The Express.
London, England, 1848-04-11 00:00:00

TO TIN MON. Tut COMXON% ON 01IXAT lIIITA/N AND IMAM, IN

We, the undersigned intiobasnts of the British Isles and 'objects of
the British Crown, tbus avail ourselves of the constitutional horde's
al emulating the comiders, ion of our political rights and wrings to
your honourable house, in the hope that they will receive from you
that degree of attention which the importance of the one and the op-
ism-teems of the other demand from the guardians of the civil,
social, and religious rights at the people. four petitioner.. declare,
that the great end of all governmental moitutions rbould be the pro-
tection of life, the security of property, the promotion of educa-
tion and morality, and the diffusion of happiness among all
elegem That your petitioners mender the only legitimate bests
of an equitable government Is the exprepoion of the mind of the
whole male adult population, through the untraiimellod agency
of the franchise. That your petitioners regard the repreeentotion in
parliament of every mace of sound mind as a right compatible with,
and sustained by, the laws of nature and of God, and that man's
privation by his fellow-creatures of such tight is an act, which, it
tolerated, evidences the exiotence of tyranny and injustice upon the
one hand, and servility and degradation upon the other. That your
petitomers rig .rd the Reform Bill so unjust, as It restricts the right
of citis,uhip to one-seventh of the male adult community, and M.•132p8
the other aix.r.erenths with the stigma of political inferiority.. flat
the system which your petitioners arraign before the judgment of
your lion. house renders wren men outeernent to the will, copra*
and dominance of one; that it not only estoblahes the ascendancy of
a small minority of the empire, but it invest.. • minority of the mai
enfranchised inaction with the power of returning a majority
of your hon. house. That your petitioners have never yet heard*
Told reason urged for maintaining the present representative aystem,
and mat the arguments pleaded against the admission of the people
to the immunities which the soca, contract should guarantee are
based upon elms seitiohnea, prejudices, :mit contracted view of hu-
manity. That your petitioners bold the elective franchise not to be •
trust, as has been absurdly represented, but a right inherent inertia,
man for the preetmouon of Ms person, liberty and property, what'
is to be exercised to the best of the possessor's
judgment, without IA
or hindrance Iron his neighbour. Thad your petitioners, believing
the principle of universal imbrue tobe based upon those eternal rights
of man which, although kept in abeyance, can be neither alienatad
nor dearoyed, appeal to your hon. house to make each organic re-
forms in our representative system se will make that principle the
foundation upon which shall stand the Commons Romeo( Parliament
of Great Britain. That your peutionern, in order that the elector may
pewees perfect security in the exercise of hie franchise, pray that the
voting at elections for members of parliament be taken by ballot.
Tour petitioners, aware of the great, coercive, and corrupted power
possessed by wealth and station over the poor elector, see no hops co
securing purity of election and genuineness of repraensation but M
Aragon' the protective mantle of the bell. over the Wawa hod)
That your peititWrig regard the preunt inamoßty of ratirmentatia
M be opposed to common sense, and Manial o a ganalsampersiM
, tton of the people. They therefore spar'
Mid] dektt in the legislative

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country into equal electoral districts, meigning to meta diarist one re. but he would warn them, Tr thlrjr
bownuar than
akee,
eremetatiee. That your petitioner* hold the legislature. ealuelle against the effort. The result cunt not ot erw
whh the caecati,e, to be the ftreente of the People. tad eon"- disastrous to them. If they failed, England would home-
(meetly entitled to remuneration at the putille expense; and, .
andthat the Home of Commons should be the minister forth stand alone, with an independent republic on one aide,
and not the muter of the people, call upon you to establish their lust and an independent republic on the other. (OD, oh.)
relative positions by bung equitable salary for the 00tvier 0 ill llf they succeeded, they might decimate the population, and
members. That your petitioners consider septennial parliaments un- destroy industry in Ireland ; but they would only aggravate
.ust, as they prevent, for Ms yeses out of FOVell. those who are an. her diaoutent, and render England utterly disgraced in the
▪ i "mi'lr " m"'"1 tree' eill'ig 'ec tight er term i eyes ofthe wield. Ile entreated the house, while there was
Tour petitioners also coast er that seven scare iv too long a term for.
the existence of a parliament; a period that affords an opportunity to yet time, to conciliate Ireland, by conceding to her'•th; ewe
iiiil and timeaerving men to promote their winds interest. at the rights which she was resolved, somehow Or other, to have
expense of those who., welfare should be the ultimate aim of all their W hen the right hon. gentleman opposite called him traitor
labours. Tour petitionene therefore, entreat your hon. house to to the crown, he would net merely repel, but retort the
scenic hehitleee ilhe reeresentanse and the e rep that theW charge—(" oh. oh ")—and wouldtell him and his colleagues,
✓ io• ,-,-EYthendlUircientbthow me . practice oTt'sagaltiss rl'is,t that if. in the present position of Europe, they sought, as
all the efforts of
meets. That your petitioner. complain that a neat in the Cone ; regarded their own countrymen, to crush
mono House of Parliament should be continacht upon the peasessian the democracy hers to obtain those rights which the demo-
of property;of any description, us they
re yet to karn thit legiala- • cracy of every other country was attaining; and it, in respect
tire Lakin La the exclusive prerogati" of tiny ceder or men; ends I to Ireland, they refused bi r the just right of self-govern-
therefore, pray for the abolition of whet is termed the "ProeeetV ' mein, they would be traitors to the crown, as Onizot and
qustilicit" That your petitioners respectfully direct your attest- I Metternich had been, and would undergo the same fate.
