The Express.
London, England, 1851-06-09 00:00:00

THE EXPRESS, MONDAY EVENING, JUNE 9, 1851.

divided to intandsoe the monarchy; the moderate
repo& was the only form possible. But before
=Vampleisich
ag . k.tte revision' couldw
re-tietalblisli tbll
y .he would sign it willinitr,
.
Ise bo remaining under the re
11l .the powers of the President. M. de
Italzet , against partial revision, and ha
haw or enacting the question of monarchy or the
feesnblic. He was in favour of reforming the law d
Way. He would vote for a more precise form of the
motion of M. do Broglie. M. Emile do (Ira&
would vote for revision on condition of the repeal or
the law of May. M. Leo di Laborde insisted upon
the same condition. M. de ltcmusat dwelt upon
the heard of proceeding to revision, without settling
clearly beforehand the nature of the changes desired.
Ho was for strict adherence to the law. If revision
were voted, he could not disguise from himself the
conflicts which would agitate the party of order in
the election of the new constituent. M. de Laroche-
tinc:dlin adhered to the opinions expressed by M.M.
e and Oirardin. In the 3th bureau M. de Mor-
nay declared against the proposition of de Broglie.
He had supported revision previously, but now re-
canted his opinion when he saw that the result must
lead to the personal aggrandisement of the president-
Henceforth he accepted the republic. He estimated
the signatures of the petitions at half a million, and
did not consider this number sufficient to indicate a
preponderance of public opinion in favour of revision.
M. Casa-bianca pointed out the necessity of re-
moving the causes of conflict between the two
powers. For this the nation must be restored to its
sovereignty. The country desired republican insti-
tutions, with the stability of monarchy. M. Emanuel
Arago drew attention to the personal end concealed'
in the motion of M. de Broglie, which merely aimed
at the abolition of the article prohibiting the re-elec-
tion of the President. In the 6th bureau M. Barthe-
lemy St. Hilaire spoke against revision. He
examined the different sorts of revision desired by
the legitimists, the Orleanists, and the Bonapartists
and denied that any of them could ameliorate the
present condition of France, whose distress was not
owing to the vices of the constitution, but to the bad
policy of the government. M. do Flavigny, as one
of the 232 who had signed the proposition of the
Duke de Broglie, was in favour of total revision.
Ile wanted two Chambers, and a veto in the hands
of the executive power ; but he was in favour of
maintaining the republican form. M. Desmousseaux
de Givre opposed revision in a strong anti-Ilona-
partist speech. M. Luca ze had signed the proposi-
tion of the 232, but no a republican. M. do Mega-
ville was surprised that the advocates of a measure
so fraught with hazard as the revision, should be
found among those people who were most desirous
of quiet. Ile expressed surprise that revision was not
called for by the mountain. Nevertheless, he was
disposed to vote fur revision, because ho saw that
public opinion was decidedly in favour of it. He did
not judge from the deceitful criterion of petitions:
but there was a general feeling throughout the coun-
try that the only remedy for the evils suffered was
to get rid of the vices of the constitution. The only way
of controlling. that feeling was to go with it. Ile would
vote fur revision on condition of his being assured
that the object was to consult the entire nation, and
so arrive at a legal and pacific revision of the consti-
tution by the means therein indicated. But he
would favour no project of revision, which was
merely a mask for upsetting the Republic by a coup-
dritat. M. Baroche stated that the govern-
meet did not deem the moment ripe for min-
gling
in the debate; but it accepted the motion
of the 232, and like them wished to restore to the
people the plenitude of their sovereignty. M. Dare
explained in the nth bureau the intentions of the 232
signers of the present motion. They saw the danger of
returning at present to monarchy, which could not be
done without civil war. But since France was chained
to continue, at least for a fresh term of four years,
under the Republic, they wanted to get rid of those
defects in the constitution which made the system
work so ill. To do this a total revision was necessary,
as it was impossible to foresee to what extent one
change might draw on another. Therefore they
wished to restore to the people the full exercise of
their sovereignty, that the work ofthe new Assembly
might have the plenitude of the national sanction.
Ile did not wish to blame the former constituent, but
circumstances were now different, and it would be
highly blameable not to use the means which the con-
stitution afforded of revising it legally. M. Berryer sup-
ported total and legal revision. He wished to main-
tain the law of May. lie would vote for the propo-
sition of M. de Broglie, but expressed in the largest
terms. If the constitution could not bo revised le-
gally, he was resigned to it as it was. In the dth
bureau, M. de Coreelles advocated revision on the
ground that it was desired by the country, and ren-
dered necessary by the faults of the constitution.
Ile protested against coups-d'etat, which could only
lead to perdition. M. Placatory, in the 9th bureau,
made a violent anti-Bonapartist speech, and rejected
the revision as put by the petitioners. Return to
the monarchy by the vote of a constituent assembly
he thought chimerical; and reform of the constitu-
tion by the same body he thought problematic. M.
de Fallow( made a violent attack upon the speech of
Dijon. which he stigmatised as calumnious and false.
M. Leon Faucher said in reply to this angry demon-
stration :

