The Express.
London, England, 1848-03-08 00:00:00

NOTICE.

- -
Tan number of STAMPS issued to the DAILY NEWS
by the authorities of the Stamp-otilee, during 1847, was :
From Jan. 1, to Duo. 31, 3,447,009
This, we believe, is within eight per cent. of the number
issued to the Morning Herald, Morning Chronick, and
Morning Poet, ALL PUT TOOKTIIIIIL
In addition to the above, issued to the DAILY NEWS,
/domino Paper, there were issued for the Evening Edition,
TILE XFUESS,
From J. 1, to Dec. 31 778,714
Which wea more, we believe, than were issued either to
the Globs or Standard, Evening Papers.

TO CORRESPONDENTS.
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To:/lossou—Kaatiaami, 36 ala past 41 M 14,114.04 iV pa. 4.

LONDON, WEDNESDAY, MAR. 8.
A STRONGER example could not be given of the
wisdom of timely concession, than the fact that a
fortnight ago the French would have been contented
with reform, or no very large extension of their elec-
toral franchise, and that now an assembly elected by
universal suffrage is about to meet in order to decide
upon the entire form of government which may suit
the country. The elder Bollworm by their electoral
laws sought to confine the majority of their chamber
Ito country squires of forty years old,—that is, the
most prejudiced class of the community. The family
of OItLEANS, equally distrustful of tho nation, limited
the electoral body tothe prosperousamongst the middle
classes. The system was that of attaching electors and
elected by salaries or by favours to the government.
This failed, for it placed the chamber in interests and
in feelings apart from the nation, and opposed to it.
Instead of founding a monarchy of the middle classes,
Louis Pillueez founded a monarchy of a privileged
few from the middle class :an irreparable harm has
thus been done to the middle class, which is set
down as having tried the great experiment of reign-
ing, and having failed.
It however by no means follows that the conferring
the right of voting on the lower classes necessarily
sets aside the middle classes from the deputation. Now
York is a proof of the contrary, where the whigs
form a powerful and successful party. In France the
same experiment is now about to be tried, we hope
with results as satisfactory as those obtained in the
northern states of America.
France is indeed Americanising in a great many
respects. Those well acquainted with the United States
have observed a great and growing similitude, even in
the enthusiasm, such as it is, the processions, the tenden-
lcies of the present revolution. The new electoral law,
just promulgated, forms another point of resemblance.
It is pretty mach the ticket system of voting, the only
system suited to universal suffrage. Were a province
divided into electoral districts, each district to elect
exclusively its own member, the local aotablc, the
cog do village as the French say, would in-
fallibly be returned. In the ticket system par-
ties and clubs prepare for the more ignorant
electors the list of candidates in whom they
have confidence. And thus the electoral struggle is
carried on between associations, and by meetings, and
the press. In France, however, at present, we doubt
that either party can be organised. Nor, Indeed, does
there seem to be two distinct parties. Nor is the
interval of a month, the time between thin and the 9th
of April, sufficient to organise parties. The depart-
meats will, therefore, send their notabilities, those, at
least, who have not rendered themselves odious by
attachment to the exploded system. The new as-
sembly, elected at such a moment and after such a
law, will certainly not be Orleanite, or Bourbonite,
or Bonapartist. It must, therefore, be, perforce, re-
publican. And that it will be moderately republican
there is every hope. For enthusiasm is not great in
the capital, or in the provinces; and interests, not
theoretic principles, will predominate arid influence
the choice.
Of course the Provisional Government will take
every legitimate means for influencing the election in
a democratic sense. One of these means is a circular
addressed by M. CARNOT to all the heads of aca-
demies, announcing the adoption of what is so much
lauded in the Prussian system of education, viz., the
advancement by merit, of the best scholar of the
primary schools into the secondary institutions of
education, and the selection of the 'best pupils of the
secondary and superior colleges for places and offices
in the several administrations. The principle already
adopted by our own council of education, as far
as the narrow limits of our schools admit,
will be of great influence in France, attach-
ing, if time and peace allow such institutions
to develope themselves, the large mass of the popula-
tion and the choice spirits of that mass, to a system
which opens a career to talent, and ensures to genius
its fitreward. No liberal man can refuse his adherence
and best wishes to any government, republican or mo-
narchic, that seeks to strengthen itself by such reforms
as these. The entire circular does honour to the name
of CARNOT.
There was some days ago a rumour in Paris that
the ex-deputies of the Left and Left Centre, the friends
of M. BARROT and M. TRIERS, would shrink from '
making part of the new assembly. This
was totally without foundation. All the mem-
bers of the liberal party, who once thought
the regency of the Duchess of ORLEANS pos-
sible, do not feel themselves less staunch repub-
licans on that account, now that the sense of the
country is so formally known. They will appear on
the hustings, and they no doubt will form associa-
tions to prepare their lists or tickets, and to ensure
success. A French assembly of nine hundred de-
puties will have its whigs and its democrats, its par-
tisans of one chamber and its recommenders of two
chambers. There will be ample diversity of views;
and in this very diversity will exist the guarantee
that parties will respect each other, and that the
assemblies of 1848 will have nothing in common with
those of 1792, except zeal and eloquence.

SIR WILLIAM CLAY complained on Monday night,
that in the debate on Mr. HOItsMAN'S motion several
gentlemen had introduced subjects entirely foreign to
the question before the house. It was, probably,
with a view to avoid any chance of imitating their
example that Sir WILLIAM passed over in silence
even the question which was before the house when
he was addressing it. The member who spoke imme-
diately before hum, as well as the member who
followed him, explicitly declared that they supported
the proposal to grant the income tax for only one
year, in order to give ministers au opportunity of
bringing it forward next year in an amended form.
They maintained that the income tax, as at present
asse‘sed, is so objectionable, that even in the present
critical circumstances of the national finance they
could not consent to its being granted in the shape it
now bears for more than one year. The question which
Sir WILLIAM affected to feel no call to enter upon
was the question under discussion.
The erp,scELLon OF THE EXCHEQUER availed
himself of the same mystification as Sir WILLIAM
CLAY, but with more dexterity. Catching hold of a
casual expression used by Mr. Hots, " that all taxes
ought to be imposed for a limited time," he affected to
believe that this was the ground upon which the proposal
to grant the income tax for one year only was founded,
and that, consequently, by " aliid time," Mr. lint
meant " one year." Upon thi s utterly gratuitous and
baseless assumption he proceeded to argue that " an
annual agitation upon the taxes affecting articles of
commerce would not conduce to the welfare or im-
provement of trade, or the tranquillity of the country."
This is the old stale juggling trick of knocking down a
man of straw put up by the combatant himself. No-
body spoke of granting . customs duties for one year
only; though all reflecting men are of opinion that
they ought to be revised at limited intervals. Above