dont° the document enatleal -The People's Charter." which embodies:
the principles ands
datal. for securing the full and equitable repro- I Sir G. GREY said that when, after the long absence of
*notice of the male aduttpoputation, which document they earnestly the hon. gentleman, he bud teen him rise to address the
Pray your honourable house to forthwith enact an. the Liar of the i house, he bad enter; mined some hopesthat the hon. gentleman
it rt
realm. should the meers at your hon. housecnteain any dout,.l ; had risen to disavowwn (great chee with the ind
ri ing) the ignatio n
aturalaral to a loe.al '
as to the justice of nerdemands, your petitioners humbly entreat to I sobjeet of the cron mos which I
be beard at the bee of your hon. ionise by counsel or agents in sup.
none( filial: dliftls. And your petitioners, *C. I bad been cast upon his loyalty, not in that house, but in
Lord MORPETH send t
orn his right hon. friend the I well-nigh every newspaper ciiculating throughout the realm
past, and that, with the fervid eloquence
Secretary of State for the Horne Department would have 1 fair some weeks
been in his place, but that he was much occupied in attend- 1 which characterised his harangues elsewhere, if not m that
log to the business of his department that morning. What- , house (hear, hear), he would have repelled those imputations
and disavowed the statements and professions imputed to
ever might be the sentiments entertained with respect to the !
• him by virtue • if from no better feeling moved, of the oath
prayer of the petition, his right hon. friend did not wish to
show any want of respect us this petition, or any petition . of allegiance loud cheering) which he had so repeatedly
signed by so large a number et the people. (Hear.) ; taken to the sovereign of these realms. (Cheers). What,
SCOTCH ENTAIL BILL. then, had been his—he would not say astonishment, so
Mr. B. COCHRANE wished to kuow from the Lord i much as his pain and regret, and he was confident the pain
Advocate when this bill would be proceeded with ? l and regret of every gentleman in the house (hear,
The Lord ADVOCATE hoped that the bill would. be re- I hear) to hear the honourable member, while, with
ported to-morrow. a show of lip service, he still affected a tone of
Mr. COCHItANE wished to know when the second loyalty to the sovereign, avoiding, in that respect,
reading would be brought on ? the boldneu and daring which marked what fell from him
The Lord ADVOCATE.—The second reading is passed. on the subject elsewhere—(hear, hear)—to hear him, not
ILoud lauehter.) I merely repeat what he had said elsewhere, but glory in it,
CROWN AND GOVERNMENT SECURITY BILL. I and strongly retort the charge of treason upon the govern-
On the motion that this bid be read a second time, I mot' (Hear, hear.) The of
t complained Rutin
Mr. S. O'BRIEN rose and Raid he did not intend to er.ter i his absence he had been called traitor in ti.e house. The
at length into the details of this bill—he cared little about 1 hon. m, mber was perhaps referring to what hail fallen from
them. He saw in this bill a new attempt to meet the claims of himself (Sir G. Grey) on Friday last. Of the cause of the
Ireland rather by
thatci han by coned iat ion. ("Oh, oh "1 It hon. gentleman's absence on that occasion, the hon. gentle-
was upon that ground hat he opposed it. He could assure the I man himself would be the best exponent. (Hear, hear.) But
house, with all solemnity, that he believed the attempt now ; absent or present, he (Sir G. Grey) had not called the hen.
