The Express.
London, England, 1849-08-28 00:00:00

THE GERMAN CONSTITUTION AND THE
ALLIANCE OF MAY 26.

The " blue book" (or rather the " yellow book,"
for Prussian ministers array the papers they pree nt
to their chambers in a yellow livery) attack(' to by
our Berlin correspondezt in his letter, published in
yesterday's impression, contains a brief narrative of the
negotiations which resulted in the " alliance of the
three kings," as it is called in Germany, and of the
progress made since the 26th of May in obtaining
the accession of German governments to it. This
paper we subjoin.
Two appendices of documents are subjoined to this
memoir: the first contains the protocols of the con-
ferences which led to the alliance of the 26th of May;
the second, the documents relating to Baron Canitz's
mission to Vienna.

The first appendix consists of 20 papers :-1. The
circular of 28th April, inviting the German govern-
ments to send ministers to a conference at Berlin on

the affairs of the German constitution. 2. A despatch
from the Prussian ministers to their plenipotentiary
at Frankfort of the same date. 3-11. Protocols of

conferences from the 17th to the 26th of May. 12.
The final protocol of 26th May. 13. Draft of a con-
stitution for the German empire. 14. Draft of an
election law for Germany. 15. Circular note to the
German governments, communicating the resolutions
of the 26'h of May. 16. Treaty of union of 26th
May. 17. The explanation appended by the Saxon
ambassador to the protocol of the 26th of May. 18.
The explanation appended by the Hanoverian ambaa-
sidor to the protocol of the 26th of May. 19. Circu-
lar note to the German governments relating to the
provisional court of arbitration instituted by the three
allied governments on the 30th May. 20. Justifies-
ty memoir prefixed to the constitution of 11th June.
The second appendix contains nine documents :-
1. Instruction■ for Baron Canitz dated 10th May.

2. Memoir of the Prussian Government to accompany I
the preceding. 3. Outline of a t►eaty of union,
Memorial of the Prussian cabinet dited IGth May.

