The Express.
London, England, 1849-02-05 00:00:00

the erprefso.

The mails for Medeirs, the Brazil; sad imam Lyme, will be
maids ay this medic the belt Fels
The mans he Vain Owes. Lig Madeira, Cede, sad flibraltaz
wlu to made up en the Menke et the 7th Feb.
The math, Ms lalemellies, to the Mediterranean, Rapt, Adea,
plan.Ca bad* liesoZiam, he., will be mode tip au the evening
of hth Feb.
The malls ter BMW North Amerka,__sal the Milted Metes
will be made ep en We amine et the
Zw wan~e torlag the West ONO at Maim adWedeln will be made
ap
es the of the 11th Tek
Ihe We Isla Mal* aid* Beres la, Naomi, Manna,
New Odom, mad Nests% sad li:eluding those for
.Inesele.laimrsai my New Brunch, Chill, sod Fern, will
be sale up maths ammlim di the 11111 T.
The midi Ike OMmeler, *seek the lonian Islands. E
Id" Oeplea, llempaima sad Mae. via boutlssuaptakffirt
M made spas the moraine ef the Seth Feb.
The weft for New Soma Wales, Van Direian'a land, sad New
Zealand will be made up ea the swabs of the 28th Feb.

•: Advartiemse.
be et tbe slam,

TO CORRIMPONDENTS.
liateaded fur Tlsa Ewen,- Laudon evenlne papry, mast
D, Dimmed' street, by Two o'clock up Ow day uf publication

MGR WATER AT LONDON BRIDOP.
Tate DAT —MaralAg, 0 I. pat 0, ARensooa, YI mla past 0;
Teldasaaw —Manias, NWm WS 0; Altanao.m.2o put 1.

LONDON, MONDAY, FEB. 5.

Ir Lord PALMERSTON can prove that his media-
tions, undertaken at the demand of both belligerent or
differing parties, were carried out for the sole pur-
pose of pacifying them, there is no voice that would
not be raised in praise of such a policy and such an
attempt, even if unsuccessful. And indeed, England
having attained an extent of empire, and a degree of
wealth and power, as much as a country
can wield,—being fully secure in her do-
minions and her colonies from aggression—
having espoused the principle of free trade,
by which sheforswears any attempt not only to favour
one country more than another, but even to make any
difference in her own favonr,—this country too having
at the same time its public aced political opinion di-
vided between a love of constitutional freedom and a
dread of popular licentiousness, which makes us
favour liberal progress abroad, but at the same time
time deprecate precipitate revolution—all these cha-
racteristics and this position render England pecu-
liarly fitted to be the trusted and unprejudiced
arbiter between warring nations or even between
cot tending races.
England has in fact divested itself of all those great
passions and hostile motives, which impel nations
to war, to aggression and intrigue. It covets no
territory, seeks to grasp no trade by violence. It feels
now so certain that liberal principles can progress of
themselves, that it declines to stretch even to them a
helping hand, having had the experience, too, in Spain
and elsewhere that freedom is worth little to a
country, which that country does not win for itself.
The English are, therefore, no propagandists.
The country having thus outgrown and got rid of
the common motives for ambition, even the great
ones, it behoves a government not only to feel and act
in accordance with this new phase of public senti-
ment, but it behoves them to throw aside small mo-
tives of ambition as well as great. By small motives
of ambition we mean petty and party dislikes to this
or that form of government abroad—to this or that
dynasty—this or that treaty.
For example, there are a set of politicians in parlia-
ment who cannot abide France since it got rid of the
elder Bourbons, and who anathematise Louis
PHILIPPE in the same breath with CAVAIGNAC, and
who can not tolerate the idea of England. being
friendly with France until Frenchmen put on the
wigs and queues, the breeches and buckler, of the last
century. There are other men who think the Orleans
family the paragons of princely rule. There are
others, again, who abhor the hones of Bourbon, and
would think it a great achievement to drive
it from every throne. The Indians have a
strong tendency to worship as their idol
the ugliest figure that can be carved from the heaviest
material; and so we have political Ilindoos amongst
us who worship the house of Austria, and who exult
in seeing thoneands of victims sacrificed to this
idolatry.
Now, what we must do is to forbid and banish all
such small sad personal, and fantastic and hideous
motives from those entrusted with the management
of our foreign policy. And it is to be feared
that we shall never do this until we
an get rid of the old schools of whig
and tory. Since 1815 foreign ministers of these
parties have alternated in office ; one minister lean-
ing to a renewal of the holy alliance, another to the
formation of a constitutional league in the west
against it. This last scheme, however hopeful in
project, became in practice as absurd as the other.
IFrence and England having quarrelled, first in
Syria and then in Spain, rendered the pursuit of
such a policy impracticable. And why did
they quarrel? For those petty and personal reasons

