The Express.
London, England, 1848-01-15 00:00:00

THZ EXPRESS, SATURDAY EVENING, JANUARY 15, 1848.

election. None of their new recruits gave promise of
talent during the recent Irish debates. Mr. FAGAN,
of Cork, one of their supposed great guns, blew nothing
to pieces but himself. The discharge of his very heavy
artillery affected his hearers with a violent influenza.
Mr. HENRY GRATTAN refused to vote against the Out-
rage Bill. Mr. DILLON BROWSE has openly revolted
from Mr. JOHN O'CONNELL'S leadership. There is
amongst their party nothing but confusion, insin-
cerity, and abortive plans. And yet these very mem-
bers have an important function to discharge.
The repeal members are the representatives of the
popular interests in Ireland. They owe their Deets to
the popular distrust of the high tory gentry, and the
prevailing hostility to the great landlord-class. It
would be easy for the Irish constituencies to obtain
more dignified and intellectual representatives, but
the electors in Munster and parts of Connaught prefer
that their members should be closely connected with
them by ties of prejudice and party. Nor is this to
be wondered at. Even if repeal be laid on the shelf
for ever, it is likely that there will always be an ex-
treme popular party in Irish politics requiring to be
represented in the House of Commons. At present
this party has some thirty Irish members, who are
really elected not so much because they are repealers
as because they are not of the aristocracy, or connected
1 with the nobility. The people have some confidence
in them because they are not remote front them by
rice or lofty rank.
The real mission of this popular Irish party is not
to repeal the union, or to regenerate Ireland, but to
represent the interests of the Irish masses, to expose
local grievances, and to act as mediators between the
ministers of the crown and the Irish population. We
may not think highly of the legislative capacity of
those popular Irish members, but surely it is well
that the Irish people, both their priests and electors,
should know that there is an influence in parliament
which they can feel to be their own. This in-
fluenco is perfectly impotent for the repeal of
the union, or any similar measure, but it
may be most influential in modifying legis-
lation on Irish subjects, and in sugcesting
useful measures to the government. Many
of the present Irish members are novices in parlia-
ment, but when they have given up the anxiety to
become debaters, and when they observe how much a
man of business can effect in parliament as contrasted
with a maker of empty speeches, we have some hopes
that the members even now most decried will become
useful working members of parliament.
The coestion which stands for discussion on the
15th of February is one which opens up the economic
state of Ireland. Mr. MONSELI., the member for
Limerick, has given notice for moving an inquiry into
the relations between capital and unemployed
labour in Ireland. The whole question of
the real resources of Ireland will be intro-
duced in the discussion, and we trust the
Irish members will acquit themselves more cre-
ditably in the debate on Mr. MONSELCI motion than
they did on FItARGUS OT.ONNOK'S nonsensical re-
peal discussion, or in the hostility to the Coercion
Act. There are surely amongst them some members
who could elucidate the relations between capital
and unemployed labour in Ireland, by reference to
their own personal experience. Mr. JAMES FAGAN,
the member for Wexford, and a Dublin merchant,
might possibly give the house some remarkable facts,
which he has good reason to recollect, of the evils re-
sulting to Ireland from the combination of working
men. In illustrating the decline of ship-
building in Dublin, the position of the ca-
pitalist throughout many pelts of the sister-
island would be painfully exemplified. The lawless
habits, the turbulent spirit, and the vindictive
ignorance of the masses of the population, weigh
down the energies of the capitalist, chill his spirit of
enterprise, and Eight his progress where he has
most hopefully begun. 'rho difficulty of introducing
machinery into Ireland has in many instances been
horribly shown. And until a spit it to uphold the laws
be widely diffused amongst the Irish, and until their
public men and chosen leaders set their facts reso-
lutely against the combinators in towns, as well as
the agrarian desperadoes of the rural districts, the
state of the sister country must continue to dishearten
and disgust those who are meet inclined to serve her.
We urge upon the Irish members to become prac-
tical in their views, and to he even decently
painstaking in trying to gain such a use-
ful knowledge of their country, as may qualify
them in addressing a deliberative assembly. Let
them reserve their rant and repeal nonsense
for their own localities. If some of them
cannot find their way into parliament without
going through the farce of repeal, let them
drop the character of political pantomimiste when
they appear in the theatre of real power, the House
of Commons. We do not want to hear again and
again the old story of the union, and CA•4TLERLAGII,
and the invectives of GILATT.AN, Besne, and
PLUNKET. All reasonable men got quite enough
of that theme from the late Mr. O'Coxeeti..
There are still some Irish members who have not
yet " come out." They have judiciously taken warn-
ing by the headlong precipitancy with which some
of their colleagues have rushed into debate, and
covered themselves with ridicule. Amongst these
more judicious representatives, there are three or four
who have in them the materials of becoming useful
legislators. There is a great deal expected from Nlr.
K EGO it, the member for Athlone. Influential persona in
England, it is said, were anxious to introduce him
into parliament for the advocacy of their particular
views on the cure ncy question. It seems rather odd
to look for a currency doctor in an Irish barrister.
Mr. KEOGH is undoubtedly a man of vigorous abili-
ties, strong common sense, and no ordinary power as
a popular speaker. His rapid success at the Irish bar
is a sufficient proof of his abilities. In Irish politics
his opinions appear to be those of a conservative
I catholic. This gentleman's (Mbut is yet to come.
i 7

Our letters from Athens are to the 30th, and in-
clude a despatch of Lord Palmerston to Sir Edmund
Lyons, with the reply of M. Glarakis.
Our letters from Constantinople come down to the
27th. The Turkish ministers professed themselves
satisfied by the concessions of the court and cabinet of
Athens. The coercive measures adopted against
Greece had been withdrawn. M. Mussurus was to
have left Constantinople in a day or two, to resume
his post as minister of the Porte at Athens.

