The Express.
London, England, 1851-12-27 00:00:00

which your sovereign people of the United States have
chows, out of your own accord, to mime in the bosom
of my countrymen and of oppressed humanity. I
do no: now intend to enter into an explanation of the
particulars of our struggle, which I bad the honour to di-
rect, as the chosen chief magistrate of my native land. his
highly gratifying to me to see the cause of Hungary is—cx-
eepting some ridiculous misrepresentations of itl.will—cor-
reedy understood here. I will only state one fact, and that
is, that our endeavours for independence were crushed
down by the armed interference of a foreign despotic power
—the principle of all evil en earth—Russia. And stating
this fact, I will not again intrude upon you with my
I own views, but recal to your memory the doctrines este-
blished by your uwn statesmen. 'Firstly, again I retuin
to your great Washington. Ile sacs, in one of his letters
to Lafayette, " My policies are plain and simple ; I think
every nation has a right to establish that form of govern-
ment under which it conceives it can live most happy, and
that no governments ought to interfere with the internal
concerns of another." Here I take my ground. I take
my ground upon a principle of Washington—a principle,
and nu doctrine of temporary policy, calculated fur the first
twenty years of your infancy. Russia has interfered with
the internal concerns of Ilungary, and by doing so has vio-
lated the policies of the United States, establish,ol as a last-
ing principle by Washington himself. It is a lasting prin-
. ciple. I would invoke in my support the opinion of every
statesman of the United States, of every party, of every time;
but, to save time, 1 come from the first president of the
, United States at once to the last, and recall to your me-
mory this word of the present annual message of his
r Excellency President Fillmore .—" Let every people choose
for itself, and make and alter its political institutions to
, snit its own condition and convenience." Here, again, I

take my ground upon this principle established 'by
Washingtou--makiiig the basis of your own existence, and
profissed and aeknowledqed by your vary present gosern-
ment—only to show that L am aware of the policy and p.,11.
tical opinim of your present government ; a:so, t beg have
to quote your present Secretary of State (51r. Webster's)
statement, who, in his speech ~n the Greek question, speaks
so:—"'the law of nations maintains that, in extreme

caws, resistance is lawful, and that one natiou has no right
to interfere in the affairs of another." Well, that pre-

eisely is the ground upon which we Hungaiions stUnd.
But I may, perhaps, meet the objection-1 am sorry to say
I have met it already—" Well, we °um that it has been yin.
latest by Rllgli3 in tho case of Hungary, but, after all, shat
is Hungary to us ? Let every people take cure of itself,
what is that to us ?" Sa some speak, it is the old doctrine
. .

of private egotism, "Beery one for himself, and God for
all. ' 1 will answer the objection, not by my own humble
views, but again by the words of Mr. Webster, who, in his
alluded—to: speech on the Greek question, having professed
the sovereign right of every nation to disuse of its own con-
cerns to be a law of nations—thus is going on, " But it may
be asked what is all that to us ?' The question is easily
answered. We are one of the nations, and we US a nation

have precisely the sumo interest in international Lw us a
private iml,vitle.tl has in the Lori of his country."
It is a matter of fact tat the European conti-
nent ix on the eve of a new revolution. It is nut nc-

cessary to be initiated in the secret preparations of the
European democracy to be aware of that approaching con-
tingency. It is pointed out by the French constitution itself,
prescrising a new presidential election for the next spring.
Now, suppose that the ambition of Louis 'Napoleon, en-
couraged by Itussian secret aid, awaits this time (wliich
scarcely believe), and suppoee that there will he a
peaceful solution; such as would make contented the
friends of the republic in France ; of couiso the first act ul
the new French President must be, at least, to recall the

