The Express.
London, England, 1851-10-31 00:00:00

THE SPEECH AT GUILDHALL.

M. KOSSUTH (after our reporter left with that portion
of the ex-governor's speech given in yesterday's Express)
said: With respect to the whole of England, and with
regard to Loudon, the metropolis of the world, I would
observe that as London is the metropolis of the world, so
the place in which I stand is the metropolis of London, and
hence your necessity for watching the affairs of foreign
countries. (Hear, hear.) Ileace have you watched with
interot the past affairs of Ilungaey, because you saw that
oar cause was just and righteous, and in harmony with the
mighty interests that are embodied in the City of Loudon.
You united with your interest for the past your good
wishes fur the future, and here, my lord and gentlemen,
you meet my first question. Let not this interest, this
sympathy be a barren one. You have the pewee give to
oppressed humanity a helping brother's hand. (Loud
cheers.) Now, having spoken some words as to the im-
portance of foreign affairs, let me say that I believe the time
draws near wheu, for the whole world, a radical change in
the manngement of diplomacy must take place. Up to this
time the key of diplomacy has been secresy, and in that
fact consisted the triumph of absolutism. (Hear.) Why
should not foreign affairs, as well as those of the interior,
be submithd to what ought to he the ruling power, the
public opinion of the country ? (Hear, hear.) I can
scarcely conceive how it has been tensible for the principle
of seeresy in ilipinmacy to gain ground not only in Eng-
land hut throughout the world. (Hear, hear.) When the
question to be decided is the disposal of a single penny of
the national revenue no one has a right to dispose of it
without taking the opinion of those who pay it, and why
should not foreign affairs be submitted to their opinion? I
have no need to develop all the immense interest you
have in 'Union questions, but how can your interests he
protected while diplomacy is carried on in sceresy. There
can be no security for constitutional liberty when the
people do not know how their interests abroad are treated.
(Hear, hear.) As things Mewl at present you are told no-
thing until all is over, when the bill must he paid ; the din-
ner is eaten, and all the people have to do is to direst the
consequences. (Cheers and Laughter.) What is the prin-
ciple of all evil as regards Europe? It is the encroaching
spirit of Runic (hear, hear.) Awl by what means has
that power become mighty ? By its arms? No, the military
power of Runes is not so great as that of other powers in
Europe. It has be onto omnipotent and dangerous to
liberty by diplomacy, and against the secret wiles of diplo-
macy there is no securer safeguard than the public pinion
of England. (Loud cheers) here must intrigues be
opposed, for intrigues can have no weight against the
destinies of England. (Hear, hear.) You will excuse me
fur these few hints. I hope your wisdom, the comprehen-
sive wisdom of England will find them true and not differ
from me in my conclusions. (Hear, hear.) But betides
London being the metropolis of the world I know it is
also the seat of the constitutional government and parlie-
meut, and here again I find a principle. I believe that
London, being the seat of constitutional government and
of the free legielature of Great Britain and Ireland, it is
more strongly than any other place in the world identified
with the principle of free legislation, and the emancipa-
tion of the whole world from arbitrary power. There is no
place in the world CAR be so interested in freedom ns Lon-
don ; and I would remind the cities ns of London, that so
as in one family, so as in one community, in in one country
things and affairs cannot ho ruled on two different ss -terns.
It is the bailie with the its stinics of mankind. One of the
two ruling principles must vanish. Liberty and absolutism
cannot subsist fur a lung time more together in the present
development of the human mind and the human heart—one
must vanish, 211,1 nations he brought iuto a state of identity.
(hear, hear.) Inc institutions may be established iu dif-
ferent manners in different countries according to the wants
and wishes or peculiar habits of each nation, but the only
principle whin can he the basis of the material welfare and

contentment of the whole world, is under every different
form of goveruzuent, the principle of freedom. (Loud
cheers.) You have it here, and you have it in the lenited
States of America under different forms of government.
Now permit me to speak of one consequence of this principle
of freedent. It is that the question is now put to the metro-
polie of the world, whirls will it side with, absolutism or
freedom ? • I need not ask you, for you watched with liv,
interest the strugales of Hunger, from the first, and
you Lave prennieed to watch its destinies for the
future. Do nut tell me that this lively interest in
to be a barren sound, you who have the power to help us.
