The Express.
London, England, 1851-02-14 00:00:00

EVERY SATURDAY AFTERNOON WILL 8R_FL181,14.11.13,,

THE EXHIBITION EXPREbb,
Size of a Daily "tanner tklab..l rape,
TRU
. . .

OastAoin; every pooeibleinferwaeo, re'sure to the
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. _

Its Oisjeets, Ellington' Frontage% Intended Cortints, Athangtthenth,
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The venniteus Number of peTUrlll interested in the fortl.orniag
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LONDON; FRIDAY, FEBRUARY 14.

WERE it possible or decorous to suppose the
Divine founder of our religion aguin appearing on
earth, to ask what was the demeanour, the spirit,
and pretensions of those, who were act up and set
themselves up most prominently to represent Him,
what would not be his rebuke, in consonance with
the Scriptures, of those whose first aim is to
have a rank and to wear a title, dominate
over others, denying the power of C.E4AII
to control or interfere with them, and dr
daring that saerdotal or episcopal functions
are impossible, unless their high priests he equal in
dignity to other high priests, and unless they can
call themselves lords of the territory over which they
claim spiritual jurisdiction ? We will not venture to
suppose the words of such a rebuke. But it is im-
possible to suppose that at such an advent the pre-
sent ecclesiastical brawlers would be recognised as
Christian, so completely does every one of their acts
and words and ambition belie the very name.

The whole question mooted at Rome, awakened in
England, and resuscitated in Ireland, is nothing
more than a rivalry of churches in titles, in
power, in precedence, and a gratuitous assumption
of them by the papal agents, for no earthly use but
vanity and restlessnem. 'The Roman catholic churches
in England and in Ireland were, previous to the
papal re script, certainly in as favourable a condition
for their maintenance and extension as could be
desired. Nor could the treatment of both by
English ministers be complained of by any but
the most intolerable fanatic. In England the Roman
catholic dignitaries and prelates had all the reality
of ecclesiastical power and direction over their flock;„
with all facilities of acquiring property, building
churches and even monasteries, founding schools,
and obtainin4 aid of the state to maintain them. We
do not see what was to prevent their vicars spat-
tolie meeting in synod, and sending forth to their
flock their united opinion on such weighty points as
they considered necessary to influence them in. The
sole thing denied to Roman catholics in Eng-
land was the worldly gratification to their
prelates of openly vicing in titles with the prelates
of the established church; and, rationally speaking,
of what use was it that they should vie in title and
dignity in such a country as England, where they
were as yet unaccompanied by wealth? WOLSEY,
enriched, behatted, and 14:welled, might have
drawn away the public gaze and the public respect
from the humble and low church Archbishop of CAN-
TEItIO:EY. But Dr. WISEMAN, though clothed in
purple, calling himself cardinal, obliged at the
same time to send round for shilling subscriptions to
his tea-pot, must have known England little, if he
really hoped to set up a Metropolitan rivalry to
Lambeth.

