The Express.
London, England, 1848-02-19 00:00:00

relined. Like the hopes end expectations of the hon.
uaks, they were founded en the commerce with France ;
hue at that moment they were on the eve of the longest and
wow iaterneciee struggle that ever took place between two
wenn—longer than the thirty years' war in Germany,
The increase of commerce did not prevent war then • why
should the war now ? (Hear, hear.) He believed
the by aid of a wise diplomacy the peeve of Europe was
eeees mere POCUTV ; he believed that the struggles of farmer
times would gradually be forgotten, but there never was an
wgurneat founded on a more flimsy b that which
°trend commercial relations so a bond ape
rchpepetual peace be-
twee* venous ; and as long as the universal priueiples of hu-
an nature were not repealed by acts of parliament. he would
believe in what the truth ot history attested, and that nations
would continue to be agitated by the pressure which gave
rise to war. But it was said that new tendencies had been
introduced by the new system of commercial polity. The
only tendency which he recognised in the new priucip:e was
the increase of their taxes. (Hear, hear.) The gat ntlemen
who represented the Mauchester school were not content
wth relieviug themselves, but they must inflict taxes up in
their oppolients. (Hear, hear.) This new principle was, it
seemed, an omnipotent deity, under whose wheels every in-
stitution was to fall. (Hear, bear.) lie, however,
was not prepared to believe that the commercial so ndency
was strong. r than the religious tendency, and es the
people of Eurape professing the same creed fur ceuturiee,
wonkipping the same got and the same eaviour, were not
prevented from having recourse to national defences, he
ale its swaddling clothes,wo
would proluce remits en marvellous.
The hon. gentleman at the meetiep in Manchester, where
he promulgated his formal revelation, quoted a flewery
speech made at Rotten by M. Cremieux—a speech qure
worthy of the purple rhetoric of the Anti-corn-law League
in its palmist days—es his vindication to the people of
England. That gentleman also anticipated the mibenium,
sad terminated his speech with the words " liberty, equality,
fraternity." Why that was the Jacobin Sanuer un-
furled? (Chee.s.) What did thane words terminate
in before? Not in perpetual peace. (Hear, hear.)
Some men were for liberty. many men were for equality,
but as for irate, city, the only objection he bad stoniest it
was this, that he always found that every party and nation
who wished to get, or who preached fraternity, were
always prepared to perform the part of elder brothers. (Much
laughter and cheering.) That was a rather alarming coil
munication, but it was not all, for whi n the sun went down
"The moon takes up the wondrous tale."
and the right hon. gewleuaa . the member for Manchester
(Mr. Gibson) inspired by " liberty," by "equality,' and of
course inspired by fraternity—(laughter)—came forward
and told them that wax not enough, that the great movement
was not to preserve perpetual peace alone, that it must
do more—that it mud tauch the law of land inherit-
ance—remove the anninaliet of pritnegeniture—(cheen)—
and certainly if you inflict n five per cent. income tax this
wired be the reeul,. Reverting, however, to the subj. ct of
debate. he (Mr. Disraeli) reverenced the rude simplicity of
the government. (Ironical cheers.) He only wished their
supporters had kept their principles for Covent garden.
(Renewed cheers.) But what was it the government asked
them to do? The object of their policy was to give the
franchise to one class, who throw the burden of taxation
upon another. (Hear, hear.) In an age of monopoly let
them take care that there was not a monopoly of taxation.
(Renewed cheers.) The ministry were acting up to the
spirit of a class whose principles were, in his opinion, opposed
to the permanence of our prosperity. He wished the sources
of that prosperity to coutii.us, but he felt that
it was impossiele to secure the wealth of nations without se- ,
curing their power, lithe principles he referred to succeeded
even for a moment, still they were principlm opposed to the
independence of the country. They might even be opposed
to the defence of the country ; for on the principle that they
thought nothing of a colony, members opperte might recon-
cile themselves even to consider England a province of
France. (Loud cheers.) But though they on that side of
the house were, as they were called, " a broken and dis-
tracted party," he hoped there was spirit enough left to deal
with these principles in a firm and manly mode. (Loud op-
position cheers.) Weak or strong, they must be prepared. to
inquire what were the principles of the system they were in-
vited to thro
vend be prepared to support at all hazards the
ancient and erated institutions of our realm. (Great

sheering.)