-- ---- -
The government has not taken the initiative in the pro-
position submitted to you; it belongs to the Assembly. The
government thinks that the constitution should he revised ;
it unites in the wish which it considers as being that of the
immense majority in the assembly and in the country. But
until the moment arrives for the public discussion it thinks
it its duty to act with great reserve. The bureau will,
therefore, permit me to confine myself to this declaration of
my opiniou without entering into further developments. What
has been just stated by the hon. M. do Fallout obliges
are, however, to reply. There aro hero three members of
the cabinet funned by the President of the Republic on the
20th Decembcr, ISIS. My hon. friend M. du Falloux has
there left souvenirs which will never be effaced from my
memory. These souvenirs give me the right to tell him
that the policy e ith which he inspired the cabinet of the
20th December is the issue as that which animates the
present ministry. M. de Falloux is mistaken as to the
bearing of the speech delivered by the President of the
Republic. At a solemn moment when the country had its
eyes fixed on him, the President was obliged to explain his
ideas. Ile was compelled to say what he was and what he
was not, separating himself equally from a past which would
not return, and from a chimerical future. The
President of the Republic has been often and un-
justly attacked ; ho makes use of no reprisals. He
explained himself as to his ideas, and committed
no act of aggression against persons. The hon. M. de Falloux
declines for himself and his political friends any kind of
joint responsibility with retrograde doctrines. I accept
from my heart this declaration. I always thought that he
belonged to a generation which was necessarily impregnated
with the spirit of the age. I will add that, far from re-
jecting the co-operation of the hon. M. de Fulloux and of
his friends, we call fur it with our wishes and our efforts.
1 The govetnment proposes, before all things, the union of
the two great powers of the State. Far from wishing to
divide the majority, it labours to strengthen and to extend
it. It believes that the fasces formed by the friends of
order is not too compact, and that society requires all its
force against anarchy ; it knows that the great shades of
opinion, of which the majority is composed, differ in some
tendencies, but it also believes that these opinions have still
more common tendencies, and it would reproach itself if it
said a word or did an act which might compromise that
accord on which the safety of all depends.
M. de Broglie expl.uned that his object was to
have a fresh Constituent Assembly elected, with
powers as ample as those of the constituent of 1848.
But he and his friends did not deem it opportune to
moot the question of monarchy.
They did not intend to impose in advance any limit, say
obstacle to their rights; all opinions might be prepared to
it. Did it follow that in the idea of the signers of the pro-
position it would be opportune and well to bring in qua-
' tion the very principle of government? They did not think
so. He was not a republican, he feared that this review
did not accord with the manners or sentiments of the
j country, but he firmly believed that all present attempt of
1 monarchical restoration was impossible, that it would lead
to anarchy and civil war; sodas he preferred the republic to
anarchy, be abstained from all efforts whose end would'
i be to overthrow the republic, he only made one reserve, it
'I was, that the republic itself should not be civil war and
anarchy. But because he was convinced that the constitu- '
; , lion contained within itself the seeds of these two plagues it
was that he demanded it should be revised.
: In the 12th bureau General Cavaignac said—
He smell sets spinet the revision, and refuse it erste-
=Waft bsme the partisans of the monarchy, they of the
peengedea. and the men who wish to or-
. I Loam dee mil& as a asmarchy, demand this revision.
i 1 He did set as oemdedge the right to demand a monarchy.
The emery will May bate Nth in the republic, when it
believes the President am easily be changed, the country
mast he.., die, and it was for this insane that be was op-
[ peed te peregetion, apart from tbs question Of confidence
ia the }soma of the Preident--madence which he had
I net. As w these who profess to ameliorate there public,
, they even a door to its eventual overthrow. He rejected,
therelbes, completely all idea of revision, Precisely because
ted
! ' ft was demanded by the three clouts of opiates he had
}ela est.
In the 14th bureau, M. Mole observed that—
Verses hs had not Mimed the proposition for the revision

