The Express.
London, England, 1848-08-07 00:00:00

the erprews.

MAILS.
The overland eland malls, via Marseille., to the Mediterranean,
Egypt, Aden, Ceylon, India, hoog-liong, Ste., will be made up un the
evening etch/ 7th Aug.
The male foe British North Amerlas, and the United Maw,
MU be Nude op ea the evening of :he 11th Aug.
The West India Mails, excluding Bermuda, Nairn, Ilarma,
Ilotaluree, New Ohm., Vern ern, TemPico, and Porto Bin, end
including those for Maclean, Jame!, Oarthegens, Banta Martha,
Charm, Panama, West Comet of South America, and St JUASI4II-
- wdl be made up on the morning of the 17th August-
The mails for Vigo, Oporto, Linnet Madeira, Cadiz, and (Innate/
will be made up on the:morning of the 17th Aug.
The overland mails toe Onreltar, Matta, Oeeeee, the lonian Island.,
F47Tt. Aden, Ceylon, India, Ilona-Kong, and China, eid douChaary-
ton, will be made up on the evening of the 19th August The mails for New South Wales, Van Inemans Land, sad New
Zealand will he made up on the evening of the 114 August.
The mails foe the Weet Gaut of Ahura end Madeira will be made
up nu the...ening of the Slat August.
• The mein for the Brasile, the River Plate, Monte Video, Pernam-
buco. Bahia, Madeira, and Buenos dyne, will be made up on the
evening of the in September.

NOTICE TO ADVEETISEItS.
The number of STAMPS issued by the authorities of the
:gawp-office. during 1847, to the
DAILY NEWS wee 3.447.009
Tbiv, we believe, is within sight per cent of the number
•esued to the Morning Herald, Morning Chronicle, and
ilorititoo Post, ALL POT TWIST/1M
In addition to the above, issued to the DAILY NEWS,
lierninq Paper, there were issued for tho Et.clunq Edition,
THE EXPRESS 778.714
Which was more, we believe, than were issued either to
he Wart or Standard. Evening Papers.

Aa.rnanerw•
be at tie *am IN

Veltute.orxece Lee.,
toteoded foe "The Etprees; London atoll's paps, loos,
bouern.street., by Too o'cloct oo the day of publication.

81011 W VAR I.orlllllll 41111103.
Ten II 4T—Morelmi, Rd.. put 7: 41onnain. min. put 7.
Sa --Ilonmay.,9 do. WI 1; AA 000.1 .1,11. Pl/1 1.

