The Express.
London, England, 1848-11-27 00:00:00

REPRESENTATION OF WEST YORKSHIRE.

CANVASS OF SIR CULLING EARDLEY
RARDLRY. - .

On Saturday last Sir Culling Eardley Esrtlley,
Bart., commenced his csnumaing tour of the West Riding of
Yorkshire, he baying accepted, as already announced, the in-
vitation sent to him from the meeting of the liberal diciest-
assembled at the Normanton Station Hotel on
Vrettnetry is
last. After going through the Cloth-hall at Leeds
during market hours, se usual, he and his friends ascended
the steps of the area. Shortly after eleven o'clock,
Alderman CARBUTT said Out on the last market day he
had the honour to stand on those steps to oppose whet 'p-
rated to him to be • most unjust aggression upon the rights
of the people—the attempt of the aristocracy of the Riding
to dictate to the elect .rs. From what had taken plate Mr.
Fitzwilliani had thought proper to retire from the field. In.
stead of opposing, he now stood forward to propose, • candi-
date who, if elected, would serve them faithfully, and do
honour to their choice. He believed that it they would give
him a patient hearing they would find that be was • trfend
to religionists of all denominations. ('• No, no ") Lot
them hear him, and then the breath of slander, which
had gone fork: against him would be husked. Let them
read his address, and he war sure they would be satisfied
that he was a friend of civil and religions liberty in the
fuller sense of the word. (Laughter.) (" We want Row
buck." " He's too good for them.") Mr. Cuban then re•
fund to his remarks on Tuesday ; he had then announced the
forthcoming meeting as Normanton, at which meeting Sir
C. Bardley had been called forward, sad he had not obtruded
himself on the Riding. That meeting thought him, under
all the circumstances, the suet fit and the most lik ly candi•
data to represent the Riding. He was now before them to
er;in his views, sad to give the electors ea opportunity of
ja 'tut for themselves.
8 r CULLING B. EARDLIT then stood forth. He said—
Gentlemen, elector. of the Wen Riding, and non-elsetors
cp,,, many of whoa I hope will be Weenie% though they are
not now—(heat)--I am sure that you will feel the immense
difficulty under which I labour. in addressing for the first

1 time, and so tiampashilly, the lest seastlineam la the 114 '
pile. When I tell pea Mat Ores days age If hail net the
remotest exposing's et seespyMitho plimetion I nag soapy,
that I hays samody bed timer palmy thoughts together, or
to express to yea to ea Maniple warm the political
sentiments I sat= I aos suite ear OM yen will
give see a fair mid :=4; Hers," end sheers.)
I eons here Mb risky if I eon, ma 10111004111
that I shall eamesd, to via, set year votes bat every
man's heart whets I ham the hormor araddreedng. And I
have now two things to do. One it to WI you what an ay
political priest km eel the Mime hto nest sad, if I me, x,
Mgt: rotate, owe el that ham been made to me. I
will take the list and eadisamars as far es I sass to
meet two pr
that lam hose made to my
nomination.. One el is than ma net a Yerhihemen,
end the other is that I am a " tadWillat 11001111140"
(Lemightor.) Now, with regard to the fat sidestlea—my
sot bolas a Yarkdtimman--th• semen seises, what is the
daty that Yosheitio has te pet is at this time t
Have you to Wok • we or to uphold a cause P
Have you to eases • am because he is a gentleman
to high Ms* lame he in & good magistrate, because
he is universally respeeted, or have yea to uphold the reuse 1
of political of nail and religions liberty, of economy, '
and of Worst It your opinions be that you have to choose
the man rather than the measuree, then, I am free to admit
that there are hundreds, and perhaps more, in this county,
who have • bettor right to sprier before you, and ask your
votes, than I have. Bat, if, as the contrary, the constitu-
tional principles of this day and this reek's procedure be
that you mean to upheld principles to which Yorkshire is
attached—to uphold the causes of free trade, of liberty, and
*0000417, sad improvemant, th a I am free to admit
that if there is a 'Yorkshire gentleman forthcoming, who
will amply with them condition' —I am bound to admit
with you, that it ill your duty to give his the preference.
