The Express.
London, England, 1851-10-08 00:00:00

MR. DISRAELI IN SUCKINGDAMSIIIRE.—
ROYAL SOUTH BUCKS AGRICULTURAL ASSO-
CIATION.
Yesterday the annual ploughing match in con-
nexion with this association took place in a field near Slough,
closely abutting upon the railway, and in the evening a
large tarty of the members and (newts dined together at
the At mdmill, Salt Hill. In the absence of the Right Hon.
hi. Laboucliere, who is still abroad, the chair was taken by
the lion. G. J. Irby, who was supported by Mr. Disraeli,
M.P. Capt. Vyse, M.P. Colonel Speller, Mr. Harcourt,
Mr. Darvell, the R ,
Rev. J.llall, and others. The vice-chair
was filled by Major Bent. The usual loyal and patriotic
toasts having been duly drunk,
Mr. J. THUMPER proposed the health of the members
for the county.
The toast was drunk with enthetriasm.
Mr. DISRAELI, oa tieing, was warmly applauded.
After briefly apologising for the absence of hts colleagues,
on whose behalf he thanked the meeting, the hon. gentle-
man proceeded in nearly the following terms :-1 ant the
more gratified for the mintier in which the members of the
' county of Bucks has been proposed to you to-day, when 1
remember the quarter from which it emanated. It has
been proposed to you by a farmer of this county who de-
servedly stands high in the estimation of all present ; and,
indeed, I m say of all who are acquainted with him.
(Cheers.) That our healths should have been proposed,
and in suck terms, by a gentleman who is most entitled to
our respect, and who himself is so skilful in the under-
takings in which he is interested, is to me, and I am sure it
is to those who aro absent, a matter of great gratification.
However, my hon. friend Mr. Trumpet has made some
apology for, I won't; say breaking, but for partially trans-
gressing, an ancient rule of this society, that we should not
touch upon the interesting circumstances of the hour—(a
laugh)—l really cannot express what are called polities"
in other terms. (Cheers.) I may say, upon my own
part, without the lead affectation, that nothing was fur-
ther from my expectation than that I should to-day be
called upon to refer. even in answer, to a subject
of that kind. I came here, to-day, to pay an
act of respect to a gentleman who certainly
has very little sympathy with me in political life, but for
whom I entertain a most sincere regard, and that is the
gentleman who I expected would have filled your chair to-
day. I wished to show to Mr. Labuuehere, whose friendly
feeling I greatly esteem, and for whom I entertain all
those feelings which one must entertain for a gentleman so
able and so amiable—l wished to show uponthe part of the
members for Bucks that respect which I am sure would
not be displeasing to him, and would be grateful to my con-
stituents. (Cheers.) Therefore, if there were no other
reason, that of course would have been paramount with me
fur not at all alluding to subjects in which the conduct of a
person in so high and eminent a position as Mr. Labouchere
might in any way have been called in question. My own
opinion is this, that, under all circumstances, and at all
times, it is extremely importaut and desirable in meetings
of this kind that what are called " party politics " should
be strictly excluded. I think that questions, in the decision
of which the fortunes and position of one set of public men
as against the fortunes and position of another set of public
men may he placed fur a moment in discussion, are very
much to be avoided ; but I distinguish, myself, between
party polities and polities in the proper, and I would say
nobler sense of the question, viz., the consideration of the
effects of the legislation of the country on the fortunes of
those present. That I think at all times and under all
circumstances is a fit subject for public consideration ; and
I confess myself, though I should nut have opened my
lips upon the subject, considering who might have been in
the chair, I think it is really worse than Idle that on the
present day anybody of persons coo fleeted with the cultivation 1
of the soil -hould meet together in festivities like the pre-
sent, and that they should nut make the slightest allusion
to those subjects which of all others necessarily engroes
their attention. Therefore I em not surprised that my
friend, Mr. Trumper, has taken the liceuse which he h
dune, and made those observatioes which he has just of-
fered to us. (Cheers.) Now I shall but for a very few
moments refer to them ; hut as you have done me the Ace
nuur of drinking my health, and as that health has been
proposed in the tune to which I have referred, perhaps you
will allow me to make a few remarks which I feel it to be
my duty to make to you as one whom, however unworthy,
you have sent to parliament as your representative.
(Cheers.) Now I recently met our brethren in the House
of Commons in the same friendly manner as I have done to-
day, and I mode a few observations which I am sure I was
nut aware at the time would be known, but which
have been considered worthy of some public observation.
I hare been even described as changing my opinions. The
fact is, that I only said the other day what I here been say-
ing for three years in the House of Common, almost in the
same words. The only object that I hail in making those
observations was that which always auanated me under the
same circumstances, viz., to bring the farmers of this
country to understanding their position, and to take that
course which I think is the most prudent, end the one
most calculated to lead to success and to benefit them.