making to cot rce the people of Ireland would be ietfectuel, I gentleman traitor ; he had read to the house a passage from
and that they would fail in their attempt to indict a whole ! a speech of Mr. Duffy at a confederation meeting, reciting a
nation of hiah treason. (Oh, oh.) Be that as it might, he had ' letter, purporting to come from the hon. gentleman at Paris,
a duty to perform, and he would not shrink from it. (Oh, lin which the hon. gentleman gave an account of the dieoou•
oh.) In the year le )3, before he joined the Repeal Assacia- raging reply he had received from H. Lamartine—(bud
tion, he made a last appeal to the house, asking for whst was cheers)—who, with a public virtue that did him high
called justice to Ireland, and proposed a series of useful mca- ; honour—(cheers)—sensed to encourage the designs
lures, which were calculated to give satisfaction to that lof the stirrers up of sedition in Irelan I, or to
country, and consistent with the maintenance of the coo- do aught that should infringe upon the laws of
ru Zion between the two countries. The house refused that nations, and give good cause of war to England as against
appeal. It had now an opportunity of meeting the demands France. (Hear, hear.) Did the hon. gentleman deny the
of that nation by yielding to their claims fur a separate leeil- letter imbed to him, in which he was reported to say that,
iature, and aeknowledgieg the prineiele of stir gorernment though Lamartine refused succour to the Irish agitators,
, Queer,h ancient constitutionof ear:
land—namely, under die I a member of a Paris club hail assured him of the aid of
Queen, Lords, and Commons of le, land. If they refused that I aO,OOO armed Frenchmen? (Hear, bear.) He had hoped
claim they woull during the present y ear have to encounter the thee at all events, the hon. member would have disavowed
chance of the e,tablithtnent of a republic in that country. the attempts imputed to him elsewhere to seduce from their
i Vehement ironical cheering and cries of " Oh, oh.") uss. 'worn elle. iance the troops of this country and the police of
like all the other governments of Europe, the hberal govern- Ireland—(cheers); but, instead of any such disavowal, the
ment of England, instead of attemptieg to pacify a country hon. member had declared those forces to be disaffected to
which was connected with them, by timely concessions, met the crown, and disposed, as a body, to aid in etLcting the
their demands by prosecutions and coercion laws—at a national independence of Ireland. (Hear, hear.) lie had
moment, too, when the Foreign Minister was giving his not, he would repeat, designated the honourable gen-
countenance to the efforts of every other peopl! to relieve tleman traitor; he fad read the passages to which
themselves from servitude. He asked for at better perallel he had referred, from Mr. Duffy's speech, and he must
to the case of Ireland then Sicily in its relation to Naples, presume that having trail the sentiments and views there
;Hear, hear.) What was the noble lord doing there but imputed to the hon. member, the hon. member had thence
proving that the Sicilians were perfectly right in west tee, inferred that he must have been called traitor—(loud cheers)
were doing ? (Hear hear.) In his ri*Uence charges had —an inference equally draws by the house, it would
been made againet 'him and the r arty with whom he Was seem, from the simultaneous cheers which met the hon.
acting. (Loud cheers.) If any indiridual had charges gentleman when he said he had been named traitor in that
to make against him, let them be made in hie assembly. Meer, hear.) He (Sir G. Grey) denied the
ones
the lie was now there to answer those charges right of tho hon. gentlemen to constitute himself the
on the part of himself; lied he would say this, With exponent of the loyalty of the people of Ireland. (Hear,
regard to his compenions ia the noble squegle its which they hear.) The hon. gentleman had sought to make out that
were engaged—(oh, 011)—that though he had been nine ern- the population of northern Ireland were ready to take up
harked in public life for 20 years. and had an opportunity of arms against England, bemuse the government had brought
seeing distinguished men of all parties, he never met a num- in a bill about tenant-right. On what authority did the hon.
ber ot men, acting tor great political objects, who were ani- gentleman thus represent himself as the interpieter
mated by such pure and disinterested motives—(loud of the sentiments of that population? (Hear, hear.)
laughter, and cries of With oh'')—as those with whom He (Sir 0. Grey) was prepared to state, upon the
it was his pride to act. With regard to himself he had been best information, that a very large proportion of the ,
called • traitor. (Vehement cheering.) He did not profess People of Ireland, of whatever religious creed or political :
disloyalty to the Queen of England, but if it were treason opinion, were unalterably and deeply attached to the crown ,
to profess disloyalty to the government of Ireland by the and constitution of this empire nwould, were the ques-
parliament of Great Britain he avowed it—nay more it tion put to them, utterly and Soilny repudisteehe ,
would be the study of hie life to seek the overthrow wof ;he claim of the hen. member to expound their feelings. ,
government of that parliament in Ireland. (Loud ironical (Cheers.) The hon. member said that the chartists of this ,
cheering.) He would take upon himself to say that country, to a man, were in favour of his views. Ile believed I
no man stood higher in political character than he did firmly that the hon. gentleman was an mistaken in this ,
;Repeated ironical cheering.) He wee certain that, both in notion as in the rest A prominent leader of the chartists, t
that house and in Ireland, there were many men superior to who sat near the hon. member, had only last triday i
him in point of talent, but he defied any man to say, since he expressed a wholly different opinion, and expressed himself ;
sat in that house as representative for the county of Limerick, the firm friend of the established monarchy of this country. ,
that he ever gave a vote which was not prompted byiek,
ae (Hear, hear.) The hon. member might go about ,
honest and eincere desire to promote the welfare of the ill over Europe in search of aid for his projects; ,
country. (Rear, hear.) He alt lied any me
to say that he but he believed the hon. gentleman would every- ,
ever voted for personal consideration. Ifs would tell the where be as miserably frustrated as he had been in Femme. ,
house more—now that he was arraigned as a trash
(oh, (Cheers) Ali to Ireland, he hail every confidence that aspirit ,
he would rather accept the most ignominious death (oh, oh) prevailed there which rejeMed with indignation the dicta-
than be obliged to be a witness of the indignities and suffer. tion of the hon. gentleman (hear, hear), and the exposition ,
tags which had been inflicted on his country during the stet
which he Sought. to give of the feelings of the country. I
30 years. (Oh, ch.) It bad b. en stated that he went to (Hear, hear.) The tone of defiance towards Ireland which ,
France to solicit Freni h aid (hear)—that was to say, armed , the hen. gentleman had imputed to the goveninientdid•not I
aid—in the struggle in which they were engaged. That was a t exist. (Hexer hear.) It was the camera wish of the govern- I
misapprehension. (Laughter and ironical cheers.) If he went i merit is see Ireland united with this country, not inanely in ,
to ask French aid he should have come back accompanied bye form feat in fact ; not merely in the bands of law, but by the i
tolerably large legion of troops. (" Oh, oh," and Cries of ties of affective, (Hear, hear.) They were moot earnest 1
Ne.") Let them believe what he said. He wished the that she should enjoy her full participation in our happinero, I
had been in France. (Laughter.) But the language which our wealth, and prosperity, and that she @holed, in ,
he had held in Freer* and Ireland to his countrymen was the person of every one of her eons, exercise those
this—that Irish freedom must be won by Irish courage and constitutional rights and privileges which were. the
Irish firmness. (Oh, oh.) He had no desire to impose birthright of all her Majesty's subjects. (Cheers.) TO se-
on his country one description of seevitude for another. cure these inestimable bleseingathe close maim of the peOple
(Hear, hear.) He believed that if the liberty of
be uid and of the twocountries was indispensable—a union which would
her redemptim from her preeent position was to be wee by pespetuste not only the crown and government of these
foreign bayonets, it could be maintained in that position only realms, but the permanent happiness and welfare of the en-
by foreign baeonets. It was not his desire or intentina that I ties PeoPle. (Cheers. I
his country bhould be under any foreign dominion what- Mr. F. O'CONNOR moved that the bill be reed a
ever. What he did say, however, he would boldlT second time that day six months. Ile asked whether it be-
semi in that house. He went to France on *beha f came the descendant of Lord William Russell to sanetion
' such a measure as this, or to ferret out statutes of Charles 11.
