The Express.
London, England, 1849-05-15 00:00:00

THE TXPRESS, TUESDAY EVENING, MAY 15, 1849.

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.
HOUSE OF LORDS.—MoNDAY, MAT 14,
The LORD Cassocrumn took his seat at 6 o'clock.
PRIVATE BUSINESS.
SECOND READING.—Bradf wd Waterworks Bill.
PUBLIC BUSINESS.
PETITIONS PRESENTED.
PROTECTION TO WOMEN BILL. —By the Bishop of
LONDON (14), from various places, and by the Earl of
RIPON, from several pleas; the Earl of ABERDEEN,
from plums in Scotland; the Earl of CARLIS
Leeds ; Lord ELPRINSTONE, several, in favoLE,ur of this
bal.
Aorturourtram, Dinnies.—By the Earl of STRAD-
BROKE, from numerous places,.complainine of agrieul
tend distress and for relief; Lord FEVERSHAEL, from
Pocklington and other places, to the same effect; and attri-
buting the *Mating distress to the repeal of the cora laws.
NAVIGATION LAWS.—By the Earl of STRADBROKI,
from various Owe against the alteration of them laws.
BANZRUPTCY AND INSOLVENCY LAWS. —By Lord
WHARNCLIPFE, from Ripon, Wthefield,Sheffisld, and
other places; Lord BROUGHAM, from the Liverpool
Guardian Society for the Protection of Trade; on the subject
of these 1 ars.
BANKRUPTCY AND INSOLVENCY BILL.—By the Earl of
CARLISLE, from York and ',rids, against this bill.
Entrcrenow.—By the Bari of CARLISLE, several from
Lancashire, on this subject.
AITIRICATIONS INSTEAD OF OATHS —By the Duke of
ARGYLL, from *habitants of Daikeith, Baptist Church of
Pile, Independent Church of Edinburgh and elsewhere, for
the substitution of affirmations instead of oaths, in the case
apemen' having conscientious scruples against the latter.
RATE IN AID BILL.—By the Marquis of LONDON-
DERRY, from Nerrtownarde, against this bill.

PORTPATRICH AND DONAGHADEE.
The Marquis of LONDONDERRY, pursuant to no**,
asked, whether it was the intention of the government to
keep up the stations and communications between Portpatrick
*ad Donegbadee ? It had been the opinion of the Admiralty
daring three sumiessive government., that thorn packet
stations should, be kept up. The communication was very
impartant, and the more so on accountof the railways; if the
poduthed lines were carried cut, letters from London would
aaasi Dublin quicker by Port ostrich than any whir routs.
The Marquis of LANSDOWNE said upon inquiry into the
@abject, he found that the government did not think they
we authorised in incurring any furthi r expenditure with
saihnence to the ports to which the noble marquis had
alluded.
The Marquis of CLANRICARDE said that, by *swum
which it was intended to take, there would be a clear saving
to the revert'', of 4,0001. a year, while the communication
would be better carried on through another channel.
POOR-LAW COMMISSIONERS IN IRELANi).
The Earl of LUCAN wished to know whether it wee true
that Mr. Power had been appointed a poor-law oommis-
loner ? And if so, whether it was a permanent appoint-
ment, or not ? •
The Marquis of LANSDOWNE replied, but in too in-
audible a tone to enable us to give his answer.
INVASION OF ROME.
Lord BEAUMONT roes to ask the question of which he
had given notice, namely "If her Majesty's government
had received any communication from the French govern-
ment of their intentions in eccupyieg a portion of the Roman
territories ; if it has received any communication from the
Austrian or Neapolitan governments as to their intentions in
invading the Roman territories and states; and if her
Ma-
jetty's government has taken any part in promoting this tri.
partite invasion ? " Before he proceeded he begged to ask
for Were., for he was afraid he could not make himself
heard it the conversation which usually took place
both within the house and in those portions of the building
which were considered not within the house, were allowed
to rroceed. (Hear, hear.) lie wished bridly to refer to
the events which had led to the circumstances which rug-
gated the questions he was about to put. Alr for back as
the very hour at which the present supreme pontiff mounted
his throne circumstances took place which it was foreseen
must inevitably lead to the result they now witnessed in the
Roman territories. It woe well known to all who ever
studied the state of Italy that misgovernment under Nieces-
Sire popes had brought that country cots such a state that
nothing but the strongest power could prevent its rising in a
mess against the government. During the reign of Oreaory
XVI. thousands had been improperly expended, the prisons
were every where crowded, and the whole feeling of that
country was alienated from the constitution. The moment
the present pontiff ascended the throne a accedes ernes ha
his council whether they should pursue the line of racy
which had been adopted by his predecessor or should attempt
some modification of the then existing system. The latter
course was determined on ; but the difficulty of carrying it
out in states governed as Rome was appeared to be very
great. Even then the wisest people in Rome foresaw that if the
slightest concession was granted It must lead to, the total
separation of the temporal from the spiritual power of Rome.
The attempt to adopt a more liberal policy was made, but in
a manner of all others the most impracticable. It was pro-
pthed to have lay councillrre, and yet to maintain the sneer •
dotal power. The Pope would not admit of anything vela&
would do away with his temporal power, and beyond the
mere listening to the measures proposed the lay councifie-

