The Express.
London, England, 1848-10-02 00:00:00

THE EXPRESS, MONDAY EVENING, OCTOBER 2, 1848.

in England. Coostitutsd at our moiety is and
has bean, with ignorance reigning over so
many of the lower class, and that ignorance accom-
panied by hopeless destitution, with ideas of pleasure
and of pride solely occupying go many of the higher
classes, whilst the intelligent and the mentally in-
fluential are still in darkness and in doubt as to
the first laws of the distribution of wealth, of social
charity and duty—the time has not come for uni-
versal suffrage. We must set our house in order
first, and let light and comfort into its lower stories.
Bat the nearer we can go to universal suffrage, hold-
ing as we go by the principle of property, of property
not merely amassed in gold or land, but in skill,
influence, industry, and education, the more secure
will be society from disorder, the more powerful and
the mon in harmony with general enlightnment will
be the government of this already constitutional

country.
But whilst deprecating universal suffrage for the
present, we at the same time consider the objections
urged to it by the Edinburgh reviewer as of the last
and lowest degree of futility. One is, that if we
allow all men to vote, we must allow all women.
The objection is not serious; it is only advanced
from an insincere desire to obstruct and to throw
ridicule and impracticability on a project otherwise
difficult to attack.
First of all, we do not think that the votes of all
men and women would differ in their results from the
votes of all men. The more delicate sex are almost
universally dependent—the echoes of the manly
mind—or where they are not echoes, they. have other
and more efficient means of making their wills con-
sulted and their ideas followed, than by arraying
themselves at the hustings in opposition to their hus-
bands and their fathers.
The other objection to a great extension of the
suffrage is, that although in ordinary times it
would make no difference, in moments of ex-
citement it might. But surely nothing is more
easy of being devised, than avoiding an election at a
moment of sudden and extraordinary.exeitement. Tri-
ennial elections,with a certain adjourning orprolonging
power in the hands of government, could obviate it.
Whilst even their taking place in the midst of
excitement is surely not so dangerous, as parliament
living on totally strangers to the ideas and the desires
which animate the great body of the nation. We
may depend upon it that governments, future and
even present, cannot exist in a state of war with even
the lower classes of the population, or in serious dis-
aocord with them. Better far, even iethese classes think
and reason unwisely, to let their unreason see thin
light, than to imitate the late King of the FRENCH in
stopping every manifestation, whether of middle or
lower class of opinion, until both ferment into one
putrid mass of the most pernicious and anarchic de-
ments.
The objections of the Reviewer to the ballot are not
important ; those to a greater equalisation of electoral
districts are almost as trifling. The reform is de-
manded in the name of the greet injustice of the thing,
and to obviate the discontent and disgust which
that great injustice excites. And we are gravely
told that this great injustice must subsist, and this
disgust continue, in order that men of modest tem-
perament and genius may get into parliament. Does
the whig Reviewer seriously suppose that he can
keep popular reform at bay by such puerile arguments
as these ? Puerile as they are, they are baseless.
Such extended constituencies, according to the Re-
viewer, would return either men of great wealth,
on men who largely flatter popular opinion.
But if a candidate does not represent large interests,
and does not fall in with popular opinion, we do not
see what business he has in parliament. If he be
modest and singular in his opinions, let him wield the
pen. The front benches of the Honer of Commons
are not the oaly rostra for addressing the public. As
to wealth, it must have much more force over a small
constituency than a large one, whilst the impudence of
the demagogue has far lees chance of carrying away •
large and varied constituency, than a homogeneous
which can throng into the same square to hear

him
We have already, however, reached the usual limits
of an article in treating merely of the foremost points
of this whig manifesto. To the remainder of it, more
liberal and practical in its recommendations, we shall
have more pleasure in adverting.