of his fellow-countrymen to congratulate the Provisional
wherewith to obstract the free discussion of public men and
Government of France upon the overthrow of a tyranny
which had forfeited all claims to the continureve of the pa public measures ' Such proceedings as those with w)tich the
session of power in that country. He was ready to admit government were now chargeable looked peculiarly ill in
men who heretofore, to snit their own views, ' had
that he had found the greatest sympathy in France with I
the condition of Ireland—a sympathy fully shared by the I %eked the most inflammatory language in public, and excited
who I the assemblage of the most imposing crowds of people
enlightened men of all countries, England included,
in the streets, to such an extent, indeed, that were the pro.
regarded the conduct of the imperial legisheure towards lee- l
gentlemen
measure retrospective in its operation.. hail of the hon.
land as orly paralleled by that of Russia towards Poland.
K
on the government bench would be sent to the
He was confident that (very one of the five-and-a-half mil-
hulk, under its provisions. (Hear, hew.); He regretted
lions of persons who had signet the petition that night
that there existed in the house no constitutional opposition,
presented, were earnest in rho it sympathy with Ire Land.
to raise its voice against this monstrous invasion of the right
lie admitted that he hail been instrumental in calling upon
of speech, so long deemed the birthright of iloglishineei
his countrymen to arm. (Hear, hear) In the present aspect
of public affairs throughout the civilised world, he thought Mr. G. THOMPSON seconded the amendment, lie ex-
it essential that every nation should b, in a position to assert, primed his heartfelt and devout thanks that the proceedings
by force, the maintenance of its national rights. In 1702 it of that day, out of doors, bud been eharactei ism% by such
was deeme: no crime in the i ithers of the present race of order nod quiet. Mess, he Ir.) It atm: he a great reliet to
Irishmen to assemble in armed array against the foreign foe the mind of every gentleman preeent that, in ef sitting
—(hear, hen)—and in vindication of their national liberty. i tittle under thatpprehen uf conflict raging without,
He himself called upon his countrymen to arra, as much for I, they found all wag tranquil, and that they
the purpose of preserv•
ing order. -isolt, oh)—as for the par- 1 might indulge the hope that the people had at-
miss of acquiring political liberty. The Irish Confederation tained the conviction that the best, the only means, of
had, at their last ent.ng, tat ion resolution, den,,uncing as a obtaining their legitimate objects, would be by peaoeful
-.roes c ilumny the imputation thrown upon them by Lord i ceurees. avoiding all violent collision with the constitated
J ohn il use 11, that tee obj: ct of their association was dis- authoritiee, and all alerm hi property.hear). Lung
order, amid a violeut separation faim Great Britain. Their, might heaven avert Wm the land the conflict of the many
- ' - ' '''' - -, the het ' 'Ave independence of I with the few !He objected to the haste with w
hich this Mll
. _ . . . . . , .
e bill -- at asmeasure
„ .. . .

object throughout bad been the
Ireland, and their fervent hope wa., that this object would
be obtained without the necessity of a recourse to civil
war. lie admitted hie advice to the Irish nation, that they
should depute to Dublin a national council of MO, as pro-
posed by their late illustrious leader, Mr. O'Connell. He
trusted that this council would be formed, and when
formed, he would recommend the noble lord Napo.