which we denounce. It was not for any really great
object of ambition, but for those small objects and in-
oompatibilities which still actuate courts and aristo-
cratic parties, alter the great public of nations
has ceased to care about them.
There is ow of these smaller motives which we can-
not but wain to have bad great influence in the
late sets of diplomacy. This is, our undertaking a
certain intatisreaus, lest some other power
should step in and undertake it, and so
diminish oar inflame, or supersede our activity.
Thus when Denmark and Holstein quarrelled. and
Prussia backed Holstein, we hastened to interfere—
lest, forsooth, Russia should be beforehand with us,
and secure its permanent influence in the islands and
peninsula of Denmark. Well, we interfered and me-
diated, bat so ineffectually that Russia actually did
step in, and has secured the very thing that we wished
to avoid.
Then again in Lombardy we intervened, telling
Austria we did so to prevent France from bursting
over the Alps—telling France we d:d so in order to
screen her from an European coalition—and giving
hopes at he same time to the north Italians that we
favoured those rising independence". We did no-
thing that we promised, and all three partite accuse
us at this moment of either betraying, or having
tried to betray them. And the upshot of all this is
a congress about to be held at Brussels. Is any
thing but the status quo expected from this congress ?
Or can Lord PALMERSTON himself pretend that it
is other than a mock mediation ?

On the Sicilian question, it is difficult to pro-
nounce, till the papers are before the public. Humanity
is a good motive, but can we afford to keep a
fisetintheMediterranean forthe mere endsof htimanity?
This, at least, is evident, that both the court of Austria
and the court of Naples desired oar mediation, in
order to make better terms with their rebellious sub-
jects, as long u they had no hope of reducing
those subjects by force of arms. But as soon
as the ebb of the revolutionary tide and the
flow of military saxes! restored them their
hopes, then they sought to fling our mediation aside.
Nor did they ask for it at first but to make a cloak of
it, and use it as the means of lulling the resentments
and benumbing the energies of the liberals and of
their local resistance. We are confident that the me-
diation of Franoe and England did much to unnerve
the Milanese ; and yet France and England to-
gether have been unable to persuade the Austrians
to display, even in their own interest, some shadow
of leniency or humanity in the land they have re-
conquered. Better far would it have been for us, and
for all parties, if we had remained utter strangers to
a contest in which no honour has been gained, no
principle advanced, and in which we earned nothing
beyond the ill-will and obloquy of every party.
We cannot dismiss the subject without congratu-
lating Lord PALMERSTON, not merely on the great
ability of hie speech, but upon his somewhat altered
tone. This year he does not rise indignant at the
reduction of military or naval force, nor does he appeal
from the economists of parliament to the hot blood of
the " services." Instead of following Lord JOHN in
taunting the reform party, Lord PALMERSTON ad-
dressed himself to his more natural enemies, the pro-
tectionists, and seemed to feel, what even whiggism
might yet do, had it the sincerity or the pluck.

