The Express.
London, England, 1853-07-23 00:00:00

A WINTER SESSION.

Mr. DRUMMOND asked whether an alteration might
not take place in the period when the public accounts are
made up, in order that the parliamentary session might be
held in winter instead of summer?

RUSSIA AND TURKEY.

Mr. LAYARD said—l will take this opportunity of put-
ting to the noble lord a question of which I gave him no-
tice last night. It is now exactly a fortnight since the noble
lord, the member for Tiverton, requested me to put off a
motion of which I had given notice, because negotiations
were then in progress. It is understood that those nego-
tiations consisted of a joint proposal of this country and
France to the government of Rassia I assented to the re-
quest of the noble lord; and it will be in the recollection of
the house that the noble lord stated at that time that be
would give me an early day to bring on this question. I
have since been given to understand that the
noble lord the Secretary of State for Foreign
Affairs has stated in another place that he will
be prepared in a very few days, whether the pro.
pool bee bon sacaptod or not, to lay the papers con-

meted with the subject before the house. Sir, during the
last fortnight events of very great importance have taken
place in the east of Europe. (Hear, hear.) I will venture
to say that in the whole history of the intercourse of nations
acts so nojustillable, se outrageous, so dangerous as those
committed during the last three months, have never before
been committed in Europe. (Hear, hear.) Sir, the
government of Russia has sent a large body of troops into
Vith proviates of Moldavia and Wallachia. Not oily have
they taken military possession of those provinces, but
they have actually taken possession of a great part
of their civil administration ; and we now learn

that they are occupying and fortifying, not only
the principal towns of those provinces, but even
the military stations of the Danube. Moveover, communi-
cations, which I must say are very insolent, not only to
Turkey, but, as I think the house will agree with me, to
this country also, have been put forward in a manner which
is unprecedented in the history of diplomacy. (Hear, hear.)
A kind of crusade has been preached in Russia—a crusade
against a neighbouring power, which has been characterised
by one of the most offensive terms that could be used—the
term infidel—(hear,hear)— a crusade which has been
preached in one of the provinces of that power, while •
prince of one of the provinces has been induced to take
part in a thanksgiving on account of a crusade
which is directed against his suzerain. (Hoar, hear.)
And what is the consequence of this ? Net only is Turkey
being put to great expense, not only are her resources being
exhausted, but she has been obliged to call frem the field
those on whose labour the population is almost entirely de-
pendent for its subsistence. I know, on the hest authority.
that at this moment there is very great danger of a general
outbreak in Turkey, and that that event may occur at any
moment. (Hear, hear.) Now I presume that acts such as
these, which outrage the public law of Europe, which put
an end to all those treaties upon which the European sys-
tem, and consequently the peace of Europe, is based, and
trample them under foot—l say these acts merit the serious
attention of Her Majesty's government. I venture to say
that there it not a weak state in Europe which does
at this moment feel the greatest alarm at this state of things,
I which does not feel that that which has occurred yesterday
may occur again to morrow, and that the powerful states
may be led to annex the weaker. (Hear, hear.) And, for•
tooth, we are told that these outrageous acts are merely ne-
gociations. (Hear, hear.) I presume that her Majesty's
government, having a very laudable desire to maintain the
peace of Europe, and to make every sacrifice to maintain it,
had, nevertheless, made an unqualified and energetic pro-
test against acts such as thete, and have taken means to pre-
vent them from being received as precedents in similar cases
hereafter; and I think justice requires—not justice to
this country only, but justice to Europe—that any protests
which may have been made should be placed before the
house and the public, that we may have an opportunity of
judging whether they are adequate to the great importance of
the subject; and whether they are such as we, as a nation,
ought to have made. (Hear, hear.) I must say, further,
that if such protests have not been made, then those mem-
bees who feel as I do on this subject ought to have an op-
portunity of registering their solemn protests against a
policy which would in that case be inconsistent with the
dignity, the honour, and the true interests of this country,
and dangerous, as I maintain, not only to Turkey, bat to
every weak state of the continent of Europe. Every hour's
delay at the present moment increases the opportunity of
Russia. (Hear, hear.) We know what is past ; we know
how far we can rely upon the assurances which have been
given, and how much, therefore, we can rely upon the as-
surances which are now given, and which might otherwise
lead us to believe that Russia is inclined to take the pro-
positions made to her into her favourable consideration.