(Cheers.) A word has been used, which certainly I had
no idea to-day would drop from my lips, and that word is
"protection.' I should like to make one observation
upon that subject. I think, without entering into any dis-
cussion, because there may be gentlemen present who have
different opinions upon the abstract expediency or inexpe.
dieney of what is called the " protective system "—I think
that there is one point on which we must all agree, and
that is, that protection to a particular class, irrespective of
all other classes, is quite out of the qnestion. I always said
so, and the more I think of the subject, the more convinced
I ion that it is so. That being the case, it is perfectly clear
that the system which has been abrogated, or any system
similar to it, cannot be restored, unless there is an almost
universal feeling in the country—unless the various classes
of the country by sharp experience should arrive at the
conclusion that the principles on which our commercial sys-
tem are founded are incorrect and injurious. Now, I can-
not flatter myself that all classes of the country will arrive
at that conclusion, although it may be just and right, in a
hurry. It is quite clear to me after the change that has
occurred, that if this country arrive, after experience, to the
conclusion that the change was erroneous, it will not arrive
at that conclusion in haste or a hurry. Then what is the
course fur the agricultural interest to take ? What is the
interest that is suffering from these changes, while all other
interests almost are announcing to us that they are profiting
by it ? It is for the agricultural interest to discover the
cause, or at least one of the causes, which occasion it to
suffer by that change of legislation which many other classes
think so beneficial. That is the only point that I have impressed
upon the attention of the farmers when I have met them. I
shall not enter into any details now ; but in my opinion the
reason why we find such difficulty in entering into competition
with the agricultural producers of other countries is, that we
are fighting under a heavy weight of taxation. (Cheers, and
"Bravo.") And I am quite convinced that you must
bring the mind of all farmers generally to consider that
safest if they wish anything practically to be done at once
which may alleviate the suffering which they now every
day more experience. (A voice, "Remuneration of price is
of much more consequence.") Iteruuneration of price must
depend in agreat degree on the cust of production. (Hear.) If
you diminish the cost of production, which you do if you
reduce taxation, you increase the remuneration of price.
Remuneration of price is what every man wants, but we
are to find the different means by which remuneration of
price may be obtained ; and then every one must admit
that one of the sources of the remuneration of price is the
reduction of the cost of production. (Cheers; and a voice,
" That won't do it.") If my hon. friend can get laws in
this country that will at once give him that remunerative
price which he requires—if he finds the vast majority of
the country in favour of such laws, no one will be more
glad than myself. No one fought more ardently—no one, I
hope, fought more sincerely—than I did. My sabre was
notched from top to bottom before I ceased to struggle;
but if you think that you cannot immediately and at once
return to that system which has been abrogated, but
which you have found beneficial, then I wish to know
whether it is your opinion that you should to do any-
thing else ? (Hear.) Now we are in this state, that when
parliament meets the very first question which will engage
the attention of the House of Commons and the country
will be the principles on which the taxation of this country
Is to be established. That is the first question. The in-
come tax, which is now the key-stone of the financial arch,
must, unless some interposition takes place, fall. Thins. I
fore, as In fact in a few months the income tax semen
there must be • great deficiency in the revenue of the
country ; and the parliament, which, after all, only repre-
sents the opinions of gentlemen who, like my friend who
just now so courteously interrupted me—(a laegh)—l tun
speaking most sincerely—l am glad he did interrupt me—
wham, nt must decide upon the principles on which the
taxation of this country. is to be raised. If it be true, as I
believe it is, that there is a great and undue pressure of taxa-
tion upon the agricultural internee( this country—that the
owners and occupiers of land pay a much greater portion of
the genteel taxation of the country than they ought to pay
—then, if that is understood, and is fairly and properly re-
presented in the House of Commons when the great dis-
cussion comes, it is not impossible that some arrangement
may be arrived at which may prove advantageous to the
land in all its clashes and interests. But if you, instead of
understanding this part of the question, instead of giving
your in sad esssglsa to this part of the question,
determine that you will only try to get a remunerative price
by heingrag. host an abrogated system which you know at
the praise imminent the country generally will not support
you in Magni bask, the consecksence will be, that when
the new of taxation s established, there will be
imposed burials on the land, and fresh injustice will
be entailed on yea. (Cheers.) I don't want to
enter Mee any discussion at the present moment; but
I will repeat, in a few sentences, some general conclusions
which me ass has yet successfully challenged. It is a fact
that is the Coked kingdom 13,000,000 k per annum are
raised by load taaation, and raised from ems 'es of pro-
" reel property." Of them OM. it is •
FlrtYastedatelly assertained that 11,00191101. ant contributed
by the Ismi—ehe pme lend slims. 1 soy Oen as the rental
et the 'UMW ILinidem Is may 114,0000001, and tbs tax-
able bums el the country is more than those times that

amount, it follows that two-thirds of that should be paid by
the general revenue of the country, and, therefore, that the
agricultural interest is paying in local taxation alone
6,000,0001. a year more than it ought ; and I say that that
is one-tenth of the whole rental of the country—that it is
equal to • 10 per cent. reduction of that rental.