THE petitions and memorials of the Australian co-
lonists have not been entirely fruitless. The Colonial-
office has been moved. A bill for establishing legis-
lative councils in all the British colonise on the Aus-
tralian ;continent and Van Diemen's Land has been
prepared—is, we are informed, sufficiently matured to
be presented to parliament immediately. The first
part of the measure is said to be conceived in a
broad and liberal spirit, but there are a number of
petty provisoes and conditions appended to it
which will go far to neutralise its good tffects. This
boon from the Colonial-office to Australia reminds one
irresistibly of the guineas which good Mrs. Prin.rose
gave her daughters for pocket money, with strict in-
junctions never to change or spend them.
In the first place, the erection of Port Phillip into
a separate and independent colony under the name
of Victoria is provided for ; as also the establishment of
elective 1 in Victoria, Van Diemen's Land,
and South Australia; and the introduction of one
into Western Australia as soon as a petition shall be
presented, signed by not lees than one-third of the
resident householders, praying that it may be estab-
lished, and provision made for charging each part of
the civil expenditure as has been hitherto defrayed by
parliamentary grants upon the colonial revenue. The
provisions for instituting and conducting the first elec-
tions,.for terminating the authority of the Governor
and council of New South Wales over the Port Phillip
district, and for transferring legislative authority from
the bodies in which it is now vested, in the other colo-
nies, to the new elective councils, are ample and ap-
parently sufficient. The crotchet of a central Austra-
lian congress exercising a certain control over these
provincial legislatures has been abandoned. Power
is given to the legislatures to alter and amend the
mode of election, the distribution of the representation,
&c., from time to time as experience may show ne-
canary. In short, had the project stopped here, leaving
the new legislatures to manage the affairs of their rt-
spective communities without let or impediment, it
would have been unexceptionable. But such simple
and rational legislation is beyond the comprehension
of the Colonial Office.

One of the appended provisions, indeed, is
unexceptionable. The new legislatures are autho-
rised to par whatever enactments they may
deem expedient for the better administration
of justice, by defining the constitution of courts
of law and equity and juries anything to the
contrary in the Charter of Justice or any act of
the imperial legislature notwithstanding. This pro-
viso will prevent chicane and special pleading with a
view to frustrate law reforms 111 the colonies by
raising technical difficulties out of acts of parliament
legislative functions
might have appeared uncalled for, and even danger.
ous, inasmuch as the phraseology of the clause con-
ferriag the power may possibly be wrested so as to
limit it.
One additional provision of very questionable expe-
diency is that which goes to perpetuate in all the
colonies the arrangement by which one-third of the
members of the legislative council of New South
Wales are appointed by the crown—that is, by minis-
ters or the governors. The obvious intention of this
arrangement is to increase the power of Downing-
street, and to render the legislative councils a lees
faithful expression of public opinion in the colonies.
At present every civil appointment in the British
colonies exceeding the yearly value of 3001. is con-
ferred by government. With the direct nomination
of one-third of the legislative council of a colony, and
each an amount of patronage to dispose of, govern-
ment calculates upon securing manageable legislatures.
It has not proved so in New South Wales. Public
suspicion was aroused by the arrangement, and the
result was that the government nominees being re-
peatedly left alone in minorities with the whole of
the elective members on the other aide, Sir GEORGE
Glees, resolute not to yield to public opinion, was
obliged to dissolve the that council prematurely. Nor
did he gain anything by the dissolution. The obvious
desire of government to give the appearance without
the reality of representative institutions would
of itself have called into existence a powerful
opposition, and it rendered that which already existed
irresistible. There is no middle way between despot-
ism and really popular institutions : when a repre-
sentative legislature is to be given to a colony, it
ought to be given in good faith and without reserva-
tion.

