The Express.
London, England, 1847-05-11 00:00:00

ht eriartoo.

HAILS.

The malls for Vigo, OSIII
iirJebon, Madre, Cadiz, and Gibraltar.
will be made uo ea the et the 17th May.
The West IndM mils, lime er Mthico, ilor.durae, and
the Ilarannah, will be Erie to es die eemiegif the 1 ith May.
The Mails for With Mee* Amethe. Itemeefe, and the gaited
hats, will be made up an the miss lOe MY May.
The overlani trade Ow 011weltag, MsehhOreece. the lonian Wanda,
grypt,Aden, Cey India, Haeg-itan, Chink win Southampton,
will -be made up on the owning of Mann May.
The overland eland mails, e.o Marseilles, w the Mediterranean,
ggypt, Aden, Ceylon, India, Bong Nogg, ilta, will be made up on the
mad* of the 21th May.
The math for New South Wales, Van Diemen'', Land, and Now
Zealand will be made up on the evening of the 31 et May.
The math for the Brandi, the giver Plate, Monte Video, Pernam-
buco, Bahia, daeleirs, and Buenos Ayres, will be made ep on the
ends. of the 4th June.

HIGH WATER AT LONDON-BRIDGL
TN= DAT—Morning, 0 wr. pre I 1; Aftaneoca, 33 obi. pre 11.
ToJloarnr—licarap. 0 ars per 0 ; Mosso," I Ada. par 0.

LONDON, TUESDAY, MAY 11.

THE only hopes that now remain of Mexico's suc-
cess in preserving her indepecdence and avoiding the
Anglo-American yoke, consist in the chances of
guerilla warfare. It is, indeed, almost the only kind
of warfare in which the Spanish race can successfally
measure itself with the more disciplined or more
staunch soldiers of European countries—of whom the
mo-ak, or confidence in their superiority, is at the
highest pitch.
The whole history of the Peninsular war shows
how vainly the Spaniards trusted to their regular
armies, and how much alight be achieved by gue-
rillas : not but that the Spanish army did at times dis-
play both skill and courage. The Mexicans, in their
advance towards Saltillo, seem to have shown
both. We have as yet but American accounts
of these actions; and it is evident, that, how-
ever indisputable the victory of the Americans,
it was dearly bought. As to cities or strong-
holds on the coast, they could not be expected
to hold out. SANTA ANNA, who had defended Vera
Cruz against a French force, evidently abandoned
the idea of making the experiment a second time.
Nor was it to be expected that either Vera Cruz or
St. Juan d'Ulloa should offer stubborn or pro-
longed resistance, when no Mexican army or general
hovered near, as in past times, to create diversion
or afford relief.
The only circumstance that excites suspicion is the
time taken by the American ifeneral to master the
city. The desperate mtans which he employed evince
his caution and his fears. And the brilliant coup de
main of the Prince ofJOINNILLE in tkoee streets, and
the capture of the town without the destruction of
property and life, and that, too, without other than a
marine force, offer a contrast between the French
prince and the American general very much
to the disadvantage of the latter.
The capture of Vera Cruz and its castle makes no

•__ . - -
!change, however, in the prospects of the war. The
amiss of engagements between Saltillo and St. Luis
de Potosi are more conclusive ; they decide the inutility
of Mexican meeting Anglo-American in the open
field, and the hopelessness of trusting to regular
*coops or tactics. The defence of Mexico must
be of another kind. It must be a repetition of
those efforts which freed the country of the
Spanish armi, s, which raised every province in
guerillim which induced the priests to pay and to
feed, the better classes to lead, the Indian and the
tto turn marksman and marauder. The chief
peasant
Mexican independence is, that the late
battles may prove effective as a lesson, and
that the Mexicans may offer no more such
chances. Letters from the country state with con-
sternation that there are few cannon to defend the
=which lead from the low ground to the table
and that the Americans a ill not meet with many
obstacles to their p But, with a view to
guerilla warfare, the Mexicans ought to admit, nay,
entice, the Americans into the very bowels of the
land. The road to the capital or to the interior
should be thrown open to them.
The Americans will then have to keep open com-
munications, levy contributions, and exasperate the
population by taking their supplies. There is no
party amongst the Mexicans now inclined to tarn
traitor. The Federalists, who existed as a party, be-
fore the war, and then favoured America, have disap-
peared since the invasion, and whatever men are upper-
most in Mexico are united in the one great purpose
of resistance.

Notwithstanding his character, blackened by
calumny, GOMEZ FAHIAS, chief of the democratic
party, seems to have shown sufficient energy during
his rule. He provided for SANTA ANNA the funds
and supplies requisite for trying his fortune and that
of the country in a regular campaign. The attempt
of FARMS to tax the clergy in his extremity was
bold and just. He has fallen a victim to their re-
sentment

And henceforth there can scarcely be such a thing
as a governt, ent levying taxes and undertaking
defence. These duties must be performed by the
people themselves. And if SANTA ANSA be staunch
■nd wise, be will abandon the hope of defending
the capital by a regular army and by pitched
battles, which his manifesto seems to promise,
but take measures for disseminating resistance,
so that on their adv.tnee the Americans might
find neither government, nor army, nor authorities,
but active bends of destroyers, n•t in front, but on
both sides of the line of march and operations. The
possession of the (capital did not make the old
Spaniards masters of the country—why should it
render the Americans so ?