Mr. COBDEN rem amid much confusion—l fear, sir, he
said, that I shall have to descend from those realms of ima-
gination into which the hon. member has soared, and to
relinquish the honourable 'mho}, in which his kindness
would have placed me. (•• Hear," and laughter.) Although
helms followed me from Covent-garden to th Continent, he
must yet pardon me if I find in his speech not s ary much
to refer to on such an occasion as the present. (Si me oppo-
sition laughter.) I coats ss that 1 have not heard with much
surprise the disastrous rt port of the first minister respecting
our finances. His budget is but a counterpart of the balance.
sheets of all the industrious charms of the country But what
has astonished me in, that, unlike every other commercial
and mercantile man in England during the past
year, instead of trying to make both ends meet,
instead of attempting to balance the accolint, by
keeping the expenditure down to the level of the income,
he seems to have but one thotterbt, and that is, to make the
receipts equal to an increased expenditure. (Cheers Now
I must say that I have been exceedingly pained, not only at
the defalcation of which we are informed, but at the tone
in which the necessity for increased taxation has been
alluded to. I my it with the greatest regret,
but I do not believe a speech has been made by acv Prime
Minister in this house mime the war so calculated to do mis-
chiefs to this country and to others. (Loud liberal cheers).
What is that but an incitement to hostility ? (Loud
cries of " No," followed by loud liberal cheering.) What
is that but a threat that this country m. ,king preparation ?
(Renewed cries of " No," and applause.) lam not sorry
to hear these cries of "No." lam anxious to give you,
the representatives of England, an opportuaity of
disclaiming any such sentiments as those convoyed in the
nob!e lord's speech. (Loud cheers.) But we must eeriness r
that we have to deal with a sensitive people, and that we
cannot be too cautious. (Renewed cheers.) And here let
me ask, what is the occasion for all this ? (R• peated cheers.)
Where is the indication of war From what quarter are the
hostilities described to night to be looked for and expected ?
We were told, in the Queen's speech, that this country was
at amity with every foreign nation. (Cheers.) It is time
we asked this question—Does the language of the sovereign
convey the truth? If so, how can the language used to-
night einvey the truth? (Cheers) Where, I ask, is the
danger to come from? Have the French bee., arming
against us? We have no evidence of the kind. I know it
is said that the French have been augm. nting their navy.
(Hear, hear.) Yes; and when that question. comes before
the house I shall be prepared to show, from the speeches
in the French chambers, that your augmentations of the
British navy have been the steady plea and excuse for this
increase oft he French force. But what are the facts ? Why
the noble lord himself told us the other night that our fleet
was double the size of the French fleet. Are the French
then going to invade us. knowing we have a fleet double the
strength of theirs ? Who favours such a thing ? Who is
alarmed at the idea ? Who's afraid of the French ? Where
are the people who express their fears, and pr ty you to afford
them better protection? (Great cheering.) Why, air, I re-
present in this house the larpeet and most important coqeti-
tuency in the empire—a constituency consisting of a million
of people—and I will be bound to say that there is not a
town in the West Riding of Yorkshire where a meeting has
not been h. Id to theclaim a.l fear and all desire of
protection, and to pray you not to augment your naval
and military armaments. Why, in the West Riding
there are thirty-six thousand electors, and I will venture
to any that not one member of this house will deny my state-
ment that the vast majority of those electors are entirely op-
posed to your pretest proposition. (Cheers.) I mention
these facts with the greater satisfaction that they may go
forth to France and to Ithropu along side of the r's
address. And now, turning to another phase of the subject,
let me ask at what a time is it that you take these measures ?
(Great cheering frith the Is., er benches.) I should be sorry
at any time to hear of this; but at present you must pardon
me for crying that the most cogent reasons are needed to jus-
tify such a propoeitioti. (Repeated cheers.) I have not
heard to-night true feet from the noble lord to call for such a
proposal. (R. flowed cheers) Not a single fact. (Re
peated cheers.) lie says that Mr. Pitt in 1792 sought to dis-
arm the country though we were on the of w.
It is true ; but how different were ourcircumstances?
in 1792, and at the present time. Why, I believe if Mr. Pitt
had had the intol.igent middle chess governing the country,
and the instructed working class taking part in its strain, as
we have now, Mr. Pitt in those days would never hare
plunged US into war. He was driven to that measure by the
aristocracy and by the obstinacy of the monarch, who bent
the aristecrsey to his with But England had her lesson ie
the debt which followed, and which you are now
calling on us to increase. (Hear.) Then look at France.