(Hear, hear.) The next principle I see exeinplified in this
piece is the principle of social order, a word in tieing which
I get most nervous and excited, when 1 think hew him-
pliemously it has beta misused. (lka, hear.) They call
it social order when humanity is thrown into prisons ; they
call it social order whet, they make it the silence of the
grave. (loud cheers.) But this day, the 30th October, 1101,
has presented to me the word in a different aspect, which
mice eeen, 1 proudly proclaim that no more shall Russian
Czar, nor Austrian Kaiser, proclaim their emeal order.
(Loud cheers ) This dey in Loudon I saw its hundreds of
thousende of people rushing forward in warm enthusiasm
the blood beehiveenthusiasm,
high in their generous hearts for the
principles of freedom. W hat preserved social order among
those mighty masses? Let us see how many pulicemen
were present. I suer four,—(:mud cheers and laughter,)—
and these four were very ter asunder. (Cheers.) Now on
such an occasion one of the despots, a czar, a kaiser, or a
president,—it's all the 84141(.,—(ebevW—would have had
the streets bristling with bayonets; they would have had the
fuotw aye crowded with soldiers; and would have culled
that social melt r. (Great cheering.) And against mum
would they have mede this array ? Against the enemy ?
Nu—against their own people. (Cheers.) The real metal
order is the greatest security for person and property. and
it is blasphemy to call the system of the deepots,
social order. (Hear, hear.) Now having explained my
meaning, permit me to ask the question—What iu the
opinion of this illustrious corporation is the surest safe-
guard of social order ? I believe the answer will tie, that
which they themselves, have found to be the best safeguard
in this mighty city, in itself a nation—liberty! (Lund
cheers.) I was not so happy as to arrive soon enough to
see the great meeting which London had appointed to
humanity—the Great Exhibition; hut I feel consoled he-
cause I see a greater exhibitien, the greatest of all, London
from which I have received such a welcome to-duy.
(Cheers.) And if I wanted some spur fur exertion
during the rest of my life, I should find it in that liberty
which has conserved social order in such a magnificent
manner in this immense city. The contemplation of your
social order would be the best spur to my exertions.
(Hear, hear.) You have noticed that the Hungarians
struggled fur every freedom of which you know the ad-
vantage ; and, therefore, you give vour interest to cur
past, and you entertain good wishes Air our future. Let
me again entreat you, in the name of social order, let not
your w ishes be barren. You have the power, and pray
show the will to keep the principle of munitieal institu-
Suns. (Cheers.) London is aimed the oldest municipa-
lity on the face of the earth—older, in fact, then the pre-
aent British patios because it derives its municipal institu-
tions
front the itunians. Empires have fallen, mighty
peoples have vanished from the surface of the earth, new
worlds have been discovered, even here in England
dynasties have been changed, relieimes have been altered,
a mighty revolution has swept over England like a stream,
monerchies have been abolished awl restored, and during
all these immense changes iu history, Lendon stands.
(Loud cheers.) Londuu stands! No, Louden grows into
an empire—more than an empire, mightier than a nation.
(Loud cheering.) Now whet is the keystone of these im-
portaut features? It is this, in my opinion—that the ex-
istence of Loudon is (minded ou her municipal institutions.
(Loud cheers.) 'The principle of municipal institutions is
crushed down everywhere on the continent—it is swept
away by the doctrine of centralisation. (Loud and pro-
tracted cheering.) Centedisetion is propitious to what ?
To atnbit:ou, but not to liberty. But chiefly oa the coati-
neat the principle of municipal institutioue is swept away
by absolutism—a word identical with centralisation. What
is absolutism but the centralisation of power, which is the
Leaner of the House of Austria, and under that banner
they have, with the aid of Muria, sacrificed Hungary. So
long as Hungary was free, althou,;h continually encroached
on by the absolutist tendencies ofAustria, it was of immense
benefit to Austria ; because front the very existence of mu-
nicipal institutions Russia could not get any hold on Aus-
tria. But Hungary falls, and Austria becomes the mere tool
of Russia. (Hear, hear.) Such is centralisation and its
consequences. The moment Austria became a traitor to j
Hungary and humanity, for the purpose of getting rid of
the check which the municipal institutions of Hungary
offered to absolutism, she became the obedient slave of the
Czar. Such are the consequences of centralisation. (Hear,
hear.) Wo were the last stronghold of municipal institu-
tions on the continent. You, the metropolis of the world,
and who have mighty and important interests at stake, are
watchful of the condition of foreign nations, and have given
your attention to the cause of Huugary—you have marked,
us strugglieg fur the freedom of munieipal institutions, and
fiudiug this iwinciple in the struggle, you have given your
sympathy for the past, and your interest for the future.