According to Madrid accounts of the 7th instant,
great discordance has been manifested between
the government and the maderado majority in the
chamber, on the question of the impeachment of M.
Salamanca. It is the wish of the government that
the affair should be dropped. The majority, however,
opposed this course. At the meeting of the chamber
on the 7th a great number of persons were assembled
in expectation at hearing the defence of M. Sala-
manca and the speech of M. Gonzales Bravo. Much
disappointment was therefore produced when the
President read a letter from M. Salamanca, excusing
himself from appearing on account of indisposition.
M. Gonzales Bravo declared, that yielding to high
political considerations, he must decline speaking.
The president then put the question as to the prise
en consirk'ration of the impeachment against M. Sala-
manca ; when there appeared 128 votes in favour of
it, and 39 against it. rhe impeachment was there-
fore sent before the bureaux, to report upon it.
The government has determined to take no share on
either side in this proceeding, and M. Gonzales Bravo
has also withdrawn from it.

Oar Paris despatches of yesterday noon bring us a
report of the animated debate on the paragraphs of
the address relating to Italy and Switzerland in the
Chamber of Peers, which were signalised by speeches
of great eloquence from two men whose names have
become illustrious throughout the world by their lite-
rary productions—Cousin and Victor Hugo.
. The debate on the paragraph on Italy was followed
by the commencement of the discussion of that on
Switzerland, on which the Duke de Broglie delivered
a speech, in which all the arguments developed in
the negociations with Lord Palmerston are re-pro-
duced.
A report was generally circulated on Thursday at
the Bourse that the King lied been the preceding day
attacked with some indisposition, which rendered
bleeding necessary, and that he was unable to join
the royal family at dinner. In consequence of this,
an immediate fall took place in the funds. The
Threes fell from 74.80 to 74.10. The alarm be-
came so great that the commissary of the Bourse sent
an agent to the prefecture of police to obtain official
news, who brought back word that Louis Philippe,
though suffering limn a slight cold, was not in a
state to create any uneasiness, and that he bad, as

nsual, in the day transacted business with the mi-
nisters, and personally presided at the council. The
funds recovered but partially, the Throes awing
at 74.50.
The journals of Toulon confirm the intelligent* we
received from our correspondent, relative to the dis-
positions taken for the transferring of Abd-el.Kader
from the Lazaretto to Fort Lamalque. La Sentirrolle,
after having reported the opinion given by sonic
persons, that it was only a temporary measure adopted
till government came to a decision relative to the
premiers made to the ex-emir to have him conveyed to
Alexandria or to Jean d'Acre, adds :
The transferring of Abd el-Kader to the Fort Lamalque,
does not appear to us to be a temporary measure. We do not
think the council of ministers intend the liberation of the
emir after a temporary confinement. We prefer thinking they
do not intend to ratify the promise given to Abd.el-Kader
by our generals.
- - -

- -
Letters from Turin to the 9.h announce that the
deputation which had brought from Genoa a petition
to the King for the expulsion of the Jesuits,
and the organisation of a civic guard, was
received by the Minister of the Interior, who explained
to them that their mission being illegal, and the peti-
tion itself being illegally produced, the King could
not receive them. The deputation left for Genoa the
next day, the Bth. Nevertheless, the government is
meanwhile proceeding steadily with the practical exe-
cution of the great projects of reform which it has
announced.
Another popular manifestation took place at
Leghorn on the oth, the apparent object of which
was to express the discontent of the people at the
slowness of the government in organising and arm-
ing the civic guard.

PRUSSIA.—BERLTN, JAN. 10.—No alight sensa-
tion sou excited a few days ago in Potsdam by the an-
nouncement that nearly all the inhabitants of the neigh-
bouring village of Nodawest, a colony of weavers, were ap-
roaching the former place en mane in order to present a
'p petition to the King and the government demanding em-
ployment. The Potsdam director of police immediately set out
to meet the advancing crowd, and by dint of promo. en-
gaged them to return to their ho.t.es. The sum of 200
titulars was soon afterwards provisionally sent for their re-
lief. " Let it. have work" (Mangebe urn arbeit) wee their
rallying cry.
KONIGISOE6O.—Letterg received at Konigsberg
from Russia announce that the Emperor has prohibited the
consumption of potatoes, and ordered all persons possessing
any to keep them for sowing or planting.
AUSTRIA.—VIENNA, JAN. 3.—The misery of the
working classes of Vienna is so great that the cash of the
Monte de Pike is expended, and that this establishment, in
order to satisfy the demands of loans, has determined to con-
tract a loan of one million of florins (2,600,0001), in obliga-
tions of 2.5 florins, at the rats of 4 per cent. interest.