Let the house remember that if the negotiations can only be
protracted for a few months longer, our fleet will be com-
pelled either to violate what Russia has declared to be a
treaty, and thus to bring about a cans belli, or to return
to its winter anchorage at Malta. (Hear, hear.) We
are told that Russia will not leave the principa-
lities; we are told, by what is often considered
an organ of Russia, and is regarded as not unfavourable to
its views, that Russia having entered into a contract for
nine months' provisions, cannot leave except on the condi-
tion of being paid the expenses of her invasion. Such a
demand reminds me of an old story of the cut, that when
an invader had settled himself on the inhabitants of the
country, not content with devouring their provisions, he
made them pay for the wear and tear of bis teeth in the
operation. (Great laughter.) Ido hope that the papers on
this subject will be presented to the house a sufficient
period before the end of the session to enable the house to
form an opinion on this great question before they sepa-
rate ? I do entreat the noble lord the member for the City
of London to appoint a day, either this day week, or, if
more convenient to the noble lord, Monday week, whether
the propositions made shall have been accepted or rejected,
for the discussion of this momentous subject in this house.
Lord J. RUSSELL said—Before I advert to the question
which has been put to me by the hoe. member for West
Surrey (Mr. Drummond), I will state what I think has
been the course of proceedings with respect to that very
interesting and important question to which the hon. mem.
ber for Aylesbury (Mr. Layard) has called the attention of
the house. The house will recollect that at an early period,
when questioned upon this 'abject, I stated that demands had
been made by Prince Menchikoff upon the government of
Turkey, which, in the opinion of that government, and in
the opinion of her allies, England and France, were in-
consistent with the independence of Turkey. At a later
period, I stated, in answer to a question, that her Majesty's
fleet had been ordered to leave Malta and proceed to
Bealka Bay, in the neighbourhood of the Straits of the
Dardanelles. The hon. gentleman speaks of negotiations.
That proceeding hardly comes under the designation of
negotiations. It was intended as a proof, it is a proof, how
much her Majesty has at heart the independence and inte-
grity of the Turkish dominions. (Loud cheers.) But, sir,
when the hon. gentleman complains that papers have not
been laid on the table, and that this house has not ,been
placed in a position to give an opinion on the course of pro-
ceedings of her Majesty's government, I must say that I
think of all preparations for war the beat is to
exhaust every means to obtain peace—(cheen)—
that it is not until all means of negotiations have been tried
and have been found wanting, that any ministers would be
justified in placing at hazard that peace which has lasted
so many years, and by which the prosperity, the wealth,
the commerce, and the liberties of Europe have so largely
benefited. (Cheers.) But if this be the cue, I think the
house will agree at once that while those negotiations are
being carried on, they will be better carried on from go-
vernment to goverment, than they could be carried on by
laying all the papers connected with the negotiations before
a popular assembly, and exposing to popular debate the
conduct of governments. (Hear, hear.) Sir, in saying
this, I no doubt ask much from the forbearance of the
house—l ask much from the confidence of the house;
but I do it on no party grounds. (Hear, bear.)
I do not ask it of one party rather than
another, but in full reliance on the patriotism of this house
and on the consideration which this house will always give
to any persons who happen for the moment to be ministers
of the crown. (Hear, hear.) I have only to add, therefore,
that thou negotiations, so far from being brought to a close,
have hardly had a commencement. (Hear, bear.) Consi-
dering the distance—considering the necessity of applying
to Constantinople to learn the wishes and opinions of the