Let me say again; do not permit that sympathy to be
barren, for you have the power to hete us. The calm of
Hungary is a good one, and 1 could go on Mr weeks shewing
you that it is in harmony with all thaw principles
which you love and cherish, and which form at once your
glory and your pride. (Loud cheers.) The next principle
to which I would allude is the freedom of industry and
trade, for there is nothing has a closer connexion with free-
dum than the full development of commerce. Absolutism
has in its train, and must have, everything that is contrary
to liberty ; and therefore it must be opposed to the free in-
tercourse of nations. It must be opposed even to thet
moderate protection of home industry which some natioza
consider a proper element in their political economy. lea-
solutism is prohibitory, because it finds that five trade mid
free commerce, by giving free development to industry, is
the most powerful vehicle of political rights. Now what is
it that prevents Austria siting the industry of England
free markets in Hungary ? Even before our past
struggles, we consumed of cotton manufactures, not of
home but of foreign fabrication, an average of from 85
to 70 millions of francs • year, or about 2,6e0,000/. of
your money. How much did the free industry of England
get of this Not one shilling. (Hear, hear.) Why ? Be-
cause the principle of absolution iu Austria being of comae
in harmony with the prohibitory principle, it managed
matters so as to oblige llungery to buy Austrian manufac-
tures, not because they were best or cheapest, but because
they were Austrian. We were thus drained of millions for
the benefit of Austell. As tar the hundred weight of cut on
manufactures, which could be bought in Euglead for 81. or
91., Hungary was obliged to pay 20/. or 221. to Austell, be-
muse the importation taxes constituted a prohibition.
Therefore, in this great market, England, except by
smuggling, received nut one asinine of benefit. Agree,

whet are the markets of Russia for European maim-
factarm ? Except by smuggling they am very small,
and thus you see that the direction of absolutism is
as much in opposition to likrty in trade, as it is to liberty
in polities. On the very day when Hungary proclaimed
its Independence, and entrusted Inc with the government of
the country, my Tint deed was to scud instructions to my
representative in England to make known to the govern-
ment of that country that the barriers were broken down I
and that the markets of Hungary were open to your trade. II
(Load cheers.) You have not derived much benefit from
it, but it proved the influence of political freedom upon the
beedom of industry and commerce. (Hear, hear.) Now,
say lord and gentlemen, as the Russian principle rides
rough-shod over the continent, and as it is said the Czar
has put his foot on the neck of Hungary only as •
step towards entire preponderance in Europe, I beg
of you to consider if such was the triumph of
a single free principle what would he the effect if the sys-
tem became general. Absolutism must starve, as it would
receive a succession of shocks, against which Atlas himself
could not stand. On the other hand, if it succeeded in put-
ting a stoppage to free commerce the consequence to England
would be calamitous. You must go t• war against the
principle ; you must strain your very heart to protect the
interests of England. Millions of money must be spent,
and torrents of blood shed to get freedom for the trade of
Entailed, or else England, or else London, the greatest
place on all the earth, the only place where exists social
order, this glorious place must inevitably decline. To pre-
vent this arms are not necessary. You need not spend
either money or blood to ensure harmony between the wet- I
fare of the world and the prosperity of industry. What
markets would be opened to the industry of England were
Europe in a condition of freedo:u. We are struggling, in
Hungary for the principles of freedom and of the free in-
tercourse of nations. Hungary mitered to a state of Mile-
penitence would be a death-blow to absolutism on the can-
tinent, and, that principle once crushed, there would be no
impediment any more to the intercourse of the free nations
of the world. (Loud cheers.) You have seen us struggle
for the principle, of freedom, you have given your interest
for our past, and your wishes fur our future. Again let me
ask you nut to let that interest or those wishes prove bar-
ren. (Hear, hear.) The next principle—perhaps I tire
you—(no, no)—which I wish to place before you is
the financial principle. London is the regulator
of the money and credit of the world, and
these two words show the immense importance
of the principle to you. Well, if London be the regulator
of the puli:ie credit of the world, a very considerable quan-
tity of the loan shares of every government must be con-
centrated in London. Let me ask where is your security for
these loans, where is the possibility of seeing them paid?