FRENCH CHAMBER OF PEERS.
WEDNESDAY, JAN. 12.
DEBATE ON 'ME POLICY OF VIE FitENCII GOVERN-
MENT IN liiitv.—The President took the chair at two
o'clock. The order of the day was the adjourned discussion
on the address (paragraph 6, referriag to the continuance of
peace in Europe).
Count Sr. Autatar,who spoke in answer to a speech made
by M. Montalembert on the previous day, after alluding
to that speech, said, that in 1830, when Id. Montalembert
was commencing his career, and he had just ended his,
be (M. de St. Aulaire) was ambassador at Rome. Ito had I
been a close spectator of the events which then took place is
Italy ; and in order to appreciate the present slate ot affairs I
mid parties in Italy, it was 1831 that was to be ex. I
unlined. It was in 18.31 that the Roman embassy
had been offered to him. Italy was then on fire
and revolutionary liberalism was then the rage. Cries of
war were frequent in the streets of Paris, and found an echo
in the chamber ; and Austrian inti rvention was imminent.
Ile (M. de St. Aulaire) when asked to take that
embassy was desirous of having the most positive
instructions upon all points, and he asked what he should do
in Italy ? The answer made to him was " that he had to
defend the spiritual and temporal authority of the Pope
against the violence ot faction." On the question of war
M. Latfitte said Whim, " Do net be affected by anything you
hear, and hold this as certain, that as long as I, Laffitte, ro-
main minister of the king, France shall not make war in
Lily." Austrian intervention was the delicate point,
and it was the question which occupied the minds of
all. The principle of non-intervention was written
on every Nag of liberalism, and his instructions on
that point were these : "If the Austrians enter
into Modena, Parma, or Placentia, we have nothing to say.
Treaties of reversion give to Austria particular rights over
these countries ; and family ties give it a particular position
which it is impossible to gainsay. If Austria should pass
the Rubicon and enter the pontifical states, the situation
would become much more serious, and peace might be bro-
ken. Thin, would not, however, be of necessity a case of
war ; the inevitable cue of war would only exist if the inter-
vention should appear nearer to our frontiers." Ido not
think that if the Minister of Foreign Affairs had to give in-
structions to his ambassador he would show himself more
accommodating than the minister of that department in
1831. Honourable members would see that by those instruc-
tions he was authorised to oppose the Italian revolu-
lotions by all the means in his power. It was, therefore,
in those intentions that when he arrived in Italy he treated
the movers of Italian revolution as factious people and rebels,
and he threatened them with the anger of France in case
they persisted in their criminal and senseless enterprise.
When he thus attacked the Italian revolution, be did not
think the pontifical government a good one. On the contrary
he confessed he thought that it was vicious and bad, and
that it would be impossible to continue it such as it was with-
out incurring inevitable catastrophes. Such was his opinion
and that of those who had sent him into Italy ; and, what is
more remarkable, such was the opinion of Austria and all
the foreign governments. The representative of Austria
showed at that time that he was convinced of the necessity of
reforms in the pontifical government. All the other represen-
tatives of the great powers were of that opinion. It was not
true therefore, as was said, that it was always necessary to be-
-tare ot Austria and its influence. Count Lutzow was full
of zeal, and animated by the most honest and enlightened in-
tentions, and he (M. de St. Aulaire) could not give a greater
share to any than to him of the memorandum of May,
1831. That memorandum, signed by each of the repents-
tatives, and presented to the l'ope, was favourably received,l
and several reforms urged in it were immediately put in
practice. Laymen were sent into the legations instead of
cardinal legates. The national guard, formed during the re-
volt, received the sanction of the Pope, and the maintenance
of public order was entrusted to it. Many reforms in the
judicial and administrative departments also took place,
but the Pope refused to unite all these conces-
sions in a nsotu proptio, which would have been,
as it were, giving them the nature of a kind of
constitutional charter. This concession Austria also
joined in demanding. The Pope, however, obstinately re-
fused. It must not be said that a promise was made, and
not kept. It was not so. Gregory XVI. never made a
promise to his allies which it was not his intention to keep.
" Let the administration, such as it is now constituted," said
Gregory to M. de St. Aulaire, " act well ; let the taxes be
levied, and reach our coffers, in order to pay the expenses of
government, and I shall be satisfied. I would not ask better
than, at a future time, to give a legal and immutable sanc-
tion to the innovations lam now trying." He (M. de St.
Aulaire) could not see that the Pope was wrong in this.
What he had said seemed to him, not merely then but since,
perfectly reasonable. But what happened then? The
Austrians bad no sooner evacuated the legations in 1831 than
a revolt broke out afresh, and the authority of the Pope was
again trampled on. It was impossible to persuade the inha-
bitants of the legation to raise the pontifical colours. During
six months he negotiated with them, butin vain. A kind of na-
tional convention met somewhere, and his letters were publicly
read. Deliberation took place upon them, and a resolution was
come to in which an answer was given to him that it was
contrary to the honour of Italy to resume the pontifical
colours. Alter this it may be easily understood that memo-
randums and concessions were put out of the question. Thus
ended the Italian revolution, and thus the hopes of causing
a reasonable liberalism to triumph were rendered delusive.
The noble peer concluded his recital of the events which
hail then taken place as follows : " If now any one
should ask me my opinion, I would say that the I. rench
government ought to distrust Italian liberali. in, the excesses
of which may compromise it, and that it ought not systema-
tically to hold itself apart from Austria, whom I found in
1831 wi II inclined to favour the progress of reform and
most ready to demand ameliorations from the Italian
princes."
After some observations by M. PELET DE LA LOZERE,
The PRESIDENT of the COUNCIL rose and said—Gentle-
men, in this discussion, noble peers appear desirous of plac-
ing on our shoulders burdens which, for my part, I must re-
lose to accept. The words of counter-revolution, of abso-
lutism, and of holy alliance have been uttered. I reject
these phantoms, and I fling off those shackles with which it
is attempted to enchain us. I felicitate myself on living in a
free and constitutional country; but constitutional states,
like others, have need that their policy should be free, and
that they may approach or withdraw from such or such a
combination—to isolate themselves from, or combine with,
such or such a power —to choose and act accord-
ing to their sole interest in particular questions,
and to fix on the precise moment for acting.
(Marks of approval.) The government of July professes
with just reason this liberty, for it achieved it with the
sweat of its brow. Born from a grand effort made for na-
tional independence and public liberty, it has lived, and still
lives, in a long exertion in favour of order and peace ; it has
afforded strong proofs of the rectitude of its intentions for every
good cause, and has given ample pledges of its wish to co-
operate in the furtherance of the great interests of France and
of Europe. Consequently it has a right to choose its own
policy, without incurring any danger of being suspected of
deserting any of the great interests which it has so nobly de-
fended. I claim that liberty of which I speak for the
government which I have the honour to represent; and I be-
lieve that, in doing so, I am better serving the revolution of
July, and showing more confidence in her destinies, than
they who wish to fix it in a fatal immobility, and enclose
it in a narrow circle from which it is never to depart. I
have thought it my duty to take these few general re-
Nections before entering on the question now before the
chamber. Ido not intend taking any' notice of certain out-
breaks which have been witnessed in this tribune during
the previous days' debates. Ido not think that I ought to
complain of what the chamber has thought proper to tolerate.