of the othilitiniothrtsentod to the Assembly, he approved
it completely for two reasons. First, because the coun-
try danade it imperiously. The country thinks that
the- ethatitution does not permit it to repose in
security. It was made very precipitately. The powers
it has constituted are placed in a permanent state
'of conflict. lie had voted it because at the epoch
al which it was made it was a guaranty for society,
but ho was never satisfied with it ; he adopted the greater
part of the amendmuns proposed by his friguls. These
amendments were not adopted ; thus when tte time ap-
pointed by the constitution itself has arrived, it is quite na-
tural that he should demand its modification in
the sense of the ameliorations ho wished to in-
troduce in IRS, and which were rejected by
the first constituent assembly. Thus, far from being in con-
tradiction with himself, his present opinion is on the con•
trary only the consequence of his first votes. The second
reason for which he thinks be should express a wish for a
revision of the constitution is that if this wish be realised
France can declare her will. If the republic be confirmed
by the new Assembly, it will have a force it never yet has
bad. Whatever may be the result of the decision of the
new constituent Assembly, all opinions will gain by it.

SCNDAY EVINING.
French politics are so pregnant with the unfore-
seen, so subject to violent and sudden change, that
results apparently the most important to-day may be
totally effaced by the combination of the morrow. It
would therefore argue but a shallow judgment of the
situation to despair of the Mae of revision because
the Assembly has thought proper to begin by blow.
ing cold upon it. Dc Tocqueville says that ho is
persuaded that France will have revision ; his opinion
is that of an impartial observer, who repudiates the
deceptive criterion of petitions. What France will
have, no Assembly, however respectably comporA.
will long dare to °deny. The very reluctance evinced
by the representatives to throw their parties into the
arena of public discussion upon the foremost and
most urgent of all questions, will tend to irri-
tate the impatience of the country, and to
redouble the external pressure upon the le-
gislative body. So obvious is this result that
one is almost tempted to believe that the Dijon
speech was a calculated explosion to betray the As-
sembly into collision with public opinion. If so, no
bull was ever goaded by a picador to a more suicidal
charge. There cannot IN a stronger evidence of the
extent to which the decisions of a deliberative body i
may be influenced by passion, than the conduct of
the National Assembly, towards the President. When
irritated, the former boils over with impatience to re-
sent the provocation. Its nominations, its manoeuvres
are dictated and guided by instinctive vengeance.
Changarnier's insolence is received with deafening
cheers ; the irascible Daze becomes the choicest
questor; all Bonapartiats are sent to Coventry,
and carefully excluded from the boards of
the bureaux. Mole, the pattern of moderation, is
postponed to Charamaule, a pink republican, as a
member of the revision committee. 1% all Franco
wants is withheld, because it may advance the per-
sonal interests of the President. Meanwhile the rival
power of this susceptible aggregate is represented by
a man calm by temperament, armed with self-control
by exercise, and driven to dissimulation by necessity.
*hen hardest hit the President is most reserved;
• when he strikes, policy, not passion, 'guides the
blow. His game is to subdue the Assembly or to
crash it. If he cannot mould it to his ends, he has
no resource but to break it, or to perish iu the trial.
Ilence a double system of operations, one of which
is directed by his ministers and the other by hinLelf;
and while the head of the executive thunders at
Dijon, the cabinet is all apology at Paris. The de-
bate on revision in the bureaux proves beyond
all doubt that the reluctance of the Assem-
bly to revise the constitution is their objec-
tion to prolong the powers of Louis Napoleon.
The speeches of all shades, of M. de Falloux, of Gen.
Cavaignac, of M. Creton, and the other standard-
bearers of fractions, all betrayed this jealousy of the
President. They will not come out to fight on open
ground, because they fear to be beaten. So long u
this fear exists and is manifest to the nation, whether
it be founded or no, it will tend more powerfully than
any other mewls to bring about the result appre-
hended, and the prestige of the President will grow
in proportion to the apparent dread of the royalists
e.nd socialists to submit his claims to free discussion.
Hence, the present phase of revision ought not to be
regarded as a symptom of weakness in the govern-
ment, but as a confession of impotence in the coalesced
opposition, which dares not set its shoulder to the
wheel, and lift the coach out of the rut, lest Louis
Napoleon should continue to drive it, to the defini-
tive disappointment of their respective ambitions.
A singular rencontre has taken place, which is the
talk of the whole town. Yon arc aware that Charles
Bonaparte, Prince of Canino, and formerly president
of the Roman Assembly, has been frequently assailed
indirectly with odious imputations as having insti-
gated the murder of Count Rossi. Viscount Arlin-
court, who has written a reactionary book about
Italy, let drop in the pages of his " Italic Rouge"
KIM atrocious insinuations to this effect, for which
he was recently fined. Stirred up by such black
hints, and worked upon by the blind fury of the foes
of the revolution, the second son of Count Rossi
lay in wait for an occasion to avenge his
father's death. This he seized the day before yester-
day. Charles Bonaparte was dining with a friend at
a café on the Qum d'Orsav, when the waiter an-
nounced to him that a gentleman outside wished to
speak with him. Prince Canino required his name,
and being refused, begged the mysterious stranger to
wait till he had finished dinner. Rossi sat down at
one of the little tables outside the cafe, and when his
adversary came out marched up to him, saying,
"Yon are the Prince of Cimino." Having received
lan answer in the affirmative, he aimed a blow at the
prince's face. Mediators interposed to prevent the
scuffle from going further, and the principals were
led off in different directions. Yesterday afternoon
they met again is the park at Versailles, and ex-
changed a couple of pistol shots each, without effect.
The seconds then declared the requisitions of honour
satisfied. The Prince of Canino was attended by
MM. Clary and Lepie, members of the Assembly.