But more objectionable thin even this equivocating
policy are the powers proposed to be reserved to the
government in matters of finance. Notwithstanding
the warning examples afforded by Guiana and Jamaica
of the mischievous effects of a fixed civil list, placed
beyond the control of the local legislatures, the bill
conferring representative institutions on the Australian
colonies contemplates the introduction and perpetua-
tion of this element of discord in them. It is ex-
pressly provided that the civil lists of Victoria
and Western Australia shall be maintained at their
present amount after they come to be derived exclu-
sively from local taxation. The salaries of governors
and judges are to be unalterable ; the sums appro-
priated to other offioers aad to establishments on the
civil list may be reduced by the governor without the
interposition of the council, and all such savings are
to be appropriated to purposes of government in the
colony at the sole pleasure of the crown. A state-
ment of such expenditure is to be submitted to the
legislative councils, bat they are not empowered to
object to it or even criticise it. The regulation of the
expense and mode of collecting and managing the

receipts from customs ditties is reserved to the cora-
missioners of the imperial treasury ; au arrangement
which, now that all duties except for purposes ef
revenue are to cease in the colonies, can have no
practical utility, and may materially interfere with
economy of collection and due control over revenue
on the part of the local legislatures. The power of
auditing the customs accounts of each colony is ow
vested in the imperial treasury. In connection with this
subject, the clause exempting the regulations for the
salsand appropriation of crown lands from the leghle.
tie. authority of the councils requires notice. Were the
proceeds of the sale of crown lands entirely and excite-
aivelyapprpriated to colonising operatione,thie would
be quite right ; but as the Land-sales Act leaves a
moiety of them to be appropriated to the general ex.
penditnre of government, it is highly objectionable.
The sole end and aim of all these provisoes, is to
withdraw a large portion of the local
revenue from the control of the colonial legislatures;
to provide a fund at the exclusive disposal of the
governors that may enable them to carry on the gee
vernment in defiance of the representatives ; and to
continue a certain amount of patronage in the handy
of the home government.
The next proviso that calls for animadversion is
that which empowers the crown to grant charters of
incorporation to ecclesiastical bodies of all denomina-
tions, charters which may invest one such corporate
body with privileges in several colonies. This is to
create in every colony imperia in imperio, and will be
a fruitful and irritating source of collisions between
the local legislatures and the imperial government.
The last proviso to which it seems necessaty to
direct attention at present is only of importance sa
indicating the temper which animates the framers of
the measure under consideration. Sows time ago we
had occasion to remonstrate against the high-handed
manner in which the constitutional rights of the colo-
nise of Van Themen'e Land were set aside in a matter
of local taxation. A clause is proposed to be intro.
dnced into the bill " for the better government of the
Australian colonies," to " remove doubts as to certain
taxes" imposed by the governor and Council of
Van Diemen's Land. This is going out of
the way to confer a character of legality
upon taxes which have been decl,red illegal
by the courts of law, for no practical purpose.
These taxes will be either duly enacted, or others
substituted in their place by the new Council. The
clause will not bring one penny into the local ex.
chequer. It is a gratuitous insult to the inhabitants
and the bench of the colony. . .

The measure which government have prepared
for introducing representative legislatures into the
Australian colonies proposes, in the first place, to
bestow such institutions ; and, in the second plies,
by introducing a non-representative element into the
councils, by neutralising their financial power, and by
abridging their legislative au.hority, to reader
them as inefficient as possible. The measure, if
passed in the form it has at present assumed, will
be a gain for the colonies. It will give the colonists
enough of power to enable them to extort more. But
it will only enable them to obtain real representative
and responsible government by a protracted se, in of
irritating struggles against the imperial government
It will, therefore, be most detrimental to the mother
country by introducing. relations pf antagonism be-
tween it and the colonies, which are sure to render
these settlements less useful while the struggles con.
tinue, and are all but certain to lead eventually
to a hostile separation.

THE Times has become quite a prodigy in the way
of discoveries. Last week it ascertained, by means of
a magnifying glass, of a long ear, and a love of mar•
tial deeds, that a great battle had been fought in the
streets of Paris, and a stupendous victory gained,
no earthly person having heard of either battle or
victory, or even a broken head, save and except the
Times.