(Cheers.) But I do not say that that is the
only excess of taxation which the agricultural interest
bears beyond other interests. I say that there are restric-
tions upon the industry of the soil, such as no other great
industry of this country experiences and endures. I say
that when the prime minister rises and lectures the farmers
of England, and tells them that they must not trust so
much to Me wheat crop—that they must give up growing
wheat— it is most unreasonable that he should at the same
time be supporting laws which restrict the cultivation of
the next superior grain—barley. (Cheers.) The land tax,
again, is another ground on 'which you may appeal to the
legislature of the country. for an equitable adjustment of
taxation, fur the land tax is not one which can be justified
on these new principles of political science and economy
which aro the governing principles of the day, and
on which avowedly your new commercial system is
established. (Ikar, hear.) I sav that the principle on
which your new commercial system is established, is
that there should not be a tax upon the raw material, and,
in my opinion, a tax upon land, like all your local taxes, is
a tax upon the raw material. Since I made that observa-
tion I see that there has arisen a great controversy upon the
subject. Indeed, almost as I entered this room a moat
intelligent gentleman now present demurred to um on this
poiat. lie said, " I don't understand how land can be a
raw material • land always remeins." Now, I think that
is thst observation I trace that fallacy which is very prem-
iss*, it this aiantry, and which I am messineed should be
exposed, &sit is most injurious to the farmers of this country.
Since I made that &nervation at Aylesbury I have even the
opinion of the must distinguished writer on political economy
of the present day, Mr. Stuart Mills, and he says, that it is a
fallacy to treat land as a raw material, because he
says that man did not make the land. But there I think
that the fallacy of the whole opposition to the principle
which I have laid down is to be found, because what I
maintain is that man (lid make the lund—(cheers)—that
you, the farmers of Buckinghamshire, did make the land
of South Bucks—l any that it is your cultivation, your ma-
nures, your artificial manures, your various prucesses to
which the land is subjected under your science and expe-
rience, that invest it with certain creative qualities—that a
portion of those qualities is wasted by every crop that you
produce, and is in fact the raw material of your manufac-
ture ; in tact, it' you did not cultivate the land, it would
cease to produce your manufacture. Your machinery
is the plough, the clod.crusher, the thresher, but
not the soil. Tho soil is the raw material, and it is
created by you, and every time that the crop is produced
some creative qualities of that raw material are expended, '
some portion, in tact, of that raw material which you must
supply by renovated skill, by renewed experiments, and by
increased culture. Therefore, I es y that lend is the raw
material of the Matadi farmer, and that in this country you
he his raw material, whereas the raw material of the ma-
nufacturer is not taxed; and you announce this to be the
great principle of your new and enlightened system of com-
merce that no raw material of mantitacture should be taxed;
and you do not apply to agriculture the same principles
that you des to commerce. (Cheers.) Well, then, I am asked
what goad is there in stirring these questions—" Are
6,000,0001. of local taxes to be taken off land even if it does
unjustly contribute it? Is it possible that they can be taken
oft land in the present Mato of the finances of the
country—is it possible you can do without the malt tax and
the land tax because they are opposed to the principles of
financial justice and fiscal equity ?" My answer is, There
is a great interest suffering in consequence of your legisla-
tion. It is necessary fur me to discover what are some of
the causes of its suffering, and lam nut to teach you how
vou are to pay your bills, how you arc to discharge your
debts; but 1 sun to show on the part of the agricultural in-
terest, whom you acknowledge to be theamly great suffer-
ing interest, and who are mitering in consequence of undue
taxation, and it is for politicians and etatesmen' mid persons
who represent the community that are revelling, we are
told, in every degree of prosperity—it is for them to devise
how they can meet their engagements in the most
easy and convenient manner for themselves. (Cheers.)