Yet I conceive that freedom of discussion would not in any
way suffer, if more deference were shown to sovereigns who
have parsed through a long career. I protest against such
scandals, and I demand for social propriety a little of that
respect which I profess for the liberty of the tribune. (Hear,
hear.) When the movement in Italy burst forth, it inspired
the government with much sympathy, and at the same tines
with much solicitude. We felt much sympathy, because we
are convinced that the states of Italy, and the Roman states
in particular, have need of numerous reforms. The people
have a right to such changes, and good governments ought
to endeavour to satisfy their people ; arid, as I remarked
in one of the last sittings of the preceding session, whatever
be the form of government, men will no longer hear to see
their affairs badly conducted. But this desire, this want of
reform, is not the only thing to be taken into consideration;
there is something more in the disposition of a great portion
of the Italian populations, and of the men who powerfully in-
fluence them—there is a sentiment which goes beyond mere
domestic improvements—there is a longing after a general
remodelling, such as cannot take place in the world without
war. Well, then, that tendency we cannot accept. We re-
fuse to do so, because we respect the rights of Italy and ex-
isting treaties ; we refuse, because we also respect European
rights and order. We cannot permit these rights to be placed
in jeopardy ; and European order is the starting-point of our
policy in Italy as well aselsewere.
Count D'Avroot.Sit c—And Cracow !
The PftEBIDENT of the CIA: N L—l would willingly re-
ply to that point at once, but it is unnecessary, since another
opportunity will preseut itself. I shall therefore proceed
with my former line of remark. We believe that there is
something chimerical and impossible in the hopes entertained
by the Italians ; we believe, moreover, that these hopes fa-
your certain points, the preponderance of anarchical and
dangerous ideas. Such is the state of Italy, and for that rea-
son our policy is clearly pointed out. We are disposed to fa-
vour, to encourage, those internal reforms which sovereigns
wish to effect in their states. The noble peer who has just
spoken has reproached us with not having sufficiently ex-
plained in our despatches the support which we give to these
reforms. It is not proper policy to publish the advice given
to a foreign sovereign, hut I can as-ure the noble peer that
encouragement and advice have not been wanting on the mire
of France to those princes who show themselves disposed to
effect these reforms. Independently of advice, we have en-
deavoured to rally round these sovereigns who evince liberal
tendencies, men of moderate and enlarged opinions, and who
are sincerely attached to their country. What is mo-t im-
portant is, to form in Italy a moderate and governmental
party to support these princes. Such is our object. It is
true that we have abstained from any expressions which
might give rise to disastrous i lusions. Certainly, amongst
those illusions, amongst those sentiments, there were some
very noble and very grand ones; but our duty orders us to
condemn them, and we do it with regret. The Hon. Count
Montsdembert has said, that we are becoming unpopular
in Italy. I regret it—l am anxious about the sympathy
of the masses, but I cannot sacrifice to them good faith and
a good cause. I have sacrificed popularity in France for
my opinions—l will sacrifice it in Italy. I may regret the
loss of it, but I will never seek it, And, let it be remarked,
our policy in Italy has not been unsuccessful ; reforms have
been effected without foreign intervention and without in-
ternal perturbation. Grave incidents have marred those
reforms—those of Ferrara, Fivizzano, and Pontremoli • but
they have been pacifically accomplished. With regard to
the subject of Ferrara, Count de hlontelembert has re-
proached as with having used gracious words towards M. I
de Metternich, and words not sufficiently so towards the I
l'ope: but the noble peer will allow n.e to say that the
principal object I had in view was the result. I was anxious
that the spark of Ferrara should not be fanned into a flame;
I wished that the question should he arranged without dis-
order and without war. We have succeeded; and if, to ac-
complish that object, we have caused appearances to be
against us, we shall not regret it. I will say as much of
the incident of Fivizzano, which has been arranged without
difficulty, and yet many were convinced that it would
cause a war in Italy. I will not attribute those results,
obtained in the space of one year, exclusively to the in-
fluence of the policy of France; they must be attributed
to the wisdom of the sovereigns who have been concerned
in them, but there is reason to believe that French
policy has not been a stranger to them (marks of ad-
hesion). lam far from thinking that everything is finished
in Italy. and the development of her institutions secured. I
admit that I feel serious uneasiness with regard to that
country, and the caul of the popular tendency to which I
just now alluded; Soil that is a reason for me to persist in
the policy which we have followed, and which is the only
one which can aid the modi rate Italians to found their go-
vernment and their institutious. But if, on account of those
popular feelings, 1 feel a deep uneasiness for Italy, I have
also a great reason fur hope ; and that reason, more powerful
in my eyes than all that can be said, and in spite of all that
has beim said, is the Pope. Count Montalembert yesterday
accused me of coldness and almost indifference towards the
sovereign pontiff. The noble peer has devoted his life to a
sentiment which is with him, I will not say a fixed, but an
always predominant idea—the interest of the faith and of
religion. I have, like bim, r deep sympathy for that noble
cause, but lam bliged to think of other things. Faith and
religious liberty cannot prosper, cannot completely develop
themselves, but on certain conditions of good policy, which
the government must secure to them. (Hear, hear.) De-
livered up to those manifestations of popular enthusiasm,
which the hon. member so very much applauds, they would
not prosper—they would require something more—seme-
thing much more difficult than the manifestations of a sin-
cere enthusiasm. (Bear, hear.) But, as I have said, my
great source of hope is the Pope. He has done a thing
which has never occurred spontaneously to the mind of any
i'spal sovereign—be has undertaken the internal reform of
his states. That is a considerable thing, and for that reason
great confidence is due to the Pontiff. The Italians would
be unpardonable if they were to fail in confidence to a
sovereign who has undertaken such a grand work. Bot
what has then been wanting hitherto to great reformers? A
point at which to stop. They are carried away by the
movement, and they cannot again seize on the rudder which
