The Express.
London, England, 1851-11-12 00:00:00

THE EXPRESS, WEDNESDAY EVENING, NOVEMBER 12, 1851.

slam before they could be remised. The Chairman re-
read
the address aloud to M. Kossuth, and then formally
presented it. M. Koseoth placed his hand to his heart, and
bowed profoundly in receiving it.
The gentlemen from surrounding towns were then called
upon and introduced to Y. Kossuth as their addresses were
presented. They were as follow :
The Ashton address, by Hr. °onside, town clerk.
The Liverpool addrew, by Mr. W. ltathbone, Mr. Chas.
Holland, Mr. C. E. Rawlins, and others.
The Bury address, by Mr. John Grundy.
An address from a public meeting of the town of
Burnley.
An address from Denton, Houghton and Hooley 13W, by
Mr. Maliaday and others.
An address from Halifax, by Mr. Holt and Mr. Crossley.
An address-front Heywood, by Mr. Schofield and another
gentleman.

contented, with having been driven to butchery, and after
having been deceived, plundered, and oppressed, laughed
at as fools? Poland contented with being murdered?
(Cries of indignation.) Hungary, my poor Hungary, con-
tented with being more than murdered—buried alive—
(loud cheers)—for it is alive. What I feel is but a weak
pulsation of that feeling which pervades the breasts of the
people of my country (Cheers.) Russia contented with
slavery ! (Hear.) Vienna contented ! Lombardy, resth,
Milan, Venice, contented ! Contented with having
been ignominiously branded, burned, plundered, sacked,
and its population butchered, and half of the Euro-
pean continent contented with the scaffold, with
the hangman, with the prison, with having no political
rights at all, but having to pay innumerable millions for
the highly beneficial purpose of being kept in serfdom!
(Cheers.) That is the condition of the continent of Europe
—(hear, hear)—and is it not ridiculous and absurd
n men to prate about individuals disturbing
the peace and tranquillity of Europe ? (Hear.) How is it
that there are no revolutionising movements in England?
Why no attempt to disturb the peace and tranquillity of
England ? Because you want no revolution. (Hear, hear.)
Because you are ensured by your constitution, and by your
public spirit, that whatever you request to be duns—
because no human things are perfect—(hear)—it will
be done, and done peaceably. (Loud cheers.) I
would like to see the man who would stand up
here in England for the purpose of making a revolution.
(Hear.) But there, on the continent of Europe, in its

An address from the Liverpool Hungarian Refugees'
Association.

An address from the :Manchester working classes.
An address from the Msuchester Temperance Associa-
tion.
An address from Rueful de, presented by Mr. Tweeds&
aml Mr. Limey.
An address tram the Staffordshire Potteries.
An address from Stockport, presented by Mews. Esk-
rigge, Coppoek, and J. G. Johnson.
An address from the students of the Independent College
of Manchester.

An address from the German inhabitants of Manchester. grentr4t part •t least, the world, you hey° dia.
An address from the people of Wrexham. teem' peace and tranquillity, you have checked the
11. KOSSUTH now retie to address the meeting, and the growth of freedom on the continent, and it cannot be re-
elbsering was immense. The audience again rose from their stored until the lovers of freedom contend successfully
Mate and waved hats and handkerchieti and cheered for against Yon, the sworn enemies of mankind, freedom,
several moments. M. Kossuth said—lf you expected peace, and tranquillity. (Cheers.) Let us look back,
to hear from me an eloquent speech I very much fear you and see what has been done in the past. The
will lie disappointed. Disappointed, because since my ar. gigantic contest against Napoleon was fought under the
rit..l e God, the mighty protector of mankind's destinies, has promise of freedom—the promise of freedom was the bait
caused me to be so much occupied with the aympatbies of which lirnaght the nations to fight. Then came the Con.
the people of Englund I could rat find time to prepare an gress of Vienna, which was attended by some of the most
eloquent speech—(thecrs)—at all events not couched in words ambitious men of the world; but even there the interference
which in England, where every word is caught by the of England in the settlement then to be made was
press (that mother and guardian of all progress), you • guarantee to mankind for some constitutional life
would expect from me. You would be disappointed in the at least. (Cheers.) And even your Castli reaghs
Mond place, breauee I have to answer an eloquent speech, were unable to bind Europe in oppression—(hear)—
ON because when I would be eloquent in my own lan- to Poland, Sicily, and many other nations, liberty was
and when I want to give inspiration to those who guaranteed ; but where is Poland now, where it its cowl.