The Anglo-Americans may conquer Mexico, but
cannot remain masters of it, or even conclude a satis-
factory treaty with it, unless through the medium of
some iafluential party. None that exist seem
able or willing to play such a part. SANTA ANNA
declines—the democrats abhor it. The Federalists
would aenationalize themselves by attempting it.
And, in the end, the Americans may find themselves
in Mexico, bke the French in Algeria, nominal con-
querors, but braved and slaughtered by every preda-
tory band, whilst the drains in the shape of military
expense would suffice to buy an empire, though so
utterly thrown away in coercing one.

THE continental money markets have again been
revived by the announcement of the Russian Em-
peror's intention to invest a further sum of nearly five
millions of pounds sterling in foreign funds. there
can be no doubt respecting the utility of such an in-
vestment for Europe in general, under the extraor-
dinary and artificial pressure that has been superin-
duced. We have only to regret that such active
financiers as the Russian ministers show themselves,
should limit their sphere of influence instead of
seeking to found an extended credit upon sound prin-
ciples of trade and taxation. For the moment, how-
ever, the wisdom of the west is forced to my
" peccavi" and acknowledge that it is at fault. Paris
began the system of restricting the use of banking
credit and of measuring its efficiency by the presence
of gold. Sir lt. PEEL transplanted the same notion
' under a different form to England, and the Ring of
PRUSSIA has remodelled the Bank of Berlin on the

London plan, with some modifications. At Vienna
the government has taken advantage of the command
of a good supply of bullion to make large paper issues.
The Emperor of RUSSIA goes still further, and places
his hoards at the disposal of all idolisers of metallic
currency. The anomalous position occupied by Eng-
land, which has long been looked upon as the soul of
the trading operations of the world, is the most cu-
rious feature of this page of history.
Extraordinary emergencies justify bold measures.
The revolutionary war justified the Bank Re-
striction Act, in which the source of England's
true power was disclosed. A famine is a case which
is everywhere held to call for prompt exertion; and
had we chosen, it would have been easy to have
collected an immense mass of gold from the
floating currency of the country simply by allowing it
to be replaced in some degree with one-pound notes.
Small sums for circulation are especially requisite
where daily and weekly payments of labour wages
are customary. We see that an abstraction of sove-
reigns imposes on our manufacturers the necessity of
stopping their works.
But if we did not choose to go so far as the Russian
Czar (who, by the account of a correspondent, would
seem to have absorbed all the precious metals by issue
of notes), the course taken by the King of PRUSSIA
was still left open. Although the Bank of Berlin is
bound to exhibit a quantity of bullion equivalent to
one-third of the notes which it issues, yet an excep-
tion has been allowed in favour of a loan specially
made by the government in government notes or
exchequer bills. These are considered to be a
guarantee equivalent to gold or silver. We might
thus have allowed the Bank, by a vote of the house,
to consider the eight millions destined to be spent in
Ireland as a guarantee for an Jame of small notes.
These notes, whether emanating from the Bank of
England or of Ireland, would have been equally
well received with the coined money circulated, since
it would have been taken in payment for food, and
the fund in the cellars of the Bank might have been
left undisturbed.
Since NAPOLEON banded his millions for our
destruction, there never was an opportunity like
the present for a display of commercial power.
The four and thirty years of peace have not
offered a conquest of public opinion that could
rank with the position which England is now
entitled to assume. Bat the commercial power
of England, which lies in her credit, did not, as in
Russia, Prussia, or Austria, depend upon the
prudent or imprudent management of a govern-
ment bank, or of a state treasury. Nor is
England's power now to be measured by the condition
or resources of the Bank of England, although, by
consenting to a dangerous system of meddling, it has
been made to appear so. The Bank Restriction Act
was of no avail until the merchants of London held a
subsequent meeting, and declared their intention of
taking the notes untied under that act, without pre-
senting them for specie. The limitations now imposed
in a manner that may be qualified as an unconstitu-
tional interference with the right of every free-born
Briton to create credit for himself, and to use it as he
may, under the control of laws for the protection of
property and the repression of fraud, can, in like
manner, be discarded by an unanimous expression of
opinion by our merchants. The expression of this
opinion would, in all probability, have not been as
unanimous as it now promises to be, had any pal-
liatives been adopted. We are glad, therefore, that
the experiment has been fatly tried. When our
operatives, manufacturers, merchants, and agricultu-
rists are all and each convinced that their interests are
indissolubly linked together, and that no injury can be ,
inflicted on any of these without its being felt by the'
whole, then, and only then, can we expect anything
like the unanimous appeal which shall free us from
this novel and most mischievous beginning of com-
mercial restrictions—the currency laws of 1841.

The ministerial crisis occupied the attention of the
public and the press in Paris on Sunday, to the ex-
clusion of every other topic. The singular circum-
stances attending the present dislocation of the
cabinet, were the subject of animadversion in all
circles. The few particulars which we gave yester-
day prove, so far as they go, to have been correct.
The following are more complete details :
On Friday morning, NI. Guizot called around him
four of his colleagues, M. Duchatel, Minister of the
Interior ; M. Damon, Minister of Public Works;
M. Hebert, Minister of Justice; and M. Salvandy,
Minister of Public Instruction : and submitted to