The Express.
London, England, 1853-05-25 00:00:00

LONDON, WEDNESDAY MAY 25.

THOUSANDS in England remember the day when
Prince LEOPOLD of Saxe-Coburg became the centre
of all eyes as the young gentleman who was on a
matrimonial visit to England. Yesterday we
chronicled the fact that this same Ltioeotai, now
twenty-three years King of the Belgians, had been
exciting similar gossip in Germany—with this dit-
fereecc, that now he is an eldeely gentleman instead
of a spruce young cavalier, mid that all his cele-
brated matchmaking powers arc in exercise on be-
lief of his eldest son, the Duke of BRABANT. This
visit of the King of the BELGIANS to Vienna has,
indeed, attracted more than usual attention among
the political classes of France and Germany. Not
only the manner of his reception in the palace of the
Emperor Flea:iris, and the arrival there about the
same time o! the King of PRUSSIA, but the announce-
ment simultaneously made that a Princess of the
House of 11 eesmate; was to be given in marriage to
King Lr.inandis son, were all calculated to form the
plausible basis of a series of surmises pregnant with
every variety of political consequences, not merely
to the kingdom of the Netherlands, but to the whole
of western Europe. Without attaching much credit
to many of the inferences which have been drawn in
various quarters from the incidents of royal hospita-
lity above referred to, we may venture to state so
tar as it is really known, the actual purpose of the
Belgian Monarch's journey, and its probable results.
Twenty-three years have elapsed since the
people of Belgium, by a majority of their suffrages,
chose Prince LEOPOLD of Saxe Coburg to be their
Sovereign. The close connexion of his house with
the Royal Family cf England, his alliance with the
slaughter of Louts PHILIPPE, and, above all, his
stedfast and loyal attachment to the principles of
constitutional freedom, rendered the elected King of
the BELGIANS an object little calculated to win the
peculiar confidence of the Austrian Court. Nor was
the policy pursued by his Government fitted to ex-
tinguish the ill concealed sentiments of distrust, if
not of disfavour, with which his elevation to a revo-
lutionary throne was regarded by the Princes and
Ministers of the empire. Under his enlightened
administration, Belgium has continued to enjoy the
blessings of internal liberty and to form a refuge and
resting-place for the outcasts of despotism throughout
Europe. Not only by its example of perfect religious
equality and the utmost freedom of political discus-
sion has it become an important outpost of progress,
but, by the readiness with which it has entered
from time to time into active combination with other
free states in favour of constitutionalism, Belgium
was not unreasonably supposed to have earned for
itself the aversion of the absolutist courts in a degree
inferior only to that which they cherished to-
ward England. Indeed few things seemed
more improbable than that King LEOPOLD should
ever find himself a caressed and feted guest in the
halls of Schonbrunn, or that the youthful heir of his
crown should be welcomed as a suitor for the hand
of an Archduchess. But the events of 1818, and
their subsequent constquencvs in France, have
taught the Court of Vienna to forget half the jealousy
wherewith they once regarded dynasties founded on
the principles of limited monarchy. The con-
tempt which they affected to entertain after
1830 for constitutional kingship has been
obliterated by the misgivings they are unable to con-
ceal, for the more novel power of un-constitutional
liberty. The coup dila* of December, and the
necessitation of Imperial pretensions in the House of
BONAPARTE, ha:Lised out all the faults of LOUIS
PKILLPPZ, and all the flaws which seven years
ago would have been found in the political escutcheon
of his grandson. the young Duke of Baanort,
although the son of one revolutionary King, and
the grandson of another, is still the undisputed
heir of a kingdom whose independent existence all
Germany regards as eminently important. And at
a moment when its integrity has actually been
menaced in no covert terms by the present ruler of
France, the visit of King LEOPOLD, accompanied by
his son, to Vienna, and the betrothal there of the
Lake of BILOANT to the daughter of the late Arch-
duke STEPHEN, cannot be considered as anything
less than a declaration on the part of Austria that
any attack upon the independence of the Low
Country will be resented and resisted by the Ger-
manic body.
The presence of the King of PRUSSIA on the occa-
sion is not without its significance ; and it would
seem as if nothing had been omitted which was cal-
culated to remind observers that as regards the inte-
grity of Belgium the interests of all the German
powers were as one. The Emperor FRANCIS
Joseen is described as receiving King FREDERICK
WILLIAM in the dress of a Prussian Marshal,
while the latter is said to have worn the
uniform of an Austrian General. Nor is it too much
to suppose that the Belgian Monarch has not neglected
the opportunities recently afforded him of endeavour-
ing to allay the feelings of coldness subsisting be-
tween Austria and Great Britain. It is teo
manifestly his interest to do so ; and if here-
after the weight of his conned should be recognised
and respected at Vienna, we shall not care
invidiously to remind that haughty court that its
newly adopted ally imbibed in earlier days the prin-
ciples which have guided him as a sovereign from
the statesmen and literature of England. On the
other hand, we trust that neither King LEOPOLD
nor anyother person whomsoever, will ever be suffered
to entangle this country in any courtly combination
whereby the guiding lights of its own free
_policy shall
be subserviently dimmed or obscured. It is well to
seeKingLEOPOLDor any other potentate taking steps
to preserve the extente cordiale between all the Eu-
ropean Powers, but that good feeling would be mis-
chievous rather than useful if it tended to link
England up with the despotic leanings of Austria,
or to interfere in any manner with the
natural alliance and friendship that should
ever subsist between this country and Me people of
our nearest neighbour—France. It is well to see the
King of the BELGIANS settling his son comfortably
in the family of European Kings, but we must, as a
nation, take care that no relations existing between
this country and LEOPOLD shall have the effect of
entangling us in any continental kingly schemes for
putting the ORLEANS once more on the throne they
forfeited. England must not be made a catspaw for
the furtherance of any courtly intrigues.

