The Express.
London, England, 1851-06-26 00:00:00

the ervrelslS.

TO CORRESPONDZ,NTS.
& &wed Wiles•t"The Expreee," eostaiests .b semi evaslng's
Gazette," Is peelielted every Tuestley mad Friday Wes, Is Uwe
ueeteestelsteeded tee " ne Etyrems," Lesion Vistas pew,
tr.
mut be at the US" 10, Bouverie.street, by Twe Veleta es tle
day et relestes.

HIGH WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE.
Trio DAT—llciraing. I Its. 4110 Alterman. 12k. O.
To. miukow—Moratiii, lik. Itto. *Reno" IS. U.

LONDON, THURSDAY, JUNE 26.

THE principle involved in the motion made on
Tuesday last by Mr. MILNER GIBSON is one of
wider and more permanent importance than a cur-
sory perusal of the arguments of the CHANCELLOR of
the Excitnitaat and other opponents of inquiry
would lead one to suppose. Sir CHARLES IVOOD
dealt with the subject as if it were a mere matter of
2,7001. a year of customs establishment charges,
which had been hitherto paid out of the local rates,
and which it was proposed should in future be paid
out of the Exchequer. Really, that is a point with
which parliament and the public have nothing
whatever to do. Manchester may have the
privilege of bonding foreign and colonial goods
for its own convenience if it chooses to pay for it.
Of course it may ; and a gentleman may have half a
dozen gas lamps opposite his own house in a given
street if he makes a private bargain with the gas
company for the purpose. With that the public
have nothing to do : the only question for their con-
sideration is whether that particular part of the
town is to be left in a state of half-darkness in case
the aforesaid public-spirited individual should get
tired of illuminating the thoroughfare at his own
private expense.
So it is with the manufacturing district of which
Manchester is the centre. That busy and populous
region has, for the last seven years, enjoyed
the advantages of having bonding warehouses
in its provincial metropolis. The cost, being some-
what under three thousand pounds a year, has
hitherto been without murmuring borne by the rate-
payers of Manchester. But they have very naturally
got timl of the practice, and, believing it to be pal-
pably unjust that they should be the only commu-
nity in the Cletxx's dominions called on to pay
directly for the local collection of the revenue, they
have at length demurred, and called on the Treasury
to defray this like every other bonded warehouse
charge for salaries, &c. Whereupon the CHANCEL,
LOR of the EXCHEQUER coolly declares, that he does
not care what they like or what they do, but if they
don't choose "to pay for the privilege," why then
they shall have it no longer.
But are such arrangements to be dealt with as
" privileges?" This is the question raised by Mr.
GIBSON, and which every rising inland town in the
United Kingdom is seriously interested in having
equitably determined. According to the old-fashioned
fiscal rule of thumb, custom-houses were places ex-
isting solely on the coast. Smuggling and shipping
were necessarily connected in the loyal dreams of our
grandmothers; and the whole genstfarmerie of anti-
otrabandists was stationed on the marine frontier.

By degrees, however, this antiquated notion seems to
have been shaken. The interrogatory, what consti-
tutes a sea-port? became more and more difficult to
answer as each additional canal and improved ricer
navigation was opened for the transit of goods.
Distance from the sea furnished no longer a distinc-
tion. Manchester became as accessible to ocean-tra-
versing barks as London; and the large revenue,
annually paid by its inhabitants—not much less
than a third of a million sterling—entitled it in the
ontimation of tones in office and whigs out of office
to be declared a place where goods might be bonded
sod taken out as they were wanted for consumption.
A pedlar's bargain, however, was driven with the
public-spirited municipality of Manchester, whereby
they were required to render the borough-rates lia-
ble for whatever sum might be - - to reimburse