has fora moment escaped from their grasp. (Hear.) In
the situation and in the character of the Pope, there was
together with the principle of reform one of resistance. It
has been said that the Pope is a sovereign essentially
spiritual Count d'Alton-Shee has said that catholicism is
incompatible with liberty. The head of Young Italy holds
ne other language, and it is because those ideas are pre-
valent in Italy that papacy will be attacked and disturbed ;
it is for that reason that the Pope will require to watch
over his spiritual sovereignty sad over the conditions
attached to it—conditions which constitute its force
and it, essence. There is, I repeat, in the character
of the Pope a halting point beyond which he is deter-
mined not to go. I am well aware that revolutionists are
arrogant, but the power which has been able to recover
from the state to which it was reduced by Napoleon, will be
able to overcome the efforts of Young Italy. (Marks of
adhesion.) Hence arises our confidence; but it also fur-
nishes us with a reason for persisting in our policy. We are
convinced that the other powers will in their turn enter on
the paths of reform, and we shall throw no obstacle in their
way. Count de Sainte-Aulaire said just now that Austria
is menaced in her Italian existence. We have no right to
prevent her from watching over her interests, and taking
precautions against the loss of that part of hi r empire. What
we have • right to demand is, that she throws no obstacle in
the way of the independence of the Italian sovereigns, and
the work which is being effected in the peninsula. Ido not
hesitate ho declare that if this work continues under the
guidance of the principles of an enlightened liberalism, and
without the intervention of revolutionary passions, Austria
will throw no obstacle in their way. Allow me now to lay be-
fore you the language which I used to our ambassador at
Rome; you will see that it is more for the purpose of utility
than, it I may be allowed the expression, to adorn the dis-
cussion.
This is what I wrote to Count Rossi under date of
the 27th September.
Otis policy towards Rome and Italy, whatever efforts may be made
by our enemies of all hands, and in every place, to represent it falsely,
is so dimple so plain, that it is impossible long to misunderstand it.
What does the Pope wish ! To effect in his states those reforms which I
he considers necessary. He wishes, for the well-being of hut subjects,
to put an end, by legitimate concessions, to the fermentation which
exists amongst them; he wishes to again give to the church, to reli-
gion, in our malern society, and in the world in its present condition,
that plow, that importance, and that influence which are due to
them. We approve of than designs. We consider both one and the
other good fur France as for Italy, for the King at Paris as for the
Pope at Rome. We wish to support and second the Pope in the ac-
complishment of his design. What are the dangers, the obstacles which
he meets with'. Stationary danger, and revolutionary danger. There
is with him, as everywhere m Europe, people, who wish nothing to be
done—that things should be absolutely left as they are. There are
with him, as in Europe, people who are desirous that he should over.
throw everything, that he should rip up all things anew, at the risk of
putting himself in a position that those who impel him to such a
course wish in their begs ts to we. We desire to assist the Pope to
defend himself, and in ease of need to defend him ourselves, in this
twofold danger. We are in no way stationary or revolutionary. no
more for Rome than lot France. We know by our own experience
that there are *octal wants that must be satisfied, progreu that moat
be accomplished, and that the paramount interest oh governments is
to live in harmony and good intelligence with their people and their
times. We know, from our own experience, that a revolutionary
spirit id inimical to all governments, moderate as well as ab-
solute, of those who affect progress as well as of those who re-
hut it, and that the that interest of an enlightened gavernment,
and oneanxious to exist, Its to resist that revolutionary spirit. That
is the policy of thejuate mile., the policy of good sense which we
practise for ourselves, and which we reoommend to the Pope, who
needs It as much as we do. And not only do we give him this advice,
but we are ready to waist him in it without hesitation as well as
without noire, as it suits both him and ourselves, that is to say, as it
suits regular governments, who with to attain their end, and not run
after adventures. So much for the general fact. I now come to par-
ticular ones and to proper names. It has been said that we have cams
to an understanding with Austria—that the Pope cannot count on us
In his relations with that power. This is a falsehood,—an Interested
and calculated falsehood of the statieuary party, who wish to dairy
us because we in no way belong to it, and of the revolutionary party,
who everywhere attack us because we effie.aciously resist
it. We are in peace and good relations with Austria, and
we desire to remain no, because bad relations and war with
Austria is general war and revolution in Europe. We
believe that the Pope has also a great interest in living in peace and
good relations with that power, because she is a great catholic power
In Europe, and a great power in Italy. A war with Austria would
cause the weakness of catholicism, and the overthrow of Italy. The
Pope cannot wish that. We know that probably what the Pope wishes
o acoomplish—reforms is his states, and analogous reforms in the
other Italian states-ran be little 'deafens to Austria, not more
than she was pleated at our revolution of July, however legitimate
it might be, or our constitutional government, however conservative
it may he. But we also know that enlightened governments do
not regulate their conduct by their likes or dislikes. We have
admitted by ourselves that the Austrian government is en en-
lightened one, capable of conductiug itself with moderation, gad
of reconciling itself to necessity. We believe that it may respell the
independence of the Italian sovereigns even when they alba
reforms which are not agreeable to it, and set aside all Idea of
intervention in their states. It is in that sense that we set at MIMI.
If we succeed, it must be as suitable to the Pope as to oraieden. If
we fail, if the madness of the stationary or of the revolatkrairmes4sett
or of them both together, lead to an Austrian inter
what I can say : Do not allow the Pope to entertain an 7 dada then la
such a case we should Da usefully support him, his avergssSat. his
sovereignty, his independence, and his eignity. One masa reigolansr
arse CAZIDOL proclaim beforehand, what would be dons In an hypothesis
which cannot be completely and pre. isely known beforehand. But
let the Pope be perfectly toured that, if he appeals tow, our firmest
and most active support will not be wanting.
The Lion. Count de Montalembert will not, I think, find