rite to enter into early negotiations with it, for
the purpose of of an amicable settlement of the
differences between the two countries. The Irish re-
prmentatives in that house wore nn representatives of
the Irish people, and therefore nn fit exponents of Irish
wadi-s, of Iri-h feeling or of Irish views. He had been quite
prepared, when he ea-s e down to the house, to meet the in-
sulting sneers which to had encountered from both sides of
the h oust those sneers were degrading, not to him, but to
those who pee them expression. and who would one o
th-re days, sooner or liter, find the principle he advocated
no sneering matter. The wily real danger that he appre-
bend .d for his cause es the possibility of unwi‘e pre. ipitation
on the part of a portiuu of the Irish populatim, arising from
their suffering the nwlves to be led into overt acts of
yip Ion: by the nwe'.-.ir Itions of the government and their
1.1.1.3. As to himself he bad no fear but of a packed jury.
Let but one honest man be on the jury that should try
and he with his all agues would. be acquitted. Let him
most seriously warn the government against the course they
were pursuir g in this matter. If they failed in their prose-
cution the prestige of their sway in Ireland was wholly and
for ever gone' if they succeeded, what then i•—such was the
spirit of men in Ireland that for every patriot
imprisoned by the hand of power tifty—a hundred—would
start up in his I.larc. As to the gentry of Ireland,
let not the government rely upon them in the event of col-
lisian : they would find quite enough to do in saving them-
selves by the aid of English bayonet., or, much more pro-
bably, they would gla.Vy come to terms with the victorious
nation. As to the orangemen, they were a 1 discontented
with the government for robbing them of their long-enjoyed
tenant-right, and be had full confidence that they would not
lend their aid in maintenance of the imperial rule. The
police in Ireland were, no doubt, a large and very fine body,
10,00 strong, but do not let government count on their aid.
They were liishmen, and, were a great national struggle as
between nation ant nation to commence, they would,like the
nrangemen, be ham- to wear the honour and renown that
would belong to them as saviours of their country.
The army was sn insignificant traction of the population.
In the time ot the great rebellion, 150,000 troops were fully
occupied in maintain:ng possession of but two or three coun-
ties: did the government suppose that 30,050 soldiers, even
suppeing them every man faithful, would oppose any serious
ma of a whole nation, tho more mpeciallv
obstacle to the ell
when, as every mitit,...ry man knew, the physical peculiari-
ties ot the country presented almost insuperable impedi-
ments to the operations of cavalry or artllery ? But he
believed that government could not rel u;on the army in
Ireland. (Oh, oh.) lie believed that in the event of a
national struggle, a large propovion of the army of Irelsiid
would refuse to set against the people. (Oh, oh.) lie
treated with the utmost dtsdain the effnis of the go-
moment. to put him down pr.:4ctution. (Oh. ob.)

the purpose of gaining a temporary cheer, to say that govern-
meat entertained the most sincere wishes for the peace, pro-
sperity,and riches of Ireland. But these were mere words What
had ministers done to carry those wishes into effect? They had
been two years in office, and what had they done to promote
the peace, prosperity, and riches of Ireland ? He had sup-
ported the present ministry, but he would not be a party to the
indolence of the treasury bench. (Oh, and cheers.) He
would tell them that they were now advancing en to a volcano
which, if they did not take care, would soon explode under
them ; sad he called upon them, if they had not the power
or the ability to legislate for the good of the country, to give
plate to those who had. (Hear, hear, and a laugh.)
Dr. 11OWRING said it could not be denied that this bill
treated a new political felony. It was true the penalty of
death attached to words incitiug to the levying of war against
the crown or to the invasion of the country ; but that law
was a dead letter. This bill would revive the offence
and punish it. lie wanted security, not in the accidents of
a good judge and an intelligent jury, but in the positiveness
of the law. (Hear.) In regard to overt acts of treason,
and in what was written and published, there was some
security against the intention of the party being misunder-
stood, but what security was there in the accidental record
of words spoken? (Hear, hear.) In the case of Winter-'I
bottom they had an instance of a man being punished for
words be hud never uttered. Then, what was the meaning
of the phrase, " Over-awing parliament ?" Parliament vise I
always being over-awed by public opinion, and it was to that
circumstance they owed many of the liberties the
people enjoyed. The right hen. baronet (Sir R. Peel)
had given way to that species of over-awing—and
the noble lord (J. Russell) had done so often.
Nothing could b s more perilous than hasty legislation upon
a subject like this. (Hear, hear.) All despotic laws had
resulted from panic. If any duty was paramount at this
time it was that they should not widen the gulf that existed
between the different classes of the people. If there was ever
a moment when the house was bound to inquire whether the
national representation ought not to be enlarge and whe-
ther something ought not to be done to redress the grievances
of the many, and to place our institutions on that broad
I I iundati n on which alone they could rest in security, it
was now.
Mr. P. WOOD objected to the words " by open and ad-
vised speaking," but would vote for the second reading of the
bill, reservisg to himself the right of opposing those words in
committee. He considered that there was a marked distinc-
tion between the offence of open and advised speaking and the
overt act of printing and publishing the same words, and the
law had invariably made that distinction. Mr. Justice Black-
I stone in referring to the crime of treason said," it was clearly
agreed that words spoken amounted only to a high mig-
demeanor ; for as they might be spoken in heat, or be mis-
taken, or perverted, or mis-remembered by the hearer; and
as their meaning might depend upon other words, or things,
or even upon the tone in which they were uttered; as
in fact, nothing could be more ambiguous than
words spoken, they ought not to be made high
treason." (Hear, hear.) The bill of 1756 was in-
troduced at a period just as formidable as the present,
and yet it did sot contain those words. (Hear, bear.)
