The Express.
London, England, 1848-03-06 00:00:00

::rivrtos.

MAILS
The overland closed malls, .be Marseilles, to the Mediterranean.
rAypt. Aden, Ceylon, India, Hong Kong, ?sc., will be made up on the
evening** the 7th March.
The mails for Walsh North America, Bermuda. and the Unita!
Staten will be made up on the evening of the 107 b March.
Tbe West hulk Maila, excluding Bermude, Nemeth Havanna,
modurys, New Orleans, Vera Crua, Tampico, and Porto Rico, end
including Move for Madeira, Jacinel, Carthagena, Santa Martha,
Chaves, ?learns, Went Coast of South America, and St. Juan-da
Nicaragua, nl be made up on the morning of the 17th March.
lbe overland mails for tlibraltar, and
Unwise, the locum Islands,
Eitypt, Aden, Ceylon, Idia, thing-Kong, and China, via Southampton.
will be made up on the morning of ,he 20th March.
The mails for New south Wake, VIM
them Land, and New
Zealand will be made up on the evening of list March.
The mails for the West Coast of Africa and Madeira will be made
op cm the evening of the Slat March.

NOTICE.
Tun number of STAMPS issued toss the DAILY NEW
by the authorities of the Stamp-office, ring the year 1847 S ,

vias
From J AN. 1, to Dao. 31, 3,447,009
This, we believe, is within eight per cent. of the number
issued to the Morning Herald, Morning Chronicle, and
Morning Post, ALL PUT TOGETHER.
lu addition to the above,issued to the DAILY NEWS,
Morning Paper, there were issued for the Evening Edition,
THE EXPRESS,
From JAN. 1, 10 DEC. 31 778,714
Which wee more, we believe, than were issued either to
the Wolfe or Standard, Evening Papers.

TO 00fOlESPONDENTS.
lalgrodoi for TY* E war; Loathe condm
, Notworteavrett, by 'bre o'clock oa tba iss el pablumlos.

1711':7a7: :i5.:

1110 31 WATIR AT LONDOR 1311)011.
I)..—Montag, 10 WA. poi 2: Aftermes. II mi. pea 2
I.lll222tar—hkestag. 13 mi. We 3 : Attn..% W. pa* 3

LONDON, MONDAY, MARCH 6.
To form a right, a sound, and satisfactory judg-
ment upon an event so momentous, so immense in its
causes and its results, as this third French revolution,
could not and ought not to be the work of an hour.
Whatever our impulses, whatever our desires, what-
ever our past experience, all must necessarily be
modified by so complete a change in the political
scene, and by the possibilities of the present and
future. What these are is not facile to judge at such
a distance. And tis only after unusual pains taken
to procure corrcc•. information by personal contact
with all parties .rid classes, of opinion in France,
that one should venture to affirm solemnly
that a dynasty has forfeited every. hope and every
claim, that a great and prominent nation has
taken the decided step of permanently and resolutely
repudiating monarchy.
We do firmly express our conviction that France
has irrevocably taken that resolve. This is an im-
portant fact for the British public and every person in
public affairs to know ; and it is simply as a fact that
we announce it. Many may think that a revolution,
particularly one so easily and so suddenly achieved as
that of February, 1848, cannot give rise to any
durable system of government ; that a royalty thus
tripped up has many chances for recovering its legs
again'; that it leaves friends behind it, regret for the
order of things which it upheld, and that the first
thought, especially of the wealthy and influential,
must be to recur to what has been so unaccountably
swept away.
We would recommend every person to banish this
idea at once. You have but to enter the salons of
Paris, or penetrate rather into the-politician's closet,
in order to obtain from the mouth of every man of
every party the confession, that a king, whether
BOURBON, ORLEANS, or BONAPARTE, is henceforth
utterly impossible in France.
The English public must—some members of it at
least—have been surprised to see such men as SEBAS-
TIAN!, GERARD, BUGEAUD, the greatest and most
intimate upholders of the dynasty, come forward
so readily to give in their adhesion to the republic.
Some may call it fickleness or treachery. It is no
such thing. It has proceeded simply from the uni-
versal belief and admission that royalty in France is
impossible. Louis PHILIPPE wore out the last wheels
of the royal car, and it could never reappear, but to
be dragged through the mud.
The very legitimists have ceased to believe in ab-
solute monarchy. Imperialists mock the feeble re-
mains of NAPOLEON'S relatives. The citizen class,
which raised the ORLEANS branch on the throne, now
repudiate them more even in contempt than in despair.
And, however regretting the failure of constitutional
monarchy, the lourgeoisie exclaim, with one voice, let
us never try it again.
We have heard, and not many hours before we
write, one of the most eminent and devoted cham-
pions of constitutional monarchy declare that
it had, in France at least, for ever pe-
rished that the age of employing fictions
in the organisation of a government was past—
that the chief of the state, the supreme head, whoever
he might be, or whatever he might be called, must be
a responsible agent—and that this could not be the
case with any who merely inherited power. Nor is
this the theory of the philosopher, the dreamer, or the
ratiocination of either an individual or a party. It
is the representation and the aggregate of the po-
pular and universal sentiment, which is, that
all claim to authority and weight must be per-
sonal, and underived from birth. So strong
is this sentiment, so confident is it in the consciousness
of its truth, justice, and necessity, that it is enforced
without even vehemence or rancour, but with all
the coolness of undisputed determination.
Such has been the progress from 1830 to 1848—a
constitutional monarchy, which has been tried with
every element of success that could be devised, and
with the wisest prince that could certainly have been
chosen—and which has failed. Nothing remains but
• republic!
And the force of the republic lies in this convic-
tion, that nothing else is possible. Hence the gene-
ral adhesion to the Provisional Government, of which
the mission is to instal this republic, to set its first
machinery in motion, and to preserve order in the
state, until the Ist of May, by which time the new
constituent assembly will have met, and afterwards
until this atr.embly shall have laid the basis of the

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constitution.
The Provisional Government give every premise of
executing their task with success. The great difficul-
ties, which, in its first days, assailed it from the tur-
bulence and discontent of the armed working classes
have been got over. A large number of these classes
have been satisfied with the arrangement of an hour
having been struck from the dads work, and from the
abolition of marchandeurs, a class of middlemen, who
stood between labourers and employers. And we
believe that measures likely to content the labouring
population, have already been employed, and will
obviate any return of disturbance.
A cause of fear with many is the clubs. The
National says, that clubs are more dangerous, when
secret, or in the midst of an ignorant people with in-
stitutions and classes before them which excite envy
and tempt to subversion. There is nothing of the
kind at present. And if subversive doctrines or
menaces to property be put forth in clubs, better that
the public should know and be aware of it, and be
prepared to do justice by them. At all events, MAR-
RAH', through the National, declares that the clubs
cannot be prohibited, for that the right of association
has been irrevocably gained by the revolution of
February.
The great affair of the moment, and of the Provi-
sional Government, is, however, the elections for the
assembly which is to decide the form of the republic.
The election will, of course, be direct, with a deputy
for every 40,000 souls, so that there will be an
assembly of nearly one thousand members. What
will be the spirit of such an assembly ? Re-
publican it must be. But republicans an has