. In Hungary, air, except
treihva functionaries, there is not a
date, whose interest were not son
'MINA ie the nation's heart, tddedesee, Re-

ligion, honour, nationality, freedoms, memory—wounded in
all that it held 'scrod cad dear. Besides, wounded is
the material interest of every clue. The landlord and the
agriculturists, the citizen and the soldier, the artist and the
scholar, the workman, the merchant, the professionist—all
cut down to that poor Wallachian who lived upon some
plum-trees which he now ruts down to free himself from the
heavy duties laid upon. Elsewhere whole classes may be
found who dread every change. In Hungary there is not
a single class which the wise and honest Austrian govern.
ment, by his paternal cares, had not driven to the point,
to be forced to desire the most complete change, how-
ever desirable it may be. And we have yet one thing
not to forget. The people are merciful and generous.
They can forgive those wl.o govcru many a fault, us long as
the faith to the rulers is not plucked out from their heart.
But where there is no more such faith, there is no power
on earth again to knit a lasting tie between the rulers and
' the ruled. Now that is the very case with Hungary. It
experienced such a faithlessness, such an injury from the
dynasty, that the faith in the morality of this dynasty is
to the ,ast root plucked out from his heart; so much, so,
that the nation bolds the reign of right, law, and justice
impossible under the Hapsburgs. How should it not?
Every day even now brings new falsehood, new treachery;
every premise has turned out to be a lie, the imperial word
has become equivalent to perjury, and in addition the
people have been told that the Hmoburghs will have mo-
ney and not love. A. the Czar has brought the Hapsburgs
to us, so Monk once brought the Stuarts back to you ; but
the faith was lost in their morality, and where are they
now? Forsooth, I say, there is much ',kenos in our histo-
ries. We are now where you were atter 1664. Only
time went on. It will not last so long. Look to history. Re-
stored dynasties have no future, sir; and in Hungary, after
what it experienced, no monarchical combination has a fu-
ture. But tLe House of Austria can have no future even be-
yond Hungary, because it has lost every natural basis of its
existence, and that is a bail reason to claim further life.
Let, therefore, the House of Austria, proudly relying on its
bayonets and its Czar, trample upon oppressed nations. I
know that armies of to-day are not the condotticrics of old
—I know that the light has spread, and even bayonets
think—l know that all Clara of the world are but mean
dust in the hand of God—and so I firmly hope, nay I um
certain, I shall yet see Hungary independent and free.
You have to judge, gentlemen, by what I have had the
honour to expose, if there be serious motives for that hope.
But still one I have to add. The last not least of all. It
is the sympathy, not only of every oppressed, but also of
every free nation ; it is the sympathy of the mighty En-
glish race, called to be the pillar of oppressed humanity,
the younger offspring of which glorious race, those in the
mighty republic of the new worlu, has put under the ban of
mankind the oppressors of Hungary and sent a war ship to
conduct we out of my prison, while the elder brothers of
that mighty race here in these glorious isles raised its
powerful voice to break the chains which lettered my acti-
vity; and, upon my arrival on its happy shores, bouours
me with an attention almost unparalleled in history, and
this to in the very moment when the blood-stained Haps-
burgs, raging like an impotent furious child, let nail my
same to the gallows. I feel not offended, fir ! My honour
is not dependent on Ilapsburgian folly, Hapsburgian rage.
There may be rather some glory in the idea to be bated
and feared by bloody despots whom nations curse. I vow
to do all where I can to merit this hatred, this fear. I
have the honour to represent a principle, sir! The
English race, in honouring me with its generous sympathy,
has pronounced in favour of this principle. The
Hapsburgs nail it to the gullows by a hangman's hand.
I am a man of justice, right, and liberty, air,
and will be so my whole lifetime. Little do I care
(or, how the sworn enemies of justice, right, and liberty
may call me, sir. Your Hampdena, your Russell,, and
Sidney', were also called revolutionists in their turn ;
and so, may God bins me, I will never be longing
for a brighter fame than theirs ; still less would
I see this disavowal applied to the future, Sir.
To be sure I take a revolution for a very great MLA
fortune, air; but also highly I own that an oppressed
people, seeing every other means of preservation fail, has a
right to make a revolution. The people of England must
acknowledge this truth, because the freedom and greatness
of England derives from the practical success of this truth.
Highly I own that my oppressed people is in this very case.
We have struggled fairly and openly, by the arms of truth
and justice, fur the social and political freedom of the
people, as you have struggled for all those mighty
reforms which helped to preserve your country
from all dreadful concussions which never fail to
arrive, where even progress and reform have no fair course,
we tarried our reforms peacefully, availing ourselves of the
opportunity which God has given, and which we made ; we
knew to be just to the people, without regarding to what
tongue he wreaks, or in which church he prays, but the
Hungarian people becoming master of his fate, was mode-
' rate enough to reserve nis Dortto time, contented with gra-
dual progress. With us there was nothing done by violent
commotion, no equitable interests trodden down, and gene-
rously spared even those which though insignificant their ori-
gin, were interlaced with the private fortune of a whole class.
The people of Hungary was rather inclined to undergo
many eacrifices, than to punish the sins of former ages in
the present generation, or the crimes of some few by the
sufferings of whole classes. There was with us no trace of
anarchy. In the midst of our war, in every pant of Hun-
gary which our victories brought back under our rale,
order and security of person and property was far greater
than that of which the " undermining " Austria can boast
even now. And this was not my merit, sir, but the
people's. Struggling on nine different sides, atter the
storm of battles passed from our region, and still it was for
weeks not within the reach of my government ; but the
moral sense of the people, and their noble instinct safe-
guarded order and security. Very seldom was I in the
case to use the authority of command; and when so, it was
not the people but others who required it. To the people a
word of advice, pointing out the necessity of the country,
sufficed. The greatest force of our army was composed of
volunteers; the stock of my financial operation was made
out of free offerings; our cannons were east out of bells,
which were offered in an embarassing quantity. We de-
fended ourselves, but attacked nobody; and secret
designers were far from the straight spirit of my
land. Austria and Russia took the neighbouring'
Turkish provinces for a basis of aggression against us.
Whole armies of theirs have we thrown back from these fron-
tiers ; we had but to follow—and we had a right to do so,
because the duties of neutrality had not been maintained—.
and the theatre of war would have been changed, yea,
brought home to Russia itself; and yet we stopped; we
respected the international rights, though towards ourselves
nobody respectedthem. Austria concentrated all her dia.
pmable forces against us. Gallicia was entirely denuded.
Had I but a feeble force thrown in, the flame of revolution
might have been blown up amidst that heroic unhappy
nation—the noble sacrifice of the morality of kings, as
Johannes Midler has stated, which looks an fervently,
and with so much right, for the day of retributise—
and the flame of that revolution might have sp.imd
over Russia itself, but I took it fora crime to play with the
blood of nations, and I refrained the sympathy of my heart
and scrupulously avoided to afford the slightest pretext to
the ambitious news of the autocrat of the north. Vain
to count on morality. in those quarters ! Sir, they knew
full well that the heroic Polanders desired to flock in thou-
sands of thousands to join us . • but I did not accept them. I
told them that we had a thousand times more hands than
' arms. The Czar knew very well that the heroes
of Poland, who fought so valiantly in our rinks,
scarcely amounted to four thousand men ; but still
Ike styled the Hungarian struggle a Polish conspiracy, and
with plotting against the security of his empire.
deemedlie us
was enraged at the idea that it was a Polish hero (now
lying in the cold grave of far Alepp) who beat down his
lands in Transylvania. He wanted a pretence to set his
impious foot on Europe's neck ; and not finding a pretence,
ha took it, sir. Suck was that Hungary, gentlemen, which
See despots of Austria and Russia, and their numerous
Satellites eahumniated as the focus of disorder and anarchy.
Hahappilp the people as well as the government of England,
has ail W e well informed, at the period of our greatest
as*, chest the true nature of the Hungarian war; about
fits tip Importance to Europe; its importance to that '
Orient, which in so many respects enters into the dearest
iiterests of Britannia, so as to be nearly its Achilles' heel.
We were hermetically secluded, and chiefly at the very
tleme when our struggle rose to European height. So
Ohm we were not in the case to afford the
wanted explications, or the effect of those we could
give was paralysed by adopted rules of diploma-
tied ismasildes. And have the kindnese to ex-
cuse mg jeer country daring to make one humble
remark: The people of England—the public opinion in
England was not very wont to be occupied with foreign
affairs till now. According as things actually stand,
I dare confidently affirm, that amongst all your interior
questions, there is not a single one which could outweigh
in importance the external. Nay, mart., I am
persuaded that all your great interior questions them-
selves are independent of your Foreign-office. Dan-
ger can gather over England, not from within, but only
from abroad. Do not doubt me, gentlemen, that Albion,
in its insular position, and with the self-confident know-
ledge of its immense power, does but laugh at the ambition
of all conquerors of the earth. I know it, sir. Full well
I know that Britannia,with the mighty trident in her
powerful hands, is fully entitled, even more entitled than
of yore, to proclaim with your great Shalupeare,