had no powei No mese WY tits ippeorance of conceriu
made—for it was nothing nom, there was no real liberty is
it—than in the surrosoding states of Italy revolution took
place. The Roman people then claimed he have same of the
privileges which had been conceded to other states—they
asked to bus some portion of the liberty conceded to the
Neapolitans ; but to this the whole body of the cardinal
were apposed, and declared that no concession should be
made. Fear alone induced the pontiff to make some
*suasion on the subject of education. He allowed the lay
councillore to meet and debate, but denied them any Nealr
rive power. What he granted, therefore was given atainst
his will, against the advice of the sardbials, and, no doubt,
with the mental reservation, that, when a fitting occasion
presented itself, the step should be retraced, and the supre-
macy of the clergy be maintained in the Roman states, and
the laity be de:wived of those privileges to which the pontiff
thought the clergy alone were entitled. The pope then called
to his council a man in whom the people of Rome had not
the greatest confidence—a man who had been exiled, branded
as a rebel, eacommunicated, and who bad abandoned the
catholic and adopted the Lutheran faith. He bad become
an inhabitant of another country, and was employed as the
ambassador of that country to the court of Rome, when the
Pope made ,him his prime minister. One of the first
measures of that minister was to endeavour to retrieve
the confused sate of the finances, aad he saw no
other way of doing so than that of mortgaging
the estates of the church ; and be was proceeding
to the assembly when he fell—the victim of an assassin.
He sincerely lamented the death of Rossi—(hear, hear)—
and although a feeling of joy was exhibited in Rome at the
event, he must say that he bad the strongest evidence that
none of those men who after wards came into power had any
participation in the fatal crime, or the expression of rejoi-
cing that followed it •; but, on the contrary, they deeply
lamented the death of Rossi. (Hear, hear.) The moment
he fell, the cardinals thought they might retrace their steps,
and the plan for 'king so was drawn out; bat the scheme
was discovered in time, and the people to • man roes against
it. They did not, however, threaten the life of the pontiff ;
they said, on the other hand, that they would rather die on
the steps of his pace than a hair of his head should be
injured. They, however, asked him to send away his minis.
ter, to disband the Swim regiments, and to take an oath to
the form of the government which then existed. He de-
clined to assent, because it allowed laymen to propose mea-
sures ; and he was advised to leave Rome. Now, there was
no doubt that if he had done so in the face of day, no at-
tempt would have been made beyond entreaties to prevent
it; but unfortunately, he left Rome in a manner which
showed a want of confidence in his subjects.
Lord BROUGHAM here made some observation which
did not reach the gallery.
Lord BEAUMONT resumed : He had the greatest
for what fell from the noble and learned lord generall;M:
on this subject be believed it was impossible to fathom his
motives. (L'iud laughter from all sides of the house.) His
assertions again and spin ware contrary to the facts- and
he thought it would not be long before the noble and learned
lord heard that his assertions were falsehoods—
Lard BROUGHAM (with great excitement). I rice to
garter.aial bare allowed the noble baron to go on in the *oat
manner for some time.
• NOBLE PEER—It is not irregular.
Lord BROUGHAM—I say it is most irregular. TM
male baron puts a question and prefaces it with a Bug
ZwitThe only office of the speech is to make the per
telligible—but to make a long speech and refer to
WWI was never beard of before, and to say that any noble
Wire onsettions were falsehoods, is most irregular; and
Was& He noble and learned bed, with gnatvehemenc*,
liming over the table towards Lord Beaumont) I receive
the statement, from whomsoever it cum, with the mat
absolute contempt. (" Hear, hear," and laughter.)
Lord BEAUMONT—I am doing what the noble and
learned lord has void I am entitled to do, I am endeavour-
fog to mike the question intelligible; and if my 'preface
Lambe= longer then it otherwise would have been, it is in
imequence of the noble lord's erroneous statements on this
walsiect.
Lord BROUGHAM (with inclosed warmth)—l ask
whether it Is orderly for one noble lord—upon the informs-
tka of an Italian, I don't know who—to accuse another
peer of parliament of uttering falsehoods? He must either
retract or apologise—not to me, for I despise it (a laugh)—
but to you chi
Lord BEAUMONT—I said the statements pat forward
were falsehoods, but I did not suppose that they were the
imbibes& of the noble and learned lord. (Hsu, hear.) If
I bed used a milder word it would have meant the same
thing. (A laugh.) I might have used the word mis-
statentent"—perhaps I ought not to have used the word
" takokoed," sod I therefore willingly apologise for having
used tie word—(hear, hgar)—but my object was to show
that slay of the statements which went forth to the public
wen sea in accordance with the truth. (Hear, hear.) [The
sedio bird then resumed his narrative.] It appeared,
Am eta prodamation of General ()sabot, that the
Pi m* wast, sat to impris any former government
N the Romans, but to prevent the advance of the
Anstrisas. The Roman people believed it, and were
=au inclined to hail the French as brothers and Needs
time enemies ; bat, when they arrived before Rome, • te-
eny different proclamation was made public, and from that
fomentan entirely different feeling had existed. When it
111111 known that they had come to restore the government of
as Pori the people of Rome were opposed to them. (Hear,
WO It was impossible to restore the present power with-
tire
laback te pure ebullitions ; and he spoke the
of illieaa when le said that, for the oaks of reLl-

