The Express.
London, England, 1847-09-18 00:00:00

-11,e Oppregigi.

THAN, TEIGNMOUTII, and NUGENT, have for various
periods of time been seated in the lower house, as
members for English places. But here again let it
be marked, that, with the exception of the first two
peers named in the foregoing list, all the rest
have been virtually Englishmen possessing estates in
England, and closely connected with our aristocracy.
So that, in point of fact, the only real Irish peers
who have availed themselves of their privilege have
been the late Viscount POWERSCOURT and the present
Earl of LiszoweL. In saying this, we refer only to
the period since the Reform Bill—a sufficient tract of
time for the illustration of the case before us.
An Irish nobleman of the liberal party, unconnected
by property with England, is manifestly in a worse
position than one of his order ought to be. If, an un-
tried man, he comes before an English constituency, he
does so at much disadvantage. With any regard to
his rank he cannot have recourse to the expedients by
which Mustering adventurers sometimes force their
way through a constituency, without either wealth or
local ties. He will, probably, have to pay dearly for
his legislative honours, which, like his untitled
brethren, he holds by the good will of a constituency.
Once in the house, he may make such a figure as
to create a reasonable chance of getting in again, but
the problem is to get in once. The very
possession of hereditary honours will indispose
him, probably, to those ultra-popular principles
cherished by large constituencies. For the small
boroughs he has little chance, from the overpowering
' influence of local proprietors ; and, as for large trading
places, the very name of " an Irish lord " strongly
suggests ideas of inaptitude.
Lastly, he may be made a British peer. But the
Irish lord must have very great personal influence to
get a peerage from a ministry, or else he must be
able to appeal to high public services. But to what
great services can ha appeal, when his powers of
action have been crippled, and a stage denied for his
exertions ? Besides, in these times, it is not an easy
matter even for a man of high pretensions to become
a peer. The ministers in Downing-street are very
unlike those kind complying creatures represented in
fashionable novels, flinging abont peerages as a
milord itnglais showers tons-bcom at a carnival,
Within the last twenty years two cases occurred
which prove the difficulty of an Irish nobleman gain-
ing an English peerage. One was in the case of the
brother-in-law of a Prime Minister, and the other
was of a nobleman possessing high favour at court.
We will not enter into details more particularly, but,
after a great number of years, and much election ex-
penditure, the wishes of one applicant were granted
as a great favour. For the fact is, that Mr. PITT in-
creased the peerage so enormously, that if ministries
were not churlish in refusing to recommend to the
crown candidates for the Upper House, before long a
title would cease to be a great social distinction. We
should be sorry to see the peerage largely increased;
nor are we surprised at the difficulty now-a-days, as
compared with former times, in becoming a peer;
but the difficulty operates with peculiar hardship on
those liberal members of the Irish aristocracy who
are anxious to take part in the deliberations of the

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LONDON, SATURDAY,SEPT. 18.

•
SEVERAL countries have their Ireland. Russia
finds hers in Poland ; Austria, an unruly dependent of
the same kind in Hungary ; Naples finds her Ireland
in Sicily, which has too many of the striking charac-
teristics of the sister kingdom. Very fertile, very
poor ; peopled by princes and by beggars, each caste
hating and reprobating the other, yet both at any
time eneathing their mutual stilettos to join ia com-
mon hatred against the great scapegoat of their sins,
their crimes, their out:tering°, and their sloth—the
ruling country, which is the seat of government.
Sicily was, up to a very late period, cursed by the
extreme of feudal oppression. Her peasants were
serfs, her aristocracy all-powerful ; and the gleams of
independence or freedom which she at times eejoyed
were turned to their exclusive advantage by the domi-
nant class. The government of Naples has in a great
measure reformed these abuses. It has sought to
counterbalance the weight of its ascendancy by im-
proving the material and moral condition of the Sici-
lians. It has granted much freedom of trade, and
facilities of exportation unknown before. It has
curtailed, if not abolished, the feudal supre-
macy of the magnates, and emancipated the
serf, unfortunately without elevating him either in
his intellectual or physical condition. He has
the rights and freedom of the civilized man, with
the small faculties of enjoying or making good use of
either, accruing to the savage. He makes use of his
liberty in kicking up a row, and profits by his emanci-
pation less to benefit himself than to insult his
quondam master. Ho has all the pride and
pretensions of an Athenian in the days of
'ruemistoeLzs, with the ignorance and blind
passions of a Scythian of the same classic epoch.
Are we to wonder, then, that whilst the Italians are
in search of rational freedom, the Sicilians indulge in
irrational riot, and do their little utmost to mar the
prospect of general freedom, in order to indulge in the
mere gratification of local turbulence and disorder ?
It is not to be supposed, however, that the Sicilians
are without real cause of grievance. Neapolitan
statesmen are not always blessed with immaculate
justice or absolute wisdom, nor has the rule of their
viceroys been always paternal. There have been
epochs of rigour, of conspiracy, of eonnter-cruelty,
of terror, of proscription. When the Neapolitans rose
in revolution, the Sicilians rose in anarchy. Whilst
the former in their failure had no one to accuse but
fortune, or themselves, the Sicilians of course laid the
blame of all disasters upon Neapolitan rule. Hail
and pestilence were but inflictions of the government,
so of course were famine, lack of prices, over-
population. As there was no industry or capital in
the country, taxes fell upon land, nay, heavily upon
the rent and produce of land ; and the proprietors who
considered rent a heaven-sent and heaven-guaranteed
stipend, exclaimed that the Neapolitan rule was one
of confiscation.