Whether would it be greater on the victory of absolutism,
or upon the triumph of constitutional freedom ? Take the
despotic interests. What is the basis of their existence?
Is it the love of the nation ? No, how could the principle
of despotism be love ? It is not love, it is not even endu-
rance. Is the bask of absolutism the contentment of the
nation? No, how could men he Content without free-
dom ? (Loud cheers.) Then, the principle of absolutism
is. by means of soldiers to become the uelimited masters
of the amid. In managing their costly arinii, and their
no less costly diplomatic interests the means of their people
ore exhausted, and they tout come 0.43i1l and again to the
money market for loans, and every loan diminishes the re-
sources from which it most lie taut. Who eau guarantee
that the nations of the earth, seeing their means swamped
by the-c eternal loans, which are used against their own
liberties, will not rise under their moral and material suf-
fering, and say, "Let those who made these loans pay
them; we did not make them ?" (Loud cheers.) Such is
the effect of absolutism on the security of the money market.
(I tear, hear.) But there is another prospect also with re-
spect to the house of Harshurg, snit that is its inevitable
bankruptcy. You know well that that government has
been obliged to make a loan of eight millions
receitly. Was that to restore the balance of its
finances ? Oh, nn ; but to get on for a few
months longer, and then ask for another, their means
of paying the interest becoming worse with every loan.
May I not say without any enthusiasm that there is a very
early prospect that the restored nations of Europe will nut
recognise these loans, or prevent the bankruptcy ? (Hear )
I tins no capitalist, but, were I one, I would very
much consider these circumstances—consider whether there

is a possibility of absolutism being able to pay. (Hear,
hear.) Freedom must have a future, and, considering this
circumstance, I would rather put confidence in that prin-
ciple which is pointed nut as the destiny of mankind by
Gail himself, and by the sentiment of Europe, and which,
by protecting all existing :ntereets, is enabled to give the
best security; but when a country is again and again
wasted and oppressed, it is not likely it will assist
for procuring means for that oppression. I mean
with those words to show that the best security
for vour financial interests is not absolutieni, but
in the establishment of the principles of liberty. Thus
you. having o(l4oWed vim attention upon the struggles of
Hungary, have seer. that we struggled for liberty—ant to
injure any man, but to procure blessings for all. You have
exhibited interest for our past, interest for our future, and
let me hope that this sympathy may not turn out a barren
song. You have power, mud may help us. The seventh
pint to which I would nitwie is the consolidated peace of
Europe, because London. with her immense trade, wants
the consolidated peace of Europe. Now. I think you will see
that the peace of the world is only po-sible when the nations
of the world nee contented. (Hear, he ir.) Contentment is
• tree which will not flourish where tyranny is praetiv'd,
fur the world was not created to be a prison to humanity,
neither were men created to be gaolers to their fellows.
(Loud cheers.) It is not long since a great association—the
fence Society—lind a meeting here. Humanity causes that
society to hope that peace may be obtained everywhere, lint
they wish for a lasting and true peace, end not oppression.
i (Mere.) Now this aesociation proclaimed the principle of
non-intervention, but surely there could be no such inter-
pretitinn of their principle as, that whatever the Czar
might do, the humanity of England should not care fur it.
That would not be non-interveatioe, but would he giving
thy' Czar a letter of marque to interfere with all the *affairs
of the world. (Loud cheers.) The principle of the Peace
Sudety has this meaning—that every nation should be free
to niepotie of its own doinestie concern., and that neither
England nor any other power elverlil intervene with
the sovereign rights of any nation ; but I apprehend that
humanity points out England Us the safeguard of oppressed
humanity, and expecte London to take the lead in the ex-
pression of public opinion. (Hear, hear.) And so, my
fort and gentlemen, I could go on in the enumeration of
these thinps even, wane I not as exluiusted as your time.