eon, if on no other ground, the temporal power of the
I op should
hely to know whether any communication had been
nide to her Modesty's government as to the intention of
Iliet French government, bemuse their proclamations contra-
deed each other; so their professions were opposed to their
talons. With regard to Austria, he did not know yet that
die had violated the Roman States. She, however, had a
fight to go into Tuscany, and at present had not advanced
beyond the Tuscan States. Another power, however, had
iaterpmed—namely, the King of Naples—he who so loudly
protes'ed against any attempt to interfere with him and hit
sacrificed subjects. 'Whatever might be his motives, he had
violated an independent state, for he was now marching
home ; and, therefor*, he (Lord Beaumont) wished to know
whether any communication had been made to •ber
Majesty's government as to the motives for this extraordi-
nary conduct ? and further, he wished to know whether her
Majesty's government had taken any part with ref to
it ; whether they bad remained totally indifferent, or
whether they had made any suggestion with reference to
them proceedings • and finally, whether they approved of
the steps which these powers had taken ?
The Marquis of LANSDOWNE had felt unwilling to in-
, tweet his noble friend in the long observations which he
thought it uneasy/ to make in prefacing the questions which
he had just put. But he must my, that he did not consider'
that this was the fit time to enter into any retrospect of the I
I events which had taken place in Italy, either with respect to
the hopes and apprehensions which had alternately agitated
the public mind in that country, or as to that moat deplorable
event which had recently taken place at Rome. He begged,
however, to have it understood, that whilst he avoided enter-
ing into any distension, he neither admitted the accu-
racy, nor complained of the inaccuracy of the state.
ments which his noble friend had made, but to the
questions which he had put, and which he (the
Marquis of lonsdowee) believed were perfectly legitimate,
he was able to give a very short and di.tinct answer. With
reference to the F. inch government, an intimation on the
subject was conveyed to her Majesty's government, he
thought, on the 21st of April, through the medium of the
French sunbassadm, who communicated the fact that hie
government were about to send French forces to Civits Voc-
e:his, accompanied by a declaration, which bee Major es go-
vernment bad no reason to doubt at the time, that in sending
that force the object of the French gov.rument was to pro.
mote the pewee of Italy, and more particularly to promote the
re-establishment of a constitutional and regular government
at Rome. No suggestion bed been made by her Majesty's
government, nor any particular concurrence signified. That
communication, however, was limited to sending forces to
Civita Vecchia; and no intimation was given of any intention
to march upon Rome. With respect to the Austrian andNea.
politan goverements, no communication whatever had been
made from them as to the court which they had adopted ; and
be was not prepared to state the opinioa which her Majesty's
government entertained en the subject. With reference to
the last question which the noble lord had put, the answer
which he had to mike to it had already been elicited ; and
he merely had to state that her Majesty's government had
taken no put whatever in these proceedings He wished to
refer to a question which a noble and 1 d lord opposite
had put to him on a former occasion, with refer:nos to the
alleged removal of works of art from Rome. He was re-
pented to have stated that he believed that none of the great
works of art had been removed, but that IMO of the smaller
ones might have been. Now, what he really did say wee,
that it was impossible, he thought, that any of the treat
works of art could he removed without its being known, but
some of the smaller ones might have been. He, however,
had no knowledge whatever on the subject.
The Earl of ABERDEEN thought that, considering the
great interests involved is the question, and the important*
of dui event, their lordships had a right to expect more defi-
nite and precise information. The noble marquis had said
that the object stated by the French government was the
preservation of the peace of Italy ; but, surely, before her
eillesty's government could have approved of a step which
brought 20,000 French soldiers into the centre of Italy, they
must have received some further information than anything
so vague and uncertain as that which the noble marquis had
stated. Why, one would have thought that a French force
would be rattier more foreign than that of Austria. (Hear )
He thought something more positive was required than the
statement of the noble marquis, which was of a negative
character, neither approving nor disapproving of what had ,
been done. 'The noble earl opposite, the Lord Privy Seal,
had been sent to Italy to counteract French influence at
Rome, and with the assistance of Rossi, who was afterwards
butchered, the noble earl succeeded ; but he believed, in
taking that step, the noble earl had done much to dieeroy
the liberty of Italy. He believed that it was impossible that
such a mission, at such a time, could have been attended
with any other effects than them which took place, namely, I
Ithe perfect conviction of every porton who came tolhe noble
earl with acclamation and rejoicing, when they retired from
his presence, that he was prepared to join is driving the Aus-
teens out of Italy ; and therefore he thought the mission
of the noble earl wee fatal to the freedom of Italy. (Hear.)
In his opinion her Majesty's government were bound to
have come to a much clearer understanding on the subject
than they had.
Earl MINTO said he was not going to enter into a general
vindieetinn of his own conduct or to follow the noble earl
who had just at down through the whole of his remarks;
