The Express.
London, England, 1849-03-20 00:00:00

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LONDON,TUESDAY,MARCH2O.
We regret to state that advice, from Palermo of
the Bth announce the determination of the Sicilians to
reject the Neapolitan ultimatum. The Eogliah and
French fleets reached Palermo on the Bth, and on the
following day transmitted to the Prince of BuTzlia
the missive of his Majesty the King of NAPLES. The
answer was not publicly announced on the Bth, bat
the universal opinion was that the constitution was
utterly unacceptable, and that the only alternative
was war. The admirals declared that they would
stay to the last moment of there being hope of en
enoonunodation. The S:cilians look to nose.
In order that the English public may be fully
aware of the nature and cause of the war about
to arise, we will state what are the objections
of the Sicilia= to the royal of In the first
place the Kieg abolishes their hereditary peerage.
The old, historic families, the heads of each of which
have formed the Sicilian upper house from the time
of the Normans, the King sets aside by the
stroke of his pen, manifesting by this, and
by his resolve to have no upper chamber
save composed of members of his own nomination,
his purpose to root out the noblesse. We mentioned
on a former occasion that the only two countries in
Europe that had the materials of an hereditary peerage,
mid which had kept that hereditary peerage by means
at an ancient mestitution, were Mastery and Sicily.
The despotic seeds of both countries have resolved to
'belie time hereditary peerages. For our own
pet, we mast be much chagrined to see despotism
Ibis doing the work of democracy. Yet we somewhat
sympathise with the liberal aristocracy of Sicily,
making common cause with citizen and passe, and
demanding nothing more than their most ancient,
well *Anted, and impreecriptible rights.
If Sicily resembled England in the parliamentary
privileges of its nobles, it had another striking point,
of resemblance in its municipal freedom and indite-
tions. These secured to the lower and middle claws
their self government and independence, and a certain
degree of political education. The King of NAPLES
will not allow of municipal freedom, no more than of
aristocratic rights. He insists on introducing the
French levelling and centralising system over all,
administering provinces and villages by prefact and
police. The Sicilians, moreover, had a habeas corpus
law, and trial by jury. These and all other liberties
disappear under the new constitution. The electoral
qualification required is absurdly high, and profes-
sional votes, at present admitted, are excluded by the
charter. Such a mere gif: of the king, too, every
one feels, might be revoked by the same authority
which gives it, whilst the ancient constitution is, and
ever has been, a durable compact between prince and

people.
Tne grand objection of tie- Sicilians is, however, to
the article fixing the amount of the budget. By
this one article, the King in reality assumes the en-
tire and uncontrolled power of the legislature and the
government. As the Sicilians are hereby bound,
whether they choose or not, to provide the requisite
quota for the military, naval, and diplomatic expendi-
ture, it follows of course that the taxes may be
raised, independently of the authority of the Sicilian
parliament. Of what use then can be their national
assembly? How cal it enforce its will, how exer-
cise financial supervision, how retain even the shadow
of authority, or usefulness ? Nor need the Sicilians
look far for an exemplification of what they are to
expect. In Naples, at this moment, the chambers re-
fuse to vete the taxes, being the constitutional way of
=ng their utter want of confidence in the
. The King, however, 'rains both in re-
taining his ministry, and in levying the taxes, and
this under a constitution also of the King's own for-
mation, and with as assembly elected after the laws
and conditions which his Majesty, himself laid down.
In the face of su.h facts, we ask, how are the Sici-
lians to blame, if they are forced to refuse the insi-
dious proffers of so faithless a tyrant?
The Sicilians at present make no exorbitant de-
mar ds. They merely ask their ancient constitution,
with such modifications as the necessities of modern
times demand. They ask that constitution which
the King empowered Lord MINS° to present to the
Sicilians, in March, 1848, before the events of
February in Paris were known, and con-
sequently berme the revolutionary convulsion.had agitated Europe. The King at that
time, with his usual habits of treachery and men-
dacity, whilst he sent Lord Miter° with this fair
conentutioo, despatched at the same time through
other channels other decrees, utter at variance with
inch constitution, and intended to nullify it.
One, for example, prescribed an oath of im-
plicit obedience: to the King's will,:tand to
whatever laws he might personally ordain and issue.
Such manifest duplicity and bad faith caused not only
the failure of (Lord Muno's mission, which, had the
King net acted underhand, would at the time have
succeeded, but drew down from the Sicilians the well-
merited, though extreme, decree, deposing the House
of BOURBON. This, however, did not proceed
from the disaffection or extravagance of the
Sicilians, bat from the manifest and provoking
treachery of the King, a treacher practised,
indeed, on purpose to provoke, and to make
a fool of, the Earl of MINTo. Never was ant
of deposition by a people more justly merited
by a faithless Sovereign ; and the inmirals of
the French and English fiesta acknowledged the
justice of the sentence, by saluting the Sicilian flag
with all solemnity, in the waters of Palermo.
We are by no means now pretending that it be-
hoves England or France to interfere. They have
interfaced too much already. But in the way of me-
diation, after the fair conditions which the admirals
and envoys of France and England did stipulate,
they noun not have condescended to be the barns
of a charter so insulting, so disgusting to the
Sicilians, and so subversive of their rights, as
that constitution which the organ of his Neapolitan
Majesty in this country has published. Better have
egged away at once, and allowed the Swipe and
lascaronibutchers of FERDINAND to resume their task
of destruction and blood than come with these false
and insidious proffers, and make the refusal of them
an excuse foe the withdrawal of a countenance and an
arbitration that ought not to have been given without
the power and the honest intention of carrying it
through.

IT would be difficult to cut a meaner firm, or to
have submitted with more solemnity to ab 7 ick, admi-
nistered by a military boot from behind, than the
FAA India Company or their executive did on Satur-
day. The Merchant of Vella% when he came to
borrow motley of efilsyloci, and spat upon his gaberdine,
did not behave more rudely than Sir CHARLES
NAPIIR in receiving and acknowledging his appoint-
ment.

In return for his health being drank, the gallant
general " That he went to India at the com-
mand of her MAmsrt, at the recommendation of the
Duke of Wauxacrrott, and with the approbation of
his eountrymen. As to the Bast India Company or
its directors, they would no doubt give him co-opera-
tion and support, But on this point," quoth Sir
Camas bluntly, " the lout mid the soonest
mended!

We think so too. The East India Company has
an immense emphe to govern, protest, and improve.
The improveterart of the basins. it has deferred
tothe Chuck Thu* pouneed de country in
which it basked audience iwastft,it cannot make
a railroad, or even sneesrage toe to procure foe the
country the supply to Issisad *Me peat material of
its staple manufacture. This would be some return to
India for its impoverished, dimmed, and disaffected
state. But no—the East India Company is a huge