On the other head, if no such man be forthcoming—it
there be no man among the nein of the local gentry to
satisfy your expeetatices, tins, I say, stick to measure, who-
ever may be the man—(cheers)—and if a man come from
the Antipodes, provided he be • true man, one in whom you
have confidence, and who agrees with your principles, that
suan you are bostad to take. (Hear, and cheers.) Then,
gentlemen, we come to the seam' point. It is stated in a
leadis vezuladgi: journal—in the net. of
that y, Bk C Eudley is pat forward by what
t-thrail...
eLie .. . tit." (Laughter.) It goes
so to sal e :

Mr Meng reememta a Duty shish we hope will fa a trw years
besamessansts id knees Wylie the mamma le be deshoodees-
endtinds fer imbed se. The prelbeise of tide meg is leered; thole
faith r resg tfa'Am neMethemeakeser Meres el* telmen
end Wooly thins. Maerinertbeikenefmartena,Msy Mart
it hue the penethe et perseselere, le an see whisk home&
need tbe felled Marty of Mast TIM me
fres time umenreed mess sin= were tbe= of a emeedem
Weenie( beteg he emeasaes sod IY easeetionws. ammo, ear
dinmethees and emblelleg MO ewer clam of amens.
m hey
the menhilind
yew e ndues Mune seemedfrom the thsprivil monoplea ltholy u
eld
th▪
ey maw that as sad insinwedi body el llgits by
Mans adwasits they ems middy - Mmes. the pro-
testing madlisigamt der Ye issenehese se papery, they mentened
**prim le min to Dmetleg pigmy with the user lay of
unmemesslime Imarklimes_ they temeliate Use policy wWds woad
role tiding's& petest of Wend ahem the gawk of a mad msnl4
eater a robed egleMer. In dm% they maul= ell psalm by Me
maim* as they emend *dr own M thetweng, of fbeenuenticia
to say that • ma she repamems the bier d sash mat
cue badly rearmed the Wed Mass of Yeetnehre.
Well, the upshot of the whole of that article is, that I and
those who have brought me forward are religious malignants.
I repudiate the idea, and I will give reasons why f repudiate
it. If, es my friend (Mr, Carbutt) has just said, he does not
participate my doctrinal views—lf honestly to believe and
zealously to propagate the religious principles which I be-
lieve to be right—if that be religions malignancy, then, in-
deed, lam a malignant. Now, though I may be indifferent
to mere shades of opinion, yet, if I strongly and uncompro-
misirgly feel that which the constitution of my country sanc-
tions my feelinge—the wide gulf which separates the pro-
testant faith from the Ronda catholic church—if that be re-
ligionsmalignancy,which I trust I shall satisfy you itis not,then
I admit that lam a malignant. It was by such malignancy
that the temples of heathenism,some 1800 years ago,were con-
verted, as I have seen many of them, into the church of I
Christ; it was by such rebirth is malignancy that the tri-
umphs of the reformation were woo, and I trust that York-
shire will never mess to be prowl of the triumphs of the
reformation. (Cheers.) Away with the latitudinarianism
which confounds truth and error—which tells a man that he
is to be enthusiastic fur his fox hounds, his business, or his
harm, but who will not let him be enthusiastic for his faith.
(Cheers.) But if by religious malienancy the Times means
that I would do an injury, or ever have done an injury to the
man from whom lam most totally opposed in religious be.
lief, then the Times belies the fact. I have from my ear
fiat boyhood, as far as I can remember, been the advocate
of Roman catholic emancipation, and if there is one civil
right which my Roman catholic fellow countrymen
do not pumas, and which I possess, I will strain
every nerve that I have to give him the same right. But
I have yet to learn that it is right with the law or the
constitution of my curette., that a man should pick my
p eket to pay . for hie religious faith. (Hear.) If I know
myself, there is no principle to which I am more attached
than religious liberty, and there is nothing which I more de•
test than religious oppression. Religions liberty is part of my
rel Lion, as well as put of my politic., and I cannot under
stand the man who calls himself a Christian, who would op-
press another, however much he may be opposed to hii senti-
ments. My view of what a politician ought to be is this.