but the noble earl had suede one implication which it was
necessary to deny, viz , that it was impossible from the
nature of his (Berl Minto's) mission there, or the !gnaws
which he h. Id, that any person could doubt that he was
preparing to encourage, on the part of her Majesty's govern-
ment, the expulsion of the Austrians from Italy. He
denied that anything of that mind could be collected from
anything that he had said or done. On the contrary, he
hod omitted no opportunity of stating that desirous as the
government were of seeing a wholesome reform in Italy,
there was one point on which their opinion and de'er-
ruination remained fixed—that they would be no party
to, and would not encourage, tolerate, or approve
any change of the territorial arrangements settled by
the treaty of Vienna. (Heir, hear.)
Lord BROUGHAM could bear testimony to the conduct of
the noble earl in that house upon the occasion to which be
had referred ; but of what had passed in Italy he knew
nothing. Ifedoubtedly if the noble earl's mission had been
for the purpose of keeping Italy from French interposition,
he could not congratulate him upon its successful result.
If they arked what was the motive for the French sending
troops to Italy, he believed that the noble marquis knew
just as much about it as the French government. He (Lord
Brougham) believed, however, that he could explain the
matter. The French wanted en expedition—that was what
they wanted—a military expedition—some military glory—
it did not signify how little, but some they must have—Al-
giers would not do any longer—it must be European to
satisfy the amine, not of the people of France, but of the
mobs of Paris. (Hear, hear.)
The Marquis of LANSDOWNE entered into a brief ex-
planation, which was inaudible in the gallery.
The Marquis of LONDONDERRY expensed hie belief
that the great desire of the French government, and of the
individual at the head of that government (who, in the most
extraordinary position in which a man was ever placed, had
not committed a sir gle fault), was the preservation of peace.
I The noble marquis denied the statements that had been made
relative to the demoralisation of the French army, and coo-
-1 eluded with en observation which caused considerable merri-
ment relative to his notde and learned friend (Lord
Brougham) having fraternised with the recent expedition
from this country to Paris.
Lord BROUGHAM begged to arum their lordship, that
he had nothing whatever to do with what he believed to be
the meet absurd expedition that was ever carried on. (A
I laugh.) He deprecated, beyond anything, as fatal to the
peace of the country, any communication whatever ever being
I held, by any foreign country and this country, except
through the government of the country. That was a sacred
principle which must be kept inviolate ; because if the ex-
, peditions of those people who went over merely to amuse
themselves were to be taken as national expeditions or de-
putations—which they were not, because they were deputed
by nobody—and any collision were to take place between the
people there and those that went over, it might lead to bad
blood and an ill feeling between the two countries. (Hear,
hear.) Therefore, the rule was, that any communication
which could take place must be, sot of individuals, not of
bodies, not of deputations, but of the governments of the
two countries. (Hear, hear.)
The matter then dropped.
CHAPLAINS IN FOREIGN PORTS.
Earl NELSON brought in *DB relative to the appnint-
meet of chaplains in foreign ports, which wee read • first
time.
RATE IN AID.
On the motion for going into committee upon this bill,
The Duke of WELLINGTON inquired whether any
progress bad been made in the bill for altering the size of
electoral districts in Ireland; because it appeared to bill
flat if that bill were brought forward, it would facilitate
the paring of the present measure.
The Marquis of LANSDOWNE said that no bill had as
yet been brought into parliament on the subject, because,
though it had partially attracted the attention of the go-
vernment, neither the committee of that house, *or of the
other home, had yet reported upon the subject. He did sp.
preheod that such a bill would be introduced, and he might
state that he should be extremely sorry if it were not.
After some conversation the house went into committee.
On the first clause being proposed,
The Bail of WICKLOW condemned the course of pro-
ceeding under the present bill, by which the collection of the
rate in aid was mixed up with that of the pow rata. If
there wee no objection in a constitutional point of view, be
would suggest that the rate in aid be levied as a separate
collection apart from the poor's rates; and if that suggestion
were agreed to, he should then propose that the rate in aid
should be imposed on the landlords only, giving the tenant
the power of deducting it from the rent.
The Earl of MOIINTCASHEL said that he should op-
pose this alteration, as the landlords in Ireland already paid
I she gloater, part of the s
poor's rates, which they were not
justly liable for.
The Earl of CARLISLE regretted that he could net
consent to the proposition of the noble earl, who had himself
foreseen the impediments which the forms of the constitaMma '
placed in his way, in respect to the suggested alteration of
the bill.
Lord hiONTEMILE said that, if the noble earl did not
object, he should move, as an addition to the clause, that
within ten days after the meeting of parliament there should
be laid upon the table of both homes an account of the
amount collected under the Rate in Aid Bill, made up to the
31st of December, is each year of its collection, together
with a detailed statement of the mode in which the amount
had been expended.
The Earl of CARLISLE said he had no objection to the
amendment, provided it was conformable to parliamentary
usage, respecting which he would inquire.
The bill then went through committee.