Turkish government, the communications that have taken
place between France and this country, and the distance,
again, of St. Petersburg—l think the house will not
wonder when I say that those negotiations are not in a state
to be laid before this house. My noble friend the Secretary of
State for Foreign Affairs has declared elsewhere that as soon
as his public duty will permit, he will lay the papers before
the house. Sir, I will own that there appears to be some
disadvantage in not making a protest against, or an answer
to, papers which have been rather ostentatiously circulated
throughout Europe. (Hear, hear.) The despatch which
was written by M. Drouyn de Lhuys, has, however, ap-
peared before the public—(hear, hear)--a most able state-
ment, containing very convincing reuons—(hear, hear)—
stating facts which undoubtedly weaken, if they do not
altogether do away with, the statements made in the state
paper to which it is an answer. (Hear, hear.) Had it been
the custom or usage of this country to give papers sepa-
rately, the present government would have been happy to
have given to the house the despatch of Lord Clarendon
on the same subject, in which there is used a similar
line of argument ; but in conformity with the wage
which has always been followed by parliament, we think
it right to reserve that paper till the other papeis can be
laid before the house. For my own part, I entirely agree
with what was stated at the time when I was absent from
the house by my noble friend the Secretary of State for the
Home Department. We are ready to rely on the forbear-
ance of this house as long as forbearance can properly be
given. If we were unhappily to fled that those negotia-
tions would not be terminated honourably, satisfactorily,
and peaceably, we should as confidently rely on the pa-
triotism of this house and its determination to support the
honour of the country. (Cheers.) I will only say,
further, that the conduct of the Emperor of the French and
his government has been in entire accordance with that of
her Majesty's goverment—(heir, hear)—that the two

I

powers are engaged to maintain the faith 01-7e7,,7;7-'•'
serve, if possible, the peace of Europe, and to preserve it
with the honour of both countries unsullied, with a view no
the maintenance of the happiness of Europe and the peep
of the world. (Loud cheers.)
Mr. LAYARD said the noble lord had not said anything
about the delay in presenting the papers.
Lord J. RUSSELL thought that after what he had
already said the hon. gentleman could not expect him to
enter Into the question any further. (Btu, hear.) With
regard to the question raised by his hon. frii net the member
for West Surrey as to their sitting in the winter and having
their holidays in the summer, he wished to soy that he wu
one of those who entirely agreed with his hue. friend; but
whenever that house had met at an early period of the
autumn, as it did last year, he certainly had nut found an
advantage arising from it. (Hear, litar.) He thought it
possible that next year they would be able to finish the
session at the end of June or the beginning of July, and
that would perhaps be a proper OC,`lii.oll to have an autumn
session, in order to shorten the period of summer sitting,
THE PETERBOROUGH PETITION.
Mr. BRIGHT said he understood that in the course of
the evening the Peterborough committee had been nomi-
nated in accordance with the resolution. It would be seen
that in the motion ho had made he had hi: lowed the prece-
dent of the Stamford committee, nod bad stated as his rea-
son for reducing the number of the committee from nine
to seven that he wished himself to re present the petitioners
in the committee, and that another gentleman might be
supposed to represent Lord Fitzwilliam, while the other five
members might be totally unconnected with the case either
way, and therefore in a position to form an impartial judg.
meta. In his view that arrangement had been tacitly ati-
ccpted by the house in granting the committee. Now,
however, lie found that the committee had been struck to
I consist of seven members, as was expected, hut that his (Mr.
Bright's) name was excluded. There might pi chaps be in
his place some very stiong friend of Lord l'itzwitiam's—he
dared say it would turn out to be the case, but otherwise
there would be no gentleman in the committee who knew
anything about the matter, and therefore it would be cues-
nary that counsel should be employed. That would cost
something ; and besides he did not think it would be the
beat mode of eliciting the truth. Personally he should be
glad to be excused, but he had moved for the committee
with the understanding that he was to be a member, follow-
ing the precedent of the Stamford case, upon which Mr.
Page Wood, who had moved for the committee, was nomi-
nated, lie did rot think that Ine course which had been
taken was the best calculated To promote a fair investi-
gation, but, having made these elhczeationn, he khould take
between that time and Monday to consider what further
steps it would be necessary for him to take in the matter.
. ~