But the rivalry, however contemptible in England,
could England be considered alone, was anything'
but contemptible in Ireland. In that country the
clergy have taken the place of the feudal lords of
the old serf population. f hey are looked to as the
natural leaders and champions of a very ignorant,
very jealous, and very sensitive race, execrating
England from a hatred of race, a hatred
of conquest, and a resentment of centuries
of subjection and cruel treatment. With such
a people a name is often more than a thing, a title
more respected than an estate. And when the Irish
Romancatholic bishops were not only allowed to wear
the same prefixes of honour as the
_protestant prelates,
but when the government and Le LIUELN acknow-
ledged their titles, their styles, their precedence,
(whether through heraldic inadvertence, or royal
graciousness, or vice-regal suppleness, it matters little)
in this undoubtedly the British government and
crown made a great concession.
Whether it was wise or not is another considera-
tion. But of this at least we may be certain, that
it was not wise to make such concession, or any
concession, to such a corporation as the Roman
church, under the idea that it would remain for any
length of time grateful therefore, and submissive and
well affected. The Roman catholic church, like
our own parliament, and like all modern
governments, has its liberal party and its
fanatic party. They alternate in power and influ-
ence like whig and tory, and whilst the ideas of the
19th century may have predominated in 1847, those
of the 15th century have recovered influence in 1851.
It is impossible for a British cabinet to vary its
treatment of Roman catholics according to the rise
and fall of the political barometer at Rome. Gladl_
would we give the MURRAIN and the CROLLYS
the dignities and titles they might ask, and most
justly refuse the CELLENS and the M.HALES
common respect. We can no more discern in them the
spirit of Christianity than we do in Pim-trims. Yet if
we cannot guard against a Bishop PHlLLearts in the
established church, how can we be guaranteed against
a M'Hat.E in Ireland ? Our chief hopes against
the predominance of such a party must be based on
the rise of a liberal and enlightened lay Roman
catholic class in Ireland, and in the extension of con-
stitutional liberalism throughout Europe, so as to in-
fluence, not only Rome, but those countries which in
reality dominate at Rome. Had the constitutional
and protestant party in Germany triumphed, or even
held its ground ; had a similar party been
enabled to hold its influence, and establish
its institutions in Italy, we would then have had
a guarantee that the Roman catholic power
of Christendom, working through the instruments of
the POPE, would not have kindled the present dis-
mansion throughout England and Ireland. Italy and
Germany were the two fields in which this country
could hive contested Papal aggression. But, like
servile sneaks and traitors, too many Englishmen
hallooed the bloodhounds of Austria and of
Naples, and of France, upon Italian liberalism ; and
the consequence is, that the sacerdotal despotism,
whose triumph we admitted on the oontinent, has
iegiiyolaisladissends,nsianodn,hasandsopewrn.
coamhamposenectio,tiasli:yarhe.usseedson oourf
rel-
it is now too late for England to do aught but
what Lord PALMERSTON has meanly and wisely
done—duck to the storm. Whilst against the
I Austro-Roman prelates, who style themselves cardi-
nals here, we must only maintain that degree of re-
. sistanee which may not alienate from us those who
• , are followers of the religion, but not of the political
creed of Rome. There is no denying that in the
duty of conducting and guiding this resistance
Ithe whigs have had devolved them
. the most trying of tasks. They who ye spent
' their lives and perilled their power a hundred times
by fighting the battle of Roman catholics for emanci-
: patron and to equality; and who, iu their fight, have
arrayed irrecoverably against them the high church
and ascendancy, party in both countries—for them to
be compelled by Roman catholic aggression to admit
that in calculating on papal gratitude and
forbearance they had been mistaken—for them
to be compelled to come forward to avenge

the crown from insult, anl the prelacy of the
established church from manifest encroach-
ment is, perhaps, the most mortifying neces-
sity that ever betel liberal politicians. Had the
POPE armed a RAVAILLAC to strike his dagger in the
breast of the best friends of Roman catholics in
this country, he could not have done a thing mow
fratricidal, more impious, or moro idiotic.
The bill which the whigs have brought in, not with-
out deep dissension amongst themselves, but too fully
depicts their perplexity. For even what the bill is,
they do not seem to have made up their minds.
Moreover, they seem well pleased that earlinment
should discuss it before it is actually acquainted with
the nature of the law. As far 04 we can gather, the
gist of the bill is exaggerated both by the Minister,
who has more recently spoken, and by the catholic
orator, the one to satisfy, the other to amuse, each
his more fanatic supporters. But for our pact wo
can discern nothing in the bill to prevent tho
exercise of episcopal authority, or to inflict any real
injury upon Rome. The doubt seems to he whether
the bill does not go far enough in England, and
whether it does not go tvt far in Ireland. In Eng-
land the papal movement has been one of mcro
vanity against parties who now i e provoked it.
Our and our prelates in England certainly
never showed themselves as antagonistic to the no-
monists. The rivalry of Wtsr3l.‘x was, therefore,
utterly gratuitous.
In Ireland, however, the church...ft are rivals, nay,
we fear, militant rivals. And the only mode of (-riming
their mutual passions, is to maintain the truce, and, in
extending just reforms, not eater to the vanity of the
one in achieving a triumph, however naminal, over
. .