The rrport was ordered to he brought up

- - .
day).
The third reading was fixed for Thursday next.
The house then adjourned.

(this

HOUSE OF COMMONS.—MoNDAY, MAY 14.
The SExAnan took the chair at 4 o'clock.
PRIVATE BUSINESS.
SECOND READINGS.—Iouth Markets and Improve-
ment; Westhead's Patent (for improvements in manufac-
turing fur into fabrics) ; Bills.
REPORTS CONSIDERED. Charing-cross Bridge
(amendments of acts, powers to alter authori•ed approaches,
&c.); London Gas Light Company (amendment of act) ;
Bills.
THIRD READINGS.--Caledontan Railway (purchase
or lease of WiAaw and Celine.' Railway) ; York, New.
castle, sad Berwiek Railway and Marypor, and Carlisle
Railway (lease and amalgamation); York, Newcastle, and
Berwick Railway (Newcastle-upon-Tyne and Carlisle Rail-
way lease and amalgamation); Bills.
PUBLIC BUSINESS.
PETITIONS PRESENTED.
PARLIAMENTARY OATHS BILL.—By Sir R. H. INGLIS,
from th. clergy of the rural deanery. of Colesb ill ; Mr.
FREWEN, from places in Sussex;—against this bill.
SALARIES Or PUBLIC OFPICERS.—By Mr. J. BAILEY,
from places in Herefordshire, in favour of the proposition
for the reduction of salaries of public officers.
RELIEF TO AORICULTERE.—By Mr. J. BAILEY, from
places in Herefordshire, for Toilette agriculture.
PARmAmENTART REFORM.—By Mr. BRIGHT, from
Drayton, Eocleshall. Birelow in Sheffield, Whitburn in
Scotland; Mr. COBDEN, from Todmorden, signed by 860
persons ;—in favour of parliamentary reform.
MALT AND BOP Durum—By Mr. WOOD, from several
phase, for the abolition of thesq
GAME LAws.—By Mr. DUNCAN, from Dundee; Mr.
BRIGHT, from the Convention of Rojo' Burghs, of Scot.
land, signed by the Lord Provost of Edinburgh as chair-
man ;—for the abolition of the gams laws.
CASE or Ma. Snoßa.—By Mr. BRIGHT, from Seabam
Harbour; baptists of Wakefield; congregation of metho-
dists at Brighouse and hatters of London and Southwark;
Sir J. WALMSLEY, from a plass not heard ;—for the relief
of Mr. Shore, and for securing to all invading clergymen the
full enjoyment of civil and religious liberty.
Ramon DoNcx.—By Mr. EVANS, from Derby, against
this rent.
SHORT PARLIAMENTS.—By Sir J. WALMSLEY, from
a place not beard, for shortening the duration of par-
liaments.
TITHER—By Mr. HILDYARD, from Bridport, against
the alienation of tithes.
PUNISHMENT OP BEATR—By Lord DUNCAN, from
Bath, in favour of the abolition of this punishment.
SMITHFIELD MARIET.—By Mr. 0. GORE, from the
inhabitants of Clerkenwell, for the removal of this market.
Pa.szu Mmes.—By Mr. STANSFIELD, from a place
not heard, for the repeal of these duties.
PROTECTION TO WOMEN.—By Mr. COBDEN, from
new connexion of Wesleyan methodists at Hamlet, York-
shire, against trading in seduction.
REGISTRATION OF BIRTHS. &S., AND MARRIAGES
(SCOTLAND) BILLS.—By Col. MURE and Mr. C. BRUCE,
from places in Scotland, against these bills.

IRISH EMIGRATION.
Mr. J. O'CONNELL gave notice, that on the motion
of Mr. Muntz respecting emigration, he should substitute
that emigration, at the best, was but a partial, and most
expensive remedy for the evils of Ireland, and it was