Indeed he believed it would be found that Mr. Pitt intended
to have introduced them, and had drawn up a clause fur the
purpose, but withdrew it. That bill, which was only tem-
' pore y, was made permanent in 1817, during the period of
the Manchester riots, and when a minister presided at the
head of affairs who was well known not to have been favour-
able to popular demonstrations. (Hear, hear.) He
regretted, therefore, that the government should have
thought it necessary to set stile that distinction which the
law had hitherto made between words spoken and words
written and published, and now for the first time make the
crime a felony. He would suggest that it should be made
only a high misd-meanor, not bailable.
Captain ARCH DALL, referring to what bad fallen from
the hon. member for Limerick, detended the loyalty of the
orangemen of Ireland. They could not, he observed, forget
the heavy blow and great discouragement given them by the
noble lord opposite, nor that they had been one day lauded
and the next day persecuted by the right hon. baronet the
member fur Tainworth. (Cheers.) But they had, notwith-
standing, remained firm in their loyalty and attachment to
her Majesty and the throne. Between discontent and disaf-
fection there was a aisle difference. (Hear, hear.) And it
th government would only act with justice to the protestants
of e
Ireland they might bid defiance to 10,000 Smith
O'Brien.
Mr. MUNTZ had voted for the introduction of the bill in
ignorance of its real character. Now that he had seen it, he
should vote against it. He concurred in the propriety of as-
similating the law in Ireland to that of England, and would
grant every reasonable power necessary for the protection of
public order, because he was convinced that without good
order there could be no real liberty. (Cheers.) But he
could not consent that he or any other man ehoeld be sub-
ject to the charge of felony for words alleged to have been
spoken on the evidence of one witness, who might be base
enough to swear falsely. (Hear, hear.)
Mr. DRUMMOND looked upon the simultaneous out-
break through Europe as deeper than a mere political
malady. lie attributed it to diseoetent on the part of the
masses with their social c.indition—discontent, he might say,
with the providence of Gud—(cries of "oh ") ; fur as well
might it be supposed that we could regulate the height of
men as that we could alter the constitution of society, and
award to each a certain measure of wealth. The disturb
antes in Ireland and this country were but phases of the
malady which pervaded all Europe. The hon. gentleman,
having quoted several passages from speeches by membersf o
the convention in this country and the confederation in Ire-
land, declared that nothing so overt had been committed in
the year '9B, and that the question was not against this
or that institution—it was not a question of • republic or
a monarchy—but whether the whole institution of society
should not be upset and perverted. The labouring claases of
this country were deeply mistaken if they supposed that
they would benefit their condition by reducing the profits of
the master manufacturers. On the contrary, their best
chance of prosperity was by increasing the capital of the
manufacturer. It was owing to the sentiments contained in
the extracts he had read to the house that he grounded the
opinion at which he had arrived—namely, that there was a
determination on both sides of the Channel to alter the social
condition of the country. But the man who told the people
hat by a new constitution of society they would be benefited
laugh.)de them, and must be an abominable quack.
(A The man who told them, as they were lately
told, that if he hail the charter he would double and treble
their wages, only trilled with their distresses ; and in pre-
tending to bring them a light from heaven only brought
them a glare from the bottoming pit. lie was prepared to
go further than those hon. gentlemen with whom he usually
acted in that house, in thinking that they had done nothing
they ought to have done to diminish the public expenditure
and lighten the burden of taxation on the people. (Cheers from
the radical benches.) He thought they ought long ago to
have extended the elective franchise. (Cries of "be
from the same quarter.) lye thought they aught
also to have shortened the duration of parlia-
ment—(hear, hear), and done many other things
in reference to subjects not now before them. He had only
abstained from alluding to these subjects before because he
did not wish to thrust himself into other men's labours, and
because he thought that the task would have been under-
taken by those who were much more competent for it; but
rather than suffer this charter to be passed off with a mere
motion, which might amount to nothing, he would himself
bring in bills upon the questions it involved. (Cheers.) Mr.
Canning bad said that the next war which would de-
solate Europe world be a war of principles and opinions,
and he confessed that that was the war of which he was
afraid, and of which he saw the gathering symptoms
around him.
Mr. BRIGHT said that out of every seven grown men only
one was represented in that house, and that, looking to the
unfairness of the distribution of the electoral power, it might
be said not more than one-fourteenth of the grown male
pepulation were directly represented in parliament, and his
belie was that the best security to property, capital, and
labour, would be found in diminishing the taxa-
tion and increasing the political rights of the people.
This bill proved one of two thing
that the ," de were gettiog

Soli-
citor-General or(alk
hodlaugot,uwatnihod.depriithirtatittll:ddott•im.. )7frkidee.iilu4Hripe:,:heedeTbeewbtSut°m4...betigii.
strainttheir
:.erttciroheme.experienceco lawstheretoi
o ctnohn considerably,
a this.es
sedition;
iyem,,
after
Parties ana
ef;
ed....
n. tct
Easter,
were
te:ewiltaer:fri s:o.oiluttli.,o:lt
olodduo ei
like
havepi itire,ol:,heubh
et:
tib
e:l2.
asked
depi
natoutlhaiaillo _
moa
stained f
ofi,l enough
r:
sdit r
ilfw,
Divide.")
from
e, when
0.:
piit
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iet
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ug
unwiselaw
(fir
it]
Mr. S. CRAWFORD, who arose amidst loud cries of
" Divide," complained of the injustice of the house i refusing
-
quaintance with its provisions; but toe mare he bad se.
metered it the more war he convinced that it war unfit to be.
entertained byj the house. No man who stoke at a pub.
lic meeting—none even who heard him—would be lant
against transportation for life with a bill so vaguely worded
as thin. What was meant by such expressions as " ing,
passings," " inventions," " imaginings," " devices," &e.?
