The Express.
London, England, 1853-01-28 00:00:00

whole character with their existing Countrymen and with
all posterity, that they give • just decision on the matter
referred to them. Well, but, if this be true of the United
States, is it less true of France? We have wonderful
communications with France. I would speak of the rail-
way and the steam-boat, and the telegraph , but we are in
London 12 hours from Paris. Lord John Russell is Fo-
reign Minister, I am only sorry to hear he is not
likely to continuo so; because he knows very well
the whole secret of our former wars with France ; and I
have heard him declare more than once in the House of
Cinamons. with regard bath to the French war and to the
American war which preceded it, that those two wan were
both unjust and unnecessary wars. (Applause.) Lard
John Russell is in Downing street, the French foreign
minister is 12 hours distant, but we are not satisfied with
being within 12 hours; we have • nobleman in Paris liv-
ing in a magnificent and costly mansion, and at an expense
which, until very recently, amounted to some 14,0001. or
16,0001. a year ; the salary was 10,0001. I believe it is now re-
duced to 8,000!., and the other expenses were 4 or b thousand
pound more. This man is sent to Paris ostensibly for the
purpose of maintaining amicable relations between that
counter and this. Lord Cowley is at the grand balls at the
Tuileries. Lady Cowley is leaning on the arm of the
emperor of the French. The emperor pays his special re-
, garde to English visitors. There are no people in the
world at this moment who are residents temporally or
permanently is Paris—no foreigners, I mean—who
are treated with more consideration, so far as
we can judge from the papers, than our countrymen.
But fur all that, Lord Cowley knows that his countrymen
some how or other, are living in dread of this Emperor of
the French. He news that our press is almost incessantly
attacking him. He knows that all kinds of exaggerated
statements are being palmed upon the English public. He
knows that all sorts of odd corners in the newspapers
are filled up with paragraphs fabricated to deceive the
people. And our government know it too. Now 1 want
to know why it is that no proposition can be made
from our government--not in an underground, subter-
ranean, intriguing manner of carrying on business with a
great country like France, but come above-board and open
proposition—(applause)—which shall give confidence to
the people of both countries ? That which I am satisfied
the people of both countries require is that which the
governments of both countries ought, if possible, to obtain.
It only wants a beginning. We pretend to lead the world
in some things. We are conceited and very vain,
and it is imagined we do • great deal that
we do not do, and a good deal more than
the countries whoi are at least on a level with
us ; but if we, here on this island, with a mercantile navy
surpassing that of almost all the world—if we have a people
pugnacious beyond all former example—if we have an in-
dustry so productive, that the thousands of millions which
have been spent in former wars have not yet pauperised
and exhausted us—if we have glory recorded on our pages
of history, so that the most gluttonous amongst us ought
to be satisfied, and ask no more—and if, beside that, we have
liberal institutions which give to the petiole of this country
that measure of contentment that gives security to the govern-
ment—then I say, are we not in a position before all other
nations, of offering to the nations of Europe and to the
United States a new policy, a noliey which though it differs
as much as white from black from the policy of past times,
yet shall be one that in the future shall give greater
security to governments and greater happiness and content-
ment to peoples, and shall promote the advance and pro-
gress of all that is good in the world, infinitely
beyond anything that can be ever hoped for from
the most glorious and bloody conflicts of armed men?
(Loud applause.) Well, I believe that we are met for a
practical object, though our opponents profess not to be-
lieve it. If they had not thought it was practical, Ido not
believe they would be so angry. (Cheers and laughter.)
They think that if these opinions, which are prevalent in this
room to-day, spread by each of our individual efforts
amongst our friends and neighbours, some way or other the
eyesight of the people on political matters will be wonder.
fully improved, and that a small party, or a large party—
a small party of intriguing persons, or a large party in-
terested in military expenditure, will not be able to coax
and cajole the people into such errors as they have in
former times committed. Now bear in mind that there

comes a time in the continuation of these military expenses
when you actually build up a public hostile to your own
public interests. The men who can build in Pen-
man those magnificent stores, and men who have
several periodical publications devoted expressly
to the defence and maintenance of their views
—the men who are distributing one way or other 15 or 16
millions sterling, who occupy high places in all our services
—who are made the especial objects for pensions, and ho-
nours, and dignities—they grow up to be a party powerful
enough to insist upon it that they are the public, and not
we, the people of England. I would remind you of that
simile used by Milton, when he said that a department like
this is comparable to a wen on • man's head, which may
grow so large that it may mistake itself for the head, and
take upon itself to say that it is the bead, and the bead
is the wen. (Cheers and laughter.) Jon't letus be afraid
of the course we see taking or the principles we hold. I
hays been in the House of Commons for nearly ten years,
and I know that that house is not favourable
to peace principles if they lead to a reduction of mili-
tary expenditure. They consider it sentimental to talk
of peace ; they consider it vulgar to refer in the slightest
degree to the Christian principles of peace ; they suspect a
man if he only dares to hope for peace, but still for all that
we have seen majorities in that house sink into miserable
and ridiculous minorities ; and when the public mind of
this country becomes saturated, as it must, at some not dis-
tant day, with principles such as we now bold, then even
if your representation be no better than it is—but we trust
it will be shortly muchb.eter—then we shall find the House
of Commons obeying the opinion of the country, and our
ambassadors to foreign countries will not consider that they
have fulfilled their duty when they have dined dis-
tinguished Englishmen, and joined in the ball
with distinguished foreigners, or composed music—
(Laughter)—as some of our ambassadors are now doing,
but they will consider it is their duty, andthe interest
of their country, by every means in their power, not by
underground diplomacy but above ground and honourable
treaty, to promote that peace throughout the world which
we are promised shall come, and which, in spite of all that
may be said to the contrary, our opponents know must
come. (Loud cheers.)
Joanna BROTHESTON, Esq., M.P., in supporting the
motion, expressed a wish that we should manifest towards
France and all foreign powers a friendly feeling. He be-
lieved that there was great room to reduce the armaments
of all the nations of Europe, and denied that the best way
to preserve peace was by being
.prepared for war. The
most certain way was by preserving a Christian and peace-
able demeanour, and by extending commerce—for no man
liked to quarrel with • good customer.
• • • • • -•

The Meeting then iidjourned till mix o'clock in the
evening.