WE trust that all those who sincerely entertained
the idea of the state having been menaced with
serious danger, either on the 10th of "April, or since,
will have perused the report of the trial of the
chartist prisoners, last week. Those trials brought
three distinct classes of persons before the court and the
public, the ordeal of cross-examination exposing them
so fully, that we can really see through the witnesses
and the parties they represent as through so many
transparencier.
First appear the chartists; the theoretic, visionary, ra-
tiocinating, moral-force chartists—men whohave made
politics their paatime,who utter and listen to speeches,
who love a meeting, enjoy a proces•ion, can even obey
a claseman, and who rive the "Odd Fellows" in dis-
cipline and clubehip ; but who have a horror of vio-
lence, a fair respect for the police, a disgust of being
considered public disturbers, and who would not
think the greatest amount of freedom or change
worth purchasing at the smallest amount of rev°-

beim
Far more prominent than these are the class of
spies. Ashamed are we to say that they do form a
clams as to numbers, importance, influence, and asso-
ciation. The number of these people must be very
sonsolatory and encouraging to timid conservatives.
During the trials it appeared that there was at least
one spy to each conspirator, besides spy in general
for the Chartist Association. l'owatt. was the com-
mander—the " visionary president" of the treachery
corps, whilst of his subordinates there was a
legion. Mr. Corns bad one spy as a personal
parasite cached to him. And no doubt there were a
score. At first but three or four were brought for-
ward to give evidence for the crown; but the spy in
chief having broken down, and having had hie cha-
racter established as one of the most false and
profane ruffians that ever disgraced a witness-box,
another almost as bad and disgusting as he was in-
stantly brought forward out of the cloaca of prosecu-
tion. It is awful to think what dread revelations of
English life have of late been made—the
poisonings of children by their own mothers for a few
shillings; then Mrs. LINDFIELD'S abortion shop; and
now the political firm of PoweLL and DAVIS. Fie
upon us! a riot itself and a few broken heads were
better than such revolting and degrading remedies.
Next to the legion of spies there appear the dozen
of conspirators, although there is little evidence of
their having been seriously such, except the testi-
mony of those who ckoose the trade of first concoct-
ing and then betraying conspiracy. The treason
was theirs, the combustibles were theirs, the guilt, in
fact, was the laboured guilt of the spies; the folly
alone. was supplied by the victims. Of the verdict
what shall we may ? When society has been
menaced and alarmed, those guilty of such threats
and plots, although more betrayed into them by their
own milliner and the designs of others, than by their
own malignity, cannot be let off with impunity. But
to condemn such mere fools and theatrical traitors to
that 9110.11iMUM of punishment, which in our humane
age awaits real traitors, does strike us to be so over
severe as to defeat its object. It will draw down
compassion upon criminals, who were only worthy of
contempt.
However disgusting and unsatisfactory the re-
velations made upon these trials in one sense, they are
at least salutary aid consoling in another. They
show fully the lower and artisan orders of England,
and especially of London, to be not in the least in-
fected with any of that virus which has
laid waste continental cities. There are want-
ing here even the moral elements for dan-
gerous disaffection. The Englishman may be dis- i
contented, shrewdly informed in politics, and ques-
tioning much that his fathers believed. But he
does not know host to conspire, nor can he
conspire. He knows neither the philosophy of
communism, nor the science of the barricade.
In a society like that of France or of Ire-
land spies dust not exert or show themselves as
spies have done here. They would be terrified,
annihilated, by popular sown. In such numbers
they durst not drive their horrid trade, whilst
here the detective hounds have been twenty to one
poor conspiring hare : it merely shows that though hares
may burrow, the state is in no danger of being under-
mined by such silly and timid animals, so closely and
even superfluously watched.
And not only are we conspiracy proof, but open in-
surrection proof too. Several witnesses appeared
during the trial who went to Kennington-common
under the instigation of PowILL. A crowd of testi-

moray shows how eager and active be was to make
men go armed thither. Were there nineteen other
masts as active as POWELL, they would be quite suffi-
cient to have got op the Kennington-common meet-
ing themselves. And we firmly believe that all
the dangerous and armament part of that meeting
was got up by the POWELL class of people. What
geese then must these conservatives be, who cackle
each day that they it was who saved the capital on
the 10th of April, when the chief instigator of the
armed invasion of the capitol en that day was no other
I than Mr. THOMAS Powr.u.!