That is why I think it so unwise that farmers
when they complain should be callivar out to the
legislature fur • particular scheme of relief which
is one odious to the multitude, putting themselves
in the position of men, as it were, who arc unable to carry
on their trade without the assistance of the legislature,
when, in fact, all they have got to do is to say that you are
raising a sum of 12,000,000 e or 13,000,000/. from the land
which you ought nut, aecortling to the principles of finan,
cial justice, to raise. You would theta I believe, have
terms offered to you, and, by being united, probably you
would have very good terms. Now, this is the view I take '
of the position of the farmers of this country. With regard
to the principle of the protective system, if that system is re-
stored ,it must be by the whole country, and the farmers will
have their advantage of it. It never will he restored for the
farmers alone, and if the farmers think that it will, they
are only playing the game of their enemies; and they will
find that there will be year after year greater oppres-
sions upon them, greater burdens on their shoul-
ders, and greater difficulties on their part to pre-
serve the position in which they are placed. Ido not
advise you to give up the principle of what is called " pro-
tection to British industry." That is a theory which is
founded on principles which very great men have advo-
cated, and which may be supported by a great force of
argument; hut it is nut a system that any longer exists,
sad unless you get the majority of the country with you
re will not get it back. In the mean time, are you to do
asthing when you have a ease totally irrespective of pro-
! teetion ? You have a case the strongest in the world if you
go forward and ask for justice instead of protection. Take
prptection if you can get it. If others get protection you
will have it ; but no uther class can cull for financial justice
except the agricultural class. It is their own case, and, if
they choose to unite, depend upon it that the bill which
they prefer to the ministry of the country cannot easily be
satisfied, and that some compromise, which, after all, is an
arrangement most in accordance with the common sense
and experience and ckaracter of this country, will be enter-
tained and gained, which, if they follow the advice
of other gentlemen than the present member for
Bucks, who now addresses them, they will have
very little chance of obtaining. (Bear, hear.) I
hear frequently that the influence of the agricultural
classes has been very much exaggerated ; that the couetitu-
tion of this country has been based on a parallel principle,
and that each kind of property has not had its fair influ-
ence ; and that the day has gone by in which the agricul-
tuna interest in all its chases can be supposed to exercise
the influence that it did. I hope the day has gone by when
any class can obtain favours from the legislature to which it
is not entitled—when any class, because it possesses political
power, shall be able to aceomphish social injustice. (Cheers.)
I don't wish to enter into the question of what is the com-
parative influence of classes. I only wish to say this, that
the farmer—the most powerful class in this country—is the
ekes which mostly employs labuur. The farmers of the United
Kingdom are the class which meetly employ labour much bo•
yond all other classes, and therefore the farmers of the United
Kingdom are really the most powerful class. That is the
test—not an imaginary, but a practical test—which will
decide legislation, if the farmers ale united ; and therefore
if the farmers will only embrace certain practical ideas, and
carry out and support them, it is quite impossible, if
are founded
that they will not make their way and be successful. 1
don't ask any man to give up the system which will secure
him remunerating prices ; I don't ask any man to give up
any of the essential principles for which we have fought,
and none of which we have relinquished ; but when a sys-
tem becomes a theory, and ceases te be a fact, I say it is of
the utmost importance that tho farmers of this coun-
try should be aware of that. If the farmers are
persuaded that a greater burden of taxation is
laid on them than on any other class in the country,
they can with the power which they possess, and which,
under any form of government, they must possess, because
no new reform in parliament can diminish the just and le-
gitimate influence of the greatest employers of labour—
make an appeal to the legislature which will not be unsuc-
cessful. (Cheers,) I don't say I really wish the system of
local taxation to be altered—l don't wish to say I dual
estimate the importance of the malt tax as a source of im-
perial revenue—l don't mean to say that many arguments
-may not be urged that may show the expediency of directly
taxing laud—but if those processes are carried on, and those
results are obtained by a system of financial injustice,
it is the duty of statesmen to find some compen-
satory power which will enable the agricultural
classes to bear the increased burden. That is the only
point on which I insist, and I am sure that if you will sup-
port these views, • very short time will elapse—a very short
time indeed—before you will find that they will produce
you fruits, that you will find yourselves in a healthier
position, and that you will arrive at the results which you
desire—at that remunerating price to which my friend has
very properly alluded, by means in which the whole coun-
try will go with you, and in which, instead of being looked
on as a powerful dabs exercising your power for a parti-
cular cud, you will be looked on as a great class in this
country, who are only exercising your power for the
attainment of that justice with which all classes
of Englishmen sympathise. (Cheers.) I find that
what has happened since the repeal of the corn laws has
placed the farmers of the United Kingdom in a much better
position as regards public opinion than they once enjoyed.
I shall not allude to some facts which I mentioned the
other day in the north of the county among your brethren
there to show the results of this energy and enterprise, and
I think they are now perfectly acknowledged. I think it
is admitted that on the whole the agriculture of England,
certainly of the United Kingdom, is the most skilful agri-
culture in the world ; and I think it is also ea/airbags&
that, especially since the change, there has been se big Si
energy or enterprise on the part of the British tartmes
But a good many other fallacies—calumnies I
call them, if I were not disposed to-day to ass the
terms—have been put an end to. The statement that
farmer could not carry on his business from the wall of