-
CASE OF PHILLIPS TILE CABMAN.
Lord PALMERSTON took that opportunity of stating,
with reference to the police case which hail been alluded to
on the previous evening, that he had communicated with
the magistrate on the subject, and understood the circum-
stances to be these :—Two persons, a driver and a hirers
had come before him (the magistrate) in consequence of a
difference of opinion as to the distance that hail been gone
over, and the amount of fare. The magistrate on hearing
the case decided that the cabman Lad mule an overcharge
but added that if the cabman wished to have the gratin/
measured he might do so, on the usual deposit of is.
(each) being paid by the potties, as a sort of
stake that they would abide by the decision. The
fare offered was 4s. 6d., and that demanded was ss. or
something more, and the magistrate informed Lim (Lord
Palmerston) that the cabman declined the moue:emu:it,
without assigning the want of money as a reason. He
merely declined generally, upon which the magistrate sea.
teased him to a fine of 40s. for charging more than his fare.
The fine not being paid he was committed for a month, bat
the fine had since been paid, and the cabman was now at
liberty. (Cheers.)
GOVERNMENT OF INDIA BILL.
The house having resolved itself into committee on this
bill, resumed the consideration of the 32nd clause.
Sir C. WOOD would state the course the govern-
meat, were prepared to pursue in reference to
the questions which had been raised by the
amendments proposed to this clause. It was desirable to
keep the question as to the admission to Ilaileybury dis-
tinct from that of the admission to Addiscombe. With re-
gard to Ilaileybury, the proposal of the government wu
that all the admission; should bo open to public competition
to the people of India as well as the inhabitants of this
country. On the other hand, the amendment of his hon.
friend the member for Pomfret (Mr. M. Milnes) by his
amendment proposed to retain the present system of nomi-
nation unchanged so far as the admission to that seminary
was concerned ; and his hon. friend the member for Montrose
proposed that one-half the number of admissions should be
open to public competition, and that the other half should
be by the nomination of the dire tors as at present.
He (Sir C. Wood) wished to obtain the decision of the
committee in favour of the principle of public competition,
in which the natives of India as well as the people of this
country should be included. (Hear.) They would have to
decide, in the first instance, upon the question of competi-
tion or no competition, which would be raised by the first
words of the clause, and afterwards they would, if they
admitted the principle of competition at all, have to deter-
mine upon the amendment of his hon. friend the member
for Montrose, that it should apply only to one-half of the
whole number of admissions. With regard to the admis-
sions to the Military Seminary at Addiscombe, he had re-
ceived strong representations from almost all the member
of the Indian committee, stating that under the existing
system the young men appointed from that seminary to the
artillery and engineering services of the East India Company
were loud most competent for their duties, and they were
anxious that the system of nomination, which they urged
worked extremely well, should not be altered. (Hear.
hear.) He confessed that that opinion, expressed as it
was almost unanimously by the members of the com-
mittee and by the chairman, his hon. friend the member
for Huntingdon, had induced him to think that he ehould
best consult the views of those who were most competent to
form an opinion on the subject, by leaving the admission
as to Addiscombe as it was—(hear, hear)—retaining the
power, or rather increasing the power they now had, of
prescribing the nature of the examination and appointing
the examiners. He might observe, that he had never in-
tended that the admission by competition should extend to
the infantry and general service, but only to the artillery
and engineers—that was the scientific branches. That was
all that had been intended ; but it was thought, on further
consideration, that the interests of the service would be best
consulted by not interfering with the present mode of ad-
mission to Addiscombe. The last part of the clause re-
ferred to the medical service, and in reference to that
branch he proposed to leave the clause as it was, and to
leave the admission open to public competition, is which
the people of this country and the natives of India would
be eligible.
Mr. HUME moved in line 5 to insert words confining
the competition admissions to one-half of the whole number.
Sir H. MADDOCK opposed the amendment.
' Mr. V. SMITH did not see the difficulty which the hon.
gentleman who had just spoken anticipated from hayloft
one-half of the admissions nominated, and the other half
dependent on public competition.
Lord STANLEY was glad that the right hon. gentle-
man did not propose to deal with the present system of
appointment to the military service, but with regard to the
civil service he should support the proposition of the govern-
ment.
After further discussion,
The committee divided—
For the amendment 39
Against it
Mr. BLACKETT eked Sir C. Wood to postpone the
consideration of the next clause, as to which he had that
evening annouaced a change of intention, until more mem-
bers were present—that is till some future evening. The
change had been unexpected, and some consideration ought
to be given to the matter.
Sir C. WOOD declined to accede to the request. In the
course of a further discussion upon the clause, he took an
opportunity to make a statement on the part of the direc-
tors, expressive of their regret at Mr. Bright's charges
against one of their number ; and asking him for particu-
lars, in order that there might be an opportunity for re-
futing them.
A great deal of time was lost in discussing this
purely personal matter. Mr. Bright, being pressed
on various sides, gave Mr. Wilkinson as his authority,
and Mr. Wilkinson being pressed in his turn, stated that the
occurrence had happened to hie brother, but declined to
give farther information. Mr. Bright was then once mere
appealed to, but made it a matter of honour to adhere to
his position; and as he showed no signs of changing his
mind, the subject was suffered to drop exactly where it had
begun.
Mr. OTWAY then, referring to the clause, complained
that the right hon. gentleman (Sir C. Wood) had acted
disingenuously in having induced a number of members to
vote for the clause giving the salary, under the idea that the
directors would be deptived of the patronage, and then
turning round and giving them the patronage.
Sir C. WOOD said the argument of the hon. member
would be good against any alteration being made in a bill.
The clause was then agreed to.
Mr. RICH, after clause 33, rose to move a clause giving
greater practical efficiency to the 87th section of the act 3
and 4 Wm. 4, c. 85, which declares that no native of her
Majesty's Indian territories, nor any natural born eubjeet
of her Majesty, resident therein, should by reason only of has
religion, place of birth, descent, colour, or any of them, be
disabled from holding any place, office, or employment
under the said company. It was the intention of the act of
1833 to open the covenanted service to the natives of India,
but the promise held out was never fulfilled. It was quite
a mockery to say that the service would be opened to those
natives of India who passed the examination of Haile burp,
because it was not to be supposed that the natives of India
would come over here and submit themselves to all the
rigours of our climate—the expense of a long journey and
residence here, and the probability, nay, the reality, of
losing his caste. (Hear, hear.) The natives of India who
attended the colleges which now existed along the banks of
the Ganges and the Jumna underwent as extensive and diffi-
cult examination, and the reward of their diligence and exer-
tions was some small office of 401, or 601., or 601. a year.
Did they suppose that they could educate the natives of
India up to a certain point and keep them in their present
position ? They could not give the people of India a taste for
intellectual improvement and European sweats, without
opening to them the rewards of intellectual exertion.
(Hear, hear.) He could understand Lord Ellenborough's
policy, who said that as India was acquired by the sword,
it was to be kept by the sword ; because, although he die-
. agreed with it, there was logical sequence in But ho