The great journal has indeed but to throw oat its
net into any waters, be they French or Irish, or even
the narrow stream of the Thames, and it is sore to
catch and bring to land an enormous conspiracy, if
not a flagrant insurrection.
And each is the sagacity of this professional fisher
in troubled waters that not only can he invent the
monster, where there is none, then hook or
net him, and bring him to land, but he can tell
you at once his nature, his genus, and can describe
without anatomy the peculiar organisation, nay, the
affections and motives, of the new fish.
Thus, if an Irish whale, of the insurrectionary species,
be stranded in the columns of our contemporary, these
skilful anatomists, who use their pen for scalpel, will
I have dived in a trice into the animal and will tell
you that his floundering and his getting aground was
owing to the quantity of Celtic blubber about his
heart.

It is to Manchester of late, that the Times has been
chiefly turning its attention. The agitation that
ruffles the surface of South Lancashire, and indeed of
all the manufacturing districts, attracts its piece-47
zeal. Were it possible to mistake or misrepresent their
movement, the Tinges would no doubt do it. Were
it possible to suppose disaffection, or conspiracy, or red
or white republicanism, we should soon have the idea
realised, and the monster caught in the extraordinary
occurrences of the Times. Bat there is no handle, no
possibility. The movement is a middle class one ; it is
not the chopping sea of mere popular agitation, but the
long and large Atlantic swell, in which the entire
middle class lifts itself as one, with such an ocean
roar of retrenchment that the limes, for all its speak-
ing trumpets, has not even a chance of being heard ;
and therefore it turns to join in a cry and a clamour,
which it is its secret aim to resist and put down.
All the attempts of the limes to fish in these vast
waters have thus been vain. It can make nothing of
them. It is clean carried away by the tide, the
swell, and the noise. Its line is useless, and its
net too torn and tangled to catch even a sprat. It
has its scalpel, however, and can lacerate and anato-
mise those whom it pretends to herd with and to love,
and though unable to make discovery of things, or
bring to light new monsters, it can fish for motives,
and if it can find small causes for great actions it is
happy.
The last discovery has been made in this way, of
searching for motives. It has been contemplating
the career of the Manchester leaders. It has singled
out Mr. COBDEN, and subjected him to that kind of
handling which a cat gives to a mouse, seeming to
fondle, whilst determined to crunch, and treating
every now and then as a pet what it was all along
greedy to devour as a victim.
With respect to Mr. COBDEN the Times has made
a brilliant discovery. The only misfortune is that it
is not a new discovery. And we have heard it made
of half-a-dozen eminent men by foppish observers. It
was said of BENTHAM, and was repeated of O'CoNolzus
that their radicalism, in other words their de-
nunciation of aristocratic ascendancy, was owing to
their "having failed in London society." We really
thought that silver f,rk school of Brum-
melian philosophy was extinct. Since the explosion
of the fashionable novel, and the substitution for
it of the plain and keen sense of DICKENS and
of THACKERAY; we did not think that any
one would have sought to re-erect in politics that
dynasty of dandyism, which not only has been de-
throned, but forgotten in literary and in private life.
The limes is surely not so superannuated as to be un-
conscious that the race of political augurs is extinct,
and the last of political wits expired with poor
CHARLES BULLER; that the reign of Holland House
is no more ; that the periodicals which still
issue from aristocratic cliques are the emptiest
and most uninfluential of organs; that exclusivener
is nowadays but another name for dulness, and that
those of the English aristocracy who maintain intel-
lectual rank have acquired it by descending to the
common walks of every day life. Has the Carlton
any monopoly of wit, or Brookee's of intelligence?
And where, pray, is this mysterious London society,
the want of whose aristocratic countenance is calcu-
lated to drive to despair a gentleman of mature yes,
of family and studious habits, of first-rate gonna
and success as an orator and a politician ?
Only imagine Barmiest flinging himself into the
Thames because he did not go to Court, O'CONNELL
teeming with envy because not invited to dance a
quadrille at Devonshire House, or Mr. COBDEN burst-
ing with spleen because unasked to play a knights
part with LOUIS NAPOLEON in the Eglintoun tourna-
ment.
Mr. COBDEN started from manufacturing into poli-
tical life by a pamphlet against the warlike folly of
the minister of that day. His first word was a pro-
test against soldiering. From this Mr. COBDEN was
diverted to a tea years' war against corn monopoly.
And this object attained, Mr. COBDEN returns to his
original idea, his first love, his dislike not only to
seethe money of the industrious go to pay soldiers, but