How different the circumstances of France then and now
France has gone through her revolution. I know of no mo-
tive she now has for a war France now has no privileged
orders—no cot hlished church—(ironical cheers from the on-
position)—no great inequalities in the condition of her people,
and she has a very minute subdivition of herland. What mo-
tive hesFraneetle n.for another revolution? These are factsthat
the Minister should have borne in mind. But then he feels
the dangere which we have
Intakerecently one through. He re-
erred to Mr. P Why, that matte' to be the
best proof possible that additions to our armaments are not
required, and that there is little fear of our going to war at all.
We are told that in some of the closets at the Foreign-office
there is a bundle of old letters which satisfactorily prove '
how very near the foreign ministers of England and
of France were comine to loggerheads about that
matter. Why, I will be bound to say if the ob-
stinacyor the recklessness of either of three two gentle-
men had been carried so far as to precipitate a war, the re-
sult would have been that the people of either country would
have turned them out of office. (Cheers and laughter.) But
the prime rainisti r tells as it is not necessary to arm against a
probability; we ought sometimes even to arm against an im-
probability. Why, sir. ie not that dealing with the country with
some degree of levity. (Cheers.) Impoverished as we are,
loaded and oppri seed as we are with heavy }suede. a—which
you're new seeking to increase—is it not too load to press
such rat source upon us against the wish of the inhabitants
of all our lerge towns, with no better excuse for them than
that we ought to take precautions against an improbability
(Repeated ethering.) But I would salt, even with theseer-
nble improbability t guard against, is it not powibl to
make the pretest amount do?? (Hear, hear.) I would tele
that consistent economist the hon. member for Sheffield
(Mr. Ward)—(ironical cheering)—if even he does not think
our money this year might be mode to go a great deal fur •
ther than it did lest? I ark members connected with rail-
ways and with banking arol monetary affairs, what is their
experience in this point? The hon. member for Sheffield will
reply, perhaps, that a great port of the millions voted for the
be 7, is spent in payment alibied wages. But there are a few
of those millions that go for stores, and I beg to ask any one
whoknnws anything about it whether those stores may not
all be contracted for this year at least Eve and twenty per

cent. cheaper than they were lest? (Cheers.) I repeat,
then, what I have said before here and elsewhere, that I am
unprepared to vote any increase whatever, and that when
the proper time arrives I shall give every opposition in my
power to the appropriation of a single shilling for the per.
poses the government have indicated. (Cheering.) And
now, as to this income tax it is proposed to increase. I have
ne objection to an income tax as the hon. member for Buck.
inghemahire supposes. But income taxes are of different
kinds, and they are net alone paid by those who can afford
to pay them. I ask the honourable member
for Buckinghamshire does he not think that the
poor wretch who goes on • Saturday night to
the chandler's shop of some Buckingtsamshtee vitlage to
buy two pennyworth of sugar or twopenny worth of tea, and
pay three fialence of his twopence to the government in
taxation.—l ask hint if he does not think teat individual
pays an income tax as well as the landowner ? (Cheering )
As contra-distinguished from a prop, rty tax, 1 have, indeed,
oltejt ctiotts to an 11103010 tax; and when taxes are put 011
merely to prevent the possibility of our effecting economy in
oar e xpentliture, 1 object to both. But, let me tell the hon.
member, that if he continues to tale as he has done to-night,
he may crate some misapprehension in Buckinghamshire as
Ito what are our objects and arguments. He talks at a great
deficiency. Nothing is mire easy than to have a great defi-
ciency. Have a greatly increased expenditure and you
may have • great deficiency. without any trouble. But let
me ask who votes the greatly increased expenditure? (liear.)
Is it not the hon. member for Bucks and thou who vote
with him ? (Loud cheering) Has that hen member ever
g yen a single vote in this house on the side of meson toy?
Though he dislikes increased taxation, yet he is always pre-
pared to vote for increased expenditure. (Cheers.) Let
him not then, in future, charge " free trade" with causing
it. In 1835, our total expenditure was forty-four and a
half millions; and now it exceeds fifty faun millions ;
this increase is nearly all in our army, navy, and ordnance.
Who caused that ? The member for Buckinghamshire and
those who vote with him. (Cheers.) Their extravagance
causes the necessity for this increased income tax. If it had
not been for them we might have kept our accounts to the
standard ail 1835, and the saving that would have accrued
would have enabled us to dispense with the window tax and
the duty upon tea; nay, it would have berme qu.l to the
amount of all the poor's rate of the country. (Hear, hear.)