Hence continual discord and mutual hatred between
two countries, whom a few miles of intervening sea
do not so much divide, as different degrees of civili-
sation, and the different prejudices which such a state
engenders. Sicily, like an envious person, places all
its happiness and glory in snubbing and in thwarting
its more powerful brother, neglectful of the true, and
quiet, and certain way of rivalling it in wealth and
prosperity, and eventually in power. Naples, out-
raged by an hostility, which it cannot arrive
at comprehending, throws off, at last, fraternal
love for rancour, and philanthropy for a line
of reckless hatred and despair. And there is little
doubt that one of these days both races, though speak-
ing the same tongue, sprung from the same mother,
and nurtured in the same clime, will rush, like animals
of prey, to shed and to drink each other's blood,
from that bestial and irrational animosity, which has
been engendered, in part, by the arrogance and blun-
ders of the stronger, but still more by the stupid and
interested jealousies of the weaker.
The peculiar errmenta and local passions of the
Sicilians cannot, however, have sufficient weight to
arrest or subvert the great liberal movement in Italy,
which advances under the banners of its legitimate
sovereigns, and with every circumspection that the
most moderate could require. If the King of NAPLES
can satisfy his Neapolitan subjects, no outburst of the
Sicilians can be formidable.

TUE case of the liberal members of the Irish peer-
age is certainly very peculiar, and we are not sur-
prised to learn that some amongst that body are be-
ginning to consider whether some means may not be
adopted by which they may obtain for themselves a
more respectable share of political power, such as
would not be unworthy of their legitimate pretensions.
Their position is altogether so singular in a constitu-
tional point of view that we think they are entitled
to have their case fairly heard. We cannot, indeed,
pretend to feel any particular sympathy for their body,
but we cheerfully admit that many amongst them are
distinguished ornaments of their country, and well
qualified to share in legislative functions. Out of re-
spect to those individuals we are disposed to examine
the complaints which have recently been made amongst
many of them.
By the Act of Union between Great Britain and
Ireland, it is enacted in the fourth article, that "four
lords spiritual of Ireland, by rotation of sessions, and
twenty-eight lords temporal of Ireland, elected for ye
by the peers of Ireland, shall be the number to sit and
vote on the part of Ireland in the House of Lords of
the parliament of the United Kingdom." Thus an Irish
peer can become a member of the legislature as an
Irish lord only upon election amongst the number of
twenty-eight fixed by the Act of Union. But vacancies
occur so seldom, and so many promises are made, that
an Irish nobleman of public talents, and of capacity to
serve the country, may have to wait for many years
before he can have a chance of election. Another ob.
stack besides that of time interferes, viz., the opinions
of the candidate must be in unison with those of the ma-
jority of the order; or, in other words, the maintenance
of liberal opinions incapacitates an Irish peer for the
representative honours. Mark, therefore, the position
of the Irish liberal nobleman who wishes to be a
legislator. He cannot hope for election amongst the
twenty-eight, because the tory majority of the Irish
aristocracy have never (except in one solitary instance
to prove the rule) elected a liberal peer. The Earl
of CIIARLEMONT is the only liberal amongst the Irish
representative peers. The claims of one bearing his
historic title, a worthy eon of an illustrious sire,
could not be decently denied ; and we may add, that
since his election he has been created a British peer.
But the remaining twenty-seven are all tories, of shades
of conservatism more or less deep. Thus, without
hope of being chosen amongst the deputed lords, the
Irish liberal nobleman must be content to remain out
of the legislature, no matter how eminently quali-
fied he may be to discharge public functions.
For let it be remembered that, as apeer of Ireland,
he cannot sit for any Irish place in the House of
Commons. The untitled Irish gentleman has a
chance of being placed amongst the hundred and five
representatives in the lower house, but no such
chance is allowed to the wearer of an Irish coronet.
We may be told that though he cannot sit for an
Irish he may be elected for an English place. Of
course we are quite aware of the fact. Everybody
knows that no less formidable a statesman than her
Britannic Majesty's vigilant Secretary for Foreign
Affairs is only an Irish peer. " Viscount PALMERS-
TON" has too frequently appeared in our parlia-
mentary debates for the public to remain ignorant of
the fact that an Irish peer is not debarred from sit-
ting for an English constituency. The privilege has
in some few instances been claimed and acted upon
by other lords of Ireland besides Lord PALMERS.
TON. Thus, in recent years, Lords LIsTowEL,
POWEBSCOURT, BARRINGTON, RENDLESIIAM, Ho.