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LONDON, SATURDAY, JULY 23.

MR. LATARD'S success has been but little moss
fruitful than his failure. Whilst Ministers were
able to keep him silent, he of course could not en-
lighten us about the East, and now at last, when we
find him really speaking of Russian aggressions and
Turkish dangers, his question to the Minister is
accompanied by the statement of no new fact,
whilst the Treasury Bench gives in return just
one of those bland Parliamentary responses
which involve reply without answer, and leave
the questioner just where he was before he spoke.
Mr. LATARD's speech was good enough in its way,
but told us nothing new. Indeed, it was but a
House of Commons echo of the sentiments uttered
again and again by the Liberal Press of England and
France upon this Russian question during the last
few weeks. He declared the acts of the Catit to be
unjustifiable, outrageous, and dangerous to Europe,
and pointed out the impoverishment they were in-
ducing in Turkey, the danger they foretold
for other weak States, and the mockery of say-
ing such violent acts were mere " negotiations."
But all this, though very true, is nothing new, and,
in reply to Mr. LATARD, Lord Joar4 RUSSELL also
most carefully refrained from throwing any novel light
upon the subject. His statement that a despatch
had been sent to St. Petersburg, couched in language
akin to that of DROIITE DE Laura, was only repeat-
ing what Lord CLARENDON had told us before; whilst
his admission that to invade the Principalities was
to break a Treaty was the mere utterance of a truism.
He gives no explanation of the policy adopted
by the Ministry in relation to Russia; he
removes none of the doubts respecting the
tacit countenance which the CZAR may have received
from friends in England before MENCILIKOFF went to
Constantinople ; and named no day on which the
House of Commons should be invited to discuss the
present relations of this country with the Great
Powers—now all more or less involved in the
Eastern difficulty. It is not customary, we are
told, for a single State paper to be made public in
England, as the despatch of DEOUTN DE LHUTS was
published in France. We cannot, therefore, be allowed
to see Lord CLARENDON'S letter to Russia; and
we are to wait till the Cabinet think fit to
print the whole of the despatches. These we
shall doubtless have in a Blue Book the very
first moment—after they have ceased to be interest-

