The Express.
London, England, 1848-07-29 00:00:00

matters we catch occasional glimpses of the free play
of his own impulses, we are more often reminded of
the official fetters which impose constraint and
awkwardness upon those movements. His admirable
that he should etill be able to display so much of his
innate vigour, manacled as he is : but, on the whole,
the spectacle is more surprising than pleasing.
It is to this unnatural position of a liberal and in-
telligent mind—to the enthralment of the Arid, Mr.
HAwas, to the spells of the Sycorax, the Colonial-
office—that we were indebted for that rare specimen
of anti-logic, his speech on the sugar duties resole-
tons. Andthe same cause originated the singular con-
fusion of ideas which led Mr. HAWES t) adduce the
prosperous condition of Port l'hillip in proof of the
able administration of the Colonial-office. Port
Phillip is Mr. liswes• beau ideal of colonial prospe-
rity ; and Port Phillip sprang into existence in spite
of the most vigorous and pertinacious efforts of the
Colonial-office to prevent its foundation. Not a re-
verse has Port Phillip experienced but can be traced
beyond dispute to the intermeddling of the Colonial-
office. The most surprising indication of the innate
robustness of that settlement is its having survived
the repeated embarrassments imposed upon it by the
blundering meddling of the Colonial-office.
It would be invidious to dwell upon the recent self-
', contradictory displays of Mr. Ilswes. No one prac-
tical inference is to be drawn from them. But it is
of the utmost consequence that the House of Commons
should bear them in mind in pronouncing its decision
' on Sir WILLIAM Moteswoutit's motion for inquiring
into our colonial administration. We do not pretend
to coincide with Sir WILLIAM in every opinion he has
expressed, or to repose perfect confidence in every
statement he made. But we are prepared to show
that he has quite as often under-stated as over-stated
the unnecessary expense incurred by our actual sys-
tem of colonial government, and the other evils to the
colonies and mother country which proceed from it.
No person who has paid the slightest attention to
colonial affairs can doubt, that partly from erroneous
principles of management adopted at the outset,
partly from the magnitude of our colonial dominions--
which have outgrown the possibility of strict centralised
administration—an entire revision of our method of
goveru:ng the colonies is required. Mr. HAWES
admits this, notwithstanding the lavish praises
of our colonial government in which he in-
dulged to keep in good humour the bureau-
cracy with which he is linked in uncomfortable
alliance. And Mr. HAwES premien that great im-
provements shall be made if parliament only consent
to leave the task to ministers—that is to the Colonial-
office. We have entire confidence in the sincerity of
Mr. HAWES' intentions, but seeing how he is ham-
pered at every step by bureaucratic influence—seeing
how all his predecessors in office for the last fifteen
years have been similarly hampered—we have no
confidence in his power to carry them into effect.
Our colonial administration will not reform itself ; it
must he reformed by the legislature; inquiry must
precede reformation. The House of Commons must
take the task into its own hands.
It is out of the question that any material progress
can be made with the inquiry this session. Enough,
and more than enough, of business is on hand to
occupy the time which must elapse between the vote
on Sir WILLIAM MOLESWORTICS motion and the
rising of parliament. But this is no reason why the
House of Commons should not affirm immediately by
its vote the necessity of inquiry, with a view to the
entire revision of our system of colonial administra-
tion. The question as to the necessity of ineuiry
being settled, those members of the legislature upon
whom, from their knowledge of and interest in the
colonies, the conduct of the inquiry will devolve,
would thus be encouraged to commence immediately
their preparations for entering on the inquiry with
effect at the opening of next session. Notice might
be given to the Colonial-office of what information
will be required from it ; notice might be transmitted
to the colonies to forward whatever information or
suggestions they may deem of consequence previous
to the commencement of the inquiry.
Sir WILLIAM MOLE>WORTII'S motion consists of
two parts. The first simply affirms the necessity of
inquiry with a view to reform ; the second affirms
the expediency of investing the colonies with larger
powers of local administration. Both propositions
are equally true. But there is some likelihood that
the House of Commons may be brought to vote for
inquiry immediately, while is its present state of im-
perfect acquaintance with the subject it can scarcely
be hoped that a majority can be had for conferring
extended powers of local self-government ca The
colonies. We are of opinion that a vote ought to be
taken on both questions. The second is one in which
the risk of two or three minorities must be taken as
preliminaries to a majority. But it seems inexpedient
to risk the chance of obtaining a majority
for the first proposition this session by linking it
with the second, which is pretty sine to have only a
minority in its favour. It is therefore to be wished
that a division should be taken on each clause of His
motion separately; that the House of Commons should
be asked in the first place to vote an inquiry only.
This question being settled, the important subject of
colonial self-government might be advantageously
ventilated by a separate discussion and vote.

IN speaking of the nefarious hoax which was
played on Thursday through the electric telegraph of
Liverpool upon the press, and through the press upon
the public, we laid a groat portion of the blame on the
stupidity of the person in charge of the electric tele-
graph. After a full knowledge and careful considera-
tion of all the circumstances, however, we must admit
that those in charge of the telegraph are no wise to
bl ime. They merely transmitted what they received,
and gave their authority. The culpability lies with
the knaves who tricked the newspaper agents.