the other. The granting 'the territorial titles was
allowing a triumph on one side; the withdrawing
the conceded titles, is now a triumph on the ether.
And both were and are, in our opinion, most egve-
gious blunders.
We are anxious as any for the maintenance of
protestantism; but we cannot admit that in Eng-
land and in Ireland this maintenance is to be effected
by the saute rides, the same policy, or the sate
establishments. The elements in 'both eases are
different; and so is jus:iee, as well as expediency.
An iIIIIRCILSO and a fair influence hum been given to

the Roman eatholies in peril:intent —an intfueune.• that
no minister ern ignore. To malt" tie se Nen evals

in Westminster, and inferiors in Dublin, is quite
impossible. And emancipation ought not to lure been
voted, if its polities and religious consequences weru

to be blindlidenied.
Such arc our feelings with respect to Ireland; but,
on the other hand, if It is manift st that the campaign
of Rome in Ireland and in England against tho
British government is directed by insidious and
hostile hands—if the finger of Aus!ria and its
absolutist brethren be visible, and if its dicta-

tion have already induced the Roman go-
vernment to enter upon a continued contest,
and we must say that the bnittd promotion of
Archbishop ettu.r.N to the eardinalate would be a
strong proof of that hostile intrigue—oh, then, we
abandon at once every scintilla of opposition or
demur to the measure of the government ; because in

truth it then becomes the-simple question of whether
the British cabinet and parliament, or the ministers
of Austria and of lOme, are masters in these
kingdoms.

[For the Overland Italia Mail, and Late-it Foreign
: ntelligenee, see page I.]

CHARGE OF THREATENING
THE LIFE OF LORD J. RUSSELL

BOW-STREET POLICE: COL
THIS DAY.

This morning Charles Gill, who was taken into custody
last evening upon a charge of sending a threatening letter
to Lord John Itussell, was brought before Mr. Henry by In-
spector Field, of the detective forte, to answer the charge.
The prkoller is a middle-aged man, with dark complexion
and somewhat sinister aspect. Tie was carelessly dressed,
but his gecncral appearance was that of a respcetable me.
titanic.

Mr. Burnaby, the chief clerk, addressing the prisoner,
said he was charged with haying, on the 30th of last mouth,
sent a threatening letter to Lord John Russell ; and in an-
swer to the question whether he pleadc4 guilty or not
guilty, ho replied, " I cannot plead at all to such an unqua-
lified statement as that. I request my letter to be read."
Mr. Henry—Where do you live ?
Prisoner—At No. 32, Surrey-10am, Old Kent-road.
Mr. Henry--What are you ?—A jeweller.
Mr. Arthur Itnssell was then culled, and, iu answor to
questions from Mr. Henry, he stated that he was private
secretary to Lord John Russell. The letter produced ha
retired shout a fortnight ago, at the Treasury,m Downing-
street. According to the post-mark, the letter was delivered
on the 31st January. It seas addressed, " Lord John Rus-
sell, the Treasury, or elsewhere—private and important."
Witness was not acquainted with the prisoner, and he did
not know his hand-writing. . . . . .