(Hear, hear.) He denied that even in Ireland was therei;
necessity for this bill. The persons who had there infringed tie
law were about to be brought to trial. Let aot the hone, then,
be betrayed into the error of legislating, with the view to
ol meet
tights
hf eetmehgt errilewisvahaa.Ab eoni
should
slaedri7CE.hoefayrpi thel' s.:
introduced
people. Te
Act
d hopedai n
cdbe
tidh
ati olhsfeat Tcuto
hht
(Hear,mila Id
hhbe ya'r)l Jury.effT act
InPeal
protection to the crown and governmeni:otrtwi:dlobeiju:tillididbei:y:toobtf:drepmhinizon
spy system had evidently been revived in Ireland; and he
believed it had been muted to in thus country also. Be re.
gretted that those who had hitherto supported mune
sure.
of the government would modify the objectionable parts of
this bill. This was only due to the calmness with which a
subject of such an exciting nature hid been dis-
cussed • but no such modification had been consented to.
The S slicitorGeneral had given his view as to the'construe-
tion of one claw.; other hon. and learned g ntfernen had
done the same • and there was
as to what would be the operation of the clause. This ass
estate of things neither creditable to the house oar site for
the country. It was said thut judges and juries would con.
prebend the measure; but If it war not under-to dby those
who had manufactured it and introduce) the words, how
could it be so by others? If this loose legisla‘leu wets
allowed, there would be no security for the people who
took part in political matter.; and they would have great
reason to complain of the negligence of the legate.
tare. The hon and learned member for Oxford (sr.
Wood) had put a construction on the clause which was
as opposite as the poles to that of the Solicitor General.
Knowing what might be the operation of tne clause, they
ought not to allow it to proceed a stage further; and his
impression war, that he ought to move the adjournment of
the debate. Whence the necessity for tide breathless haste
fur the sudden introduction of a bill like this ) There had
been what he might call open insurrection in Dublin for VII
last two months, almost with the connivance of the gowns.
meat. Men stated there that they had resieted the law ia
• minor degree, and were prepared to resist it in the fullest
manner. Pikes bad been manufactured and publicly sold
by auction. Only. in November last a bill had been passed
empowering the Lord Lieutenant to proclaim disturbed die.
tries., and issue a special commission fur tae trial of offenders.
That law, if carried into effect, would have been amply
sufficient to repress crime ; but there had been a remarkable
supineness in exercising its powers. Of what use was that
law if i: could not be applied to Dublin natter these circum-
stances? At all events, the people of England, because
' offences were committed elsewhere, ought not to be saddled
I with a measure which was not less a gagging act than any of
the Six Acts of 1819. (Hear.) Least of all saould sett a
measure be passed by a government calling its I liberal. •
(Hear, hear.) If the words were expunged to which ob-
jection had been made be would cease further oppositioe; if
the clause so ambiguously and peculiarly framed were na
tinned, it should have his most determined and uutlinchiag
opposition at every stage. No case had been made out for
this measure. The present law had tot been
proved inadequate for the preservation of the
peace. What had government not anticipated? Their
fears had most completely ov,rwhelonel them; they
had expected a violent outbreak. Yet the mon-
ster petition had been presented, mid, so for as he could
learn, not • single carte of common &unlit find occurred that
day. (Divide.) Had not the law triumphed ? (Hear, hear.)
Had nut the common-sense, the sense of justice of the people
who presented the petition, also triumphed ? (No, us.) It
was an atrocious calumny on the people of this country to
intimate, by ac tent or tone of any kiud, th et it was their ob.
ject to commit outrage and violence. (Hear, hear.) The
hon. member for Bridport might exclaim " Oh, oh ;" bat it
was a calumny on the people to receive them of being levees
of outrage and violence, or of being prepared to commit theta
They believed that they were deprived by the legislature of
their just political rights; and he believed en too. (Hew.)
He further believed that they never would relax in theirjart
and reasonable demands until those rights were conceded—a
concession which would add to the security of property
and of life, and would place the throne on • bane
which would render it absolutely immoveable. (Hear.)
When he heard of the condition to whica the people of Ire.
land were reduced, and when they gut nothing from that
house but coercion bills, he thought they were right to be
indignant at such treatment. When he opposed the Coer-
cion Bill in November last he could only get 22 members
to vote with him. (Cheers.) They were now in April, and
where were the measures which had been promised ? (Hear,
hear.) There was a Landlord and Tenant Bill ; bat no one
could comprehend it, and its only object seemed to be to
give employment to the lawyers. He believed that
the agitators in Ireland were actuated by the best
motives. (Ironical cheers.) Would they have the
people to lie down quietly and die of huuger ? Be
did not think that English members would wish to allow
that. He would suggest that the second reading should be
taken without &division, on the condition that the government
would commit the bill pro forum, and make what modifies.
tion they could in the clause so much objected to. (Oh, oh.)