LONDON. MONDAY, AUGUST 7.
tut. ill-disguised disappointment which certain of
our contemporaries betray at the bloodless termination
of Young Ireland's attempt at revolution appears to
us, we own, equally unworthy and unwise. That a
set of elderly school-boss should for a length of time
have chosen to spend their leisure which was plenti-
ful, and their money which was scanty, in literary
and rhetorical rehearsals of jacobin plots and projects,
we, in common with all the world, deemed a fit sub-
ject for laughter mingled with rept nof ; and we have,
during the last twelve months, frequently indulged in
the one and administered the other. But we should
certainly have felt no inclination towards the former,
had we ever entertained any serious apprehensien of
the power of the sham statesmen and sham soldiers of
the Michel school to destroy anything more valuable
than themselves, and the implements, animate and
inanimate, of their idiotic scheme. It has more than
once occurred to us that the types of the Felon and
Notion were in jeopardy; and so the event has
proved. More theta once, moreover, we have feared
that among a destitute and discontented peasantry
many might be found rash or stupid enough to take
the political fitreeurs of the capital at their word,
and knock their brainless or bewildered heads again/.
the wall: and our misgivings have not proved
groundless. But that the People of Ireland—taken
in anv view or in any sense of the term—ever har-
boured for a moment the preposterous notion that men
like Dentesiv. Iklevensat, or O'BRIEN were leaders
whcse counsels they ought to follow, either in peace
or war, we never did believe, and hence pretend, or
allege, and consequently we have suffered, during the
last ten days, neither surprise, embarrassment, or
shame.
It is fit that those who have month after month
systematically traded upon " Irish insurrection at
hand," should feel some degree of mortification at the
I shabby denouement of their long prepared tale of
mysterious terror. They cannot but be conscious 1
that by their evil counsels they contributed to bring
the public mind of England to that unfortunate state ,
of feeling towards Ireland which has been of late ob-
servable ; and in which, as in an exhausted receiver,
every effort at legislative amelioration or redress has',
gasped and died. The standing lie, that the Irish people
were banded together in a wild and wicked con-
spiracy under the guidance of the 7elireneutTes, has
been trumpeted by every organ of toryism in England,
until all hope of concession was stifled ; all perm ption
of imperial nutics long left unperformed was stunned;
and parliament and people wrought up to a pitch of
disgust, aversion, and fear, such as has been hardly
ever known.
And now what turns out to be the mat-
ter-of-fact founda. ion of this deste stable deception?
That in the metropolis of Ireland, containing a popu-
lation of 300,000 souls, some few hundred young
men, alike uninfluential and unknown, had supped
and talked together of revolutions, epaulet' es, par-
tition of property, and colonels' cocked hate, and
written, printed, or spouted the same, until they
became, politically, very drunk, very helpless, and
very ridiculous. It further appears, that in the
peaceable and demure region of Tipperary and the
parts adjacent, there were as many thousands, who,
having be en bred up in the art and mystery of
Whittboyism, were ready for any new form of mis-
chief that might arise ; and who manifested in their
avidity for seditious literature and their punctual
attendance at all turbulent assemblages ander what-
ever pretext called together, that they were as ready
an their fathers had fur generations been before them
for a now, a riot, or, if the phrase so ran, a risiny.
But beyond these district/ not a particle of evidence
has been adduced of preparation for or disposition to
revolt or insurrection. Three-fourths of the kingdom
have remained as tranquil as Ye: kshire or Wales;
and as for the inhabitants of Dublin, we do not
hesitate to assert that for every member of the clubs,
there wer. ene hundred who regarded with detesta-
tion or derision, their trumpery threats and idle
boasting.. Irish rebellion, Irish revolt, or Irish con-
spiracy of any kind,—it is now palpable, that there
has been none. With the exception of the poor
lunatic, " not yet I.ing of Munster," no individual
of property or station is even suspected of having
been a member of this overgrown Ribbon-
lodge. Three or four bricfiess lawyers, one
suspended priest, half a dozen writers for the
weekly press, some score or two of ambitious appren-
tices, and a rabble of coal-porters in toNvn, and col-
liers in the country, appear to be the entire squad
whom the 21'ines and the Nation have between them
c ijoled the credulous world into regarding as a nation
of conspirators!
And, now that the blond-red bubble is burst, our
amiable contemporary cannot suppress the vexation,
that after having written hard tor a conflagration,
there is scarcely a chance of our witnessing anordivary
blaze of misery acid mischief'. Far from confessing
the trie h, or congratulating the government that its
manifold precautions have precluded the necessity of
dais;{ more than publiciy revealing their extent ; an
attempt is now making to keep up the panic, and by
dint of det/mation to bully unreflmting persons into
the belief that the people of In land us a community
are the inveterate enemies of the people of England,
and that they only lack the opportunity to evince the
depth of fiendish hate and malice towards them.
Nor is this wretched system of alienation without
practical aims. New schemes of coercion and dis'ran-
ehieement are upon the anvil, if we may believe these
844-(h/tont organs of authority. The liberty of speech
i and of publication in Ireland, we are assured, must be
I placed upon a different footing; and everybody knows
wt at each expressions mean. Trials by courts-martial
are openly advocated, on the scardalous pretence that
all Irish eitieens are rebels; and before even such
drum head justice has bad time to hurry through its
ominous forms, a shameless cry is raised that more
blood must be shed!
Will the people or the government of England
sof,:er themselves to be dein& d by such fatal and
infatuated counsels ? Will they sow disaffection
where it exists not now, and nurture discontent by
wanton and wide spread injustice ? The existence of
popular discontent in Ireland we are far from deny-
ing. The fact and its notoriety were the real justifi-
cation of all that government has lately done for; the
preservation—not of its own authority, for that never
was in danger--but of an easily excited and long
aggrieved populace from being caught by the lures of
the evil-minded and disloyal. To deny such dissatis-
faction on the part of the people of Ireland would be
as idle, as to deny that it is/ounded is just and ob-
vious causes would be false.
But the manifest duty of government at such a
juncture is to repair its own past neglect, not to yield
to a euvrardly clamour for organised violence or need-
less severity, and to evince the spirit of that farsighted
wisdom, which is ever glad to redeem, and over slow
to revenge.

