The Express.
London, England, 1849-06-04 00:00:00

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popular freedom ; while that of Lord ABERDEEN,
whose system they would fain see substituted instead,
has been and would never be exerted save to
sustain the canes of legitimacy and the interests of
deerittrlillis reservation the conservatives are likely
to carry on an energetic and eloquent mock
opposition to the whip during the remaindet
of the session. The Colonial Secretary will he •
occasionally worried in the person of his
used deputy in the Commons. Mr. HAWES has from
the first been little more than flogging-boy to the
wicked earl "in another place." Some how or other
the junior "candour," of the Peelite school don't like
being too demonstrative in their jealousy of Lord
GREY. They have their own reasons for bestowing
their cruel attentions on the subordinate authority of
the department. The member for Kinsale would be
among the first of the whig Jonah. thrown overboard
should the storm set in violently. But which of the
of-disant colonial reformers can tell how soon be might
be asked to coalesce with "the Gres?" So that
albeit Lord LINCOLN has at length given formal no-
tice of moving an address to the crown regarding
Vancouver's Island, and notwithstanding a notice
likewise' given by Mr. GLADSTONE of • motion re.
[carding the Hudson's Bay Company, we do not anti.
cipate any very hard bitting from either of the ex.
(pedant) ministers. They know well that this is
pretty certain to come from their less scrupulous and
more sincere neighbours, the protectionists. To afford
these opportunities for fair or unfair attacks on
the government, and while affecting a philosophic and
patriotic tone of impartial investigation into
fac's, to let loose the Stanleyitea at indi-
viduals is the obvious tactique of the Morn.
ing Chroniclers. While there appeared to exist
any danger of point-black toryism ri gainirg the
ascendant,—an armed neutrality and somi thing more
was rigidly observed. Mr. DISRAELI was made the
theme of perpetual ridicule and abuse; and no ancient
friend or confidant in bye-gone days was spared while
need there seemed to keep the official field char of In-
terloperc As against the latter whigs and Peelites
hastily made common cause, and an they fought together
under a true flag, we cannot but rejcice in their success.
Protectionism being now confessedly out of the run-
ning, the disinterested effort will be to make use of
the loose talents of the Extreme Right in bringing the
present monopolists of power to a more fitting sensed
the duty of sharing it.
Will Mr. DISRAELI and his friends submit to be
thus used P Will they pluck the chesnuta out of the
fire at the feline bidding of their former leaders and
deceivers ? Will they gulp meekly all the scorn of
which, with transient exceptions, they have been
treated P Will they enlist under the repudiated flag
anew—this time without even the hope of being re-
cognised as participators in the spoil were victory
won? We shall see.