M area paha' 'sink* inflasased by military
Mdse sad ideem prevail ever a public opinion
Weal out of iatellestaal aad industrial
Was How was the last bias war rendered
but by the provaham of military
And what readers those military Uses pre-
vski bat the number of men sal Imam lateeested
is salary 11k, with Wean, advemnarat, &Mew
amiss, in &Pemba epos UP -- go
samtlywho to military mem sad anteaspet Is.
Ast can doubt, that rellary
tuna sad this...tette sagas intermitted hafts hr the
rho gown sillies& sad for their being spat fa
imatrary hake "The el htarnweeillioas you spend,"
said Mr. CaiDiN, ain men, make fight-
lag men more hehionable .omsty—they manage to
give a tens to society—they make it worth the while
of journals to write or them.' Exactly. This is the
thing complained of—this is the fashion that is so
ex naive, the tone of society which meta
reform and retrenchment at defiance. Mr.
Coeur+ expos!. this cosepialas of this
denounces this, in order to remove, to discontinue, to
counteract it. His motives, as a public man, are
plain t..ugh, Heaven know.. But the Times can
ere in t em nothing but the mortification of a dandy
seinvitrd to a ball, or of a courtier gamed over at a
laves.

1:1Ch are the judgments formed by our contempo-
rary of public life and public men in England!

FBANKFORT, JL. SI.
The Praulaagovermases mote of the 23rd inst.
is a demount of the greeted hapertaaes. As is all
nmaiketese that swats hem the ablaut of Berlin,
may mid is weighed, end it is fall et mate' reser-
vations sad orrisropmas. Defteesik k ea appeal
to the Gonna gotammob to dealer* their
opidsmaef the omatitallea
pro Ia
eigiesipl the Prankfort
making this the Premien
Wto Wait deer two mania In
regielailmist Oese It had to evade a meopillea oleo
right et ike Mined Amembly to give a mankation
to Chem end nest it Who beware, while essset-
is
the et the German governments, of aiming
into with pal& The Premise
diplosamg hes, is a style, held its way
safely barrow Sees seeds--its Scylla sad Cheadle.
The Premien melba mains itself, in the Bret piece,
to establish a eialm arm popular iraiitaak by the
some it has paned towards the Fresh:Sart Assem-
bly. It prams to attach great importance to the
Assembly's Mears; protests that it bee shrank from
main their remit with a simple negative; recog-
nises the right of the German nation to attempt
to incorporate itself ender the egis of a cowmen con-
@Guidon ; vows that the Berlin cabinet bas dons its
utmost to protect the Frankfort Amenably from
thwarting indusaose in its discharge of this task.
After this boastful enumeration of services rendered
to the Assembly and national unity, credit is
,!aimed for the Prussian government for having
without opposition yielded the exercise of the central
authority to an Austrian prince for some time. But
in all this not a word is said of the Assembly's right
to frame a conatitatioa for Germany : care up taken
to avoid • recognition of the sovereignty of the
Assembly; it is tacitly assumed that the court of
Berlin has done all that can be required cf it in yield-
ing to the necessity of the times, and seeking to tarn
that yielding to account in promoting its own
hate/eds.