requisite
the Treasury for the extra expenditure on buildings
and officers that would be thereby incurred. Sooner
than be baffled in an object which, under a high
tariff of import duties, was of more pecuniary im-
portance than at present, the men of Lancashire
submitted to the exaction. But to turn round upon
them now, and taunt them with having ever done so,
is as idle as the similar reasoning of the landlords,
that because industry submitted for thirty years to
their extortionate tax on corn, it was very unreason-
able that it should ut last have resolved to bear the
fraudulent impost no longer.
Bonded warehouses ought to be maintained for the
public benefit and a system founded on principles of
public policy, wherever trade is sufficiently great to
render them necessary, as well as wherever due re-
gard for the interests of the revenue demands them.
o lay down an arbitrary rule that none but towns
whose wharves arc washed by salt, or, at least, by
brackish water, should have bonding warehouses, is
about as pedantic as it would be to resolve that
nobody was fit to be Chancellor of the Exchequer
but a baronet, or the near relative of a peer. We
have no doubt that both superstitions haunt the
brain of certain fine gentlemen in office. But the
oftener they are combatted the better; and we
think good service has been done by the business-
like debate of Tuesday, and the exposure of weasel' 1
and folly on the part of the opponents of tho mottos
to which it led.
A select committee would fitly occupy itself in in-
quiring how far a wholly different arrangement
might be made with a view to the interests of the
South Lancashire towns. It is manifestly unreason-
able that Manchester alone should go on for ever
paying exclusively for the benefit of all its neigh-
bours. We areon general principle, as we have already
said, opposed to any attempt to partition the east c
collecting the customs revenue among unequal and
dissimilar localities. At the same time, it might be
worthy of consideration whether facilities of
temporary contribution for a common purpose
might not be contrived that would, at all
events, secure to the most indefatigable and
productive region of the kingdom the means
of retaining that fiscal advantage which it
has heretofore enjoyed, until a better system and
more truly imperial notions of finance shall gain the
ascendant in the House of Commons. As that body
is now constituted, it is clear that nothing is more
calculated to excite the exultation of the still pre-
dominant landed influence than any paltry turn
which the minister of the day may unwisely and
unworthily do the commercial interest. Si, CHARLES
WOOD was cheered by the protectionists as a matter
of coarse in his silly efforts to tura the just claims of
Manchester into ridicule, and sustained by their
ready votes in the division by which those claims
were for a time rejected. Where must such leading
of such a following end ?

LORD BROUGHTON DE OTTFORD'S explanation has
not relieved the government of India of the impute- I
tines on its sense of justice and honesty of conduct
as involved in its treatment of :Alla JOTEE PER-
MAUD; though it may, perhaps, have abated, from
one point of view, the charge of vindictiveness which
his prosecution was at first supposed to exhibit.
There is no denying that JOTEE PERSNAUD had
done great service to the Indian government on great
emergencies ; that in three of its greatest wars he
maintained its enormous armies in such a manner
that want of supplies was never even apprehended by
the commanders, much more felt by the troops ; that
he had been thanked by the generals for the manner
in which he had carried on the commissariat; and
that no other man in India could have tilled in these
important respects the position he so well and use-
fully occupied. All this there is no denying.
Neither can it be controverted that his accounts
from the first were at the time criminal proceedings
were taken against him unsettled ; that he pressed
and the government delayed their settlement; that
it was a promise of the settlement of the Affghan and
Owalior balances and of a title of honour that induced
the Lalla to enter on the Punjaub contract; that
these promises were broken ; that his last accounts
were disputed as his first had been ; and that an
enormous sum was due to this remarkable and dis-
tinguished Hind® banker. All this there is no
denying.
Nor can it be denied that the government of India,

