The Express.
London, England, 1851-08-09 00:00:00

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LONDON, SATURDAY, AUGUST 9.

TnE answer given on Thursday last to a question
pat by Sir Da LACY EVANS, regarding the scandalous
Nem now enacting at Naples under the desecrated
Setae of law, expresses, no doubt, the prevalent sen-
timent of this country on the subject referred to.
We feel that we have no right to interfere, unasked,
in the domestic concerns of another realm. If its
riders are oppressors, and its people suffer, we may
sympathiss, intercede, or, if we despair of any other
node of making our neighbourly indignation felt, we
may execrate, by speech and writing, the wrong com-
wafted upon humanity. But so long as no other
nation interposes to sustain the legalised cruelty and
tyranny of the governing power, and to play the
coward's part of accessory in oppression, we have no
business to meddle with affairs not in any way our
own. Intervention implies cost to our own people
of money or blood in case of resistance; and the
practical experience of international law teaches us
to be wary in assuming any part of the
responsibility which attaches to those who
peremptorily veto the ordinances of even the
worst of governments with respect to the
community that tolerate its sway. In striking down
by the benevolent arm of superior force, we may
achieve an absolute and immediate good. But hav-
ing paralysed the existing system, are we prepared
to undertake the establishment of one that is better
and that will last? If an injured people can by a
spring at the throat of wrong, or by successive muti-
lations of its Briarian arms, work out their own
salvation—it may be and we confess we think it is the
duty of a great and free power standing by, to see
fair play in the awful struggle, and to smite
in the teeth any attempt from the opposite quarter
to help or aid tyrannous authority. But, while
nothing of this is attempted, our sympathy for the
suffering must be restrained within the bounds of
prayers for mercy or execrations in the face of the
civilised world of those who manifest none.
Mr. GLADSTONE'S remarkable exposure of the
judicial fraud and cruelty practised in the kingdom
of the Two Sicilics against all who took part
in any way in the brief essay at consti-
tutional government in 1848 acknowledges the
duty of refraining from anything and everything
like national interference, no matter under what
temptations of pity and horror. And Lord PAL-
MERSTON appears to be just now disposed to observe
the rule with such punctiliousness, tho declines
even to indite t, a friendly representation" on the
subject to his relative, our resident at Naples. for
the purpose of being diplomatically communicated to
the king of that populous gaol, He intimates, indeed,
pir parenthese, that any direct expostulations from
our government would be of very little use. The
Neapolitan court is completely under the guidance
and control of that of Vienna; and it is certainly
pasalle that direct remonstrance from us might serve
rather to pique the Italian minions of Austria into
fresh or further atrocities—just to show their loy-
alty to their master, as well as to make a feint of in.
dependence.
Lord PALMERSTON has hit upon another mode ofi
Iserying out the humane views of Mr.GtAusroNt. Ile I
has enclosed copies of his letters to Lord ABERDEEN,
to each of our ministers at the other courts of Europe
whose humane instances may probably be more at-
tended to than ours. No higher compliment could
be paid to the writer of the pamphlets in question ; I
nor need its value be necessanly deemed less because
it affords a pleasant opportunity of personal triumph I
to the foreign secretary over his veteran rival, whose
name, by express permission, is inscribed upon the
title-page. It is a quiet way of telling the SCIIWAR-
ZENBERGs, and Nesseinonts, and MANTECI FELS of
eastern Europe, that they have nothing to reckon
on in a change of administration here, where public
opinion compels in all main principles of policy a
similar tone, whether affected or sincere, no matter
who happens to hold the portfolio of Secretary of
State.
Meanwhile the suborned witness and the slavish
edge are busy in their vocation by the shores of the
editerranean. A day or two since we published a
painful notice of the approaching trial of the late
minister of trade and agriculture during the
constitutional period, M. SCIALOJA. For many
years devoted to the study and teaching
of political economy, an accomplished scholar,
of rather conservative liberal in opinions, this
' ill-fated gentleman has lain for nearly two whole
years in prison on some unauthenticated and unpub-
limbed accusation of complicity in the schemes of the
initenitemocratic party. Again and again he has
timmailed to be brought to trial during the protracted
turn d his illegal incarceration, but in vain.
evidence, it is to be presumed, was not completed
until now. A chain of imaginary circumstances
where real facts exist not, takes time to manufacture,
even at Naples; so SCIALOJA has had to waste two
years of his life in a loathsome dungeon on suspicion
of having conspired to overturn the order of things
under which he had risen to the dignity and power
of a cabinet minister.
But reasoning is out of place in such matters. The
notorious purpose of the Austrian vicegerent who
wears the tinsel diadem of the Two Sicilics, is to ex-
terminate all traces of that short regime of law andl
liberty that subsisted during the earlier part of 1848
in the south of Italy. Hence the persecution of
POEIIIO, and his iniquitous sentence. Hence the
banishment and imprisonment of many of the most
distinguished liberals of character and fortune.
Hence, amongst the rest, the impending fate of the
mild and moderate professor of economic science.
Despotism like that of King FERDINAND makes in
its fury for the eyes of the people, and then wonders,
when the hour of vengeance comes, that in their
-es madness they do not discriminate and cannot see.
—Il—

IF, as seems to be a general impression, the great
battle of Armageddon between Popery and Protest-
antism has to be re-fought, we must not be misled,
still less be frightened ley the bluster of Romanism.
For, notwithstanding the ambitious and showy per-
severance of our vain Cardinal, notwithstanding his
sale of indulgences, whereby to raise another St.
Peter's on the appropriate ruins of Smithfield, and
his temporary platforms in the Courts of Irishry, to
receive the worship of his crawling followers ; not-
withstanding the efforts now making by thehicrarchy
of his church to monopolise and control education
there in Ireland, and the attacks on the fortunes
of dying old women, which our Courts of Equity are
gradually lifting up the veil on, of sleek and oily
monsignori of the court of Rome here in Westmin-
ster; notwithstanding his demand for a toleration
here, which Rome denies us in the capital of the
treat Christian Heresy, and which she has just
bound down Italy and Spain, by solemn trea-
ties, to refuse us there ; notwithstanding the
heroic insolence which now requires, as a!
condition of peace, the repeal of the fun- I
&mental law of this monarchy, that its head
shall be a protestant ; notwithstanding all
this combined audacity and craft, this impudence
and policy, this folly and wickedness, the worldly
advantages (as we know the spiritual are also) now
lie on the side of protestantism. So, if the battle
have to be re-fought—if the enemy be rash and con-
fident enough to risk a collision—there need be little
fear of the result.