ng. In still adhering to this pertinacious escresy,
the Government cannot have overlooked one point.
The Cabinet will not permit the House of Commons
to criticise or to sanction their views, or to discnes
their policy. The people are not allowed to
share the Ministerial confidence—they. there-
fore, escape the Ministerial responsibility. By
keeping their counsel so suspiciously to themselves
the Cabinet clearly monopolise the entire onus of
the settlement. If they pass the ordeal with honour
and success the result may justify their conduct, and
may even add to their power ; but if, on the contrary,
besides being secret and self-sufficient, they should
be unsuccessful also—then upon their Muds with
treble force must all the consequences fall.

The friends of Russia and of Lord ABERDEEN
still busily circulate the rumour that the Russian
difficulty " will be settled amicably." Heaven send
it may, if it be settled honourably also. But we are
not told that Russia will at once withdraw from the
Principalities ; and whilst she occupies them, how
can an honest settlement come about P When the
renowned JACK SHEPPAND invaded the country-house
et 14 'Slam, it wee never mid that the inftection of

the law was " settled," whilst that most illustrious
of burglars and his companions were in full posses-
sion of the premises, carousing at the cost of thecellar
and the buttery, and de filet° masters of the plate
chest. Even the evacuation of the moated grange
was hardly in those days considered a settlement—
s word indeed reserved in JACK SHEPPARD'S case for
a ceremony that finally arranged all scores between
himself and the law. In the case of the Principali-
tics, it is not now denied that the CZAR has broken
the T:eaties—those parchment bolts and buts in-
vented for the safety of nations— and that
he and his horde are in forcible possession
of the wheat fields, the mansions, and the
larders of Nluldavia and 'Wallachia. We know

oreocer that his presence thero has led to great

outlay on the part of the rightful owner of the in-
vaded country, and that from week to week, and
month to month, the cost of keeping up great mili-
tary preparations for self-defence is draining the ex-
chequer and wasting the resources of the Suurast.
Every piastre thus spent by ABDUL-MA:101B
improves the chances of the CZAR, and
whilst we wait for the promised peaceful
solution of the quarrel, the Ottoman grows less
and less a match for his crafty and remorseless
foe. Very soon the fleet now in Besika will be
compelled by the storms of autumn to seek
a safer anchorage, and the choice rests between
a retreat to Malta or an advance to the Sea of
Marrnora. Yet with all these chances, promising,
if unchecked, to turn in favour of the wrong side,

we are told to wait for the settlement in store
fur us, and to wait, too, without any know-
ledge of the steps taken for the preserva-
tion of the faith of Treaties, or any clue to the
terms to be expected from the despotic originator of
the mischiefs. We still find no lack of writers to
repeat the talk about concluding the difficulty by a
division of Turkey, as Poland was once divided—who
say that the SULTAN is helpless—aud may therefore
be safely robbed. Heaven forbid that England should
ever be lured into taking part in any such spoliation.
We have territory enough; and if we had not, it
would be base and infamous to join in the plunder of
an ally whose chief crime is his alleged helplessness.
Our interests in the Eastern question are very clear.
We are bound by treaties and impelled by policy
to preserve the integrity of the Ottoman dominions
from the encroachments of Russia, and we have

moreover is Turkey an important market for our
goods, receiving corn in exchange for them. Honour,
policy, and commerce, are the links binding us to the
SULTAN; and the only" settlement" by which these
arc preservable must be one that shall compel the
Muscovite to return within his own frontiers; that
shall secure the commercial freedom of the Da•
nube ; and shall involve such ameliorations of Turkish
rule u will induce the rapid future growth of civi-
lisation by tho promotion of public works. The
CZAR once driven back, the establishment of railways,

telegraphs, canals, are the future guarantees which
ABDUL-MEDJIB should give to Europe of his wish
for progress and his claim to help. Stich works—
and the ratification of the law placing all his sub-
jects on religious and political equality—will be his
best future defences against greedy and dishonest
neighbours across either the Pruth or the Soave.