Is our City article, a few days since, we adverted
to the first meeting which had been held of the chair-
men of three of the principal metropolitan railway
companies, with a view to the discussion of measures
calculated to restore the confidence in railway pro-
perty, which has gone on declining for some time past
in a manner approaching the nature of a panic. It
will have been peen, by a reference to our late compa-
risons between the market price of shares and the last
dividends paid upon them, to what an extent this has
proceeded ; and the fact that many of the best stocks
can now be purchased so as to return from 6 to 8 per
cent , while the Three per Cent. Console are not to be
bought under 83j, clearly proves that particular
causes must be at work to account for the reluct-
ance of the public to take advantage of such
inviting terms. The effect, in the meanwhile,
to all interested in railways, is serious
enough. The vast depreciation in the whole
value of their capital, and the difficulty
of disposing of it at any price whatever, may well be
a subject of anxiety to its directors: and instead of
wondering that they should now be desirous of at-
tempting to restore its credit, we may rather feel sur-
prise that they should have remaintd se long in the
attitude of mere spectators of a process that every one
else has been for some time regarding with despon-
dency and alarm.
Of the causes of this state of things tome, no doubt,
belong to the universal distress and apprehension
which various internal misfortunes and outward
troubles of the last two years have created in every
class of bnsiness or enterprise in this country. Others
—not the least active—may be traced to the conduct
of the railway interest itself, which is new feeling the
effects of the competition, extravagance, and want of
foresight prevalent in all its chief members throughout
the last three years. It is the pressure of callenecessary
to complete the scheme of 1846-7, it is the apprehen-
sion that these schemes, when completed, will not re-
turn the profit expected from them, that now de-
muses the value of railway stock ; making the over-
burdened holder anxious to sell, and the invester re-
luctant to buy ; added to which, there is an apprehen-
sion
of the continuation of the system that has led tol
these results, which affects both the one and the other;
all these causes combined bringing down the market
value of the stock, as we have seen, to a point very
much below that of other securities, which per es
are scarcely foundel on more substantial realitisethaa'
those which form the basis of railway investment.
It is clear that the headset the railway body, while
they can do nothing to diminish the effect of the first
class of disadvantages, and cannot undo what is done
past recall, within the limits of their own province,
may nevertheless effect much towards the improve-
ment of the property and the restoration of confidence
in its value, by dealing promptly and wisely with
what is still within their control. They may decide
upon controlling the expenditure on works not yet
undertaken, which are not certain to be profitable; they
may resolve to pursue a more cautious and moderate
course, in all future arrangements of the system ; to
fix once for all a limit to the capital expenditure on
Idle lice@ that have long been, in fact, completed; and
Ito work those lines with a strict regard to economy,
without impairing' their efficiency in any ri spot.
And, above all, they may, supposing that theeffectbe pressure
lof the times has produced its proper ,
brought to a general conviction of the ruinous ten-
dencies of the strife that has been raging for years
among the several members of this great body g and
agree to compose the differences which have been,
directly and indirectly, one chief cause of its preaseit
languid condition. These things they may do, and
there can be no doubt but that a public intimation of
the fact that such principles have been generally and
strenuously resolved upon, would do much towards
relieving the alarm *it keeps the marketable value of
railway property much below its real value. That it
has suffered, not in opinion merely, by much of its
pest expenditure there is no doubt; but the amount I
of this evil does not equal the ratio of the fall by
assay degrees, and it is one, moreover, which is capa-
ble of material relief, under wise and economic ma-
nagement, by the gradual development of traffic that
will improve the returns on many newly-opened
branches, which hitherto have added nothing to the
imams of those who must pay for making them.
Looking at the present state of feeling with respect
to railway enterprise, we may well refer to what we
said twelve months ago of the utter needlessness of
any external check upon it. We then observed that
the force of circumstances and the natural effects
of what the railway body itself was then beginning
to feel, might be sufficiently relied upon to restrict
the flow of capital in that direction, and would indeed
probably enough reduce its employment to a dope*
rather disadvantageous than otherwise to the maw
at large, which was deriving undoubted beads
(whatever the effect to the promoters might turn out
to be), not only from the convenience afforded by
new means of communication, but also by the
employment given to the labouring classes in the
preparation of those means. It will hardly be my&
now, that the check is not stringent enoeirk, wben
we see the mass of unemployed money in the
on the one hand, and on the other hear =43
quarters complaint of want of work for able-bodied
labourers. Looking at the question from this point
of view there can be no doubt that it is for the inte-
rest of the nation at large, quite as much as for that of
railway proprietors themselves, that all diseased matter
and all undue anxiety should be removed from this
class of enterprise ; and that the elements of a sound
and profitable use of capital which they contain
should again be developed in wholesome activity.
Just now, to a period of over-excitement there has
succeeded one of excessive collapse ; and the one
excess is quite as much to be deprecated as the other.
It will now be seen, by all who look at the business
considerately, that we were justified in laying down,
some two years since, the position that it is an utter
mistake to suppose that the interest of " the public"
would be promoted by destroying the profits of the
railway proprietor. We then showed that, whereas
in this country all our great works are undertaken
as private speculations, and that they will cease to be
promoted if they do not yield the profit necessary to
turn private capital into them, it would be a most er-
roneous policy—to say nothing of its injustice—to
run those profits down, in the hope of benefiting the
state at the expense of the private speculator. How
this principle works may now be traced in the present
condition and attitude of the railway world, since it is
evident that unless something can be done to revive
its hopes, and to secure its prospects, no further pro-
gress can be looked for in a way which can only be
pursued by its means, and which it is important to
the welfare of the nation at large to have fully conti-
nued. It is, consequently moat desirable for the
public, in this point of view, that railways should be
duly profitable to those who make them ; and with a
view to the promotion hereafter of such railways as the
country may still require, it is equally clear that what-
ever can now restore the just value of the security
they ought to afford to all concerned in them, will be
a national as well as a private advantage.
Some of our contemporaries, we see, are expressing
fears of what directors may be tempted to do in
this emergency, and we have heard some idle wailing
on the chapter of fares which it is apprehended may
be raised to an inconvenient height. On this head,
however, there is no just cause for alarm. The
maximum rates in the Railway Companies Acts are
in no case excessive •, and in some of the chief com-
panies they are so fixed already that no rise can be
made, while the so-called " parliamentary trains"
secure on every line, every day, a conveyance for the
really poor far cheaper and better than they ever
enjoyed before. There are r.ot many companies, we
say, that can greatly raise their charges, nor would
any that can be foolish enough so to raise them
as to check travelling. This being premised, as
matter of foot, we may add that, on the
principle above mentioned, it is, on the other
hand, quite clear that no one can fairly com-
plain of any trading company fixing, within the
stringent limits drawn by law, such charges for the
work it does as shall reasonably pay it for doing that
work. Nor can we at all recognise any claims on be-
half of the public to enjoy the whole of the acicantapt
from this wonderful system—to be carried backwards