The prisoner said he would admit the handwriting, if the
letter was shown to him. (The letter was then handed to
him, and having glanced at its contents ho exclaimed,
" Yea ; that is my handwriting,")
Mr. Henry inquired whether the prisoner wished the
letter to be read, and he replied ig the affirmative.
A gentleman who attended with Mr. Arthur Russell then
proceeded to read such parts of the letter as contained the
threatening oliaervations which formed the subject of the
charge, when the p: isomer interrupted him by saying that
he wished the whole of the letter to be read.
Mr. Bunnaby then read the letter, which committed
with the words, " Such a sight for a Premier!" and pro-
ceeded to say that the writer had made many valuable die-
: coveries in the material laws of leverage and gravitition,
and that, having devoted a considerable portion of his time
to scientific pursuits, ho bad established a theory which im-
pugned the con•truction of the Britannia tubular bridge,
&r. The various discoveries he had made would
be of infinite service to the iublir, but he could
not find anybody willing to give him a fair hear-
ing. The letter went ou at considerable length to detail
the disappointment tho prisoner had experienced in not
being able to derive any benefit from his scientific rew unties,
and then continued in these words : " 1 shall send several
copies of this address to you to the public press. As, how-
ever, they may think or affect to think me mad, or refuse
all of them to give an account to the public, us required, I
shall, in that case, at the earliest opportunity, present your
lordship with the favour of a black eye and bloody nose—
(l am but a poor fighter, but I think I could
manage such a job for you). Should you in your
profound cunning, succeed in evading this kind-
ness, why then I will try if I can, with less than half an
ounce of gunpowder, propel rather less than an ounce of
lead in a right line towards the centre of your lordship's
head, delivering the ball at—say about the house No. 3,
which beingthe official residence of combativeness, would be
a fair way of testing the maximum of the power of your
skull's resistance."
The letter having been read, iispeetor Field was ex-
amined, and he stated that he apprehend' d the prisoner last
night, between 11 and 12 o'clock, at No. 3f, Surrey-place,
Old Kent-road, and upon his telling him the offence with
which he was charged, he said, " I don't deny having writ-
ten the letter; I did write it."
Mr. Henry inquired whether the prisoner wished to ask
the inspector any question, and he replied in the negative.
Mr. Henry then inquired of Mr. Arthur Russell whether
he apprehended that Lord John Russell Wag in danger of
any personal violence in consequence of the receipt of the

letter ?
11 Mr. Rumell—Yes, I do.
Prisoner—May I ask why Lord John Russell is not hen
to answer for himself? lie ought to be here &swell as 1.
Mr. Henry said it was quite competent for the private se-
cretary of Lord John Russell, who had opened the letter in
question, to state that he apprehended personal violence to
h:s lo:dship if th It.risoner were nut restrained.
The prisoner wished to know why a fortnight had been
sniff:Ted to elapse before the charge was brought forward.
Mr. Henry, after consulting Mr. Russell and those who
attended with him, observed that, lathe &apiece, the letter
was transmitted to the chief commissioner of police, and af-
terwards forwarded by him to the solicitors to the Treasury,
and this would necessarily occupy some time.
Prisoner— A very long time indeed—a fortnight'
Mr. Henry asked the prisoner whether he wished to say
anything in answer to the charge ?
The prisoner said the full reading of the letter would
show that his object was merely publicity, and he had been
driven to adopt this course by the humbugging answers
he had received to the applications be bad
made to various persona respecting his valuable
scientific discoveries. lie had been humbugged by the
astronomer royal, and he could not succeed in obtaining a
fair hearing, although the result of his researches was of
great value. As to intending any violence to Lord ..lohtt
Russell, he meant no such thing. His object was accom-
plished in the publication of the letter. lie was only de-
atrous of making known his works by strictly legal
and legitimate means. Why, as to punching Lord John Rus-
sell's head (here the prisoner smiled), much less sending a
bullet through his head was it possible that ho should ever
have an opportunity of doing such a thing ? His object
was simply to obtain a fair hearing, and notwithstanding all
the pretence about the great Exhibition he could nut get it.
He had applied to Mr. Cobden, and he had nut answered
him. Was this the proper way to treat working men lathe
year 1851 ? lie had devoted all his tint,. to scientific pur-
suits, and he could not obtain the patronage hr deserved_ ;
but as to intending any harm to Lord John Russell, be
would nut lose his finger for the life of Lord John Russell.
Mr. Henry said the primmer must not attempt to obtain
the publicity ko had sought by threatening another. 'What-