Turning next to the German governments and
princes, Prussia cajoles them, by assuming the tone
of an impartial mediator, persuading them to yield to
the wishes of the National Assembly. Austria is
first appealed to. Prussia taking upon itself to ex-
press the sentiments of bolo powers, declares that
Prussia and Austria regard the Germanic confedera-
tion as still existing ; Prussia swears by all the gods
that Austria will and must remain part and parcel of
Germany. Bat on second thoughts Prussia admits
that there are great difficulties in the way of Austria
entering into an incorporating union, such as is as-
sumed to be contemplated by the other German go-
vernments ; and that, perhaps, it will be better for
Austria to remain allied to Germany by a less inti-
mate connexion. This is merely the system of
Gagien, or rather the Prussian system, which Gagern
has adopted, *spewed in other word.. The phraseo-
logy is varied to render it less repulsive.
Austria being thus civilly bowed out, the Prussian
note proceeds to address the rest of the German
princes end governments. It invitee them to draw
up separately their criticisms of the const.tution, and
submit them for the consideration of the National
Assembly. The governments have partially asserted
a right to aimeryt or reject the constitution; but Prussia
advises them, instead of doing this, to argue the details
of the constitution with the Assembly. This has the
appearance of a greet concession on the part of Prussia
and the other governments. Bat the concession is not
meant to extend beyond the civility of arguing the
question. For the note goes on to remind the govern-
ments that after being civil enough to discuss the mat-
ter they have still the right either to aco. pt or reject,
and that rejection will come with a better grace after
argument.
Finally, as for the imperial crown, Prussia rejects
it. But it adds that it will accept no " position" that
can be offered it without the consent of the other Ger-
man governments; and that with their consent it is
ready to undertake any task that Germany may im-
pose upon it. lam no diplomatist, bat if any woman
should reject my addressee after this Prussian fa-
shion, I would venture to interpret the repulse into
an invitation to be a little more pressing.
Still, after this note has been stripped of all its co-
quetry.and mrnauderis, it is impossible to deny its
great importance. Prussia, the greatest (German)
power of Germany, declares itself ready to submit its
remarks on the Frankfort constitution for the consider-
ation of the National Assembly, and invites all the
princes and governments of Germany to follow its ex-
ample. All the spiders' webs which the policy and
diplomacy of Prima have spun round this " great
fact "do not change its nature. The concession is an
immense stride towards the establishment of the
German constitution. The rest of the Oermaitio
powers will follow the example of Prussia, if it were
only to prevent it from snatching the imperial crown.
The nation will gain by this rivalry and this is the
reason why I once more repeat, " Never despair of
Germany.' Everything concurs to urge the nation
along the path which leads to unity, and those who
seek to jostle and turn her aside will but accelerate
her progress.

MALTA, JAN. 28.—The French government
steamer Cum Slim arrived here on the 23rd from Tanis. Ow
of the Bey's ministers, Bea Ayet, came in bee, for what paw
pose is not known.—A paper has been circulate! through
the city, reminding the citizens of the expected arrival of
Dr. Bowing here, and announcing that a " present" is to
be made to him, to testify the " sense of the indelible grati-
tude felt by our hearts."—H.M. steamer Merin arrived at
8.30 p.m. with the Indian mails from Alexandria. The Post"
Mace immediately toned • natl.* that the mails for Marseilles
by H.M. steamer Medusa would close at 9 p.m.: the letters
are this moment delivered. The wind is now blowing a
Worm N.W. gala, so that the Medusa will make bat little
Kosiregra —Dr. Ails., R.N.. formerly in charge of the naval
here, died es the 13th, at the advanced age of 95.
The Preach steamer League arrived this morning from
Marseilles with Paris papers to the 17th, bat net a single
PAO& paper or latter.
RIO -DE LA PLATA.—A few days' later
iatelli-
ge hem been temived in Liverpool from Ruses Apes,
but the news is devoid of interest.

COLONIAL.
SOUTH AUSTRALIA.