'Wog thus under the deepest bonds of gratitude to
/Ono PERSHAUD, and being in his debt a large sum
Icit looney-, and having violated its own faith to him,
did institute criminal proceedings against this their
foremost commercial and financial subject—the
BAKING, the BeAsSET, the ROTHSCHILD, the PETO
of India; did conduct those proceedings in a man-
ner harsh and cruel; did invade in their conduct
the sanctity of this native gentleman's senana,
thereby dishonouring him and its inmates ;
,and did subject his advocate to its displea-
sure; and that, notwithstanding all the power
and influence arrayed against him, so weak and
worthless was the charge, that a jury nominated by
his prsisecutors, and all, we believe, belonging to its
service, without hesitation or doubt acquitted him.
All this there is no denying.
What, then, is it that Lord BROUGHTON DE GIF-
FORD does deny ? That these criminal proceedings
by the government of India were the result of civil
proceedings taken for the recovery of his just de-
mands against that government by the Lalla. Be
it so. Then, so far, the criminal charge was not
vindictively made ; it was not retaliatory of an ac-
tion for debt in the Queen's Court at Calcutta. The
criminal proceedings may in other respects have had
a vindictive origin ; and, most assuredly, they were
most vindictively carried on; but, in this respect,
there is no foundation, it seems, for the imputation
made against the government.
But, letting the Indian government have the full
advantage of this, what then ? The main facts of
delay, of injustice in delay, of broken faith, and of
carrying on unsupportable criminal charges against
its creditor, remain. These are not explained away;
they cannot be denied ; and they will constitute an
amount of tarnish on Lord DALHOUSIE'S adminis-
tration, that the brilliancy of the £oh-i-Noor cannot
overcome.

But, as Lord ELLENBOROUGH very justly re-
marked, Lord DALHOUSIE personally can have
known little of the matter, seeing that he was
not at Calcutta when the prosecution was
'ordered. But that such a prosecution could
have been begun in his absence, is surely some
proof that Lord DALitoustE is far too much away
from the seat of his government. In point of fact,
the present Governor-Guncral is seldom at Calcutta,
where and where only his great authority can be
constitutionally exercised; for there at least it is
surrounded with some show of cheeks and balances,
sonic pretence of advice and assistance. Where
does the reader think the last accounts left Lord
Dm.dousic ? Why, on the borders of Thibet ; on
his way, for all we know, to Llassa ; there to see the
Grand Llama; if the frontier authorities do not
politely and civilly place hint back again en route for
his own capital.
It is very natural in Lord DALHOUSIE to see as
much of India as he can. He ought, however, to
remember that at present he is carrying on his
travels at the expense of other people. For, on
these tours, besides the 23,0001. a year he has
as Governor-General, all his travelling charges
arc defrayed out of the treasury of India.
His enormous salary is, therefore, clear gain
to him so long as ho is out of Bengal. But
the advantage to himself in money is the least of
the bud effects to India of these lengthened absences
from its capital. Away from Calcutta, the Gover-
nor-General practically becomes a despotic, whilst
there he is theoretically a constitutional func-
tionary. lie is away from his highly-paid bureau-
crats ; be is away from his highly paid council ; lie
is away front the influence of public opinion. Legis-
lation is arrested ; plans of improvement are post-
poned ; the vigilant superintendence of the chief is
suspended ; the capital is deprived of a court : but
JOTEE PERSHALI) is indicted for felony.
Lord DatatoesiE is a very intelligent, courteous,
well-behaved, and cautious personage; but present
experience of his administration leads to the per-
suasion that he will leave India, its laws, its people,
and its prospects much as he found them; except in-'
deed in one point, the right of Hindoo succession,
which he has so wantonly over-ridden; and there is
not wanting a suspicion that he keeps away from
. Calcutta very much to avoid risking pus reputation in
any manner. But whether or not, his absences have
attracted an attention at home which is unfavourable
to his reputation, and it is only right he should know
that to be the case. He has a good deal of lee-way
to make up yet; and it is at Calcutta only he can
apply properly the information he has accluired.
r Perhaps Lord BILOUGHTOti DE GIYkTORD will give
his Excellency a hint.

We arc enabled to state that Mr. Dens has been
appointed her Majesty's Solicitor-General for Scot-
land, in the room of Mr. John Cowan, who was
gazetted on Tuesday as a Lord of Session, in the
vacancy caused by the death of Lord Dundrennan.

FRANCE.

PARIS, WEDNEf9D/T EVENING.