One principle more, it is the principle of generous hu-
manity. England is the only spot in Europe which affords
an asylum to the oppressed, and you, my lord and the cor-
porntien of the City of London, even now gloriously repre-
sented the principle by allowing to the noble lord, who may
well be called the father of the unfortunate, the use of
your noble apartment fur the Lem fit of the unhappy
axles. Permit me to give you for these noble
sentiments my warm thanks, and may the freedom
of the world soon release you from such a charge. I hope
itsoon will, and that no man in Europe may be hound to
zed the thorn of humiliation to the bitterness of regret for
his lost and violated lilwrties. (Chi ers.) My lord and
gentlemen. I see spreading before my eyes the history of
the municipality of London, a most instructive topic to
men like me. You being the inheritors of all the glory of
thin history, I will state to you my Lord Mayor, and you
gentlemen, the aldermen and commons of the City
of London, in common council assembled, that being
the lawful representatives of the City of Londoe,
you aro together tine incorporation of all those
principles which I have had the honour to enunic•
rate. And so you have expressed sympathy fur the past of
Hungary., and• the its future gracious consideration. I have
ellen said, let not your sympathy remain a barren word,
and now let me repent it, because this particular direction
which I wish to see imparted to the noble sentiments of the
people of England will have the most powerful influence
and connexion with the principles which I have described,
and which I now beg to enumerate. They are the principles
of freedom, of lasting social order, of municipal institutions, of
faithful public credit, of peace with all the world and the
principle., of humanity. (" Hear, hear," and cheers.) Help
us, then, in the noble cause at issue. We do not ask Ring.
land to talcs part in our internal struggles--that is the affair
of Hungary herelf, and she will provide for her own
struggle for freedom. (Loud cheers.) All we wish is, that
the public opinion of Englund may establish it as a ruling
principle to tickuowledge the right of every nation to dispose
of its own affairs, and nut to leave them to the tender mer-
cies of the C11:11'. (Loud cheers.) We ask you not
to allow the interference of Russia in the domes•
tic affiirs of Hungary, or of any other nation, because
your true interests are an harmony with the interests of all.
I will repeat it again, I will concentrate all my free senti-
ments, all the blood of my heart and the energy of any
mind, to raise these word+ high, and loud, and 60101111,
until the almighty echo of public opinion, in repeating it,
shall become like a thundering trumpet, before the sound
of which the genius of human oppression must fall.. (Laud
cheers.) And should thin feeble form succumb to the long-
ings of my heart to see my fatherland—that heart which
beatv like the chained lion against his cage—even the grass
that grows upon my grave will cry out to England and
America—Do nut forget in your proud security (11030 who
are oppressed. (Hear, hear.) Do not grant a charter to
the Case to trample on humanity, or to drown the liberties
of Europe in blood. Be not the guarantees of such a
charter, but resist it, and take the proud position of being
the liberators of the world. (Loud cheers.)
Immediately otter the conclusion of his speech, Kossuth
retired from tine Court of Common Council, and was con-
ducted to the committee•room of the promoters of the
Great Polish and Hungarian which is to be given
atter the entertainment of the deli of November. Lord
Dudley S:uart and the other gentlemen who accompanied
him to the Court of Common Council were of the number
who assembled upon the occasion, and the appearenee of
Kossuth was hailed in the most enthusiastic manner.
Lorl Dudley Stuart said that the illustrious individual
whose presence had occasioned such emotion in the City of
London had fixed his departure for America for the 13th
of November, but the American consul had, in accordance
with the wishes of the public, postponed tile departure of
the vessel till the 11th, in order that Kossuth might have
an opportunity of being present at the entertainment,
which would accordingly t the place on the 13th instead of
the 17th ot next month, as had b...en originally fixed upon.
The announcement was received with enthusiasm.

KOSST:TLI DINED WITII THE LORD MAYOR LAST
EVENING. Covers were laid in the long parlour for 70.
Amongst the guests pres tat were Mr. Justice and Lady
Talfourd, Alderman Alderman and Mrs. Hooper,
M. and Madame Kossuth, the Governor of the Dank of
England and Mri. Thompson Hanker, Lord Dudley Stuart,
Alderman Salomon., M.P., Alderman Moon, Alderman
and Mn. lAwtence. Mr. Sheriff Cotterell. Mr. Sheriff Swift,
M. sod Madame Pul.ky, Mr. Cobden, M.P., Mr. and Mn.
Chaplin, Mr. Gilpin, &c., &c.