Thi Woad sem did nor enr shall
U. et the proud /wt of a °mime or.

I know this very well. But give me permission to ask yonder
glorious thing which we call the greatness of Bntannia
is it but embodied within the material shores of these isles ?
Freedom, civilisation, your parliament, being the senate of
whole ppaarrtts of the earth—the principle of free trade—your
due inguence on the eondition of Europe—your India, and
many other considerations, am they not so many life arte-
ries to Britannia ? Let but cos °Mese arteries be cut, and
Britannia will not only no mare be what it is, but these
foreign questions will also powerfully react upon your in-
terior. The naming' of freedom and civilisation abroad
cannot fail to bring esasemions home to you. Yea, these only
things can call forth suit concussions within which might
endanger your owntra plitv,yourownwelfare,yourown
happiness. To break Dsllannia, it is not neaewp to eon-
quer these gloriosa isles, The very moment that Britannia
should not weigh se awash la the balance of the world ea it
must weigh, Britannia w be broken. The greater a body,
the more vulnerable Oats it has. However you may trust
to the present or any foams t, or to the vigilant*
of your parliament, I Imam most elision% sale-point of
your
andhist your goory to be that prhseiple,—that yaw parliament
venummt reeds* direstien tem the public
opinion, instead el dinestiso to Ars& I
am fully cosillient, that w. gracious
Cliawns, as wall as all genlityled sates • can but be
glad to see the gaggle goommas la turns their will which
might comps then la lie Mangrand Fiche-
mote, the gloat at wbialt &swig Mt la We pair. The
fuser of Gotta seer binge elostebwil est. Thwe are but two