To-day, after the rejectiOn of the propositions of
Payer and of the Rue des Pyramids, M. de Broglie
proposed the following : " The Assembly sees
larticle 111 of the constitution, and declares that the

constitution may be revised conformably to this
article." This resolution was adopted by Bto 7 votes.
Tocqueville has been named reporter by 8 to 5 votes
given to Broglie, and 2 to Barret.
The best commentary upon this important resolu-
tion in favour of M. de Broglie's lost wording of his
motion, is the speech of that statesman in the last
sitting of the committee, of which you will find below
a full report.
The appointment of M. de Tocqueville as reporter
is considered as a pledge in favour of revision in a
republican sense. The tour democratic members gave
him their votes; not that do Tocqueville is a jot
more democratic in his principles than Odilon Barrot,
but he managed to steer a point or two closer to the
wind in his expressions, and this conciliated the in-
lexibk Cavaignac and his red colleagues.
The meaning of M. de Broglie's new motion is a con-
cession to the legitimists to throw the votes of that
party into the scale of revision. The real point at
issue, relative to the latitude of powers which the
I I Ith article allows to a constituent assembly, has
been adjourned. The legitimists claim for their coa-
-1 stituents the power of restoring the monarchy. How-
ever
this power be disputed, one thing. is obvious— I
I namely, that if the monarchic parties can agree
labout the monarchy to be restored, and find diese-
-1 selves in a majority in the Constituent, no dictum d
the Legislative Assembly will prevent them frogs
proclaiming the restoration of the monarchy, al-
though they may find an awkward customer to deal
with in the executive power. In the meanwhile the
great question is at last launched; and as soon as M.
de Tocqueville's report is ready the debate will open
on the expressed wish.
M. de Broglie, in his excellent speech on revision,
has, you will perceive, given a new form to his mo-
tion, which now proposes that the Assembly should
express a wish for revision, in accordance with the
I I Ith article of the constitution. This has
the great advantage of waiving the interpre-
tation of that article, to which each party
attributes a different construction, while a
strictly legal coarse is recommended. M. de Broglie
objects to the introduction of a proviso in favour of
the republic as being a sort of formal declaration of
allegiance calculated to raise thick opposition. He
adopted the sentiments of M. Odilon Barrot, and
observed a very similar line of argument. If he
were to gauge public opinion by the feelings preva-
lent in his own department (Eure), he should say
that it was perfectly wonderful to observe the in-
fatuated clinging to the deplorable status quo which
was manifested, and the exaggerated fear of revolu-
tion. So that, according to M. de Broglie, the
revisionist feeling is not half active enough, and
hence the real danger of the situation by reason of
the apathy and torpor of the people on the verge of
a precipice. Such is the upshot of the speech of the
Duke de Broglie, who said :
He would go to the point straight, without any profession
of faith. The republic and the constitution existed ; he
had not made them. He refused to be mayor in 1848, not
to be obliged to read the constitution in the public square.
He would deal with the republic, as a good citizen ought, en
fair terms. He was for immediate revision, in order to
avert disasters in 1852, which ought to be provided against
now ; not with the view of restoring the monarchy, but of
amending present institutions. But he objected to the ex-
pression of a wish for such amendment in the name of the
committee on the report. Such a wish would be vain in
the face of constituent powers, necessarily by their nature
unlimited ; moreover, it would be • way of proclaiming the
perpetuity of the republican principle ; a sort of formal oath
of allegiance to that form of government. Such a proviso
would provoke tumultuous protests, while it warred with
the letter as well as spirit of the constitution. It was said,
and maintained daily, that the republican regime had been