this devout' lukewarm and indifferent. This is the Wile
which the government punaed. (Marks of adhesion.) -•
Prince DE LA MOSKOWA proposed and develop. d at ear
length another amendment in favour of reform in Italy,het
differing from that already before the Chamber in the di._
cumstaaces of its being stronger, and of its including m
approbation such other princes as Should follow in the pag,
pointed out by the Pope.
Bunn C. DUNN supported the amendment proposed the
preceding day by Count Tischer and himself, and on whim
Count ?dontalembert had spoken.
M. COUSIN proposed that all the amendments should be
referred to the committee, in order that a phrase should be
inserted in the paragraph in favour of the admirable enter,
prim of Pius IX. (Applause.)
The PRESIDENT OF Till. COI NEIL : I also demand to ham
the matter sent to the committee. (Cries of " yes, ye o,
from all parts.)
The reference to the committee was then ordered.—T4
Chamber rue at five o'clock.

ATHENS, DEC. X.
I)ESPATCII OP LORD PALMERsTON ON TIIE Gam
QUESTION.—A despatch of Lord Paanerston to the Britleis
minister at Athens, Sir Edmund Lyons, has by some SA*
sleight of hand become public. It is a severe critique tam
the Greek government, and merits to be recorded in the his.
tory of Greece. The following is a translation from eke
Greek:
"Foreign-office, Oct. 30.—Sir.— I have received you
despatch of the 4.h October, No. Iret, containing a sap.
of the letter front the Minister for Foreign Affea,
in which M. 'Glarakis renews the enmplaints sf
the Greek government, which reproaches Mr. Saunders,
the consul of her Britannic Majesty at Pretties, with Sew'
done wrong in protecting General Grivas. I desire pores;
inform M. Glarakis, that according to the information no
ceived by her Britannic Majesty's government, the Greek
government has no right to complain of the conduct of Mr,
Saunders in that affair ; and that there is not the lee*
foundation for the assertien of M. Glarakis, that Gamed
Grivas, whilst at Preemie, prepared for a fresh attack ageism
the Greek King and government. The fact is, GOMEL
Grivas took no such measures during his stay at Preritti
and no part of his conduct inuicated that sue), wen his
intention. On the contrary, the motives which proloest.ed
stay in that city were the negotiations he had with the
Turkish authorities to decide in what city of the interior of
the Ottoman empire be and his companions would retire to;
when this was decided he left tar Janina. M. Glaraltie
would do well to ebstela from secu•stions without fousdaliuU
against the government of her Britannic Majesty and its
agents. He ought to be aware that by such means it is ins.
possible to reader the relations between the English end
Greek governments more satisfactory for the cabinet of
Athens. As to General Grine, his preceding conduct and
his political opinions are far from recommending him to the
favour of the government of her Majesty the Queen; and if
the British governs. rat has shown him any spark of rya.
pithy it is solely because he has been the victim of tyranny
and injustice. In speaking of the unfortunate mut
of Greece and its revolts, M. Glarakis says, thee
the Hellenic government has acted rightly, sail
intends to pursue precisely the same course. Hee
found Majesty's
regret. governmenthesy
sh"temhewardhichtbitshedceGlarreattki°n government
wipr
has for some time pursued, and which he asserts it intends
to follow out, is a system of illegality, violence, and corrup.
tion, of injustice and tyranny, which disgusts and irritates
the Greek nation, and wherever its agents have caused it to
be Glt, its natural consequences have been to produce a re.
volt. It is remarkable that these revolts have been effected
by men, who were not of the opposition party, but wholes"
till yes, lately the supporters and the favourites of minis-
ters, and employed by them es the instruments of an
taus misgovernment. But when these men began to spueerr
once the bitterness of the oppressive system by virtue of wlsisk
the government,with their aid, oppressed their fellow-eitiems,
they took up arms to oppose a tyranny which was ussap.
portable. His Majesty's government hoped that this is-
pious system would have ceased with the life of the milliliter,
Who, 614 the chief actor, was generally considered es the
author. • But as M. Glarakis now declares that he shall
not deviate from it, it is clear that this system has its source
and is actually preserved by other influences, equally hos-
tile to the welfare of Greece, and contrary to the real in-
terest of the King; it is, therefore, evident that M. Glans
kis is but a voluntary instrument employed by those influ-
ences to set their disastrous polities in motion to ob-
tain their end. If the Greek government wishes
to prevent insurrection, maintain order and tranquillity,
and encourage industry in the kingdom, it ci rtainly cannot
be done by arbitrary imprisonments, by the pillage and de-
fellation of entire provinces, such as recently occurred in
Buttes. To maintain tranquillity in Greece, the development
and prosperity of the country can only be secured by a cliffs.
rent method than that pursued latterly by the Greek govern-
ment. The law should be honestly and impartially applied;
the judges ought to be independent of the caprices and the
corropt partiality of the ministers of the crown. Justice
should be promptly and equally dispensed between citizen
and citizen, and between the sovereign arid hissubjects. The
• taxes should be equitably levied and honestly expended.
• The "albite revenues should be administered with integrity
and economy for the public service', and for the
public servite only. The press should not be share
kled by illegal prosecutions ; the elections for the
municipalities, and the members of parliament, ought to he
free : the Chembi r of Deputies ought not to call upon itself
the ridicule of the legislative assembly, by expelling all
men who are not disposed to blindly obey the orders of the
ministers of the crown. If the Greek government admitted
that the constitution was a reality, if it respected the laws
and compelled others to do the same, if it guaranteed the
safety of persons and property, if it also encouraged indwary,
and secured to every one the fruit of his labours and the pro-
duce of his in a word, it administered
the affairs of Greece in the same manner in which
the ministers of a constitutional king ought to fulfil
their high and important functions, free from foreign
and disastrous influences, and acting only for the good
of the country—the Greek government would soon see that
there was no need to suppress insurrections in the interior,
nor to follow, by diplomatic communications with foreign
powers. the Greek fugitives who have sought in another
country an asylum against the injustice and oppressive
which they had suffered in their own, You will present M.
Glarakis officially with a cony of this. PALMERSTON.
To Sir Edm. Lyons, Athens.
This letter wss delivered to M. Glarakis on the 16th Nov.;
the following day Sir Edmund Lyons received the following:
ATHENS, Nov. 17, 18i7.—Sir,—I have laid before his
Majesty and the government the letter of the Chief
Secretary of State of her Britannic Majesty, in reply to the
three representations you have done me the honour to
communicate. By that letter Lord Palmerston is not jus-
tified in refusing a complaint and a request. His lord-
ship brings against the Greek government most /*TIMIS um-
rations. as hard in form as unjust in fact. It is not by one
only of these accusations which has its answer in the facts,
in the actual conditions of the works followed by the govern-
ment of his Majesty, but by numerous efforts, sincere and
unfruitful, which have only proved the discussion was at
least useless. In this sad conviction his Majesty the
King has resolved to appeal, by an official communication,
to the evidence of governments who are not less exactly,
nor faithfully informed than that of her Britannic Majesty.
In respect to the sympathy which Lord Palmerston believes
due to men whose evil designs have forced them to seek a
refuge in a foreign country, it is an encouragement which
the rebels will not lose sight of, when giving reasons for
their revo:t, as to the protectiou that they enjoy. It will
serve as a hope—as a promise to their accomplices ; and no
one can see it in any other light than as dangerous for the
government of his Hellenic Majesty. —I have the honour, de,
GLARAKIS.—Sir Ed. Lyons, Athens."
True to his word, Glarakis wrote the same day a circular
to all the great powers calling upon them to boar whams
to the honest, incerrupt, and merciful measures of the late
and present Greek governments and requesting an answer
officially to his request, that he: may transmit it to the
British government. Thus the affair stands at present. At
the sitting of the Chamber of Deputies on the 15th, the 35
new senators were voted at the King's nomination, by a
majority of 70 against 3. Athens has been very gay—lots of
balls, dinners, and soirees. There will be a ball at the
palace on Now Year's Day. Nero fiddled and Rome bunted.
Otho dances, and Greece is ruined.
The chief topic of conversation here has been the recent
revolt at Patras. By the last advice from that city it had
recovered its usual tranquillity,