French troops from Rome. Nobody can clon.lit that a re•
volution will follow, if not precede, this recall, in Italy.
Or if there is no peaceful solution in France, but a revolu-
tion, then every man knows that, whenever the heart of
France boil up, the pulsation is felt throughout Europe,
and oppressed nations once more rise, and Russia media in-
terferes. Now, I humbly ask, with this view of these cir-
cumstances before our eyes, can it be convenient to such a
great power us this glorious republic, to await the very
outbreak, and then may to discuss and decide what direc-
tion you will be willing to take in your foreign policy ? If
you acknowledge the light of every nation to slier itsinstitu-
tions and government, to be a law of nations—if you ac-
knowledge the interference of foreign puwe.a in that cove-
reign right to lie a violation of the law of nations, as you
really do—if you are forbidden to remain indifferent to this
violation of international law, as your president openly
professes that you are, then there is no other course possible
than not to interfere in that sovereign right of nations, hut
also not to admit any other powers whatever to intern re.
But you will, pert lops, object to ine," That is as much as g oing
to war." I answer uo—that it is as mull, as to prevent
war. What is wanted tu that effect ? It is wanted, that,
being aware of the precarious condition of Europe, your
national governmeut should, as soon as possible, scud in-
structions to your minister at London, to declare to tho
English government that the United States, acknowledging
the sovereign right of every nation to dispose of its own do-
mestic concerns, have resolved not to interfere, but also nut
to let interfere any foreign power whatevs r,with this laOVOll ign
right in order to repress the spirit of freedom in any
country. Consequently, to invite the cabinet sat Saint James
to unite with the United States iu this policy, sod to declare
that the United States are resolved to act conjointly
with England in that decision, in the ease of that upproociiiug
crisis un the European continent, which it is impossible not
to foresee. If the citizens of the United States, instead of
honouring me with the offers of their hospitality, wool I be
pleased to express this their will, by paesing convenient
resolutions, and ratifying them to their national govern-
ment—if the people by all constitutional means—if the in-
dependent press would hasten to express, the public opinion in
• similar sense—if in consequence of this, the national go-
vernment would instruct its minister in England, accord-
ingly, and by a convenient communication to the Congress
give, so as it is wont to do, publicity to this step, I am en-
tirely sure that you would find the people of Great Britain
heartily joining this direction ot policys—nobody in the
world could feel especially offmdeil by it, and no existing
relation would be broken or injured—an l still the interfe-
rence of Ituseia in the restoration of Hungary to its inde-
pendence (Virtually declared in 1849) prevented. Hessian
arrogance fold pia ponderance checked, and the oppressednations of Europe soon become free. There may-be some
over-aux ions men who, perhaps, would say, " But if such •
declaration of your government will not be respected,
and Russia still does interfere, then you would be obliged,
by this previous declaration, to go to war, end you don't
desire to have a war." That objection seems to me like
as if somebody would say, " If the vault of heaven breaks
down, what will we do )" My answer is, " But it will
not break down." Even so I answer: but your declara-
tion will be respected-14114a will not interfere —you
will have no occasion for war, you will have prevented
war. Be sure Russia would twice, thrice consider, to pro-
voke against itself, besides the roused fury of nations—
besides the legions of republican France—also the
English " Lion' and the etar-surrounded " Eagle" of
America. Please to consider the fact that you,
united to England, have mule already such a declara-
tion, not to admit any interference of the European ab-
solutist powers into, the affairs of tho formerly Spa-
nish colonies of America; and has this declaration
brought you to a war ? quite the contrary • it has pre-
vented war. S it would be in our case kso. Let me
therefore, most humbly entreat you, gentlemen—let me
' entreat you, on this occasion, by the means of publicity,
'the people of the United States, to be pleased to give
I such practical direction to its generous sympathy for
Hungary, as to arrange meetings and pass such resolu-
tions here and there, and in every possible place of
this great union, as I took the liberty to mention above.
The nations of America and Europe are at this day so de-
pendent upon one another, that the effects of any event,
prosperous or otherwise, happening on one side of the
Atlantic, are immediately telt on the other side. 'lle result
of this community of interests, commercial, political, and
moral, between Europe and America—of this frequency and
rapidity of intercourse between them, is tnat it becomes as
difficult to point out the geographical degree where Ameri-
can policy shall terminates and European policy begin, as
it is to trace out the line where American commerce begins
and European commerce terminates. Where may be said to
begin or terminate the ideas which are in the ascendant in
Europe and in America? The second measure which
beg leave to mention has reference to commercial interest.
There has, in latter time, a doctrine stolen into the code of
international law which is even as contrary to the commer-
eial interests of nations as to their independence. The
pettiest despot of the world has the faculty to exclude
per commerce from whatever port he pleases to do so.
He has only to arrange a blockade, and your commerce
ki shut out ; or, if down-trodden Vcuice, bleeding Lom-
bardy, or my down-oppressed but resolute Hungary, rises
IMatiake off the Austrian tyrant's yoke, as surely they will,
tbat tyrant believes to have the right, from the very mo-
eaent, .to exclude your commerce with the risen station.
Now this is an absurdity—a tyrannical invention of
tyrants, violating your interest—your own sovereign in-
dependence. Your glorious declaration of independ-
ence proclaims the right ot every nation to assume
among the powers of the earth the separate and equal
station to which the laws of nature and natures, (sod
entitle them. The political assistance of your glorious
republic is founded upon this principle, upon this right.
My nation stands upon the same ground, and there is a
striking resemblance between your cause and that of my
country. On the 4th July, 1776, John Adams spoke such in
your Congress, " Sink or swim, live or die, survive or
perish, I am for this declaration." It is inthe beginning we
arrived not at independence, but "there is a divinity which
shapes our ends." These noble words were present to my
naiad on the 14th April, 1619, when I moved the declare-
tiers of independence in the National Assembly of Ilungary.
Oar condition was the same, and if there be any difference
I dare say it is in favour of our ourselves. Your country
Was before this declaration not a self consisting, independent
state. Hungary was. Through the lapse of a thousand
years, through every vicissitude of this long period,
while nations vanished and empires fell, the self-consist-
ing independence of Hungary was never disputed, but
recognised by all powers of the earth, sanctioned by
treaties made with the llapsburgh dynasty, when this
dynasty by the free will of my nation, and by a bilateral
part was invested with the kingly crown of Hungary.
Even more, this independence of king was acknowledged
to make a part of the international law of Europe, and was
guaranteed not only
.by the foreign European governments,
such as Great Britain, but also by several of those when
yet constitutional states, which belonged formerly to the
German, and, after its dissolution, to the Austrian empire.
-"sis independent - defined

This in, _r condition of Hungary is clearly
in one of our fundamental laws of 1791, in these words :
llungary is a free and independent kingdom, having its
own Pelf-consistent existence and constitution, and not sub-
ject to any other nation or country in the world." This,
'therefore, was our ancient right. We were not dependent
from' nor a part of, the Austrian empire, as your country
was dependent from England. :Haring rapidly glanced
ever the emu of the Hungarian war, in terms so familiar