more immediately necessary to endeavour to prevent the
emigratba of small farmers, and that the house resolve them-
selves into a committee et the whole house to consider of
further adman for the relief of distress in Ireland.

REDUCTION OF TAXATION.
Mr. DRUMMOND gave notice that on the first Tuesday
titer the holidays he would move :
That whereas a greater amount of taxation is levied upon the peo.
pie than is required for the good and efficient government of the
United Kingdom; and whereto; large suml are expended in support.
log needless places, extravagant aalaries, and unnecessary works and
eitablishroents; and whereas the present taxation of the country de.
preswa all CIV•9011, and especially the labouringclasses, by diminishing
the fund for the employment of productive labour ; is the opinion
of this house that adequate means should be adopted to reduce the
expenditure of the government.
DENMARK AND GERMANY
Mr. DISRAELI said that Its bad made inquiry of go-
vernment some time since, whether, in consequence of the
recurrence of hostilities between Denmark and Germany,
they had any objection to lay on the table the negotiations,
but the noble lord at the head of the government then
stated that, notwithstanding the recurrence of hostilities, ne-
gotiations were actually pending under the mediation of the
government for definite peace. He took this opportunity,
as some time bed elapsed, of now inquiring of government
whether these negotiations had been pursued under the me-
diation of the British crown, whether any project had been
proposed by her Majesty's government to the plenipoten-
tiaries of Denmark and the central power of Germany, and
whether the proposition, if any had been made by govern-
ment, had been accepted by both or either of those powers ?
Lord PALMERSTON said that her Majesty's govern-
ment, notwithstanding the renewal of hostilities between the
two parties, felt it their duty to omit no effort that might'
by possibility contribute, either in the first instance, to the
renewal of the armistice, or in the second, to the conclusion
of a definite treaty between the parties, and accordingly it
became his duty to make to the two parties a fresh proposi-
tion with a view to the establishment of an armistice. That
proposition was still under consideration, and he was Me
the house would feel that it would not be fitting in him
to :go into particulars as to in what degree they were
likely to be accepted by one or other of the parties,
but he could state to the house, not only was
the proposition for the renewal of the armistice under the
consideration of the parties, but also they were :in communi-
cation with the two parties, with a view to the final settle-
ment and adjustment of the question between them. He
felt that anything he might say, holding out hop", was
likely to be misunderstood by persons whose commercial in.
to rests were concerned, or to be misrepresented, if anything
happened afterwards ; that he was sure the house would ex-
cuse him from making any statement, except the fact that
they were negotiating for an armistice.
BISHOPRIC OF HONG-KONG.