It the government persisted in adhering to that clause he
would give every opposition to the bill.
Lord J. RUSSELL said that he could not, on the part of
the government, consent to accept the proposition which the
hon. member for Finsbury was good enough to make with
a view to a future consideration of the bill. (Hear, hear.)
So far from agreeing to that proposition he declared at
once that he would consent to alter no part of the bill
when the amuse went into committee. (Hear, hear.)
The hon. gentleman attributed a character of harshness and
violence to the bill which was calculated to mislead those
who attended to his speech. The noble lord then explained
the nature of the bill, which he said was merely to make
certain offences which were now punishab:e by death pe-
nishable by transportation, and extending the law, which
was only in force in England and Scotland, to Ireland He
was not then going to defend the particular clause which had
been objecte d to, became it would be oppeeed in corn mitten and
the Solicitor-General had clearly and ably stated the reasons
why it was introduced. The hon. gentleman asked why
they should select • time of excitement and fear foe intro-
ducing. each a bill. It was en account of that excitement
and fear, and the mischief which they had produced, that
they were justified in introducing this bill. (Mean) He
admired to the hon. gentleman that excitement and fen
prevailed. No person could have read the sie echos in the
newspapers delivered in this town within the last week, and
than
Dblin within the last month, without having i ause for
at fear and excitement. And while he rel eel generally
on the support of this country to oppose sash machinations,
there war one great and numerous claw of people who would
be affected more than any others by such fear and excitement.
lie would not appeal to the gentlemen of Enolimil, because
their high spirit would induce them to come forward in
favour of the institutions under wh'ch they lived, sad
which had been the glory of their cou-Ory. (Hear, hear.)
Wish respect to the middle deities they were loyally sh
fectcd, and there was no fear that they would be misled by
arguments addressed to their passions. (Hear, hear.) It
was the working classes who were more especially expoeed
to danger by this excitement. (Hear, hear.)peci Vie}, it was
who would be the sufferer* by anything that would die
range the peace and order of this country, and prerent the
application of capital in those numerous' undertakings
If that were the case, was it net tit that they
fset:ornulwd leincdheaPvro°ufirt4 asand muchwagaes. poweesirel: e. rtio7lu.t. an(i 1 enstil,toheattri]
excitement, and endeavour to punish those who urged them
to commit breaches of the peace, who urged them to levy
war against the institutions of the country, and put in peril
the welfare of those classes to which they aldreard their
appeals. (Hear.) If he were right in that suppcnition the
hon. member fur Finsbury, instead of opposing the posing
of this bill, ought, as a frimd of the working clinger, to sup-
port it. (Hear, hear.) The hon. member for Man-
chester, also, who knew how susceptiole a thing
capital was, and how its investment was mappedwho by
I ally violation of the peace of the community ;
I knew very well that amongst the newfangled theories of
I the organisation of labour, nothing was so valuable to the
labouring man as that there should he a great i umber of
1 employer, and that they should have large capites in which
I to timed their enterprise, and to call for the employment of
labourers, ought to support this measure. I Ilene, bear.) If
that hon. gentleman distrusted the objects that were put be-
flare the working men, in which they ware told that by semi
II
fillutur;letrglya,alltid" sohfoulldabo"havthe
almost riches. If he distrusted those theories he
would join with him in putting an end to thisse disturbing
forces which were now agitating society. (Hear, hear.)
With regard to Ireland, on which subject the hon. member
eyevesrh;uld..herortsecuanredd
for Finsbury had reproached teem, although they might
have introduced a bill on the subject of the relations between
landlord and tenant, which they thought would be beneficial
to the country, but which might not have given satisfaction,
he begged to say that he did not think these matters
ra wed
the great or main business of the parlament or govemen!
of this country. t lieu, hear.) There were exceptions—ha.
ceptions which were sometimes juatiliable, sometimes benel)
vial, sometimes even necessary. But those who could bet
regulate the relations between landlords and tenants of Ire-
land were the landlords and tenants of Ireland—(l4o)7
and those woo could best regulate the relations between the
employers and employed were the employe!, and employed'tt..
(Hear.). So with regard to the other relations ot *one
o.
They might at times think fit to interfere—( hter)? )
he always contended that those cases were to be defended si
emailaanptibuonsinfeosar oaf pgoartivearnamlarer.oC::dio
that the landlord and tenant, the employer and emplaS__
should be protected by the law as long as they
spected the life and property of others, and
chat....:
the law and the arm of power would interfere agaillsitt:!,
who disturbed them in those useful, peaceful, and be was!
relate) s. (Cheers.) Such was the business to o tech go7oetu
mint and parliament should direct its constiut uttecOoto :
such as what society could cot do lo s. itself, whccii phroicetorill
dividuals could sot arrange am inast one anathi•r— - . t .17.
the objects to which government should chiefly three
......).
the
ITogihallinriochwoowastot:Lhe
efforts. It was tut that purpose Oat they r-

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