and forward a' the spied of light, and as cheaply as
it may desire—without regarding for a moment whe-
ther the service is or is not remunerative to those who
conduct it, and who have risked their property in
order to make the service possible. This is neiter
just per se, nor would its effect be advantageous to
the country, even were all considerations of justice
set aside. As the matter stands, however, there
is no probability of any inch increase of rates
as can in any came anruht to a grievance.
What the combined directors—if they do com-
bine—can effect to improve the value of their
property, will be much more in the other
ways we have already pointed oat than in this—
which will always be restrained, not merely by a
parliamentary maximum, but also by the fact that
reasonable charges promote traffic. This, however,
of course does not forbid a revision, where it may be
possible or necessary, of charges that are at present
unreasonably low ; and such only can be made a sub-
ject of alteration in times like these. On the whole,
we have seen that it is desirable on every account to
improve the condition of this enormous mass of pro-
perty, in the success of which all cheese of this nation
are now, in one way or another, concerned ; and we
shall be glad to find the directors' conferences lead
to such a result ; which we believe to be in a great
degree attainable, if set about in the right way, and
in good earnest.

FRANCE.
PARIS, SATURDAY, 6.30 P.R.
Clouds are gathering fast in different points of the
political horizon, and the embarrassments of the p-
vernment are scarcely less numerous and serious in
the department of foreign affairs than in that of the
interior.
The Italian question is pregnant with mischief. In
the present temper of France, and in the distraction
site equilibrium of parties in the Assembly, govern-
ment will scarcely dare to leave northern Italy
wider the sovereignty of Austria, whether real or
nominal, and yet it is admitted that the independence
of Lombardy has not a chance of being secured un-
less Lord Palmerston will frankly join France in
insisting upon it, making the alternative a war, in
which these two powers will cordially unite. Nothing,
in short, according to the opinion of all parties here,
will accomplish this except the imminence of the
passage of the Alps by a French army and the pre-
sence of a British fleet at Venice, but no one hopes for
such a coalition. The universal conviction is that
English mediation will not exceed the limits of diplo-
macy, that Franco cannot confine hei self within there
limits, and that consequently war is inevitable. These
ideas may or may not be well founded, but they are
unquestionably those entertained by all parties here.
A debate on this question will be brought on in the
beginning of the week by the interpellations, of which
notice has been given respecting the Anglo-French
mediation.
The democratic banquets will be to the Minister of
the Interior what the Italian question will be to the
Minister of Foreign Affairs—a cruel embarrassment.
A banquet was held at Toulouse on the 22nd of Sep-
tember, the report of which has spread like wild-
fire through France. The guests, flushed with
the triumph of the occasion and animated by the
exhortations of their orators, overran the town
during the night, shouting " Vive Barbee !
vive In Montagne! vivo Robespierre ! a has Cavaig-
nac ! a bas rAssemblee Nationale!" The banquet,
which led to these maniestations, was attended
by several of the high functionaries of the republic in
the department, including the preffit, the mayor, and
his adjoints. When the toast of "the National
Assembly " was given it was saluted by 3,000 guests
with shouts of " Down with the Assembly !" When
the health of Ger. Cavaignac was proposed it was re-
ceived with hisses and hootings by 3,000 guests.
When the proposer of the toast thought to mitigate
the ferocity of those around him by offering the toast
thus, "To the brother of Godefroy Cevaignac,"
the hooting" and the yells were only redoubled.
Among the invited to there democratic orgies was the
general in command of the district. lie thought pro-
per to decline the invitation, which resolution the go-
vernment approved, and sent its approval by the tele-
graph. It is upon matter such as this that the Minis-
ter of the Intenor is to be interrogated ion Monday,
and the impression is, that if M. &nerd. Minister of
the Interior, is not prepared to announce the diamiseal
of the departmental: and communal functionaries who
attended the banquet, he must resign.
To-day a scene has taken place in the Assem-
bly
compared with which all the former tumults