FRANC ..

THE EX.PRESB,,MONDAT EVENING, AUGUST t, 1848.

• Tit invasion of the auctioneer and of the public
titto nese of the most princely abodes of our aristocracy,
the jarbfithition of its domestic secrets, and the sale of
its most sacred heir-looms, although it is no solitary
case of late years, does still call attention to the state
of our aristocratic institutions. Here is a noble family,
for whom the laws of nature have been reversed—for
the law of nature ordains that men and families should
rise and fall by. their merits or demerits, that poverty
should follow imprudence, and that loss of grandeur
should be the punishment of want of the con-
duct, dignity, and honesty requisite to sup-
port it. From this rule our institutions ex-
cept the titled family. Entails hedge round
its landed property. The owner is denied more
than a life interest in the produce of his domains;
and all this in order to the noble and his class pos-
sessing that fixity and independence required fur
au upper house of parliament.
Does the institution attain any of these ends? Do
entails secure wealth, as they might have done when
land constituted almost the sole possible property ;
and when the science of money lending and mortgage
was in too rude a seats to squeeze the baron into a
bankrupt ? The existing system begins by depriving
the young nobleman of that common rate of pru
dence and foresight which is incumbent on
his less noble companion. Ile has no very se-
rious cares for the future. Competence is at
least secured to him, and the original revenues of
the family to his heirs. The most salutary motives
which guard wisdom of life are thus taken from
him. And with all this he is tempted not only to the
usual follies and indulgencies of the rich, but it he bo
of an ambitious and business-turn of mind, to specs-
, tedious as hazardous as those of the merchant, and
as often fraught with ruin. Denied the pursuits of
legitimate trade, the trade in polities lies open to the
noble. lie cannot buy up a stock of cotton, nor can
he speculate on a foreign venture. But ho may pur-
chase land; and having no money, he may borrow
sums at high interest to purchase land, not for the
sake of its agricultural, but its political produce. The
newly acquired farmers may nut give rent sufficient
to pay fifteen or twenty percent. interest on an exor-
bitant price. But these fanners have votes. They
can give the political speculator ele.toral possession
of the county. And members thus nominated are
counters, which the minister of the day cannot refuse
to purchasel at a large price. Such will the species of
politico-commercial speculation, in which the Duke
of BUCKINGHAM became a bankrupt.
It would be very easy to prove, that the interests of
the state are not beet consulted by suu'i noble
privileges and such family arrangements. The
mere fact of trading:in political power speaks this suf-
ficiently. For this is the crime of which poverty is
charged, when it meddles in polities ; and this is tue
reason fur excluding the unpropertied. But if our
law, which excludes the poor man from parliament,
lest he should become a political adventurer, so orders
it, that the rich man must neeressrily be a political
adventurer, as eager for private gain and for trellis
in public influence, where is our wisdom or con-
sistency ?
We believe, however, that it would be much better
for the noble classes themselves, for their permanence,
their influence, their virtues and high quulities, and
even for their wealth, to be freed from the swaddling-
clothes of the feudal ages, to be cast forth like the
young of other classes, to sink or swim or rise in life
by their personal qualities and effosts, and to be no
longer set apart from tho risks and the efforts which
other families run and make, and which give them
energy and qualities for attaining and for preserving
eminence.
If the history of noble classes were widely looked
into, we believe it would be found, that those patriciates
were most durable and mo-t prosperous, in which
the monopoly of the eldest son was not preserved, and
in which preposterous strew was not con.inued to be
laid upon landed prom rty. The great civic patri-
ciate. of ancient Rome, of modern Venice and
Florence, were kept up more by their great care of
moveable property, and especially of money ; whereas,
a patriciate, founded on the old feudal mistake of
considering land the sole source of wealth, is always
tempted to fling away moveable property, and thus
always liable to become barren, impoverished, and
dependent.
This, however, is fur the consideration of the
members, and the lovers, of our hereditary patriciate.
What we desire to see perpetuated are the virtues of
a patriciate, the high honour, spirit, refined and
ample education, and the gentlemanly feeling which
constitute a greater portion of our public and
private morals than even religion. In the state of the
world, as it is, we see no reason for considering these
virtues its dependent upon entails, or upon any great
purity or nobleness of race. Thr‘e virtue, in-
stead of being the traditional heir-looms of families
and inhabitants of chateaus, have gone abided into the
world, and are to be found in a far wider and humbler
class.
We would, therefore, eagerly press for the comple-
tion of those laws, intended to destroy the trade in
politics. The Reform Bill was the chief and th first
of those laws. But the misfortune is, that the Reform
Bill has proved reeffectual to deter ur destroy that
trade,although it has rendered it so uncertain and un-
profitable that the dabblers in it are, one by one,
ruined. The extension of the suffrage, the ballot, and
equality of representation woad extinguish the trails
for ever, without depriving property of its
influence, or aristocracy of its doe respect;
and we should recommend that aristocracy to place
itself in harmony with the changes that have been
effected in the other house of parliament. A reform
of its house and e revision of i's class-privileges were
things better done timely aid of themselves, than
to leave both to be effected hereafter in some sweeping
and precipitate way by imperative and impatient
peewits from without.