Mr. B. Ogl3OltNE wished to put a question to the hon.
gentleman, the Under Secretary of State for the Colonies, of
which he bad already given him notice. In the Gazette of
F.iday night he perceived that Hong-Hong had been con-
stituted into a bishopric. It might truly be said to be the
foundation of a new Chinese see, for it .:tended 100 miles
at sea He wished to ark his hon. friend what was the
amount of salary, end from what fund it was proposed to
pay the Bishop of HongMong, or rather Bishop of Victoria?
Secondly, whether the outfit, transport, and palace of the
bishop, or any part of the expenses, were to be defrayed out
of the public exchequer of this country ?
Mr. HA.WES, in answer to the question, begged to state
that Hong-Kong had been created into \ bishopric ; that the
bishop was paid out of the colonial bishopric fund, a fund
entirely private. and arising from private contributions;
that his salary was in no degree paid out of the public
funds, nor had the Colonial-office any knowledge of his out-
fit. It had hitherto been customary to pay the passage of a
bishop, and he had no reason to suppose that the practice
would be departed from. Beyond that the public would be
put to no expense.
ANNUITY TAX (EDINBURGH).
. .

Mr. COWAN asked whether it was the intention of
government to introduce any measure in conformity with the
report as to the annuity tax in Etinburgh
Lord J. RUSSELL said that the report had been lately
received, and the propositions contained in it were under
the considera.ion of government. The report was very ably
drawn up. He could not state at present the determination
of government.
BUSINESS OF THE HOUSE.
Mr. S. WORTLEY moved that orders of the day have
precedence of notices of motions on Thursday, the 7th day of
June next. Finding it impossible to get any day for the ad-
journed debate on the Marriage Bill before the 7th of June,
and considering that this was a part of the widen in which
all Thursdays were given to the government. he did not
think it unreasonable to ask for one Thursday for the
adjourned debate.
Mr. OSBORNE moved, se an amendment, that orders of
',the day take precedence of notices of motion on Thursday,
the 14th June. Ministers, he thought, did not intend to
ring in any more bills, and there were several important
motions on the paper. The hon. member for the West Riding
had had his motion for peace arbitration on the paper for
three months.
Mr. DISRAELI begged to remind the house that the
other night, at an early hour, the hen. member for the West
Riding might have brought forward the motion, and declined
doing so. After having liberally conceded to the govern-
ment the use of these days, he thought the matter should be
leR to the good sense and feeling of the government.
Mr. HENLEY said that this was a question for the consi-
deration of the noble lord at the head of the government, for
they were in a backward state as to motions of supply. The
miscellaneous estimates were not yet laid on the table. If
the government gave way to the allegation that the measure
was of importance, the real business of the government would
be postpone' sine die.
Mr. COBDEN said that he was not called upon to bring
on his motion until a quarter past 11 o'clock, after the
honourable member for Surrey had finished his debate ;
and he put it to the hon. member whether a Trifler put 11
was a proper time to bring forward a motion oa which a
larger number of petitions had been presented than upon any
subject now before the house.
Mr.OOI3LBURN thought *stir government acceded to the
motion, they would be setting a dangerous precedent. The
house should lay down a general rule as to the days on which
notices and orders should have precedence, and adhere to it.
Lord J. RUSSELL felt great objection to the motion of
the right hon. gentleman. He had proposed to the house,
with a view to the more speedy and regular transaction of
putlic business, that alternate Thursdays should be allowed
for orders of the day and special orders of the day moved by
government. Toe house having acceded to that proposition
on the grounds which he then stated, he thought it would
not be fair to the house if they were to accede to the motirs
of the right hon. gentleman. The hon. members for Mid-
dlesex and Oxfordshire had made ern observations as to the
present state of public business. Hs begged leave, in the
tint place, to say that it was not at all to be inferred, from the
number of bills before the house, that there would be no
other bill which it would be necessary or expedient for go-
vernment to introduce. He had thought it tended more to
the despatch of public business, instead of agreeing to the re-
quest of hoe. members to bring in the bills at once, that the