THE LOSS OF THE AVENGER.
At length, by the arrival of the Levant mail, fall
particulars of the wreck of the Avenger have arrived. The
worst tears have been realised ; there is no ground to hops
that more than four persons have t acaptd. Our Malta me-
respond-nt, dating the sth inst., gives us the following in.
formation :
" H.M. steam sloop Hecate arrived on the 2nd from
Tunis. Previously to entering the harbour, she signalised.
' Have four of Avenger's crew on board—reet all perished.'
These four proved to be the persons mentioned in my pre'
vious letter, Lieut. Hooke, the gunner, a man, nnda boy. The
Hecate cruised about the Sorelli, visited the Island of Gatos
the mainland of Africa, but not a vestige of any survivors
could be found, nor any particle of the ill-fated ship. She
must have gone literally to pieces and every soul have
perished. This loss has created a strong sensation here.
Some have lost relatives, many have lost friends. A Mr.
Speed, a merchant here, was daily in expectation of embrac-
ing a younger brother, a cadet on board, whom he had not
seen for ten years. The total number lost iv computed at
about 250. 'f here were a number of officers, principally as-
sistant-surgeons, seamen, and boys on board, as supernume-
raries for the fleet."

We have been favoured by the Admiralty with
copies of the following despatches, received yesterday from
Malta
Her Majesty's ship Ceylon, Malta, Jan 4, 1848.—Siz,—
With reference to my letter (No. 532) of the 30th of
December last, forwarding, for the information of the Lnds
Commissioners of the Admiralty, a copy of one addressed to
Vice-Admiral Sir William Parker, with enclosures relating
to the loss of her Majesty's steam-vessel Avenger.
Captain C. E. Napier, on the 20th of that month, on a reef
near the Island of Gahm, and acquainting their lordships of
my having sent the Hecate, Commander Moorman, to render
, every assistance, I have now the honour to enclose a copy of •
subsequent letter to the Vice-Admiral, of this day's date,
acquainting him of the return of that vessel to this port on
the 2nd inst., and forwarding copies of the reports, as per
margin,* relative to the total loss of the Avenger and ea
sew, with the exception of those mentioned in the first let-
ter of Lieutenant Hooke, as under-named : Lieutenant
, Francis Hooke, Mr. Larkham, gunner; William Hill, stew-
ard ; James Morley, boy. It is with great regret that I for-

• Commander Moorman, dated 2nd Jan., 1848; Sir
Thomas Meade, dated 28th and 29th Dec., 1848; Lieutenant
Mooke, dated 28th Dec.

ward these report
yours of three wt
01-fated Avenger
reports, as w, 11
a vestige of this
wreck, excipt tht
were met with by
of Galita, Zembr
Admiral.-11. G.
ser Majesty's
—ln compliance
proceed with her
the island of Gali
=Adieu relative
the honour to red
in chief, my pros
day, the 30th, at
stood in for the
east end of it.
two of them hi
Bizerte, sent this
his son, to glean
save such portioi
these beats, as a
titan fisherman.
Englioh
previously, and
they also inform
the wreck on t
Aguglia and Ga
spot indicated, a
boat, with a lies
whilst I proceed
boat to the caw
be discovered o
boat or from the
(wits, and Pen
where the boat
I sent a boat on
sacertain the
small pieces of
which I bee
a limber.boz
a 12-pounder c
I now, at I p.IT
steering a W. I
and distance of
down in the A
rot perceive tb
water; ht. t as
which are, I I
think that %hell
ripple or break

MAILS TC
regular mail tr
General Post-'
month. This
the Postmaru
by one of het
Madeira on h
Madeira tetter
packet poston,
of Africa Is
Majesty's ship
The Posttum
full packet p.,
and when th
'sent on tette
letters for ths
ships free frco
happened.
.!
and Ascen-o
her Majesty's
rate to the Ci
be conveyed

Lord Joh
forenoon Iror

The Doc
Sophia oo TI
Mr. \Vie
and Mr. Pn•
with the Chi
eial residenci

Mr. Bon
terday, at th
The &el
a general rite
place.
Sir Ram
with the Chl

FORETGD
pleased to
Trinidad, fo
Algarves.

22nd F.-1.1
vice Hunt, all
41st F.-I.W
limn, who vx
15th F..-En
dee.; Gent.-Ca
vice Moon.

promoted.

tercel.

-1.31-infieft
neat, to be iii
the 96th F., ht
9109 g Nessfin

Tbe

11Pda the dear
the Bari of
Adm. of the
Adm. of the
blue; Rear-A
of the red;
White; Capt.

The folloul
upon the de.4l
the Blue Si
of the white ;

The followi
the deal
Slue Sir 11. I
the Red sir
the White si
Vice-Adm. uf
'bite; Beer.
Rear-Adm. u
Beer-Adm.
R. Reynolds,

In pars
lagliff, a pu
held y ester
log the pro
of the rein
Jewish per
the chair I
Pleuded:
MLA.
That thisr erelutiou frc
l.hare to
several. loco
4zed, lad tl
%Burntdle`q TL
di.w
r, smut, a
+rout, mix.
that that eta