page,
ne, I feel at a lens to utter my sentiments in a len. tution ? (Hear, hear.) And here I would appeal to the
gnaws to which I am a stranger. I have therefore public opinion of the world—and I would appeal to those
to wave your indulgence, while I attempt to address you. very statesmen of England who belong to the very retro-
Mr . Chairman, there was once a king of Epirus who sent grade school—to them I would appeal as to those who had
•men, though Ido not remember hi, name, to Home. On made terms without the sanction or consent of nations.
Me return it was reported by him to his master that he (Hear, hear.) And I would put to them the question,
had seen a city of kings, wh re every man had as much "is the present condition of Europe, that for
bappinesas as the king himself holde. I have seen more which the people of England shed their blood
be - England, under your government. 1 have seen the in torrents—is it that for which England vent its
public opinion of the English people pronounced in inch innumerable millions, the interest of which you have to
• voice as that of which Lord Brougham once said : that Poe now, and will have to pay hereafter—(hear)—l ask the
new and then the voice of the people as the thunder of q.ic.tion, is the condition of Europe that which the people I
the Almighty is heard. (Cheers.) I saw the crowding of England were willing to guarantee, and which God pur-
of
the people, which went to my heart ; and 1 posed should be the cane ?(Hear.) Let oppression go on,
have received addresses from all parts of Great and the spread of freedom will be the result.(ficar.) 1 ranee
Britain, equally as numerous as generous; and I have had had aroused herself, and the devote trembled. (Hear.)
some idea of the public opinion of England. But I saw Despots had always tried to crush the nations of the world.
that public opinion incarnated in the great demonstrations But oh, how trembling despots are in these days! I have
of London, Birmingham, and Manchester; and after I have seen some of them—l have weighed them in the very I
seen those demonstrations, I loudly proclaim, Ye oppressed bands of mine. Formerly they broke only their words, now
uationsof Europe, be of good cheer and courage! (Cheers.) we aro subjected to the consequences of a breach
I have experienced enough in my public life to know that pub- of their sworn oaths—and every tie is broken, every
lie opinion, as that pronounced by the people of England on seatiment revolted, every interest hurt. (Hear, hear.)
that class of which lam one of the humble representatives, the praises of Gal are mingled with curses
may be dissimulated for awhile ; it may be perhaps jeered at against despots, and oppressed European nations shake
hardily ; hut at last obeyed it must be—(cheer.)—because t"ains, and bleeding nations feel their degradation.
England is a constitutional country, and in a eon- (Cheers.) 'fhb is the prevent state of the European con-
stitutional country the public opinion is by right uncut, at least for the greatest part. And still there are
sod by the constitution to give direction to go- men who have regard for despots, but who are silent in re-
vernment and to the parliament. (Loud Cheers.) geed to the duties due towards humanity. (Hear.) They
I know what power public opinion has a lawful speak of regard to tyrants, but they are silent about the
eight to claim in this glorious land ; and because I know danger. of mankind. (Hear.) In regard to the condition
that it must be very much, I say that I thank the people of of maukind the people of England have instinctively felt
England, I thank the people of Manchester for their great that we arc on the eve of the day when liberty or despotism
old to the cause of humanity, not in my name, but in the must be crushed down. (Cheers.) The people or England
mow of the oppreseed nations. (Cheers.) Since my arri- felt that their freedom was in intimate connexion with
vol on England'. happy shores, I have seen n continual op- the principle of freedom on the European continent.