Tn French quarrelled with Louis PHILIPPE be.
cause he would not only reign but govern, incense
he would persist in presiding at cabinet councils, in
meddling with the details, as well as directing the
ensemble of government. The King of the French
was wont to urge that in acting thus he merely sop.
pimwlanipedot2age:ffinnasiactiienotenntalc7lyedefect,
n uponet h,
tah that
thetlll
them le
rmill:ea2
the political public, and that his influence and sup-
port were necessary to keep a ministry together.
The people, in February, having destroyed the en-
tire clock-work of the French administration, it was
in the power of the politicians to put it together, in
the form and proportions, with the movements and
the checks which they pleased. And, singular to say,
they have managed to adopt all that was bad in
Louts PHILIPPE'S system, and get rid of all that WU
good.
The worst feature of Louts Pniurre's manage-
ment was, that it was directed more for the interests
of his dynasty than for those of the country. He was
always thinking of the Bourbon family and the scions
of the house of Orleans, more than even of /a belle
France. His foreign policy was a family policy, and
hie Spanish doings too clearly evince the enmities and
alliances, the diplomacies tad the armaments cf
France, being based on court antipathies and in-
trigues, princely views and ambition. The business
of the cabinet was not to enlighten the prince, bat to
pay court to him. Aud a superior intellect
like that of GUIZOT was bowed down by this
powerful and ever present influence to quarrel with
England, where his true sympathies must have bean,
and to interfere in Spain, which either as a court or
as a country he must in a sovereign degree have de-
spised.
If there be one point in which a republic is prefer.
able to &monarchy, it is decidedly this—that the chief
of the state is without a dynastic bias, that he is not
implicated by old and selfish family intrigues, that his
alliances or leanings are not personal, and in fact that
he has nothing to look to but the country's interests,
and honour. What Frenchman is ignorant of this—
what Frenchman would deny it? And yet, when a
republic was the only possible form of government,
they nullify its very best quality by electing as Pre-
sident almost the only Frenchman, out of thirty mil-
lions, who had dynastic interests, and aims, and pre-
jading. It would seem really as if Providence
had offered a premium for the greatest amount of po-
litical folly in a nation, and that France was exerting
all ber powers to win it.
Instead of a king with a democratic taste and in-
terest, the French thus selected a republican pug-
dent with monarchic ones. And having ,thus rude
LOUIS NAPOLEON a LOUIS PHILIPPE to the best of
their ability, they stick him in the very place, the
occupation of which by the King so annoyed them.
They make a constitution, in which the chief of the
executive necessarily presides the cabinet. Such
was the office they made for CATAIGN IC, an execu-
tive President of the council. Such is the office to
which LOUIS NAPOLEON succeeded.
It is owing to his having taken this position
that the task of forming a cabinet has become sodifficalt
to him. Instead of being above that score or score and
a half of politicians oat of whom ministers are made,
LOUIS NAPOLEON is one of them. He debates with
them, quarrels with them is now and then in a
minority of his own cabinet. He counsels vox
when they cry pane, and mercy when they
cry rigour. The consequence is that the Freed
cabinet has been utterly ignorant of its own
intentions, and completely undecided as to its own
sims. The expedition to Rome is a proof. Whet
was its object, what were its instructions, what is to
be its end ? No two of the ministers, which sine-
tioned it, could agree in an answer to these questions.
M. FAUCHER would tell you one thing, 3.l.'PAsse
ther, Louis NAPOLEON could not say anything. Bat
there is the expeditionary army, rotting on the Cam-
papa, quite ready either to do the absolutist wort
of Russia, and restore the wont species of despoil"
the priestly autocracy, or to fraternise with the Ra-
man republic, should Lanais ROLLIN bunt into the
closet of the presidential palace.
We have no accusation to make against Loris
NAPOLEON. He seems exceedingly well disposed,
ready to conciliate, to take counsel, to adopt the views
and colour of the majority. Like a good constitte
tional chameleon, he his taken the colour of the party
or the substance to which he came to be attached-
He seems anxious to let the country have in will, to
allow the assembly to have its will, and to
let politicians do as they please. And he has pen
mitted the score and a half of gentlemen
considered to be materials of ministries to settle the
question amongst them of who shall be minister.
The President seems to have placed his hands
behind his back, and to look on. He has contented
to part with the minister he liked best, and who win
attached to him, M. FAUCHER. And he has waited
to see what the political tide will send him. Be-
Guinn or Dur&une, or both, or neither, seems all res

to him.
But in conciliating the Assembly, and allowing the
dominant political coterie to do what it pleases, and te
constitute itself a government in what proportions it
may decide, what is Louis NAPOLEON doing for the
country ? Is he consolidating its republican insti.
ultimo, or preparing the way for monarchic °arra
Is be entenng with dignity upon a policy of
economy and pease P He is not. The Rombe'
an
intervention, as preposterous as expensive
lies it. Has he given one single atom of sup-
port to the liberal cause in Europe? With Hutt-
guy, Germany, and Italy, struggling for their charter,
has his attitude, or that of his ministry, been
one of sympathy ; and, if sympathy and interest, hare
these been shown for the nations struggling for their
independence, or for the military powers labouring to
crush them ? The last debate in which 31. Ballads
, voice was heard, it was ;hard is laudation of Rm%
f the usw
"--Y which bad acknowledged the republic.