legislature.
If the Scotch rule governed the election of Irish
peers, the hardship would Rot exist. Because a fresh
election taking place in every new parliament, the
incompetent or the infirm can retire or be rejected,
end the able and willing chosen. But by the Irish
Act of Union, the peers being chosen for life, the
chances of getting a place amongst the twenty-eight
are very few. The articles of the Irish Union cannot
at present be altered. Until the Irish cease to yell
for repeal, it is very unlikely that any minister will
have the temerity to cut through so grave and im-
portant a statute as the Act of Union, which
hitherto has been preserved inviolate. The
liberal and even conservative statesmen do not
like tampering with the reform of the union, while
repeal rages amongst the Irish populace. Just as
the French revolution made the word reform sound
ominously, so does the agitation of " repeal" render it
difficult for the best friends of Ireland to alter the act
of union, where many essential changes are required.
It is a melancholy fact, confirmed by all acquainted
with the inclinations of English statesmen of both
parties, that this insane shouting for repeal has often
arrested the hand of an imperial reformer. _

We cannot expect that any change will be made
in the article of peerage representation at the instance
of the Irish liberal peers. The only remedy for their
case is to bring English public opinion to bear upon
the voting of the Irish conservative nobility. It is
certainly moat detestable political bigotry on the part
of the Irish aristocracy to refuse electing a liberal,
aid to insist that all the deputed peers must be taken
from one side in politics. 'I he resolve is, we are afraid,
only too characteristic of what Lord JOUN Russet'.
once called " the miserable monopolising spirit" of the
Irish protestant oligarchy. At present the great
body of the Irish proprietors, including the nobility
as a matter of course, are at the bar of English public
opinion, and it is of importance to them to conciliate
their judges. They certainly ought to take every
opportunity in their power to demonstrate that they
are disposed to liberalise their policy, and relax their
political bigotry. If there were a vacancy in a
few weeks amongst the representative peers, are
they prepared to resist and oppose the election
of a liberal lord? By doing so they will be
plainly manifesting that their bigotry is as unchange-
able as ever. On the other hind, their choice of a
liberal would be received as an indication that they
are disposed to act in accordance with the conciliatory
spirit of the times. The catholic and democratic
electors in many counties at the late elections chose
protestant and conservative members of parliament.
Have the Irish conservative peers so little of chivalry
in their sentiments, se to be outdone in graceful
liberality of conduct, and generous oblivion of specu-
lative differences, by the popular electors of the lower
house?

SURREY has lately been the scene of one of those
fearful crimes of violence of which the practice of
preserving game has been so prolific. At East Horsley,
near Guildford, Mr. FROZLEY and Mr. CURRIE, M.P.,
combine to inflict upon the neighbourhood demoralisa-
tion and crime, by uniting to preserve game on the
property of one or both of them. A few days since,
GEORGE TsucErr and JAMES MARTIN, the head and
under gamekeepers of thew. gentlemen, were found
by a person passing accidentally through a wood in the
preserve, in the last stage of exhaustion, through
wounds which had been received in an affray with
poachers. TARGErr was apparently lifeless, having
been stabbed in the cheat, and did not recover his