established by surprise, without consulting the
country. It was added that the Constituent Assembly
had not been freely elected; and that, once installed, it MU
beseiged by the multitude, and beset by. imueta. Finally
the constitution had been deliberated during a state of siege.
When the question of two Chambers was raised M. Lama,_
tine might have been right in saying that circumstances de-
manded the dictatorship of a single Assembly. After the
adoption of the constitution the country was not consulted.
The demand for revision aimed at giving to the new consti-
tution, in a time of tranquillity, a character of freedom un-
known to the present constitution. But although he was
against restricting the constituent powers, he objeeted to the
proposition of MM. Creton and Boulder de l'Eeluse. The
present Assembly had no right to change the government
established. The 111th article established two missions,
that of the present Assembly and that of a constituent. The
Legislative Assembly can only indicate the evil, put its
finger on the sore. The remedy belongs to the constituent,
which would be a useless appendage, a mere piece of tauto-
logy, if the legislative exceeded the expression of a wish. Ho
wasted • resolution in these terms: "The le-
gislative Assembly, in consideration of the 111th
article of the constitution, expresses the wish
that the constitution be revised in conformity with the
said article." The report should develop the motives of
this wish. He would have liked to indicate the defects of
the constitution ; but upon this point he adlitred to what
had been so well said by M. Odilon Barrot, whose just con-
elusions had been unanswered. It was begging the ques-
tion, to say that the present evils flowed, not from the con-
stitution, but from the hands which administered the con-
stitution. Institutions were made to bring about a good
choice, a good direction. If passions and divisions were the
result of institutions, these were had. The President of the
Republic was made the scapegoat for all that went wrong.
He (M. de Broglie) was not there to defend the President,
being neither his minister, nor his adviser, nor his personal
friend. He only made his acquaintance to send him to the
Castle of Ilam, when he was called onto try him. But one
must be just. Ile did not believe in the danger of the 18th
Brumaire. But suppose there did exist such a danger.
Who made the President? The constitution. What
other President would not have incurred the same
reproaches ? A single President was appointed in •
country which was fond to excess of single cen-
tralised power. If it had been wished to have a presi-
dent with limited powers, he should have been elected dif-
ferently. Instead of that, the President had been put at
the top of a mat de Coeugne, inviting every one to climb
up. lie had been placed between nullity and usurpation,
and yet astonishment had been felt that he would not
choose the former. M. de Broglie demanded the revision,
in order that the conditions of the election of the l'resident
should he completely changed. All that portion of the con-
stitution was an extravagance ; any one would think that it
had been drawn up at Charcnton. He admitted that, in
virtue of art. 45, the President would he obliged to put on
his hat in 1852, and go and take up his residence in a fur-
nished hotel. Who would afterwards he president? If
we had such men as Washington, John Maim, and Mon-
roe, they would not be named to occupy that important post.
The Prtnee de Joinville would not lend himself to it, it the
proposition of M. Creton were to he adopted. Beyond the
princes, there was no chance, except fur a deniorrat en
Mouse, who would flutter the people in their misers., and
premise them wonders in l7topian reforms. An enlightened
and modest republican could not be chosen by the present
mode of election. It has been said that the Constituent
Assembly would probably he Bonapartist, like the petition-
ing which demands it, under the influence of the ad-
ministration. M. de Broglie, judging by his department,
considered that the character of the movement was an im-
moderate desire for the status guo, an excessive fear of revo-
lutions. Nevertheless, he said, let us admit that the move-