Teen I say to hon, members opposite help us to cut down
the expenditure. (Hear.)I will give you • remote why : I
will talk to you protectionists as men of sense. ("Hear," and
laughter.) I will say to you, Give up this idea of
yours of forming a party on the principle of pro!ection. You
must see that its of no use. Your leaders drop away from
you ; and why ? Because you have no party and no princi-
ples. Your protection, as you call it, is a sham and a fudge.
it Oh!" and laughter.) You might a, well attempt to restore
she Stuarts. (Cheers.) You might as well attempt to roll
back the year 1816 as attempt to restore the corn law of
which that year witnessed the abolition. That law has gone.
I promise you you shall never see it again. (Hear, and loud
cheering.) Well, then, what is the next thing for you to do ?
You cannot indemnify yourselves fur the reduced price of
Caro by comine on tke public taxes. As fur the corn law
itself, rely upon it you shall never have t het again. (Hear,
hear.) What is your nextcause ? When I look back through
a long series of pars, but more especially during the past 30
years, I find that whenever the prices of corn have been low
there has been a vehement clamour on the part of the landed
interest for a cutting down of the expenditure. Now we all
know that the price of corn is low, and will get lower. And
don't think that we repent of the bargain by which we Se-
cured low-priced corn. The traders, the manufacturers, the
working classes are perfectly satiefied with th. it bargain.
They are true to their principle now, and they will be mole
so, if possible, when corn is down to 40$. You protectionists,
then, I say, have no, chance of restoring the corn lawn, and
your only remedy is—(cries of " questi in"). I suspect lam
rather too near the question. (Ileac, hear.) Your only
chance now is, to help the free-traders, who seek to reduce
the expenditure. (Hear, hear.) Your constituents, I can
tell you, will soon look at things in this practical point of
view. They will no longer be lead away by the cry of pro-
tection. As to free trade, I never said it would bring about
the milleniunt—(hear, hear)—but, as to its effects on inter-
national matters, I alwaysi said, as I say now, that its direct
tendency was,by a free exchange of commodities, to bind
nations in the bonds of peace. (Hear, hear.) We carried
free trade—it ma, be by an accident, for, truly, free-trade
principles cannot be 'aid to pervade this assembly, nor even,
indeed, after the warlike speech of the noble premier, to
inspire hon. gentlemen on the ministerial benches; but,
having carried it, rely upon it that free trade wilt work out
its great ends, despite your sneers and despite your menaces.
(Hear, hear.)
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER begged to
say • few words. lie denied that his noble friend's props).
1116011 could be characterised as a war budget. It was pre-
pasteroes to talk of an increase of 300,0001. iu our military
and naval departments as being calculated to inspire our
neighbours with jealousy and anxieties. The whole tcnour
of the conduct pursued by her Majesty's government mini.
rested them to be moat earnest for the preservation of peace.
As to the number of our seamen, it was not, by one man,
, greater than the number of seamen voted by France. The
number of French seamen was 29,000, and the number pro-
posed to constitute our navy was also 29,000. (Hear.) As
to the expenditure, he begged to remind hon. gentlemen
that whatever the expenditure of the government
had been, it had been decidedly sanct iened by
the almost unanimous vote of the representatives of the
people in that house. (Hear, hear.) There was no man in
the house more anxious than he for sound ccouemy ; but he
could not consent that any economy should be introduced
inconsistent with the maintenance ef our natienal honour
and security. With reference to the income tax as it now
stood, it was quite true that he had expreased the opinion
that there was no prospect of its being taken off. He cer-
tainly considered that au income tax to the amount of 3 per
cent. was a permanent part of our taxation. (Hear, hear.)
No doubt, when it was proposed, it was not prop -teed as a
permanent tax ; but when it was voted he oil not think
that any man could really and truly have believed there
was any prospect of its ever being taken off. (Hear, hear.)
The 2 per cent. additional tax now proposed he regarded as
standing on very different grounds. (Hear, hear) He
would make no promises, because he would not hereatter be
taunted with breaking any promise—(ironical cheer.)—but it
was proposed to impose this additional tax with the view of
making the house at the earliest possible moment,—afforded
by increasing revenue and &decrease of expenditure,—to in-
terpose. He contended that there was nu reason to despair
if the recurrence of a surplus. Such a crisis as
that which had recently befallen us, indeed, could
not be immediately repaired, but he had every coo-
fidence that its effects would gradually disappear.