'atial-ra
Mk% to wit
at
11
17mimic. Tu
on
or
• la
on ?hi tea:
7.Lth
•.r. Ia(
hu
rift r

ad these reports of the unsuccessful exertions and endea-
yoursir of those who were sent to rescue any survivors of the
111-fated Avenger ; and their lordships will perceive by these
reports, es well as by my letter to the vice-admiral, that not
a vestige of this vessel was to he found near the place of
wreck, except those therein mentioned, but the several parts
wile met with by vessels in the neighbourhood of the Islands
of Gahm, Zembra, and Maritinio.—Lvt;tve Cuaxis, Reif-
Admiesl.-11. G. Ward, Esq.
fler Majesty's Stcaus.ressel Iterate, Malts, Jan. 2.—Sir,
—ln compliance with your orders of the 28th ult., that I
proceed with her Majesty's steamer under my command to
the island of Gallia, for the purpose of obtaining any infer-
nation relative to the wreck or crew of the Av, nger, I have
the honour to report, for the information of the commander-
in-chief, my proceeding-, in accordance thereto. On Thurs.
dey;the 30th, at daylight, &elite bore W. by N. 12 miles ;
good M for the island, and descried three boats under the
east end of it. On communicating with them I found that
two of them had that morning reached the island from
Bizerte, sent thither by the consul of that place, in charge of
'dime, to glean intelligence of the wreck, and, further, to
save such portions of her so they could. I ascertained from
these neat', as also from the other one, which was a Neapo-
litan fisherman, that • French steamer, together with
sp English one, had b. en at the ialaud four days
oreetously, and had cruised about it for four hours ,•
they also Informed me that I should in all probability find
the wreck on the west, and between the small islands of
itgoolis and Galitoas. I accordingly steamed round to the
spot zadiceted, and perceiving nu trace of the vessel, sent a
boat, with a lieutenant in her, to pass between the islands,
whilst I proceeded with the shin round them, picking up the
boat to te eatward of them. N trace of the wreck uld
bee
discovered on them island', either by the officer in the
boat or from the ship. I then stood in fur another part of
Galita, and perceiving some fragments of wreck on the beach
where the boatel from Bizerte had in the mean time landed,
boat on shore to bring some portions off, and to
ascertain the description of the wreck. It consisted ed
Wall pieces of bulk-heading and other like fitting% of
which I brought off two pieces of musket-
• limberbox belonging to a field-piece, the bad at.
a 12-pounder carronade, and part of • hatchway orating.
I now. at 1 p.m., proceeded from the south end of Agnelli,
steering a W. 1 S. course by compass 101 miles, the course
and distance of the Sorclli rocks irons the island as laid
down in the Admizalty chart by Captain Smith. I could
rot perceive the least vestige of the wreck, nor of broken
water; hut as there is very deep water all about those rocks,
which are, I believe, of a conical form, I am inclined to
think that their position will be seldom discovered by any
ripple or break of the sea. 1 obtained soundings in SO fa-
thoms—mine sand and shells. I then bore vp again for
oaks, for tee purpose of communicating with the hots
sent frtm lbenta, they having undertaken, during my &b-
-ootee to search on the north side of the island ; but they
gated, from the heavy surf, they were unable to obtain a
landing. Under the conviction, as well from the pieces of
wreck on the south side of Galita as from the
statement of Lieutenant Rooke, that the ship struck
en the Sorelli rocks, I lost no more time in pro-
tooling to Tunis, in order to ascertain if the
French steamer, Lavoisier, had gleaned any or more
tidings of the wreck than I had, and arrived there at 4. pm.
on the 31st. It appears that the Lavoisier left Tunis at noon
on the 25th, and was at Galas, in company with the Orien-
tal Company's steamship Pacha, on the following day.
Beth re-eels steamed round the island and towards the
Bora rocks, where they obtained soundings in 26 and 28
fathoms. All they could discover relative to the wreck were
broken piece's of planking and beams, some casks, a cabin
door, and furniture, consisting of a chair and small table,
which the P took on board-. The fact of those portions
of the wreck and casks being seen will be conclusive of the
vessel Navin_ gone to pieces, which, from the tempestuous
weather at the time of the ship striking, must have very soon
taken place. This, together with the distance of the wreck
from the land, will preclude all hope of any of the unfortu-
nets crew being saved beyond those who reached the coast in
the cutter. The gig, as I am informed by Lieut. Hooke,
was swamped in the attempt to lower her, and he has every
reason to believe the other cutter shared a similar fate.
Sir Thomas Reade, her Majesty.' consul-general at Tunis,
has sent horsemen along the coast for the purpose of siring
interment to such bodies of the crew as may he cast on it, and
also to save any thing that may be thrown on shore. I have
taken occasion to thank the commander of the Lavoisier fur
the effectual and persevering means which he adopted to
discover the wreck, or to rescue such survivors as might have
been cast on shore at Galita. The cumin-node r-inchief will
be more fully apprised of this by the copy of his statement of
proceedings furnished by Sir Thomas Meade. Lieut. Rooke,
Mr. Larkhani, the gunner; Thomas Hill, steward; and
Jas. Morley. bay; were received on board the Hecate yes-
terday, and at 4 pm., she left Tunis on her return to Malta,
where sae arrived at 4.45 p.m. of this date. With this I
take leave to enclose a track chart, showing the course and
progress of the Hecate, in pursuance of your order.—l have
ice •the honour, &c., IL MoostueN, Commander. Rear-Admi-
ral Sir Lucius Curtis, C. B. Malta.

'a-
ra-
rb-

MAILS TO THE COAST OF AFRICA.—The first
regular mail to the coast of Africa will be made up in the
General Post office on the evening of the last day of this
month. This mail, I. accordance with a notice issued by
the Postmaster-General a short time since, will be conveyed
by one of her Nlsjesty 'is ships. She will drop a mailbag at
Madeira on her way to her destination. The postage on
Madeira letters conveyed by this ship will be the regular
packet postage of Is. 10d., and on letters for the wed coast
of Africa is. each. The despatching of mailbags by her
Majesty's ships outward bound is becoming very general.
The Postmaster-General is compelled by law to charge the
full packet postage on all letters conveyed by ouch means,
sad when there is no packet postage hied by act of parlia-
ment on letters addressed to any particular foreign country,
letters for that country must he conveyed by her Majesty's
ships free from any postal charge. A case in point has just
happened. Mails for the Azores, Madeira, Cape de Verdes,
and Ascension, have just been made up to be conveyed by
her Majesty's ship Ilonetta, and as there is no legal packet
tale to the Cape de Verdes, the letters for those islands will
be conveyed free from postage.