I'ARIS, SAI URI) tv, 6.30 est.
In the assembly to-day there wa' but little inte-
rest, Saturday being devoted to the reception of
pet it ions.
M. do Limennaia addressed to M. Marie. as minis-
ter of justice, the same request whit t ho had urged
on M. liethment, to be prosecuted for the article in
Le People Constituent, instead of the editor, which
was declined on legal grounds.
M. Ledru Rollin demanded that the assembly
should fix Tuesday next fur the deb de: on the report
of tho committee on the insurrection. M. Odillon
Buret having answered in the name of the commis-
sion that it was indispensable to wait nntil.the docu-
ments and evidence on which the reprrt. was fouaded
should be printed, inasmuch as the report was only
a very feeble expression of the conclusions which these
would justify, M. Ledru Rollin burst into an explo-
sion of rage, and declared that the committee ad-
journed the debate for its own private purposes. M.
Lacrosse, as president, called M. L dru Rollin to
order, and reminded him of the respeet due to the
committee, which derives its powers from th • assem-
bly. M. Causaidirlre demanded that the debate
should be fixed for the third day after
the distribution of the printed documents and
evidence. " I reprotest (ex.laim d lie with
much vehemence) against the charges made
in the report, and 1 beseech the nr !libels who saw me
here on the 23d June to supply their evidence on that
subject. It is especially important, as it is known
that I addressed a letter on that day to M. Latrade,
of which no mention is made in the report. I protest
also (continued M. Caussidiere) against the language
which the report puts in the mouth of one of the wit-
nesses, " Voila re brigand de aassidii;re r This
observation excited loud laughter. M. Louis
Blanc made some observations; and the president as-
sured the house that orders would be given that the
documents and evidence should Ix. speedily printed.
M. Odillon Barrot declared upon his honour that the
most anxious desire of the committee was that the
debate should not be delayed. The subject was then
I dropped.
SUNDAY, 11, A.N.
The scene in the assembly, of which I gave you a
hurried notice in my despatch of lust evening, was
signalised by an explosion much mote discre•
ditable than anything which has occurred since
the revolution of February. The report of the
committee on the insurrection hav produced among
the inculpated parties a violent spirit, the
fury of which has nu bounds. M. Ledrieltollin,
whose tone was violent enough on Thursday, yester-
day broke out against M. Odillon ii•trrot and the
committee, in en explosion of personal violence, which
has seldom been witnessed in any country. The
journals of this morning, for the credit of Frsuce
and the assembly, endeavoured to throw a veil
over this. M. 0. &not showed mach dignity under