With regard to the objections that had been urged against
that portion of his noble friend's statement which related to
the income tax, he should postpone hie observations until a'
future period, when he would endeavour to show that it
was a most unobjectionable mode of raising the revenue.
Sir It. INGLIS said that not one of those who had ad-
dressed the house, except the right hon. baronet who spoke
last, and whose speech must be deemed a professional one.
had given even a qualified assent to the propasition of the
government. He would not say with what feelings the
speech of the hon. member for Bucks hal been listened to,
but with the exception of some historical blunders, and es-
pecially with respect to Prussia, which had surprised him
(Sir Ft. Inglis), the hon. member ha mad an impressi
which could not be very acceptablee to ministerson .
The government had also been fired upon by on., of
their own soldiers now on half-pay, but he (Sir IL Inglis)
could not understand how the hon. member for Portsmouth,
to whom he referred, could, after adopting. the principle of
an income tax, which he had at first rejected, refuse to
sanction its increase front 3to 5 per cent. But the qiiestion
was, whether the money was required, and if so, how was
it to be raised ? People would not volunteer a tea, an !
some mode of raising means was imperatively calloil fur.
That real calamities of war had not been known hi El.!141/t1
far centuries. The special intervention of Providence had
on two signal occasions saved the country from invasion.
Could it be expected that a miracle would always be wrought
on behalf of the people of England, or could the nation re-
fuse to make provision against an itivasicie by m, ant of
steam power ? For the reasons he Wed stated he was '
prepared to give his support to the proposal of the govern•
meat. But, at the same time, he must state that he re-
served his opinion with respect to the details of the income
tax.
Mr. M. MILN ES regretted to observe the the speeches
of the noble lord the Fleet Lord of the Treasury, and of
those who had followed him, were exclusively taken up with
one topic, to the exclusion of those which ought to have co-
cupied the attention of the house. He regretted most
deeply that the subject of invasion bad been brought under
the notice of parliament. He could not but most profoundly
deprecate and deplore such a discussion as the pd sent.
Mr. BRIGHT had come down to the house prepare to
hear the minister make his financial statement, but he I
found the noble lord's speech referred snore to military than
to financial, or manufacturing or commerci d eubjeete. The
speech delivered by the First Lord of the Treasury would
have come more properly from the noble lord, the Secretary
for Foreign Affairs, who was more g gniunt of the state of,
the relations of England with foreign et- eintries, and also
with the details of what was passing its the continental kiug-
doms than the noble lord at the head ef the government I
could by possibility be. The state of the country, par- I
ticislarly of that portion of it which he repro-
rented, was such as to forbid any increase in the amount
of taxes. It was, in fact, that ecarly every cottothmill in
Lancashire had, for the last twelve months, be. n paying its
whole amount of wages out of capital, and the proprietors
had been paying their income-tax out of loss. As to the I
mode, he was not going to q arrel with the princiele of
direct taxation. The fact wae, that indirect taxation had
reached its limits, and so would direct taxation very soon,
so that the people would have only to cheese between being
eaten up by the French, Hobeng devoured by their own,
soldiers. (Hear, hear.) ompleined, however, of the
injustice of taxing at the same rate professional income and
landed property. If the government required mere taxes,
why not have proposed a more equitable arrangement of
the legacy and probate duty. (Hear, hear.) They were draw-
ing two millions annually by this tax from the commercial
and middle classes, while the east landed estates of the
aristocracy passed from father to son without paying one
farthing. (Hear, hear.) Seventy millions had been drawn
from the people for this tax since 1797, while the landed
estates hai reained wholly untouched. • (Hear.) Ile had
beard of anm order of monks that of La Trappe,
who generally employed themselves in digeing their own
graves. He feared that the government had entered the
fraternity, as they were certainly digging their political
graves by their present policy. (" Hear,
and a laugh.)
Mr. NEWDEGATE said that government hal great
reason to complain of their supporters. Income awl pro-
perty tax had before been the downfall of great natiene, and
he feared that at this moment the people were not able to
bear it. It was in fact, and he ease it with deep regret,
only the consummtion of the free trade measures which
sity had
awed a deficient a
revenue, &La consequent ly the neces
for increased taxation.

Kr. BROTI

moved that the committee report

ERN# L reminded the hon. member that they had

only to par a formal resolution.
