The Express.
London, England, 1847-03-17 00:00:00

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*IMO end England only came forward aft, .- that lint ...
rto the other powers I have named Now 1 will
the house to ths first protocol not he cant', react held en
question, a protocol which was nt inv.,' hy me, but by
Earl of Aberdeen. This protocol recce-4% the manner he
the subject of the Netherlands was brooght under the
esnaideration of the five powers; viz., France, Austria,
Great Britain, Prussia, and Russia, on the Iwo Norember,
MO. It states that his Majesty the King - f the Nether-
lands, having invited the fire great power. I have named,
ha their character of signing powers, not of ~,y inserted or
"operate treaty, but of the treaties of Par's and Vienna,
which established the kingdom of the Netherland', to deli.
berate in concert with his Majesty ~‘ to the best
omens of putting an end to the, disturbemne
which had taken place in his k‘iiedom. Here
there was no inserted treaty. The tr, ity of Paris
bears date 1814—that of Vienna 1815: and aby was it that
them five great I,owers were alone the path, :. to whom the
emotion was ref rred ? Why, because the ling of the Nis-
therLods mooted and made an appeal to to. m in order to
settle disturbances and differences which hail taken place in
his territory. The appeal was made, not to the three but
the five powers by whom the kingdom of the Netherlands
had been constituted, and by whom the separe•mn which took
piece was effected. That separation was in ...rim conformity
with the stipulations under which the kingdom had been
constituted. The noble lord opposite (Lord G. Bentinek)
bad assumed that to this arrangement the live powers did
we, for a considerable time, agree,—that the arrangements,'
to the partition of the Netherlands was ma i, originally by
France and England only, and that it was o..iy after a time
that Kuria, Austria, and Prussia agreed to that which had
previously been arranged. But if the nol.:e lord would
look at the treaty of the 15th November, 1,31, he would
find that the arrangement under which Belgium
and Holland had been separated was signed by all the five
powers on the same day, and that one power agreed to it as
soon as another. I say, therefore, that it appears to me lobe
' perfectly dear, from the documents to which I have appealed,
I that the extinction of Cracow as a free state, and its annexe-
lion to Austria. is a manifest violation of the treaty of Vienna.
(Hear, hear.) But then I may he lake.', if such is
lay opinion, why I should feel any hesitation in
acceding to the proposal of my hononralile friend the
member for Montrose to record that opinion as a resolution
of this house. The ground oa which I objeet to do this has
already been stated by my hon. friend at the head of the
government. That ground was, that if thin house did take
up the foreign affairs of this country, and come to resolutioas
of such grave importance as that now premised, it is not
fitting that such resolutions affecting foreign powers
should be passed unless it was intended that they should
be followed up by some more active and decisive
measures. It would not be consistent with the dignity of
the house or the honour of the country to allow such resole-
dons to paw without following them with I ...her proceed-
loge- (Hear, hear.) We hare already sta-e.l our opinion
that, in the ease of Cracow, the treaty of Vi. nos has been
violated, and in the name of her Majest2, the executive
government has communicated to the parties concerned,
as well as to the house, to protest against the proceeding.
It is justly argued that an acknowledgment li, , his house ora
speech from the throne leaves the house perk-oily unfettered
as to the course it should pursue. But, on if., other hand,
it was said by my noble friend (Lord J. Russell), the dimes
of the house on any passage of a speech is a eutficient acqui-
escence in the views which it propounds. Believing, there-
fore, that this motion is unnecessary, it is ins intention to
move "the previous question" upon ills first rem-
tuna'. It is a resolution which it is impossible
for me, with the opinions I entertain on this
subject, to meet by a direct negative—(loud cries of " Hear,
hear, from the back ministerial beuche- , --and I shall,
therefore, propose that the question be not put. But then
comes the second resolution. Admitting that there has beta
a violation of treaty, does that violation rel, rso this country
from its obligations to pay the Russo-Dutell loan? My
opinion decidedly is that it does not. (Hear, hear.) I
think that if members will only look at the conventions
either of 1815 or of 1831, it will be clearly shown to them that
the extinction of the state of Cracow would tint justify um in
impending our payments on account of that loan. Let us
bete at the origin of the engagement ? At the end of the
war it was generally allowed that the greater powers of Ea-
sego, which had made the rester sacrifices to ).ring the warto
la conclusion, ought to receive some compensation from the
entailer powers, which were materially benewiied. Now, an
sovereign was more benefited by the result ot the war ltan
the then prince sovereign of the Netherlands. Not only
was he restored to his position on his throne, hut his territory
was greatly increased in extent ; it WS, strengthened
lay numerous fortifications, and confirmed by en-
gagements on the part of the allies to come to his
'sentence in case of attack. It was thought. therefore, that
Holland ought to contribute considerably towards the ex-
incurred by the greater powers; but, at the Congreesof
re'm
neraa, Austria and Prussia consented to w Ave any claim
on that country in favour of Russia, which power had raised
in Holland a loan to enable her to prosecute the war. It
was agreed, accordingly, that the compensatina to be made
by Holland should be made to Russia alone, Holland taking
upon herself the payment of the interest and sinking fund of
the loan which Russia had raised in the Netherlands.
But then there was another transaction going on at the same
time between the Netherlands and this country. It was
considered very desirable that Great Britain aiould retain in
her own hands several of the colonial dependencies which
she had taken from the Dutch—among others the Cape of
Good Hope, Demerara, Berbice, and E. sequilio—and it was
thought fair that in compensation for the los, of these colo-
nies we should waist the kingdom of the Nether.
lands by bearing half the burden of the debt which