THE India Bill gave rise to a discussion and a
scene in the House of Commons last night—as our
report fully shows. The proverb tells us not to look
a gift horse in the mouth, and this advice is appli-
cable to the small contribution towards good legisla-
tion which the Government proposes to give us in
the India Bill. As a temporary Measure, and for
morsels of merit here and there scattered through it,
the House has been inclined to let it pass. There
are, however, one or two features in the plan,
which are such evident improvements upon the
old system, and are so intrinsically good, that it
would seem that they stand in need of no defence.
One of these is the clause that throws open the civil
appointments to public competition. India, it is said,
requires the services of the best men that England
can give her ; it is, therefore, but natural that
some means should be adopted of discovering who
are the most competent of the candidates for a share
in the administration of the destinies of our most
important colony. Up to the present time no such
means have been employed. An embryo judge of a
district in India, who has the fate of thousands
under his control, is placed in the position which is
to develop his judicial capabilities, without the
slightest regard being paid to his probable fitness for
theoffice. Directorßlank, entrustedby the Government

of this country with the onerous duty of providing
Governors for India, selects one youth as a possible
judge, because he is his nephew; another ea a possible
surveyor, because his father gives Blank good din-
ners; another as a possible general, because he
belongs to a portion of the Blank family, which has
never been able to do anything for itself. The poor,
the maimed, the halt, and the blind, who have the
good fortune to be connected with families whom it
is Blank's interest to conciliate, are sure of Indian
appointments. The Government scheme administers
a heavy blew and deep discouragement to this abuse.
The laying open a large number of appointments to
public competition is not only a graceful recognition
of a principle which must ultimately be adopted in
every branch of the public service, but it will be
of the greatest possible advantage to India. The
32nd clause of the new Bill for the government
of India takes away from the Directors their
special privilege of nominating students into the
college of Raileybury, the military seminary of
Addiscombe, and appointing assistant-surgeons in

the forces. The 33rd clause enacts that "any
person being a natural born subject of her MAJESTY,
who may be desirous of being admitted into the said
college at Haileybury or military seminary at
Addiseombe, or of being appointed an assistant.
surgeon in the said Company's forces, shall be ad-
mitted to be examined as a candidate for such
admission or appointment respectively." The first
of these clauses abolishes at once and for ever
the power until now vested in Blank of deciding
. _ . _ _

in his breakfast room who shall and who shall not
be one of the Lords of India. The second throws
open the appointments to the competition of capable
men. It would seem that very little reasoning is
necessary to establish the soundness of the principle
which is involved in both these clauses; nevertheless,
it has met with considerable opposition in the Houle
of Commons. Mr. MILNES, on Thursday evening,
moved the omission of the words in the 32nd
clause which abolished the exclusive privileges
with respect to Haileybury. It is unnecessary to
notice the extraordinary fallacies by which the ho-
nourable gentleman endeavoured to support his
amendment, as they were all met by anticipation in
the brilliant speech of Mr. hiscsui.sr when ha ad-
vocated the Ministerial Measure. A far better
illustration of the necessity of the thirty-second
clause is afforded by the discussions which
have taken place in the House during the
last two evenings on occasion of an mor-
tice of Mr. BEGET. That gentleman informed the
House on Thursday evening that a friend of his got
a promise from Mr. So-and-so of an appointment in
India. When the promise was made it was said,
" My friend is not rich, and you are a man of busi-
ness." Upon a request for an explanation of these
mysterious words, the oracle replied in the same
terms, " My friend is not rich, and you are a man
of business." It was impossible to misunderstand
than words, and the "man of badness" answered a