He ought to have floating before his eyes!, general views,
not abstract views, of what is right for the public interest.
He ought to endeavour to look round the whole horiz in of
what is right politically, and to be prep %red to give his opi-
nion, when the time comer, on every point, but as a man of
builder. he will be judicious in the selection of the time
when progress is to be made on any particular point.
lie is to be a practical rather than a theoretical man.
Now, in the Reit place, as to free trade. It is not mere
words, but it is an ardent sentiment of my heart, that free
trade is the principle which this country requires to be tho-
roughly carried out. And why ? Not because it will give
us la this country cheap commodities—not for that reason
alone, but because the free circulation of commodities in the
coun'ry, and the free interchange of those commodities, is as
essential for the life of the body politic as the free circulation
of my blood is essential to my personal existence. I believe
that that priaciple ought to he thoroughly carried out, but
I am met with two objections, two arguments—one, the es-
trietic argument, the other, the moral argument; and
perhaps I am addressing some with differ with
me on one or the other. The patriotic argument is that
preference ought not to be given to foreign countries. The
moral argument is, that countries where slavery does not
exist should have a preference over other countries where
slavery does exist. I know that many persons do not agree
on the latter point. Free trade being with me a principle, I
trust you will do with it what I hope you will do with me—
trust me thoroughly. I believe it is right, and I would trust
a sound princinle to the utmost of its consequences. I be-
lieve, theretere, that we ought to admit into this country—
perhaps, not to make the alteration suddenly—but we ought
to aid the admission of the products of foreign countries, on as
easy terms uwe admit the products of our colonies ; and I
feel also, that, much as I desire the destruction of slavery—
much as I desire to see all legal means and all
moral influences exerted for the destruction of
slavery, I do not feel it is by financial means
that slavery is to be destroyed. I do not thick it is to he
destroyed more by financial means than by men-of-war sent
to the mouth of the Niger. I believe free trade to be a
sound prirciple, and I think that we ought to receive the
sugars of Bruit as we do the sugars of countries where
slavery doss not exist. Another subject to which I refer is
that of economy, into the details of which, es I said before,
I have scarcely had timn to lock since Wednesday evening
last, when I But received an invitation to stand for the
West Riding. Bat I will tell you a few points in reference
to which, as a mesa of business, I thiak that the expenditure
of the country should be very largely curtailed. I think our
diplomatic expenditure is larger than it ought tobe ; and that
travelling through Europe, ea I have done, I never saw any rea-
son why our foreign Labradors should maintain the style they
do at the menu ot this eountry. WI ;It regard to the business eif
the Woods and Forests, I have long entertained an opinith
on this abject. I believe it is not for your interest that •
large number of officials should be kept in order that the
timber may be sold at a low price to speculators, and by them
resold again to the Admiralty at a high price ; and, instead
of pall three coasequences which invariably follow from the
present management by the government, I believe it would
be more for the Interest of the crown and your pockets if
these estates were disposed of, or, perhaps, what is more
legitimate, if they were let an long leases, and the rents pal d
into the public purse. You will not expect me to tell you at
three days' notice how many ships of war and how many
regiments may be redneed, but I am prepared to say this,
that it lea matter of astonishernt to me that our military
and naval expenditure, alter so many years of pace
should be greater than it was very soon after we had escaped
from the late war. I could on this question specify one or
two points of importance. I believe that the mode on which
our ships of war are built is a very expensive one ; and fur-
ther, that Roue men of business had the management of our
dockyards, that our ships would be built at a much less ex-
pense than they are at present. I have already said that we
have a large fleet at the month of the Niger, which is main-
tained at a great expense, and I do net expeect it will be sue-
ceafal In promoting the extinction of slavery. I now come
to another point, the state of the representation, and nothing
will afford me greater pleasure than to answer any question
which may be pat to me on that or upon any other subject.