gertunity for the pronunciation of the public opinion on I feel most anxious to have this view shared by you, that
that question the solution of which is ostensibly (alma. Hungary is not so much an object of commisseration as it is
featly) looked to by Provideuee to be the task tit our an European question, and in this view lam supported by
limes the question which will decide the fate a
gectleinan whose opinion is as disinterested as it is impor-
d mankind fur centuries. This question is none taut. He is a candidate for the high office of president of
of scanty or partial interests. It is none of a noble cothe United State., and therefore his opinion may be taken
eon-
as that of the great democratic party to which ho belongs;
anieweation for the misfortunes of an individual, or of one
weentry. It is a question of universal interest. in which I quote some line from the speeches made by Mr. Walker,
=Southampton. (Cheers.) He says that an alliance of
every country, every people are equally interested—l say
despotic powers to submit to free governments less powerful
family interested. There may he a difference as to the
enstession of times, in which one or other nation will be than themselves can have no aim but to sweep all
eiketed by the unavoidable consequences of this question ; tree governments from the face of the earth.
but affected they really see—one a day sooner, or one a day Poland was thus swept away by despotic powers,
beer than another—it is a mere question of time. No and Hungary, which bad secured its freedom,
ofrontry, heweser proud its position, but chiefly, non- and overthrown the forces of Austria was overwhelmed by
within the boundary of the Christian family, and Russia, the very incanation of despotism. (Hear, hear.)
Now, when this was dune, England meld not expect long
id European civilisation, can avoid that share
d the ,consequences of this all comprehensive question, to enjoy her own institutions. Would free government and
width will decide the approximate fate of humnnity. e a free (louse of Commons be permitted with trial by jury,
searely want to say that this comprehensive question is, freedom of speech, and freedom of the press, if despotism
whether Europe shall be ruled by the principle of freedom ruled on the contiuent ? Despotism could not long flourish
or by the principle of despotism—(" freedom, freedom !") there while there was freedom of speech and of the pre= in
or to bring more home in a practical way to your generous England. Such a moral artillery would overwhelm the
despots, and therefore, they would ultimately conspire to heart that idea of freedom—the question is whether Euroe
ruin the free institutions of England. This is not the
shall be ruled by the priuripte of centralisation or b the
principle of self-government—(cheers)—because self-go-
humble opinion of a pour individual like myself, the repre-
vernment is freedom, and eentrslisation ii absolutism. mutative of an oppressed country, but of a man
part and
,eers.)
Shall freedom die away for centuries, and mankind become
who is the representative of a largo par
nothing more than the blind instrument of ambition, of some • candidate for the government of a free people. (Ch
few, °rattail the print of servitude be wiped nut from the I will only add, that this alliance of despots is a fast;
brow of humanity, and mankind become noble in itself, the ease of Hungary shows it, and as I have faith la the
and a noble iosuootoot to its own forward progress, rights of nations, I can with all coutidence ask what
(Cheers.) Woe, a hundrefold woe, to every nation which, is, and what will be, the practical issue of the thing that is
esnident in its proud position of to-day, would carelessly here to be seen beginning? I have every reason to look
regard the comprehensive atruggleof those great principles! with particular hope, in respect to the solution of this quee-
nis the mythical struggle between heaven and hell. To tion, to Manchester. Firstly, because Manchester is a
ls blessed use to be damned is the fate of all—this may young city. In 1720 it was a village of 24,000 men, and
Oath us one day, sooner or later ; but to be blessed or to now it is the first manufacturing city of the world, with
he damned is the fate of all ; there is no transaction between nearly half a million. It is a glory to a city to have
heaven and hell. Woe, a thousandfold woe to every nation e.dured to old age, to have lived through the
vicissitudes of centuries, but it is no small glory
which would not embrace within its sorrows and its cares
**future, but only the pawing moment of the present to have grown up to a giant in a short
lbw. In the flashing of a moment, the future becomes pre- period. That people which has grown up in a short time
the objects of our prevent Ishourshavepasead away. is a practical people, and therefore I look for • practical
Ts tadsun throws a mist before the sun rises, so the spirit result from it. (Cheert.) I, secondly, have much faith in
of the future is seen in the events of the present day. this, because Manchester, with Liverpool, is the most
There are some, who endeavour to contract the demonstria• powerful link between Europe and the United States.