meet is Bonapartist. If we were to resist that impetitosity
public opinion we should be very unpopular. It is evident
that the party of order which adopted such conduct would
not be re-elected. If it be a Bonapartist movement which
is to create our successors, they will go fartlwr, and, under
the circumstances which would then exist, they will drive
out the Assembly.' M. de Broglie declared that in that
case he would midst without pretending to be a -Brutus,
nor would he vote for an unconstitutional candidate.
Our will,' he added, ' would have no more value than
that of Louis XIV. when old and dying. In the month
of May it might be said what Sieyes said on the evening
of the 18th Brumaire, " Gentlemen, you have a master."
It is to avoid this result that M. de Broglie advocates
the revision, the regular correction of the defects in the
constitution which have led to such a deploralii, Mate
of tl Inge. What appeared to him singular, is that the con-
tinual appeal which the constitution makes to the electoral
colleges for the formation of almost all the bodies of the
state is admired, and yet it is refused to consult the country
precisely under the circumstances, when that consultation
becomes urgent to revise the constitution. "It has been
said that we agitate the country," observed M. de Broglie
in conclusion, " but it is the constitution which agitates it.
We have more than 100,000 elections to make : national
guards, 37,000 municipal councillors, 2,600 cantonal coun-
cillors, 86 councils-general, the legislative power, and the
President, and all this in one year ; and because we demand
the election of a constitutional assembly, it is ~aid that we
arc agitators. The great agitator, the O'Connell of the
country, is the constitution."
M. de TOCQCF.VILLE spoke in reply to M. de Broglie's al-
lusions to his views. As to the defects of the constitution
they were agreed. Revision he thought dangerous, but ne-
cessary. It was not enough to say that they wished for
revision, but they ought to prove their wish pratically, by
making mutual concessions to swell the number of votes in
favour of revision. Ile conjured the members of the com-
mittee to be swayed by this feeling. ht. de Broglie had
not laid sufficient stress upon legality. It is not enough to
say that the constitution will be respected if legal revision
be impossible. They ought to make it respected by every-
body. Ile blamed the intervention of the administration an
the petition movemeut. Such a test of public opinion was
delusive and dangerous. As to the proviso which he wished
to introduce in favour of the republic,lhe did not mean any
declaration which would go against the stomach of
any fraction of the party of order, as a pledge of allegianco
to republican institutions. He entirely disavowed the
ground taken up by General Cavaignac us to the eternal
superior right of the republic. He wished merely on so
critical an occasion that the Assembly should give an ex-
ample of opinion in the country by proclaiming the present
necessity of the republic. He would not take is pledge of
perpetual adhesion to the republic himself, much less
would he wish to impose such a pledge on those who were
less affected to republican institutions.
M. ODILON Banitoe rejected the propositions of MM.
Creton and Bouhicr de l'Ecluse, because they went right
ahead on revolution, which he desired to avoid. lie ad-
mitted the full powers of the constituent ; and he wished
neither to tempt nor to provoke that biely by tying them
down before hand. But the Assembly having. to ',Macs, a
wish ought to make known the motives of its wish.
M. BEIIItYER claimed for the constituent the right of
establishing the monarchy, if the monarchists should be in
• majority. It was puerile to think of limiting the powers
of the constituent. If the legislature expressed a monarchic
wish, it would usurp the functions of the constituent. If
the constituent chose to maintain the republic, they would
at least have an improved and amended republic. The pre-
sent republic was a quasi-monarchic fiction, a bastard,vicious,
false state, which was neither republic nor monarchy. As
the Legislative Assembly had no right to impeee monarchy,
se it had no right to impose the republic. But it ought to
an en the latitude allowed by Art. 111. The amelioration
of the republic was a subsidiary hope with him, convinced
as he was that a monarchic future could alone secure the re-
pose of the country. His aim, under the present circum-
stances, was the full liberty of the country, represented by
a Constituent Aesembly, perfectly free, and invested
with all the attributes assigned to it by the constitution.
In answer to M. Charamente, he added that if the consti-
tuent was not monarchic he would be of the opinion of
Xl[. Odilon Barret and Toegueville, who wished sincerely
to mead the republic.
The Mayor of Lyons and his deputies have handed
in their signatures to the Prefect of the Rhone, in
consequence of the passing of the Lyons Pollee Bill.
The seconds in the fatal duel between Olivier and
Ginestous have been arrested.
The Carlier-Lemulier-Forcade affair has been ad
Journed until this day week. M. Flaudin is engaged
to plead for M. Cartier, who will decline the compe-
tence of the tribunal.
The La Plata committee heard to-day the Minister
of Foreign Affairs, and was occupied with the in-
dividual claims detached from the treaties.
M. de Lesseps, head of the commercial department
of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, has set out for
London on a special mission.
The consular posit in California is to be erected
into a consulate-general,with vice-consulates attached
at different stations in the interior.
M. Magne, Minister of' Public Works, has made a
voyage to Havre to inspect the works for improving
the navigation of the Lower Seine.
The fall of the funds is of course perfectly uncon-
nected with the great event of the day, which would
rather have an opposite tendency. The Fives closed
at 92.85, with a tall of 30c. The Threes fell 25c.,
and closed at 55.75.