(" Hear," and a ery of " That's hire') Now I think the whole
question of the representation hasps together; the various
points intended in it being more or less connected with each
other. If yon ask me who once represented Pontefract,
whether I approve of little boroughs, of pot-wallopers, I do
not. If you ask me, if I approve of a widely-extended
suffrage, without the rellot, I do not. I do not approve of
little boroughs, because I believe that with ballot or no bal-
lot, if the population be not larp, they are liable to be in.
fluenced by dictation or corruption. On the other hand, if
the population be large and the voting is not secret there
is great danger that improper influence and corruption may
be exercised on the constituency. My views are these : I
Our constituencies should be numerous, and the electors
ought to deliver their opinions in that way in
which I believe liberty of judgment will be heat'
exercised wNag by ballot. And now, let me
say that I not only dean an extetsion of the suffrage
as a part of the whole scheme I have just pat before you,
bat beams* is itself I believe the extension of the suffnure
is the beat murky we can have for the liberties of the people
the constitudon of the comity. I should watch most
closely the proceedings of government with regard to our
foreign relations, and support that policy which will enable
us not only to keep out of war muselme,but also which will lead
to the exercise of what influence we sa a nation pos-
sess to preserve the pees of other countries. (Cheers )
Now I come to the question of the endowment of religion.
I believe that man as an individual—l believe that men in
the aggregate—that is, as nations or parliameets—are utterly
incompetent to distinguish between man and man. You

cannot leak into your broths?. beset mod tell whether he Is
a good man or a bad men by say dednition that an act of
parliament ma give. These are chip which me beyond
human sognimatee. Bet Ido not semeidir Ws to be the case
with award to the Wend it God. I that it k u in-
' telllgitaie and u legible se the sea at asseaday; sad so far r
government, In its nisadve sszais baud to de any
act, to that extent, petilaamat kk bound to take
ears that those sets sre perf la accordant* to
the Word of God, which is the stankud of morals
in a Christian country. Her tho quokkas of en-
dowment comes up—that is, what parlimneat is to do.
If you ask my opinion is the abstract, I tell you frankly
and fairly, that it Is not the duty of parliament to take say
adieu at aIL (Hear.) For centuries back we have been in-
volved in a state of things on which government are in the
habit of taking action. So long as that state of things
exists—so long, I eonceive, as thaw important questions
come before parlismsnt—is it baund to act with the princi-
ples of the word of Gad before it. And whilst with those
who ogres with me, I my, it may he—it is isr better not to
touch religion at all. I will not forget the other argument
which is founded on the word of God. There is such

a thing as truth and error, and if it is propo;edtoen7low
error I will not only oppose it bectuse it is an endowment in
itself, bat because it is an endowment of religious error.
If it is proposed to endow the Roman catholic' of Ireland
I will not be a party to mike any endowment whatever, op.
posed to it as I am in it.elf, whilst I should be asluund it I
did not make the best use of the other argument which the
constitution of my country puts into my hands. Oa this
subject let me soy, it is not owing to any fault of mine that I
am obliged to moot this question of truth and error; the
(mutt fa with these who have mooted thiv matter of a new

endowment. Were it not that the leading statesmen were
about to moot this question of endowment, I would not have
mentioned the Roman catholice at all on thee. steps. (Hear.)
They clearly ask you and me why we don't like it, end it
you send me to inform the parliament of your views, I will
tell them what I tell you. (Cheers.) Gentlemen, I leave
myself in your hands to send me or not as you please.