tic= of sympathy which I have had the honour to meet, to Commerce is the locomotive of principles. (Cheers.) Your
the narrow scale of personality. They would fain make glorious destiny is to offer by your hand the supptirt of
believe, that there is nothing more in these demonstrations the public opinion of England to the United States, (or the
than a matter of fashion, a transitory ebullition of public purpose of union in the policy of both countries in respect
feeling, passing without a trace like the momentary to Europe. That union, I say with a perfect conviction,
bubble ; or, at the utmost, a tribute of approbation would be the turning point in the destinies of Europe and
to the bravery of a gallant people in a just mankind; it would be the victory of the principle of
cause, and of consolation to their unmerited misfortunes. freedom, because the United States and England united,
But I say, it is not so. I say, may no nation on earth have they will not, sad they cannot aide but with freedom.
reason once to repenter having contemptuously disregarded That is to beione point, gentlemen, for which I must
these my words, only because it was but I who said them. humbly ask the support of Manchester, in the counsels of
.1 ay that the very source of these demonstrations is, the this city, which is in all respects in the most intimate con-
instinctive feeling of the people—(hear, hear)—that the flexion with the United States. When I go to the United
destiny of mankind has come to the turning point of wen- States in some few days,it will be-,I will consider it to be—
tutees; it is the cry of alarm upon the ostensible approach one of my duties to try if there I cannot be a humble oppor.
of universal danger; it is the manifestation of the instinct tunity for this union, as I was a humble opportunity for
of self preservation, roused by the instinctive knowledge of the promulgation of the solidarity sentiment of
the fact, that the decisive struggle, the destiny of Europe, nations fur the principles of liberty ; and I have
was near, and that no people, no country, can remain utile. sumo hope, with your generous aid, to succeed,
(=tee' by the issue of this great struggle of principles. firstly, because there i's in the United States already a great
(Applause.) The despotic governments of Europe feel party which professes an inclination and a propensity to
their approaching death, and therefore they will come unite with England in its policy towards the world. Se-
to the death-struggle. (Hear, hear.) And I hope this madly, because the fate of Hungary has already somewhat
struggle is unavoidable, and because it is called forth by contributed to change the old rivalries between the two
them, it will be the last in mankind's history. That is the brothers into the most brotherly feeling. Both countries
state of the case, as I conceive i., gentlemen. It is not my have united in rescuing me from captivity. (Cheers.) I
individuality—it is not my presence, which has aroused any say—l may state as • matter of fact—that tho first link to
feeling or sentiment' I sin nothing, but the opportunity this union in policy is already made. Thirdly, be-
which elicited the hidden spark—the opportunity at which cause all depends oil a true and exact defini-
the existing inatiuctivo appreci ' of approaching danger tion, how it is thought that in the United
caused in every nation the cry to burst forth— the loud cry States there is a ruling principle of non-inter-
of horror. Or else, how could even the most skilftil sophist vention in European matters. I say very wise were
explain the fact of the universality of these demonstrations, those men that established that principle, and very wise
not restricted to where lam present—not restricted to any were those who followed it. But neither those who =tee
climate—not restricted to the peculiar character of a Wished that principle nor those who followed it, were of the
people—not restricted to a state organisation but meaning that the United States should have nothing to do
spreading through the world like the pulsation of one and nothing to regard, whatever fate attends humanity.
heart—like the spark of heaven's lightning. (Loud cheers.) The principle of non-intervention is the recognition and the
The addresses, full of the most generous sentiments, which acknowledgment of the several right of every nation to
lam honoured with in England, are the effects of my pre- dispose of its own domestic concerns; and so I take it as a
mom; but I am but the spark which kindles a feeling principle, that though we have not the right to interfere
which has long existed, from the people of the metropolis, with the domestic affairs of another country, whether it
down to the solitary hamlets hidden by neighbouring chooses to be a republic or a moaarehy, or chooses to be
mountains from the business of public life. (Applause) even a despotism, so as it depends on its own will, that is
And I humbly entreat you to consider that this feeling is what I assume to be the principle of non-intervention—the
not restricted even to England: there is the public of the acknowledgment of the several right of every nation to
United States—(avlause)—ltaly, France, the noble Eng- dispose of themselves. (Cheers.) But that is not 'tal-
lish garrison in Gibraltar, the warm-hearted Portuguese, intervention which would be manifested if I use
have all joined in these views ; and on the very day when the words " that I don't are whatever be the fate of
a deputation mime over to England to honour me with humanity—l don't care whatever the despots of the world
the greeting of Belgium—tkat lofty monument of the may do with Europe, with mankind, and with liberty "
love of freedom, and of its indoinitable‘force,—even on that Because that is not non-intervention, but it is an encourage.