consciousness for two days, and still lies in the most
extreme danger. MARTIN bad been stabbed in the
loins ; he was much exhausted by loss of blood, and
~his life is yet in great peril. The desperate nature of
the struggle the poor men had with their savage
assailants, is proved by the fact that the hands of
both were dreadfully cut and maimed in the efforts
they made to wrest the deadly weapons from their
adversaries. The guilty persons are said to be known,
and two of them are in custody. The offenders will
be dealt with according to law, and justice doubtless
will be satisfied.
But the public will not be content to see these con-
stantly recurring crimes of bloodshed in connexion
with game preservation without inquiring whether
there be anything in the game system which leads to,
or promotes, violence ; and a very little examination
of :the subject will convince every unbiassed
mind that violence, in some form or other, is the in-
evitable result of preserving game in England. In-
deed it speaks well for the general character of our
rural population that violence does not occur even
more frequently ; for the parliamentary returns show
that no less than four thousand convictions for
offences against the game-laws takes place annually in
England and Wales. Now what is game ? and what
are the objects served by its preservation, that so
much crime and misery should be continued on its be-
half? Game consists of wild animals, which none
can mark, and no one can identify, kept in populous
and cultivated districts, for the sake of the amusement
their destruction affords to the gentry during about
four months of the year. The wild nature of the crea-
ture is an essential thing; for it lain the sort of imitative
chase it affords that the amusement of sporting con-
sists. It is the small exercise of tact and trouble
that game-shooting affords which alone renders it
superior as an amusement to the cockney sport of
shooting pigeons, sparrows, or rata from a trap. But
every day renders this difference less and less. Game
can now only be preserved by the willing or con-
strained forbearance of the occupiers of agricultural
land, or by the complete exclusion from its haunts of
all persons and other living creatures. The pheasant
and the hare are creatures far too large to exist natu-
rally in any district wherein cultivation has made
any considerable advance, and but for their artificial

THE EXPRESS, SATURDAY EVENING, SEPTEMBER 18, 1847.

preservation they would, ere this, have followed the
wolf, the deer, and the bustard to extinction. It is
the universal law of nature that wild creatures retire
as man's cultivation and care of the soil advance ; and
such has been the advance of cultivation in this coun-
try during the last fifty years, that, had no interference
taken place with the natural laws by which such
wild creatures as game animals are controlled,
the moors, the welds, the downs, and the
wilder woodlands would now have been the
only places in which such animals could have been
found amongst us. The game laws and the game
system have been a constant struggle on the part of
our landed gentry to prevent the operation of this
natural law. The game laws, have been intended to
supply by the severity of their provisions that defect
which ie inherent in the nature of game, when consi-
dered as property. Any owner of land may if he
pleases breed game—the fern naturaof the lawyers-
-but let it wander from his land and it is no longer
hie: it belongs of natural right to its first captor.
There was no way of avoiding this result, which arose
from the inherent qualities of the creature, and the
landed legislators tried to get over the difficulty by
making game sacred to the squirearchy, and punishing
vindictively all who infringed the forest code. No
one considers that there is any property in game, be-
cause, in fact, there can be none, and the stringent
laws enacted for its protection are by universal eon-
seat (game preservers excepted) deemed impolitic
and unjust.
Thus where game is plentiful—that is, where it is
1 preserved—the labouring men and boys take it, with-
out feeling that they are committing any offence
against property. But they are soon made to know
and feel the pains and penalties of the game laws, and,
having first committed a law-made offence, they too
often go on until they become confirmed criminals. And
there is this peculiarity about game-law offences,
that the offenders feel themselves the victims of a
harsh and unjust law, and entertain sentiments of the
most passionate vindictiveness towards all who have
been concerned in their conviction. The man who
has been convicted of sheep-stealing or the like is
fully aware of the justice of his sentence, and comes
oat of prison with no savage animosity towards the
farmer, his prosecutor, or the shepherd and constable
who have been the means of his detection ; the worst
of such criminals knows that the one was only assert-
ing the just right of society to protect property, and
that the others were strictly performing a duty. We
hear of no gangs of sheep-stealers who resat to the
death those who watch and protect their master's
property. The hen-roost is, after all, but seldom
robbed, and the most desperate rural ruffian never
thinks of offering violence to those who detect him in
the act. It is in poaching adventures alone
that the law-respecting peasantry of England
are betrayed into crimes of violence as fo-
reign to their character, as the system of which
they are victims is to our social and economical con-
dition. The evidence before the Game-law Com-
mittee supplies proofs in abundance that the opera-
tion of the game system on the poor is such as we
have described. For instance, Captain WILLIAMS,
an inspector of prisons, said, "the opinion of the
chaplains generally is, that they can produce no
moral effect whatever upon prisoners under the game
laws ; they leave the prison only to return ; fre-
quently replying to their advice by saying that the
game was made for the poor as well as the rich, and
' God made the birds of the air and the fishes of the
sea for all.' " Is not this substantially the same view
as that taken of the game laws by Blackstone? And
since his day the evil consequences of game preserv-
ing have increased prodigiously, inasmuch as, from
the advances of population and cultivation, game is
preserved more artificialy, and with greater diffi-
culty. Again, Captain WILLIAsts told the committee
that he found " a very general feeling throughout the
country, both among the middle classes of society
and the humbler," that the game laws arc adminis-
tered by the magistracy with great severity, and that
the punishments inflicted for game offences are harsh
and excessive. Several gaolers and police consta-
bles spoke of the vindictive feelings cherished by
poachers against gamekeepers and game preservers.
fhe Marquis of SALISBURY, himself a game pre-
server, said, " I believe the commencement of crime
in the rural districts to be generally poaching?' Now
who is guilty of the greater moral crime, the educated
man who preserves game—this unnatural produce of
a cultivated diet iet—or the poor and ignorant labour-
ing man who poaches it ? The public will decide ; and
such lamentable crimes as that at East Horsley show
the deep interest society has in the speedy abandon-
ment of game preservation. At least it will be re-
quired from the legislature that the game laws -that
special code for the encouragement of game preserves
—be at once repealed. If game be property, and can
be kept as such, the ordinary laws which suffice for
the protection of other property are all that game
preservers can justly require.