Mr. Cmuserr asked Sir Collier, " What are you pre-
pared to do with regard to the differential duties on colonial
prance ? "
Sir CULLING EARDLET—I think we are bound to carry
out the principles of free-trade ; and that, whether produce
names from our colonial or from foreign countries, the law
eu eat gradually to be brought into that state that it should
come free from each.
Mr. Crionorr—The second question which I put to the
late candidate is—What are you prepared to do with regard
to the navigation laws ?
Sir CULLING BAKDLEY-My answer with regard to that
is, that, on the same principle u I think produce ought to
come in free front all countries, so it ought to come in the
bottoms or the ships of all countries. (Applause.)
Mr. Canurrr.—Are you favourable to an early and con-
siderable extension of the suffrage ?
Sir CULLING ELRDLIIT.--Gentlemen, you expect me to
be honest, I am sure. (Hear, hear.) If the question is
asked of me, De you mean by advocating a considerable
extension of the suffrage, universal suffrage, my friend
yonder will not respect me the less when I say that I do not
mean universal suffrage; and thou if you ask me what I
mean by " early," I say I am ready to vote on the
ant day parliament meets for what I think right.
In the abstract, as I em asked the qu.stion, I am bound
to tell you, as far as I em concerned, I should be glad
if every man who tuns the key of a house door should
use the same hand to put a ball into the ballet-
Ling boa. (Cheers.) I am not afraid of my fellow.
countrymen. I believe that the best security for the
peace of our country is for it to be built on the affections of
the suffrages of our follow.countrymen—(hear, hear)—but
at the same time I agree with the sentiment of a man of
venom I am not a great admirer—the late Daniel O'Connell.
He paid he was willing to accept instalments of what he be-
lieved to be right, and therefore I think it would be an
injury to the popular cause to try prematurely to obtain that
which I feel to be right—for I em not afraid of it ; bat I am
ready to-morrow to vete for what I think to be best and I
believe there would be a great majority in this country who
would be willing to go tor universal suffrage at once; and I
am quite of opinion that the time is come when the political
parliamentary principle of voting should be made identical
with what is now the municipal system.
In answer to other questions, Sir C. EARDLLY said : I be-
lieve it would be far better far religion and for the state it
the state did not touch religion at all. But it is one thing to
entertain that opinion, and another, es a man of business, to
take the initiative and make an aggressive assault upon in-
stitutions which have exist ,d for centuries. (Hear.) If
the case should wire to drive me to my principle on that
subject, I hope I should not desert my binn-r. If the ques-
tion should be raised in Ireland—Will you have two esta-
blishments or none ? Then, gentlemen, I am only re-echoing
the language 'Lithe Bishop of Cashel when I say, if you
drive me to the alternative, I will not have two, but none.
(Loud cheers, and " Let them all maintain themselves.")
. .

em not prepared to take the initiative, and mitis
an aggressive assault. I am not prepared w bring
in a bill to take away the property of the church
of Ragland while things are in their present state.
I am a dissenter myself, and therefore I should of course
give to dissenters the some liberty as to churchmen. And
as to the Roman catholic., if there be any right which I
ought to possess, they ought to pommel it also. (Cheeri.)--
In reply to further questions, Sir Culling Eardley went on
to my that with regard is the law of primozeniture and
entail he would not alter it, excepting as Tegards the property
of person. dying intestate. He thought the law should inter-
fere when a man died intestate, so that his property might be
divided equally among his children. As to the property
qualification of members, the law in Scotland did not fix any
qualification. and he did not see why it should in England.
(Cheers.) He would not vote for the substitution of equal
electoral districts for the present mode of voting in boroughs
and counties. From what he saw taking place on the conti- '
neat, he did not like thole newfangled arrangements. He
desired secret voting, sod he desired extension of the suf-
frage. Toe hon. baronet declared that he would abolish
church rates.