very day I got the knowledge of a similar demonstration in ment even to despotism, to carry their victory of abeolut-
Sweden—the future left wing of the forces of freedom. ism, which has gone so much too far already, I suppose
(Applause.) Now, gentlemen, is this an accident? Is this there is no doubt that the policy of England and the
im? (Applause and laughter.) Is this personal.. United States to unite. And I look with peculiar hope to
What have lin my person, in my present, in my future, I Manchester, because—and I bow with deep respect to it—
not to justify, but even to explain this universality of de- ! Manchester carried the principle of free trade. (Hear,
monstration ? Nothing—entirely nothing; only the know- ' hear.) What Manehesterundertakes it will carry. (Cheers.) '
ledge that I am a friend of freedom—(applause)—though I . Now, excuse me, ladies and gentlemen, it may perhaps
am nothing but the opportunity for the manifestation of ' appear strange what I say, but Ism deeply convinced of it.
the instinctive feeling of so many nations, and at which I say that free-trade is not carried. Cheaper bread is car. '
the St. George of England is ready to ware the red ried, but free trade is not carried. (Hear.) Free trade'
flag. Row can I say that this struggle is so will be carried when the produce of England's industry
1 near ? Why, ladies and gentlemen, I state it ' will have • free accessisu to the markets of Europe, from
because it is. (Lead cheers.) Every man knows it ; every ' which by the absolutist principle they are now excluded.
man feels, every man sees it. A philosopher was once (Hear, hear.) What I earns to England I took it for the
questioned, bow he could prove the existence of God? rule of my behaviour use to mix with the internal affairs
" Why," he =plied, "by opening my eyes. God is seen of England, because I wished to show that very respect for
everywhere; in the growth of the grass, and in the move- a nation'sdamestie Weirs which I asked for my own coon-
ment of the stars ;in the warbling of the lark, and in the try. Bet I Iss enenserl when I find in England a feet
thunder of heaven." (Loud cheers.) Even so I prove that largely atablYhsd es the law of the land which has a eta-
, the derisive struggle in mankind's destiny draws near. I nexion with the laws of my own country, if I mention it.
appeal to the sight of your eyes ; I appeal to the pulsations And still eve& in thatreepiet I say that the freedom of Es-1
of your hearts, and to the judgments of
_your minds. You rope is asonected sot oily with the tree trade —it 1
know, you see, you :feel that_ the judgment is:drawing • else esemented wide tie interest of the party
near. Loud cheers) Row blind are those men who have in demob et I osseider that the the prin. '
the affectation to assert that it is only mallets Web eI tesedas is Image Is Seib • whirl, if duly
men who push to revolution the continent at sonsidered, rot be we_ pony in England itself. '
Europe, which, but for their revolutionary plots, would he , bossism, if I take the pulosigis et free trade, it ucarded a I
quiet and contented ? (Laughter.) Contented! (Renewed nips* Is the inepertnien dens. Now, if I were a pro-
laughter.) With what ? (Loud and long shouts of laughter.) - teethed*. would I esdoavour le overthrow that law? No;
With oppression and servitude? France contented, with its that were to try what is mondly and materially impend.
constitution subverted ? Germany contented—with being : Me. It would scarcely be done without many misfortunes.
but a fold of sheep, pent up to be shorn by mine thirty ,to the country. It lust would Ido ? I would any
petty tyrants ? (Loud cheers and laughter.) Switzerland ,on se a protectionist—if the delaitios of Issilislieb•
contented, with the threatening ambition of encroaching I ist is to take guard of the agricultural a
Id.rou ? Italy contented, with the King of Naples? or I
to this country I would carry on the ete Imellelle
with the prieetly government of Rome—the worst of human free exportation to other countries, that by dui MOW
inventions ? (Cheers.) Austria, Rome, Prussia, Dalmatia , partition the Industry of England should have a penes 1