WE have already remarked, in the came of the
county courts, that good laws are of little use, unless
the working of them be carefully watched. Not
more surely do weeds and barnacles gather on the
bottom of a seventy-four, than a rapid incrustation of
forms and costs grows up about every legal pro-
ceeding, however simple, short, and summary in
appearance. Costs, especially, have a strange te-
nacity, and a fertility quite marvellous. They stick
where all hold seems wanting, and sprout up luxuri-
antly on the barest ground. A dexterous attorney
will feed himself and a brace of clerks off a statute,
on which, to read it, one would suppose a Scotch
scrivener must starve. He will grow you costs,
where no natural nutriment appears, as mustard
and cress are grown on a square of blanket.
No doubt this art deserves encouragement, for its
ingenaity. We might have " The Solicitors' Agri-
cultural Association for the improvement of legal
produce, and the cultivation of bills of costs." It
should give prizes for essays on such subjects as,
" How to get the greatest possible amount of expenses
out of a case," or " How to rid the land of that
noxious vermin, the legal reformer, and that rapidly
increasing weed, cheap law." But this encouragement
should be left solely to the profession ; and, if possible,
the experiments in costs forcing should be carried on
only where both litigants are lawyers. When the
process is attempted at the public expense we lose
sight of the ingenuity in the injustice. No layman,
we imagine, would relish the following treatment. In
August, 1846, an act was passed for the more speedy
removal of certain nuisances, by which the authorities
of any place are empowered, on receipt of a certifi-
este of the existence of certain nuisances, signed by
two medical practitioners, to summon owners or occu-
pants before any two justices, who, on non-appear-
ance of the party charged, may issue their order for
the abatement of the nuisance at the offender's cost.
Two defendants under this statute appeared at
Lambeth Police Court, on Wednesday, to show cause
why an order should not be made on them for the
payment of costs of the above described proceedings,
which appear simple enough. All the act prescribes
is the certificate of the medical men (which would
involve proof of their signatures), the sum-
mons, and order consequent on non-appearance.
In the most aggravated of y esterday's eases, the costs,
incurred by one defendant, for these straightforward
and summary proceedings, amounted to 241. Bs. In
the other, where the nuisance had been removed with
promptness on receipt of the justice's order, to
211. 15s. Bd.
This is an admirable specimen of the forcing skill
of the attorney as applied to costs. The practitioner
employed in these cases would certainly have strong
claims to the grand gold medal of our hypothetical
society.
What can the legislature do in cases like this? The
statute directs an elaborately simple mode of proce-
dure, consisting of three steps ; and yet the practised
management of the attorney raises on it an apparatus
of coats to the tune of 241.