& Supplementary memorial dated the same day.
8. Memorial addiessed by Baron Canitz to Prince
Schwartzenberg. 7. Reply of Prince Schwartzen-
berg. 8. Desp.itob of the Prussian Government to
Baron Canitz. 9. Despatch of the Prussian Govern-
ment to their ambstszdor at Vienna, inelosing the
resolutions of the 26th of May.
The narrative addressed by the Prussian Govern-
ment to the Chambers, which contains a resume of
these documents, is as follows
All the German governments were invited by the circular
of the 3rd of April, which was laid before the chambers at
the time it was lamed, to express their opinions respecting
the position in relation to his Majesty which the resolutions
of the national assembly proposed they should assume, as
also of the draft of a constitution prepared at Frankfort, and
to send plenipotentiaries to that city to deliberate on the
modifications it might eventually be found necessary to make
in that constitution. His Majesty's government entertained
hopes at that time of bring able to come to an understanding
with the national assembly with regard to these Illiaddications.
His Majesty's plenipotentiary was summoned to Berlin
to assist in preparing detailed arrangement* for the conduct
of the deliberations.
A hope was then warrantably entertained of obtaining
an unanimous decisien of a majority of the German states in j
favour of an arrangement having for its basis the Frankfort j
constitution modified to meet the views of Prussia and the
other
_governments between the first and second readings.
His Majesty's government deemed it possible that, in the
f was states refusing to secede to the constitu-
tion, the National Anembly might vote itself the
parliameat of the more limited federal state, com-
posed of the governments who accepted the constitution,
sad that the constitution of this federal state might be defi-
nitively ended by the co-operation of the parliament. The
ehambers had expressed their approbation of the proposal to
emestitute such a state.
Bat in the meantime affairs at Frankfort bad taken a turn
which maned the execution of this plan impossible.
The National Assembly had on the Ilth of April puled a
resolution declaring that they would stand or tall by the un-
modified constitution. The plenipotentiaries of 28 states had
assembled, and bad declared in a note, dated the 14th of the
same mouth, that their governments also recognised the
constitution ; they added that this recognition was condi-
tiomil upon its becoming law for the whole of Germany.
These 28 states also recognised the imperial dignity con
felled on his Majesty, but ea the same conditions ea the
National Assembly; viz : on the basis of the constitution of
the 28th of March. On the contrary, the more powerful
German states refraieed from explicitly declaring their'
views, but gave it to be understood that they would not
acquiesce in the Frankfort constitution, and would not sub-
mit to an emperor.
There, therefore, remained for his Majesty's government
but to choose whether they alone, of all the German states,
would acquiesce in the resolutions of the National Assembly,
or whether they would riject these ; to decide whether the
duty they owed to Germany and Prayed% were reconcilable
with the acceptance of the imperial title in conjunction with
the Frankfort constitution ?
The councillors of the crown, after a conscientious investi-
gation, announced to the chambers on the 21st of April, that
they could not advise the King to accept the constitution
and the imperial title.
The second chamber dissented from ministen. and passed
a ri rduti, n declaring that it regarded the Frankfort muesli.
tution as having the force of law.
This was one of the reasons why ministers deemed it no-
cem te appeal to the country by dissolving the secondsecondchamberar on the 21st of April.
At the same time his Majesty's government publicly an-
nounced his Majesty's final determination not to accept the
imperial title or the imperial constitution in its then form,and
stated in detail their reasons for coming to this decision in a
despatch to his Majesty's plenipotentiary, dated the 28th of
Vs Majesty's government did not attempt to conceal from
themselves the decisive importance' of this step ; they did
not attempt to deny that many and just hopes
would be thereby disappointed. t became, therefore, their
duty to seek to meet these wishes in some other way. Al-
though they could, with a tranquil conscience, say to them-
sues, that it was no fault of Prussia that the envy of Ger-
many could not be obtained in the way originally con
templated, they were not on this account entitled to
held Prussia, liberated by its innocence from its vocation
to carry out that unity. Pramia's especial vocation was
to offer to the German nation the means of unity; its duty
was only rendered more imperative by its rejection of the
imperial title and the Frankfort constitution.
His Majesty's government recognised this duty incumbent
on them in its full extent. They, therefore, in a circular,
issued en the very day on which the declinature of the 101
peeled title was announced, invited the German goverameata
to place themselves in direct communication with Prussia by
sending plenipotentiaries to Berlin, to take counsel hew the
ezigeocies of the time and the demands of the German
people might be complied with.
It was an anxious moment-41
of Germany.
Our common country contained in every part the most
heterogeneous elements which were in violent fermentation.
Alongside of the honest and truly patriotic aspiration after
unity which had taken possession of the noblest minds,
might be seen the most confused and dishonest aims, which
proposed no less than to subvert all social order, an I to delude
the masses under pretext of seeking the unity of Germany by
legitimate means.
The task imposed upon government was to separate these
incompatible elements of the great movement, to rally
j around them the pare and high-minded and openly to combat
the bass and anarchical ; and this task could only be soma-
! plished. not by mere resistance to unreasonable wishes, but
by positive action, by earnestly and perseveringly seeking
to call into existence • sew creation. The aspiration after the
unity and greenness of Germany, had been too lone identified
with a revolutionary spirit, which respected no rights. The
time was come to reconcile this aspiration with reverence
for justice, with the sacredness of compacts, and with the
liberty of the individual.
Impressed with this conviction, Prussia appealed confi-
dently to the other German governments for their co-opera-
tion.
While it solemnly pledged itself to these powers to sain-
ts:act the revolution with all its might, and offered \sip to
all German states who might stand in need of it, Prussia
I looked for their evidence in the great work of giving Gan
many a constitution, such as could alone avert the cello
which threatened to shatter the nation.
His Majesty's g ,vernment deemed it indispensable to de-
clare frenkly, at once, the principles upon which this task
was to be taken in hand. As a groundwork for the consti
Lotion, the result of the deliberations held b_y the
representatives of the several states at Frank-
fort, a year before, naturally offered itself. Al;
though the other states had receded from the
point of an incorporating union, at which they at first ar-
rived, his Majesty's government resolved to take up their
stand upoa it, This was done at the time when the Gene= j
governments again returned to the task, and, throwing sib

for the whole future