The Express.
London, England, 1851-02-10 00:00:00

assumption of any title whatsoever be an ecclesiastic
a misdemeanour, the consent of her MAJE,TV .or of
the Privy Council not first obtained. But title., after
all, form the smallest fraction of a very large
question.

THE bid discussion which took place on Thursday
evening last on the proposition of Lord JOll,l RCS-
sEtt., regarding the torn of proceeding upon motions
for an address to the crown, is not unworthy of
serious consideration by all who value the preserva-
tion of true parliamentary freedom within the walls

of parliament.
Hy the usage and custom of the House of Cum• i
mons, time out of mind, any member of that as-
sembly may, upon due notice being given, move an I
address to her M.t.lEstv for the production of;
papers, the institution of inquiry into abu.•es in any
department, the removal of an obnoxious minister, or
against the continued use of those parts of his harness
whereby be was liable, at any particular moment, to
be peremptorily pulled up. Horses arc not indeed
used in modern administrations; but we arc not cure
that their substitutes are always more docile, or that
they less need a vigilant oversight and an effective

control.
It is very amusing and not a little edifying to
hear the old hands belonging to former govern-
ments joining in the general cry of resistance to
the adoption of such measures by the executive go-
vernment as any sudden emergency may seem to re-
quire. It is ob;iously a privilege of no common de-
MC of importance. 'lt is one of those unostentatious
links in the curb by which parliament is enabled to
guide and control the wayward course of administra-
tive power, and the value of which can never be felt
until its removal. But for this very reason there
would appear to be an excessive desire to get rid of
it. A horse was once. it is said, made consul; and if,
during his year of office, he had been gifted with
speech, no doubt he would have argued speciously
this new attempt of the bureaucracy to emancipate
themselves front this particular species of amenability
to parliament. As the enjoyments of office fade from
the superannuated memory of Messrs. lleeetes and
GOULEURN, the rememfiiance of its temptations
grows more clear; and their candour gains eloquent
vigour as their hope of being ever again exposed to
official trials decays. They begin to feel that their
political souls are safe; ana that without risk of being
suspected of cave, malice, or any uncharitableness of,
or relating to, this world, they now may disinterest-
edly speak out boldly the truth which other genera-
tions of men are much concerned to know.
Apart from the testimony of these senatorial
veterans, however, there has been a pretty distinct
indication given that the present House of Commons
arc not in the mood to surrender so important a pri-
vilege as that we have named. We say to surrender
it, because in practical point of view the proposal made
by the government conies to that, According to the
existing forms of procedure, if au address to the crown
could only be moved in a committee of the whole
house. nr after a report had been made by a select
committee, no independent member of parliament
could ever hope to carry such an address. For if, on
a motion that the house do resolve itself into a com-
mittee of the whole house, ministers should chance
to be beaten, their continuance in office would be
made dependent on their being able, by dint of Tern-
Bury whipping, to obtain a reversal of that
resolution next day. The question would thus re-
solve itself into one of want of confidence, the deci-
sion of which must depend upon the general temper
of parties and the whole state of the nation. But
the specific question of departmental inquiry or
special advice offered to the sovereign by the repre-
sentatives of the people would, in tie projected
shadow of a change of ministry, be utterly lust. And
another step would. in short, be taken towards super-
scsling the interposition of the House of Commons in
all matters of detail connected with the administra-
tion of public affairs. Fur too much progress has
already been made in that direction. The great aim
of official rliqur-ism has long been to be able to say to
parliament on all subjects and on all neensions,—if
you won't let us do as we think fit, you
must choose other men for ministers. And as the
indisposition or inability of the minotity, no matter
how large or influential. must in nineiy-nine cases'
nut of a hundred render a change of government out
of the question. all real power is taken from them,
I and all fair opportunity denied to independent mem-
, tars of raising a discussion that is not meant to end
in a mere sham.
There is nothing in which the freedom and honour
I of parliament are more deeply involved than the pre-
servation of that equality among its members which
has so long been the boast of the British House
of Commons. Composed as it has been at all times
of the must dissimilar materials, and compris-
ing within it men of the most widely differing
degrees of personal. social, and political station, it
has always been heretofore the pride of that assem-
bly that its menibcrs all crossed its threshold as
equals, and that no man—wove in so far as his indi-
vidual conduct diseutitled him thereto—would be
divested of that respect and consideration which
membership imparts. The youngest, the humblest,
the least' powerful representative of the people
had, and still has, a right to ask any question
or to initiate any proceeding, as well as the lordliest
lender of party, or the haughtiest chief of faction.
Whatever tends to abridge the fulness of this
equality, tends to the subversion of one of the best
guarantees the nation possesses for its freedom.
The excuse for making the change proposed, is the
passing of Lord AsitLEY's mad motion last ses-
sion, in a half-empty house, for an address to the
Queex against Sunday labour in the Post-office. As
well might Lord JOHN RUSSELL propose that the
new Palace of Westminster should not be heated
by means of flues, because ten years ago there
arose considerable temporary inconvenience in conse-
quence of an unaccountable fire. Unaccountable fol-
hea, like unaccountable fires, will now and then
occur till the end of the world; no pedantic care will
ever wholly avert the one, and no old maid's caution
prevent the other. The most effectual warning
against such dangers is probably to be found in the
perpetration of such flagrant blunders as that of
Lord ASHLEY. But ea it stands without parallel,
we need give ourselves little concern about its speedy
repetition. Meanwhile, let the Commons by ail
means hold fast by their ancient privileges.