These cases should be a warning to both the framer
and administrator of sanitary reforms. The former
must, if possible, get rid of the costly legal inter-
medium altogether. The simplest forms of sum-
monses and certificates should be prepared for the
authorities, to be filled up and served by a clerk,
without the employment of any attorney at all. He
is argrtttly useless, as well as most expensive ap-
pen for example, to the process directed in the
Nuisances Removal Bill. The account he has turned
his usefulness to shows how important it will be to
exclude him formally, wherever it is possible, from
the administration of any similar powers that may be

the directions for procedure. He is called in,
probably, u the clerk of the guardians, or
as holding some other snug berth, under the eye of
the authorities. He is a useful man in the parish,
and there is no objection to giving him a job. Of course
he makes the most of it, splits every message or corn-
manication into four consultations at 6s. Si, trans-
mogrifies every casual gossip with a guardian into an
" advising with the board," at 138. 4d., employs clerks
at 3s. 4d. per job and cab hire, to leave papers that
might be carried by the beadle for nothing, and by
these and similar devices, swells to 241. Bs. a bill that
would be extravagant at one-third the money, even
allowing 41. 4s. for the medical certificate.
It must be apparent to every one how many
obstacles to improvement grow out of this method of
doing business. Those who reap this harvest have a
direct interest in maintaining that system of divided
responsibilities and unpaid functionaries, under which
alone such abuses are possible. Many of the men
most earnest in the cause of self-government are sin•
cere and right-minded in their antipathy to " centrali-
sation." The best of them little suspect on what a
foundation of jobbery and abuse their cause really
rests. Were they as well acquainted with the real
character of their instruments, as they are with the
convenier.ce of having at their elbows a bustling intelli-
gent adviser, to save them all possible trouble and
appropriate any amount of obloquy, we should find
them as eager advocates, as they now are vehement
opponents, of parochial reform.

given by a general sanitary measure.
The lesson however ts more directly addressed to
those likely to be employed in carrying out any such
bill, than to its framers. In the Nuisances Removal
Act the attorney is never mentioned at all in

Our Parts despatches of Thursday state that the
utmost disquietude has been created in the French
cabinet by the intelligence which arrives daily from
the Alps and the Pyrenees. Reinforcements are to
be immediately sent to the Spanish, Italian, and
Swiss frontiers. The intelligence from Algeria is not
more tranquillising. Ten thousand men are under
orders to reinforce the African army.
Cabinet councils, which sit from four to five hours,
are held almost daily. One was held under the pre-
sidency of M. Guizot on Wednesday, after which that
minister had a long conference with the Duke d'Au-
male.

La Paine affirms that the regiments stationed at
Toulon, Marseilles, Montpellier, and Nimes, are
ordered immediately to form two battalions of war,
each to be prepared for any eventuality. The same
measure is taken with respect to all regiments near
the Pyrenees.
It is said, in certain circles, that large sums have
lately been sent to Narvacz, urging him in case of all
else failing, to try what may be done by the direct
influence of money to bring about his admission to
the cabinet, and the removal of General Serrano from
Madrid.

The despatches and journals received by the Madrid
mail of the 11th, throw a considerable damp upon the
hopes raised by the event which attended the late
failure of Narvaez ; and there is only too much reason
to fear that the intrigues of that individual, aided by
French agents and French gold, added to the un-
sparing disbursements of Queen Christina will pro-
duce a reaction, restoring the Duke of Valencia to the
position in affairs he had in view when he left Paris.
A division undoubtedly exists in the as yet headless
cabinet; and Roe de Olano and Cordoba are, it is to be
feared, little better than secret agents of Louis
Philippe and Christina, taking their word of order
from Narvaez. Our correspondent, whose letters we
give elsewhere, reiterates his assertion that the
Duke of Glucksberg did protest against the am-
nesty, and that the contradiction given to that state-
ment is a contemptible quibble. It will be seen,
also, that in the full confidence of the success of Nar-
vaez's mission to Madrid, M. Ouizot appointed the
Duke of Glucksberg minister plenipotentiary at
Lisbon, on the arrival of M. de Bacourt. It was con-
sidered certain that the Duke de Frias would decline
the presidency of the council, in which case another
cabinet crisis mast ensue, of which very probably
Narvaez would avail himself. He is represented as
having humbled himself to General Serrano, and hired
agents to terrify the Queen by menaces of revolt, &c.