and confusion which have occurred there are
thrown completely into the shade. It appears that
the question of the democratic banquets was brought
tot ward. M. d'Anjoy ascended the tribune to pat the
questions of which he had given notice to the Minis-
ter of the Interior, and delivered a speech in which
he described the scenes of disorder which had taken
place at the banquets of Toulouse, Bourges, and other
places, and took occasion to make some severe observa-
tion on the recent demonstration at the chalet in the
Champs Elymees. Ever/ sentence of the speech delivered
by M. d'Anjoy was interrupted by shouts and angry
gestures from the left ; and, when he came to observe
upon the banquet of the Chalet, the tumult exceeded
all bounds. The members rushed down into the
central space, and the President pat on his hat.
After the lapse of a considerable time the tumult
began to subside, and the sitting was at length re-
sumed. M. d'Anjoy resumed his speech, but every
sentence, as before, was interrupted.—M. Stnard,
Minister of the Interior, then ascended the tribune,
and declared that the government had not yet re-
ceived official information on the question which had
been proposed,. but that, when it did, it would not
' fail to act as might seem proper. After some further
' observations from different members, the Assembly
peed to the order of the day.
The Corsairs says :—" It was remarked on Thurs-
day, in the great question of two chambers, that each
of the three Bnonapartes gave a different opinion.
Charles Louis Napoleon, the pretended pretender, did
not vote. Napoleon Buonaparte, son of Lucien, voted
against two chambers. Pierre Buonaperte, son of Je-
rome voted for two chambers. Assuredly this is a
tricolor family !"
We read in the Debats :—" Numerous protests have
arrived at the National Assembly, as is confidently
stated, against the elections for Martinique and Guada-1
loupe. It appears that, in the first of these colonies,
the commissioner-general, by an order, forbade this
soldiers in the garrison and the seamen on the station
to vote, although, by a residence of six months, they
bad acquired, according to the terms of the decrees of
the Provisional Government, the right to take part in
the elections. At Guadaloupe this right was ad-
mitted, and they voted. But, in both colonies, acts of
violence are spoken of, sufficient to vitiate the elec-
tion ; for the National Assembly cannot receive amonpt
its members any but representatives freely chosen by
the inhabitants of these portions of the territory of
the republic.
PARIS, Streesr, 11.30, sx.
The outrageous scene presented by the Assembly
yesterday was the sole topic in all circles last night,
and is the exclusive subject of comment in the press
this morning. Scandalous as have been the scenes
oceasionally_enacted in the National Assembly since
the 4th of May, nothing approaching tothe present has
been witnessed. Dispassionate observers in the tri-
bunes and members of the Assembly itself avow their
conviction that bat for the interposition of the limier'
and members of the Assembly, who surrounded the tri-
bune, and defended M. d'Anjoy from the fury of the
score of savage Montagnards who rushed upon hips,
the life of that member would have fallen a sacrifice,
and France been eternally disgraced in the face of the
civilised world.
The sentiments expressed this morning in all the
respectable organs of the press are such as might be
expected on such a subject. La Press* says:
It is the first time that such a spectacle has been presented
to France; and we declare, history in hand, that the " tri-
mness,* " of 1793
expressed the opigion of the country at 40
was a day. There were then bloody scenes,—one party of
the assembly being let loose upon another, and proscribing
it, one party murdered another, after having oppugned it,—
bet •wo hundred arms raised strains* a single man,—two
hundred representatives of the people rushing upon a single
individual of their colleagues, smotheringhis Taos, and me-
nacing his person oh, no ! oh, no ! that was never
, trimmed.
•
t neon says:
Words fail us to describe the scene which has just taken
place in the Assembly. The odious episodes of flea sad the
tenor have been referred to, but what we have whammed b
truly quite another thing. We have seen than stators
epochs pitifully parodied ; we have inutile bastard saccemel
of the old mountain transform into scandals theo
dramas of their predecessors. We hays mesa hams
shamefully disappear in a cowmen wreck with the dignity of
a great political assembly. Where their predecessors agi-
tated majestically, the preempt npressztadves agitate bee