Our Roman correspondent, writing on the 20th,
says
" I regret to say that another act has just been
committed which shews an utter want of courtesy
towards British government agents in this country,
both on the part of the French and the Roman
authorities, and forms, indeed, a breach of the usual
privileges enjoyed by foreign representatives, whether
their rank be high or low. The occurrence to which
I allude took place on Sunday last, the 13th inst.,
at the little sea-port town of Porto d'Anzio. On the
preceding day a detachment of twelve French dra-
goons had arrived, accompanied by a papal gendarme,
to disarm the inhabitants of the town • and at six
o'clock on the morning of the 16th, the detachment,
commanded by a nactrichal des logic, together with a
brigadier and two privates of the papal gendarmerie,
stationed in Porto d'Anzio, proceeded to the residence
of the British vice-consul Signor Giovambattista
D'Andrea, and requested that functionary to give up
two double-barrelled fowling-pieces, mentioned in a
list which they had brought with them. Signor
IVAndrea °plaided the demand, on the ground of not
consideringiumself obliged in his character of British
representative, to give up the guns; nor had he been
required to do so in two previous disarmings which
had been effected—first by the Spanish, and then by
the French troops. As the marechol insisted on the
fowling-pieces being handed over to him, and threat-
ened to enter by force, the vice-consul called two
witnesses, Antonio Gmnieri and Pietro Pomelli, and
in their presence exhibited to the two officers in
command of the French dragoons and papal gen-
darmes his official diploma, the British arms over
his door, and the inscription, " Office of the British
Vice Consulate at Porto d'Anzio" He then declared
that he could not give up the guns, or allow hisoffice to
be entered in search of them, without the authorisa-
tion of Nlr.Frecborn,British consular agent at Rome,
but that if such an act of aggression was put in force,
he could only protest against it as offensive to the
rights of the nation he represented. The Frenchman
in command then entered the office with some of his
soldiers, took the guns, and departed. About an hour
after the French officer sent a priest with a message,
a certain Abate Bona, as interpreter of his intention,
to give back the fowling-pieces, if the vice-consul
would give him a written declaration of his official
eh-muter ; but Signor d'Andrea declined such a step,
as being no redress of the affront he had undergone,
bat recommended the officer to obtain such a decla-
ration from the local vice-governor, from whom he
bad remised the note of persons whose houses were
to be searched, and who had registered Signor
d'Andrea's vice-consular diploma as long ago as
ISM. It appears, moreover, that the author of the
note had been actuated by motives of hostility either
to the person of the vice-consul or the nation which
he represents, as the vice-governor exempted all the
other consular agents from giving up their guns, and
even went so far us to become guarantee for several
individuals who had deposited their arms in a villa.
This violent entry into the official residence of
Signor Andrea is au event of much more importance
than the nocturnal perquiaition of Signor Ereole's
premises by the stirri last year, as the latter was
merely chancellor of the British consulate in Rome,
and :Mr. Frechorres secretary; whereas the former is
a recognised servant of the British government, and
hears Mr. Freeborn 's commission, sanctioned by Lord
Palmerston, and admitted to all the privileges of a
British vice-consul. I understand that Mr. Freeborn has
already addressed a note upon the subject to the
Cardinal Secretary of State, and I have no doubt that
he will take such steps as may be necessary to pre-
vent similar occurrences in future. _ _

This morning the first instalment of the treasury
certificates is to be drawn by lot, and the holders of
those numbers which are drawn will be reimbursed
at par. they having purchased at 85, 90, and 95.
For this purpose 204,952 i dollars arc prepared. The
whole number of certificates is 50,000, of which
38,077 have been disposed of up to the present mo-
ment. The reimbursements of the certificates and
the payment of the interest due upon them will be
made, as was expected, in paper.

M. Marco Evangelista had died of the wovuids
inflicted on him by an maamim,

SPAIN.

We have received the Madrid journals of the 20th.
The Gazette publishes the royal assent given to the
bill passed by the Cortes for calling out 25,000 men
of the contingent of 1850. The same journal pub-
lishes a decree authorising the works for supplying
the Spanish capital with water by means of a canal
from the river Lozoya. M. Flores Calderon has been
chosen as president, and M. Maquiera secretary of
the committee on the public debt. It is said that
nothing will be changed in the report presented on
the subject to the last Chamber. The amendment of
M. Borrego, on the law of the press, was rejected, in
the sitting of the Chamber of Deputies, on the 19th,
after an animated speech against it by the Minister
of the Interior.