Tn NSw REGIME.—We In in receipt of SW
ef the Adelaide ne espapen far the whole of the mouth
etAtlpat,lB4B. They contain se ware recent intellipaie
than we have previously published, hut ths present is a mere
Papists view of the eiseweetsewe mar whisk the
mat of the colony bed Lora teephered hen Oalei lobe
to Er H. F. Young. Ws Mari leaded set Pen A.1.1.M.
es the atiewleg of the lad el August. Dina Robe leek
lean if lbe Legislative Cann ea the Imam of thee day.
A INN= had beeapwialei hew a narmeses and
PO left al esinkle Willag to the Waste Lead=
the Woe the Osman, paying that es the as.
saw wall puladise the interests of the Ittiftet.
bias don -Weld be gives Az its sompilm Go:
wirier Robe seheetpeattp irtl..te6 tbat the bill
as rind was ready he aPM seadieg. Major 0' Hal.
levee POPP to that sad bake when in th. face of Ps
Crjust pisewied. Hie tracy said it rested with
eme i Nam was aft ready to pass the bill ho would
Late Ile lb -averse, This Ida% was resetwel la Phew,
sad ease a gases his irdissey spin bathe ebserv-
kg PM a the areas of the bia ded not sum ft meet their
Pewee be nose this. I etelbserd for the present simices,
sad leave I Pr his seacesue le duel with; sad la papas-
tat thaw lather halms Neil be peeesded with, sad.
taielft have of the Cleuselle he w lap that in
whoever pee ef the wield bipighl bet shoal ever feel
a destsegeleifilieg POPP in Sea. APPAL It was their
e be bees their lot wide wee Pe inert colonies
la th.wePle sal le was their Pia Pales If they did not get
se. le am (Pe umbels the Conoco,
mi the createbedtviduslly. bola wreathe sad
plasm eellegthithig P,e inks tali had die.
valved ea bhp miler the appointment d her Ma-
jesty, he looked to his soverelps slew fat any wpm*
slots of appebetion.—The Council then adjourned
sin is.. In the altarneos Sir H. F. Yews was ewers to
°See; sod the fact was forthwith sonowased la a Gan*
extreerdinsey '• as also that ea &awake govermeas, he
kid eidaiaistered the oaths el care to Mr. A. M. Milady
se what& etermagy ; Mr. W.. SaMie se
sad Mr. B. C. Trap es sarveyer geetweLteand y
as address wee presented to the new emcee, signed by
160 hada( caleshls. Ia this address it was obi
We duke aimo sepsess Ire Majesty% repewelativem fhb
We tieur M.ri deissie Welk to bar most isiss. geeesey.
na up Or these ballep. .rasarNgaswaAwitbe
arentbrei on amen nee On her sererel se ow
ere panel pelellepe seenl= we
by eve Ow
hiberneelnert
Greet lane; r we stint, are Inns le her
mew eelnete Me Mann. • bar vain ana peer•
the ale role by year liellirsap cis $ roma lek M
pOM la
Inlti• Purse of his reply Sir Henry observed
Ina , vet ionized with bop, I wash the radissnen d
Pler seder Meiners. he the ter at bra tin
apumbigge. wry Unable pow le be Ss sew et ay
Palk slide to penile in Inlamb gt an& Antele.pc ewe=
asset het Warn waketaity same by Ps dime demsser el
wpm, PP Pik Ps warefole pdit limed ri sy sea 4 era
Ite le disewe te washy thle ail Pe. Let au lawyer, lisse
aid set d dlikawismaset—ihn
WM le Mail zemesereil eel rawer
Ithwelaiperimmgle Os pow awl Yaw as
Pierrere emiesee
POD *dr eves Awl assileasass sa-
cs !ear =eat gra 611
sis
1.6111 WhielitieL
oppe,Bll=lplee estiskeePwide) losinrotLie
111111 el Ps veer rabid lr sits or wawa
pones WPM Pny. SNOW* ezintette