Viscount PALMERSTON said he did not wish to pro-
tract the discussion, or to enter into subjects which could be
better discussed on • future occasion ; but he wished to say
a word or two in answer to what had been said
on that (his own) side of the how. It might be
very natural for young members who were not
accustomed to the tactics of the house to be ill at ease on
entering, and to let fly a speech which had been prepared
beforehand, even although the subject under discussion
should not be exactly that for which they bad prepared. (A
laugh) But he wee 'surprised that gentlemen so accus-
tomed to debate as some hon. friends behind him should fall
into so palpable a mistake. The house had been told that
his noble friend at the head of the government was preparing
vast armaments in anticipation of immediate invasion, and
ho was also charged with holding language calcu-
lated to excite animosities on the part of the
French people. As to armaments, there were none.
No doubt his hon. friends behind him bad expected
a vote for 20,000 soldiers and 10,000 a laws, and had come
down prepared to protest against it. Of the army, however,
there was no increase. There wee a different dispesition,
but not a single addition. There were trifling addition' to
the artillery, and on these his bon. friends had founded their
denunciations. He trusted that when his hon. friends should
have reflected on the smallness of the increase the opinions
they had exprewed would receive some modification. But
be also wished to defend his noble friend from the attacks
which had been made on him for holding language calcu-
lated injuriously to affect our relations with the French.
Why, whenever it was the duty of a minister
to propose an increase in the military or naval
establishments he must assign some grounds for so doing,
and the only way in which he could justify an increase of our
naval force would be the necessities of our commerce, or the
amount of force possessed by other countries, against which,
in the count.. of events we might one day be placed in a
position of hostility. So far from this affording the French
any grounds for thinking that hostile feelings were enter-
tained on the part of this country, he was sure that any one
who had followed the debates in the French chamberon their
naval estimates must remember that then precisely the same
course was pursued, enmity an cnnumeratiat of the amount
of force possessed by other powers. Therefore he entirely
denied that anything which had tall. n from his noble friend
or from the Chancellor of the Exchequer fairly deserved
the interpretation which had been put upon it. In fact, his
noble friend had expressed sentiments in which he (Lord
Palmerston) was sure the house would concur. He bad ex-
pressed the strongest desire that the relations between this
country and France should continue not only friendly, but
as intimate as possible. (Hear, hear.) But there was only
one method to pewee e international friendship, and that
was to maintain perfect equality. He was not ane of those
who entertained anticipations of war. He quite agreed
that the principles of free trade were calculated to
promote friendly feelings between nations. (Hear.)
At the same time, perhaps, the commercial relations of
France were not exactly those to which free trade measures
were so applicable as in our own case. But he depended on the
progress of civilisation and mind in France: and so far
from thinking, so the hon. member for Oxford appeared to
do, that the long duration of peace made war probable, he
thought that each year's continuance of peace made war less
likely. (Hear, hear.) Besides which, if there were any two
nations in the world which deserved to be on the most
friend l 7 and intimate terms with each other, it was England
and I. met. (Hear, hear.) He mould not consider
that the propositions of his noble friend were en-
titled to be represented as they had een—as great and ex-
pensive armaments. Fresh arm.iments there were none.
(Hear.) The principle on which the government went was,
that the country in time of peace ought to have the
means of defending itself against any sudden attack
that might be made. That principle he was convinced
was the sound principle, and if persevered in, he believed
there was but little danger of peace being interrupted.
Mr. BRIGHT asked whether the charge for the 6,000
men withdrawn from the service of the East India Corn-
patsy was charged in the present estimates.
Mr. F. MAULS replied that it was
The Citentuas then put the question that the resolution
be reported to the house, which was agreed to, and the
house resumed.
CARLOW ELECTION.
The SPEAKER said he bad received a letter from Thos
Baker, intimating that the petition against the return for the
borough of Carlow was withdrawn.
JEWISH DISABILITIES BILL.

In reply to Mr. G. BANKER,
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said he
would aims this bill for Monday, when he would state the
day on which it would be proceeded with.
PUBLIC HEALTH BILL.

This bill also was fixed for Monday. on the understanding
that the day on which it should be further discussed would
then be stated.
In reply to a question from Sir B. HALL,
Lord MORPETH said, he had before stated that be pro-
posed to bring in a series of bills to complete the legislation
upon the sanitary question, amongst which would be a bill
for the metropolis ; he could not, however, enter into any
explanation of those measures until he was prepared to salt
leave to introduce them.
NEW ZEALAND GOVERNMENT BILL.
This bill was read a third time and passed.
The house then adjourned at a quarter to one o'clock.