Letters continue to arrive from various parts of Italy,
which are not more recent in date than those we
have already given, but which supply some farther
particulars of interest relating to the vast social revo-
lution of which the Peninsull is at present the
theater. We find no ground for the rumour which
prevailed in Paris on Wednesday afternoon, that a
revolution had taken place in Naples, and that the
King had taken refuge on board the French vessels
then lying at anchor in that harbour. It is, however,
certain that the insurrection in the southern part of
the Neapolitan territory and in Sicily is assuming
every day more formidable proportions; that con-
siderable reinforcements have been sent to these
points from Naples ; that the garrison of the capital
has thereby been reduced to a lower state
of force than could have been allowed, save under
the pressure of overruling necessity, that the agita-
tion in Naples is extreme, and the tears of a popular
movement there so serious that the government has
been compelled to resort to extraordinary measures of
precaution : and, in fine, that several arrests have
been made of persons charged with, or suspected of,
disaffection, and numerous others equally obnoxious
to the authorities have taken refuge on board the
French squadron. The steamer Pingouin, which
sailed from Naples on the sth, has arrived at Toulon,
and brings advice, confirming all these statements,
and has on board two citizens of Naples who escaped
from the agents of government.

Letters from Florence bring further details of the
popular ovations which took place there on the pub-
lication of the decree for establishing the national
guard, when the people collected in thousands in the
square in front of the palace, uttering cries in favour
of Leopold 11., Pius IX., and the Italian League; and
the windows of the houses surrounding the square
were decorated with brilliant draperies and filled with
ladies who waved the Tuscan flag (white and red).
The Grand Duke, leading his two sons, presented him-
self on the balcony, in front of the palace, to make his
acknowledgments to his people. Seeing the national
cockade on every breast, and the national flag waving
everywhere around, and not having one at hand, he
ordered two silk mantles to be taken from the
shoulders of the members of his family, a white and
a red, uniting which he improvised the national flag,
which he waved from the balcony.
A deputation was afterwards admitted to the palace
to present to the Grand Duke, from his people, a flag
of the Tuscan colours. In. his answer to the address
of the deputation, the Grand Duke concluded with
these memorable words :—" Be asaured, gentlemen,
that, above all other qualities, I am an Italian prince!
Am I not a native of Pisa? and have I not ever been
your brother?" He then presented himself again on
the balcony to the multitude with his two sons,
having in his hand the national flag which had just
been presented to him. It is impossible to describe the
burst of enthusiasm which followed this. The people
shouted, wept, and embraced each other. Priests,
monks, women, and children, equally transported
with the general delirium, placed
on their breasts the
national cockade, and ran in all directions in the
wildest joy, shouting, Vire Leopoldo ! lira Pio
None ! Viva la Guarda Utica, i fraklli dell' Italia,
it Popolo Italian° ! Viva gli Amiei del Popolo !
Some of the scenes we have already described at
Leghorn were re-produced. At four in the afternoon
24,000 persons were collected in the Church of the
Duomo, where this multitude united their voices in a
1 " Te Deum," the effect of which it would be utterly
vain to attempt to describe. The archbishop, over-
come by the scene, shed tears. After the ceremony
he was conducted to his palace by the newly-created
national gm- rd. On arriving there he presented
himself to the multitude in the balcony in his full cos-
tume as cardinal, with the national flag in his hand,
which he waved in salutation to the people. At this
moment a shout of " Viva l'arciveseovo ! ' resounded
from the place, and from all the windows of the sur-
rounding palaces. In the evening the city was illu-
minated, and processions, composed of the students of
the schools and colleges, paraded it.
What was most admirable about these demonstra-
tions was, that without the presence of any official
agents of the public force, there was not a siugle in-
stance of a breach of public order • no drunkenness ;
no robbery; no quarre s. The palaces of obnoxious
individuals, known to favour the Jesuits and Austria,
and which were not illuminated, were passed in pro-
found silence, the people keeping at a distance from
their very walls, as though their touch were contami-
nating. The Austrian consul was seen during the day
and evening walking among the crowd, unoffendea
and unmolested.

Lettere from Rome state that the celebrated tri-
bune, Angelo Brunetti, better known as Ciceroacchio,

was appointed Etat:dud-bearer of the Civic Gaud of
Rome.