Mr. BARKER, who had intimated during one of his
speeches, that he should follow the example of Mr. Richard
son on Tuesday, and take the sense of the assemblage as
to the fitness of the candidate, said Now then,
all you who are of opinion (cries of " Let the chair-
man put ‘.t.")—There is no chairman, but that ell may be
done in order, I move thatAldrrinan Carbutt be oar chair-
man.—The proposition was seconded by some one on the
hustings, and being put by Mr. Bicker, was adopted.
Mr. BARKER: Now, then. I wish to ask you whether you
are in favour of the candidate's opinion on the suffrage, or
something more extensive ? He believed this meeting would
be in favour of his opinions when he had exolained them. I
believe you are in favour of than as far as they go, but the
question is whether you are for them, or for something more
extensive.
Aid. Censure, without wishing in the least degree to pee-
jadice the expression of their opinions on the subject before
them, would take the liber of saying a word or two before
patting the question. Sir Culling Eardley had stated at the
begbining that it was not to be expected that every indivi•
dual in the assembly should approve of the whole of his
opinions. It was, therefore, for the assemblage to say
whether they thought, taking into account the whole of his
opinions as he bad expressed them, that he was deserving of
their confidence and a fit man to be sent to parliament as
their representative. (" That is not the question.") But
Mr. Barker had requested him to put the question of the
suffrage separate from that ; and it it could be so put with-
out at all prejudicing the question as to whether Sir Culling's
opinions were, upon the whole, acceptable, he should be glad
to do so. The real point was, whether Sit Culling's ooizuons
came nearest to theirs or not. (Cries of "No, no; Mr. Roebuck.")
With regard to Mr. Roebuck, if they wanted information be
would give it them, but he hoped they would not complicate
the question. (Interruption.) He would now put the
question as to the suffrage, on the understanding that what-
ever the decision, it was riot to prejudice the question as to
Sir Culling Eardley's general fitness to represent the Riding.
Those who were in favour of a larger extension of the suf-
frage than that which had been advocated by Sir Culling
Eardley would hold up their hands. (About two-thirds of
the assimbly held up their hands.)
Alderman Caueurr then put the converse of the proposi-
tion. About one-third of the meeting showed hands.
Alderman Cancun : The division shows that there is •
great difference of opinion in this assemblage upon the ques-
tion. My opinion is that those who go further than our can-
didate are • male rity ; but you will own that in so large an
assemblage as tnis it is very difiLult to judge. (Hear.)
Alderman Bowen said he generally agreed with Mr.
Barker, but he thought he was taking them away from the
question. The real point to be now determined was, whe-
ther Sir Culling Eardley was an eligible candidate to repre-
sent them ! (Criesof "Yea," " No," and "Roebuck.") He
would therefore move that Bir Culling Eardley was • fit
person to be put in nomination as a candidate for the repre-
sentation of the West Riding at the coming election. Aid.
Carbutt was about to put the question, when
Mr. A. Metison inquired whether Sir Culling Eardley
shared the opinions of Sir A. Agnew in regard to the }Teem-
tion of Sunday travelling and Sunday recreation?
Sir C. EARDLEY : If I agreed with Sir A. Agnew on the
subject, I believe I should be member for Edinburgh at this
moment; and it was because I could not agree with him that
I retired from Edinburgh. Though I honour the Sabbath
day, and ',debit should be honoured, and though I wish the
amount of Sabbath desecration could be diminished, yet I
do not think it should be interfered with by law, sad I
will never be a party to interfere will it by law. But if I
had boen a director I would have held up all my hands,
though I have only two hands, in order that the Duchess of
flutneriand might have had a train on a recent ocmsion.
A person inquired if Sir Culling would vote with Mr.
Cobden in favour of household suffrage ?
Sir Cettaxo MAZDLET said he begged them to under-
stand that his vote would not be contingent upon the vote
of any other man. He would not vote 1r • proposition
simply because Mr. Cobden proposed it, or because Bari
Frzwildam proposed. If he thought it right he would sup-
port it, but not if he thought it was wrong. His decided
opinion was that the municipal system of voting ought to be
introduced before the household system of suffrage.