she incurred. The result was that it was determined
by the congress that England and Holland aliould go shares,
half and half, in taking upon themselves till' interest and
sinking fund of the loan, Russia had raised in Holland ; and
in order to make this arrangement the more permanent, a
condition was added to it that in the event nf Belgium at
any time being sepias ed from Holland, the payment of the
debt, on the part of Holland and England, 'should cease,
and the burden should fall back upon Rui-iii dose. The
object of that arrangement principally era, that Romig
should have an interest in maintaining the arrangement
respecting the union of Holland and Belgium, which the
other great powers considered desirable with i view to the
maintenance of the balance of European power. But then,
sir, tame the revolution, which was followed by the 'opera-
tion of Belgium from liolland—a separation to which this
country reluctantly consented, but which was necessary in
order to avoid a European war. But at the time this occur-
rence took place Russia was prepared with hi r contingentof
00,000 men to prevent, if necessary, the disunion of the two
states. It was on the representation of the other great powers
*man, abstained from employing those forees.hut having been
so prepared, in compliance with the terms ot the treaty, and
having abstained from interference in come quence of the
representation' of the other powers, it would manifestly
have been unjust to inflict upon Russia the penalty of an
await which came to pass in consequence ot no lashes upon
her part, but solely in consequence of the representation of
the other states. A new convention was at this time mad*,
In order to adapt the terms of the original convention to
the new state of things which had arisen in Holland.
One oldie arrangements under that new convention was,
Mat England should continue to make this payment.
Sends, on her part, substituted a new engagement :
for, whereas by the original convention she had bound her-
self never to consent to the separation of Belgium from Hol-
land, she now bound herself (that separation having taken
place) to this engagement—that if, by the COIIIIO of events,
the independence or neutrality of Belgium ,hould ever be
put in danger, she would not enter into any new engage-
most with foreign states, relative to Belgium, without the
consent and concurrence of Great Britain. Itut then, air, it
is said that in this new convention certain words were altered.
(Hear, hear, from Mr. Hume.) Those words occurred in
the preamble, and no one can state better than myself the
circumstances under which the altered words w ere introduced ,
or who put them in the form, for the convention in ipesion
was drawn by myself and the Russian pleniantentimy then .
in this country. The words were put in by that RIMINI isle- ,
nipotentiary for the sole object of putting upon issued the
original conditions for which the treaty was made. ?lot was
the sole object for which tlhe words were introduced. 14 lOW -
of being inserted in the preamble, they had Moe inewebell as , ,
the articles of stipulation; and if the payment of our:shige d t
this debt depended, not upon the continuance of a gesal
adherence to the stipulations of the treaty of Vienzvele
upon the continued adherence to every one of those ,
Lions in all their particulars, then, poesibly. I
being myself to believe with my hon. mend
we had a right to release ourselves from this obligation.
But I certainly cannot bring myself to think, under those
words put into the preamble, that the single violation of one
article in the treaty of Vienna, does release Great Britain
from the obligation which that convention imposes upon
her. If called upon to declare my own opinion upon a
solemn treaty and engsgement contracted by this country, I
am bound to tell the house that I cannot think we are in
any manner released from the engagements we have made.
(Hear.) But even if there were .doubt in the mind of anyone
in this house, the feeling of every Englishman would be that,
on a question which involved the honour of the country,
that doubt must be given in favour of the other party.
(Hear, hear.) It would not be becoming in this hones to
interpret a doubtful case in ourown behalf, without knowing
that the other party consented to such an interpretation.
(Hear, hear.) If the case were plain and palpable, we
ought not, from any sense of magnanimity towards foreign
powers, or from any feeling of generosity, to continue to
burden the people of this country with a payment which we
were not strictly and properly obliged to make. But, be-
fleeing, in common with the greater part of the bon.
1 members who have spoken on this subject, that there is no
doubt, I member,
it would little become this house to realm
that this payment should cease and determine. If other
countries are wanting it will be r
addiction to this cout
cannot he contended du
tides the violation of an t
(Hear.) The political
more than on anything
rived from its faithful an,
merits; and I hope the
this were a doubtful
lion of England
honourable friend
majority tithe house
posed not I. peess
(Hear, hear.) Up.
desirable that he ahem-
pears a general unanimity or u,
self, and it would be unfortunate
sion on the previous ----
of this house are little n
on the previous question
of opinion on a question
iris. (Hear.) Nt ith the
hon. friend possesses,
house, either on the r-
Previous question, e
had a fair chance. '

..'"%.

.ling in their engaperne,.ts, it will be no
country to follow their example ; for it
led that a breach of faith in one party pm-
of an engagement on the part of another.
Political strength of this c..untry depends, g t
rtbing else, upon its moral strength, &-
Mut and honourable fulfilment of anger-
ripe the hones will not be led, even if
loubtfial matter, to risk the repute-
od for good faith I trust that taY
RA (Mr. Hume), saving that lie a
tome do not concur with him, will be
me any of these resolution. to a dirties.
Jpon the first resolution, I think it very
should *Wain from this; for there or
nanimity of opinion as to the transaction d-
ibe unfortunate if we are for to a divi-
view question. (Hear.) The technicalities
little understood elsewhere; and a division
oration might looked up.o as a diViiioo 11:
nation on which hardly any difference es •
ith the parliamentary judgMent which my
series, I hope be will not divide the
the resolution on which I hove moved the
or on the latter one • because, unlade he
of carrying into effect the resolutions he