mischievous urchins. The first stuk^d their lives upon g
principle, the second stiko their consideration for a oaerovr
miserable rancour; the first, with. a swage but poseew
energy. menaced their adversaries by turns with the
poi,enard or the staffed, the wenn,' in impotent nee, which
almost •:cites pity—insult, and menace their adversuiss
with their fists.
The Slide of this morning states that it is sn.
nounced that M.Vivien,the representative, is app.aatad
envoy extraordinary and minister plenip tentiary to
the congress of Innspruck, which is to decide on
the arrangement between Austria and Piedmont
The Petrie states that the journal the DcriNcrutic
Paciflque was seized 3 estenlay.
Gen. Lamoriciere, ami.lat stormy expressions of
approbation from all parts of the Assembly, except
the Mountain, announced yesterday that he had
forbidden the general in command at 'Fenton to
appear at the banquet, and that he had done
this by the express orders of Gen. CaTaiArer. This
announcement excitt d on every hand iKquiries how it
happened that the Ministers of the Interi..r, of Justice,
and Public Instruction were not as prompt as the
Minister of War. Why did not the Minist r of the
Interior forbid the Prefect, the Minister of Ja•tice
the Procureur-General, and the Nlinisur of Public
Instruction the Rector, found taking part in these
orgice.

MARftm, serf. 26.—Throe per Ceuta, 19 146 1 kennel; ofte
Rolm, 10 1-3 eavh, 191 paper. Five per Cents, 101 won; thir
Bohm, 101 Lichen's
Paaaives. 31 roper ; after &AA, 61 ease. 604,...
6 paper. Lichen's on Lendee, 90 day% 47.10.1.