Alderman Bowan pressed for a division on his propoei-
tion—titat Sir Culling Eardley was a fit candidate—in order
to bring the basica' to an end.
Aldermen EINIARDSON seconded the motion with very
great pleasure. Nearly all the answers of Sir Culling
Eardley had given him satiefratien ; but he did not concur
with him exactly respecting the suffrage. He should have
been glad it he had gone • little farther—for household
suffreee, for instance—but he was in other respects a de
citable candidate.
Mr. B proposed , as an amendment, "that having
heard Sir Culling Earelloy's answers to the questions put
to him, it is the opinion of this meeting that he is not a
fit man to represent this riding in parliament, but that it is
desirable that a person of more democratic and popular
principles—namely. Mr. J. A. Roebuck—should be brought
forward." (Cheers.)
Mr. W. Buoon seconded the proposition, and said that

Mr. Roebuck bed been slighted became he was too inde-
pendent sad basest. (Hear.
Mr. Canettrr wished to say a weed upon the point better,'
the meeting. Mr. Roebuck was not here as a candidate la
opposition to Sir Calling Reedier. Therefore, the only M.,
per coarse for the meeting to pursue would be to express on,
opinion so to the fitness of the gentleman before them. HI
that opinion should be favourable then the master would be
decided ; if unfavourable, then it would be a matter foe
future consideration whether any other candidate should he,
brought forward. As chairmen of the meeting he could
not put the amendment prosesd. (Loud disapprobation.)r
He stood there to denzanetine right as chairman. It he did
wrong they could hold mother meeting.
Mr. Battles claimed that 'hi amendment should be put,t
and was more convinced now than ever that Sir Culling
, Bardley and his advisers were temporioing and trimming.,
(" Send him home.")
The Outwears' would ask this question of Mr. Barker
and Mr. Brook. If they would pledge themselves to bring
forward Mr Roebuck supposing the amendment should be
carried. it was then a legitimate one, bat not otherwise.
Were they prepared to bring Mr. Roebuck forward if the
amendment should be carried ?
Mr. B imbed for an expression of opinion on the
subject. If Mr. Roebuck should be carried they would cor-
revond with him.
The CHAIRMAN—I will take your opinion respecting Sir
Culling Sardis', and I think you should consider the posi-
tion in which we are placed, and that the conserveivis are
meeting at Normanton to•day about bringing out a candidate.
(Loud cries of " We wish they may bring one," " We want
a good man to beat him," &c.) I will take the opinion of
the meeting aa to the fitness or unfitness of Sir Culling
Eardley, and if the show of hands should be spinet him it
will be for gentlemen to propose someone else. (Shouts of
" PHI the amendment," and loud expressions of disappro-
bation.) The CHAIRMAN then called for a show of hands on
the proposition of Mr. Alderman Bower, declaring Sir
Calling Eardley a fit and proper person to represent the
riding in Parliament.
Nearly ono:shelf the persons assemblrl appeared to hold up
their hands; but when the contrary was put, according to
the judgment of our eorrespondeo', the majority W.:A in its
favour.
Mr. CARBVIT, however, said, " Gentlemen, it is my de-
cided opinion that the meeting has pronounced in favour of
Sir Culling Eardley." (Tremendous uproar, groaning, and
other mares of disapprobation.)
Mr. BROOK called for "Three cheers for Mr. Roebu lc,'
which were lustily given. Some one on the steps t .en called
for cheers for Sir Culling E srdley, and cheers and counter-
cheers succeeded and continued for some time.
. .

The demon of the chairman gave the greatest die...nitrite-
tMn to Mr. Roebuck's friends, who maintain that the show
of hands was decidedly against Sir Culling Earl ey.
The meeting then broke up, the time being about a quarter
before two. Though a slight rain had continued to 14'1 for
en boor, there were seven or eight thousand persons present
at the conclusion.

NOMINATION OF EDMUND RENISON, ESQ., AS