THE LORD PRESIDENT of the Privy Council has
introduced a Bill into the Upper House which ought
to be regarded with strong interest by all who care
for popular education. It contains that part of the
Government measure on Education which relates to
the administration of Charitable Trusts. It seems

as if the people of England could not be in the least
aware what amount of money is squandered or
accumulating, how much time is lost, and how
generation after generation of children is passing
away into crime, folly, or misery, for want of the
education which charity destined for them, and which
is withheld from them simply by the popular apathy.
It cannot he that the people of England and their
representatives in Parliament can be aware of the
facts of the case, and leave them unrepaired. They
are Ant altogether careless about popular education.
We hen, ,‘ good deal—and we always listen with
satisfaction—sr their views, wishes, and objections,
in regard to the seionncs of education which are suc-
cessively proposed. It -mould largely increase our
satisfaction to hear them utter such an indignant cry
about the waste of bequeathed property, left for edu-
cational purposes, as would secure a thorough reform
of one ut the greatest abuses which has remained for
reprobltion to this day. If the fiwts were understood
we should soon hear the cry. It is tisses.fore our
business and our pleasure to call attention to the
subject.
How many of our readers can tell what is the
estimated amount, in lands, money, and other formy
of property bequeathed by our forefathers for chari-
tab e uses, and available at this day, if properly
looked after ? We doubt whether any one would

venture to guess anything like the real amount. It
is computed to be about seventy-five millions. We
have a capital of seventy-live millions to aid us in
doing our duty by those of our people who cannot
help themselves; the children, the aged, the sick
and infirm. Our business now is with the
children. Of this sum, so much relates to educa-
tional objects as yielded, soma years ago, an income
of 312,5441. Deducting from this the amount de-
voted by express bequest to classical or grammar
schools, we still have an income of 160,4 K/. applicable
to educational purposes, outside the grammar schools.
But we have much more than this. This estimate
was given in several years ago, and the funds are
supposed to have augmented, in some cases, by being
unused. And it is certain that the neglect, misap-
plication, and downright fraud that have
been encouraged by the bad system of admi-
nistration we have chosen to permit, have re-
duced the income of these charities far below
what it might have been, and what it will be,
whenever we look after our property as we ought.
It was the opinion of the Bishop of LONDON, ratified
by that of the present Archbishop of CANTEant:RT, in
1834, that existing educational bequests, properly ma-
naged, would yield as much income as the state need
afford to train its youth. We really can form no
conjecture as to this, so unimaginable are the abuse
that are in course of exposure, and so incomputable,
therefore, the resources that we may, in the day of
reform, find ready to our hands. All we can say is
that the nation is bound to ascertain what those re-
sources are, and to see that they are made the moat
of; two acts of duty which the public is sadly slow
in setting about.
First, about the ascertainment. The Parliament
of ELIZABLIII, in the celebrated act of the 43rd of
her reign, showed themselves anxious to secure the
right administration of the trusts bequeathed by
catholic piety. The Court of Chancery was em-
powered to issue commissions of inquiry, and the
commissioners were authorised to mare local inqui-
ries by means of juries on the spot, not only when
complaint of abuse was made, but for the purpose of
ascertaining whether there was any room for com-
plaint. Good as the intention was, there were de-
fects in the act which impeded its working.
From its intention, however, some good hints
might now be derived. In 1786 mea-
sures were taken by Parliament which obtained a
return from the authorities of 13,000 parishes and
townships in England and Wales (with the excep-
t tion of only 14, who made no return), accounting on
oath for all charitable bequests and donations within
their bounds. These returns have been used as a
sort of index ever since; but it must be remembered
that they brought up the account only to nearly 70
years ago. The benevolent and vigilant ROMILLY
believed that he had secured to us a power of inves-
tigation and complaint into charity abuses by the
Act of 1812, passed for that purpose; but it has
been so impaired in its action by the construction of
the judges, that small charities have no better chance
under it than before. Similar failure attended an
Act, also of 1812, for the registration of charitable
gifts. A register, open to all the world, is highly',
desirable; but if it is made, u it was in this ease,
dependent on the activity of persons "interested in
the charity," there is small hope of faithful regis-
tration.