ITALY.

The Florence journals of the 24th ult. la,
that the ministers of France and England have de.
manded the intervention of the pontifical government
between Naph a and Sicily. The English and French
adMrals, it says, have the most strict orders as to
their conduct in care the Neapolitan government
should continue hostilities. They have also orders re-
specting other parts of Italy in case of the arrival deny
vessels of war from the Black Sea. It ia stated by
the Alba that the Bri•ish and French ministers have
declared that their respective governments will ulti.
=rely treat the Neapolitan question conjointly with
that of Upper Italy. TM, journal also affirms that
the two admirals ~.ave received strict orders to fire on
the Nespolitanrquadrou in cue of the recommence.

meat of hostilities.
LOMBARDY.—The Gazetta Tirinese of 22nd lilt,
announces that the blockade of the canton by Ra-
deteki continues, and that, consequen.ly, the treaty of
1845 concerning the postal communications between
Lombardy and the cantons of Lucerne, Zurich, Borne,
Uri,Basle, and Ticino, having been violently infringed,
Switzerland is virtuoLy in a state 01 war with
Austria.
TUSCANY.—A letter from Leghorn of the 22nd
says.: In the morning the people, unarmed but mirth.
ing in platoons with drums and banners and is the most
profound silence, presented themselves before the
municipal palace. A deputation presented to the au-
thorities the following demands, in order to hare some
security against the Piedmontese soldiers who have been
called in by the government. The people demand
that the fortresses shall be delivered up to them.
That the authorities shall institute a vigorous
inquiry why the city was cannonaded or they would
not remain under Cipriani and the ministry. After
an hour of patient and tranquil attendance a reply of
the authorities was read, when the people retired
quietly. The municipality declared the. the Goa-
falonicre having gone to Florence to obtain the with-
drawal of the troops, they could give no categorical
l answer until his return as to the troops, but they
would immediately appoint a commission of inquiry.
t The Gazette of Genoa, of the 23th, says that
550,000 livres have boen seat to Venice by order of
. Charles Albert.
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NAPLES.—Our correspondent writes under date
Sept. 21:
R.M. steamer, Bulldog, came in from Malta and Sicily _on
the 19th. The news from Sicily is not important. The
French admiral's orders have completely paralyzed the Ne-
apolitan forces. Messina presents a melancholy appearance:
very few of the inhabitants have returned, and the str. ets
are filled chiefly with soldiers. Filangieri, who commanded
the expedition, has had Nome disagreement with General
Pronto, who holds the citadel of bies,ina, and from what I
Icarn the Mile, rs generally are very much divided in their
opinions. A Neapolitan waesteamer arrived yesterday with
some wounded from Messina; shortly afterwards another lift
for Sicily carrying a fresh supply of bombshells and alma-
nition, with a few troops. Report says that the Neaps/nee
forces sae ordered to commence hostilities. I know tke
French admiral's orders are very positive and clear, should
such an event take place; and I CM scarcely believe the
Neapolitan government would dare to act.
Every one is looking with great anxiety for despatches from
France and England, and ell sincerely hope that the Sicilian
question will be settled without further bloodshed.
Palermo is crowded with National Guards and armed
men, from the mountains. In this city t..e strongest feelings
exist against the King of Naples, and from tl.e tone of the
Sicilian journals and private let en, I fear it will be difficult
to arrange any intervention in which a Bourbon shall figure.
The report of the King having a large royalist party in
Sicily has now fallen to the ground, and the courage and en-
thusiasm of the people appear greater than ever. The policy
of England in the affairs of Sicily gets a bad word from all,
whilst France, and especially Admiral Baudin, stands hied
Naples remains tranquil, but it is after all a threatening
tranquillity. The members of parliament have returned to
the provinces and toad their friends they could do nothing
that Burnelli, the Minister of the Interior, would not allow
one of the many useful reforms proposed to pus into law. I
hear a movement has taken place at Cosenza. Tae gaunt
feeling throughout the kingdom is that the chambers should
be immediately called together.
The suspended papers have again appeared. The Aral*,
a military organ, which threatened the chambers, is, I Lear,
to be discontinued.