GERMANY.

FRANKFORT-ON-THE-MAINE. JUNE 6.

Lord Cowley, England's ambassador to the Germanic
Confederation, hsd nn interview to-day with Count Thun,
the President of the Diet, in which he presented his cre-
dentials. The great powers of Europe are now ell repre-
sented in Frankfort,

The central federal commission, the demise of which au-
thority was erroneously reported some days ago, did not
cease Its exietence until yesterday, when it returned its
powers into the hands of the temporary military commis-
sion of the Diet. The latter body, which consists of the
representatives of Austria, Prussia, Bavaria, Saxony, Ile-
foyer, Ilene Darmstadt, and Oldenburg, were to meet
again to-day to draw up a report ou ,the subject. The
central federal commission was appointed jointly by
Austria and Prussia, on the abdication of Archduke John,
the regent or Reichsverweser of the embryo German em-
pire ; its object being to manage the military matters of the
confederation for the space of six months, within which the
settlement of the German question was then expected. It
has been renewed several times, but its results have been
very few. Very soon after its appointment, Bavaria and
several other states refused to recognise its authority,
denied the payment of their share of the expenses, and
the whole military administration of the federal for-
tresses, fleet, &c., fell into the most desperate con-
fusion. Prussia which had borne the expenses of the
fleet under protest for some time, found at last that
the prospects of repayment were becoming very small,
and it is very justly surmised, that this, put together with a
clear estimation of the dangerous consequences to herself
from the mismanagement 'and confusion in the military
affairs of the confederation, were among the chief causes
which led to her participation in the resurrection uf the
Diet. The powers possessed by the central federal com-
mission
devolve upon the commissioners mentioned above,
whose real labours will now commence. Military men of
experience have been deputed from each of the chief states of
the confederation to assist the commission with their advice
, and as soon as the alterations contemplated in the federal
' military law and the forces to be placed at the orders of the
Diet shall have been decided, these gentlemen will assume
the functions of the federal military commission exactly as
it existed previous to ISO.

VANS AND POOR

_ ..... -
Saturday Colonel Sibthorp's bill for further "improving"
the police in the metropolis and City of London was printed.
The gallant colonel proposes to prohibit advertising vans,
and olio poor musicians from playing in the stmt, under
• penalty of 405., and, of course, commitment. A police
constable seeing such an outrage is to be empowered (if
parliament should approve of the suggestion) to take the
offender into custody.
INTENDED FANCY FAIR AT THE ROYALIIOSPITAL,
CllZlAßA.—Arrangement have been made for a forth-
coming festival, tote held in the Royal Gardens, at Chelsea
Colitis, in aid of the building fund of the Hospital for
Consumption, in the Brompton-road. A bazaar will be
held upon the grounds and the following ladies of distinc-
tion have condescended to preside and assist at the stalls:
Duchess of Sutherland, the Marchioness of Ailesbury,
the Marchioness of Stafford, the Countess of Harrington, the
Countess of Antrim, Lady Charlotte Egerton, Lady South-
ampton, and other benevolent supporters of the institution.