Then arose the great Charity Commission which
was to remedy all former neglect, and recover for
the helpless of our people their noble income. The
Commissioners had power to proceed at law against
sinning trustees, and everything was to be set right.
Their powers were continued by successive acts ; but
when their final term expired, many counties had
been left unvisited. One discovery that they com-
municated to us was that it took " from five to ten
years" to obtain by law the correction of an abuse;
and that the abuse was so much less expensive than
the remedy that it was usually prudent to let it
alone. A new commission was appointed, and it re-
ported till 1837; but it gave nothing beyond
a description of the charities existing up to
that time. Nothing was done about a registra-
tion, or investigation of the management of trusts.
Such an omission was a matter of the more serious
consequence, because, by the Municipal Reform of
1830, the administration of charity funds was taken

from the magistracy of corporate- towns, and nomi-
nally confided to new trustees, appointed in all such
towns by the Lunt) CHANCELLOR. Incredible as it
may seem, no system of administration was provided,
and such trustees proceed at their own discretion to
this day. It may be said that all that happened many
years ago ; and that the active citizens of the present
day knew nothing about it ; or that everything was
supposed to be safe under the management of a
Liberal Ministry. Passing on, then, to the latest
date, last year,—how do our active men suppose
that charity suits instituted by the commission
are going on ? and what would they guess
to be the expense of such for ten years
preceding ? What do they. suppose to have been
the expense of the genes of commissions?
What do they guess to be the amount of " the little
bill" sent in by the solicitor of the commission,—who
is at present also its secretary ? We will help them
to the facts, which are to be found in the return
presented to Parliament last session, and printed last
winter.

The costs incurred in charity commission snits
during the ten years before 1852 are above 77,4211.,
or, on an average, above 7,7421. a year.
The expense of the various commissions up to
1841 hu been 252,302/. The sum paid by the Trea-
sury to the solicitor who conducted the suits was, up
to 1841, close upon 45,0001.; and the last returns
show that that official continues to make out very
pretty little bills. The Treasury paid in costs in 1852
a sum of 7,0001., and the list of costs in about twenty
of the principal cases makes one's heart ache at
the thought of what is taken from the cause of the
helpless to be spent in law. In nineteen of the suits
in the list before us the costs exceed 1,0001. In six
of these the costs exceed 2,0001.; in two they exceed
3,0001.; and in one they exceed 4,000/. And this is
the way the money goes, while tens of thousands of
the youth of the nation are growing up in brutal
ignorance, through the neglect of the State. But
we are not to suppose that all these costs buy
effectual law, and obtain a settlement of the disputed
cases. Many suits which were reported in 1828
are reported as still pending in 18.52. The soli-
citor has got his bill paid; but the infirm have
died off, and the children have grown up, mean-
while, without the benefits designed for them ;
and their funds have gone to pay costs. For 25
years have hospitals been mouldering, under the
blight of Chancery; and schools have been shut up,
while a long succession of children have passed before
the locked doors—whither? Who will dare to say
how many are in sin and sorrow who might have
been saved by crossing the threshold of the school?
Is not this a case for reform? Can anything be
clearer than the public duty of looking after the
state of our charity funds, and what they may here-
after amount to? What room for vigilance and re-
dress will be left open to the public by the proposed
Government bill is yet to be seen. But it is a public
duty to attend to that bill—and attention it must
have.

THE MAGNETIC TELEGRAPH COMPANY.

This company effected a telegraphic communica-
tion between this country and Ireland on Monday, by sue-
ers•fully laying down their new cable between Donaghadee
and Portpatrick.