Letters from Bologna, of the 9th, say that the Duke
of Modena was obliged to leave his states, and take
refuge at Parma, where an Austrian force is collected.
The Agricultural Congress, assembled at Casale, in
Piedmont, at which it will be remembered that a re-
mat kable letter of King Charles Albert was read, which
we quoted on a former day, sent to the King the follow-
ing address, signed by 400 members of the Congress,
including a large number of the meet wealthy and
enlightened of the noblesse:

Sire, an era of peace and of prosperity has commenced
for the Italian nations. To the ancient and fatal distrust
which existed between them and their princes, and which
was increased by the enemies of the common welfare, have
succeeded concord and unity of desires, which, in procuring
for the people the enjoyment of civil ameliorations impera-
tively demanded by the present age, fortify the monarchy,
augment its splendour, and cause it to obtain respectful love
and the most entire confidence, instead of a blind and timid
obedience. Your Majesty gloriously inaugurated the era of
this modern principle by a vigorous act of independence.
Your subjects, grateful for this benefit, raise even to the
throne the expression of their gratitude, and their wishes
that this great work may be brought to an end, and may
yield fruit. They will employ all their efforts to attain this
object in order to draw still closer the ties of confidence and
love which unite the Prince to the citizens. In a recent and
painful circumstance you gave, sire, a new proof of the great
zeal and constant care with which you watch over national
independence, by protesting in energt•tie terms against the
outrage done to the holy and venerated authority of the
Pontiff. Your ever faithful subjects respond cordially to the
applause of all the Italians, and they feel more than ever
the necessity of pressing around your person, in a noble and
imposing attitude, in order to defend religion, which iv hu-
miliated, the throne and the country, which are continually
threatened by the eternal and systematic enemies of your
august house. Command, 0. sire, command fcr life and
property are no sacrifices to us when there is at stake inde-
pendence, and the Italian name or national humiliation to be
or not to be. Whilst your fine army, your glory sad your
honour, is called on to become the barrier and the defence of
the country, we will beaten this desired moment by our
wishes and our prayers, and we will spontaneously assume
the tank of watching, as national guards, over public tran-
quillity. The civic guards, instituted according to the laws
which it may please your Majesty to dictate, will struggle
with noble emulation to fulfil their duty, and to give you
proofs of the greatest devotedness. Sire, Providence, in its
impenetrable decrees, purposes perhaps new trials to our
country; but whatever events may occur, your people will
not fail their King. Your Majesty will find us animated,
ready, strongly united, and full of goodwill. The ties which
unite the Sub-Alpine _people to the august house of Savoy
are old and strong. To you, sire, belongs the glory of ren-
dering them perpetual and indissoluble, by adding a new
page to the new volume of Italian history.

MADRID, SEPT. 10.
A flat calm has succeeded to the recent agitation
of our political surface. Salamanca has ceased fling-
ing out of his Hacienda-Cornucopia those pleasant
fruits and flowers bewitching to the eye and intoxieat-
leg to the palate of progress. He seems to intend no
more boons, no further appeals to popularity. No
sooner had the splendid amnesty been issued than a
mean spirit of repentance, like that of a naturally nig-
gardly man, who has by some accident given a sove-
reign instead of a farthing for alms, seemed to take
possession of the ministry. The next day they came
out with offensive police edicts. The violent decree
against the press also looks weak. Then a sort of de-
putation of military officers of moderado principles
have waited upon Cordoba to question him about the
truth of reports that prevailed concerning the removal
of many of their way of thinking from high posts in
the army, to make way for the progresistas returned
from exile. Cordoba answered that there was not the
least intention of effecting any change in the army,
and that he should resist to the uttermost any
attempts like those apprehended by the deputation.
Ministers, too, have announced their determination, it
is said, not to dissolve the Cortes. Whether the dis-
sensions actually exist or not which the opposition
pretend to see in the cabinet, it is quite certain that,
if they take up a retrograde line, they must strengthen
their ranks by the acquisition of some considerable
moderado. Upon whom, in such a case, would they
turn their eyes rather than upon Narvaez ? In fact,
we cannot disguise the great probability that the
presidency of the council will, after all, be offered to
and accepted by the Duke of Valencia. By the way,
I ought to have stated that the Duke of Frias has at
last, by small journeys, reached Madrid. There was
no truth whatever in the Correo's denial that he had
i been called upon by the government to accept a place
in the ministry, any more than there is in the denial
of the same semi-official paper that the Duke de
Glucksberg protested against the amnesty. There is
not a minister probably that has not privately
given his intimates to understand that both
these facto are perfectly true, while the minis-
terial organ declares them, doubtless upon the
strength of some mental reservation, both false.
A letter was certainly sent to the Duke of Frias,
which the writer intended should be interpreted by
the receiver as an invitation to take office, leaving
perhaps some loop-hole of evasion in case another can-
didate should have appeared more eligible in the
meantime. The Duke of Frias arrived yesterday,
and will have an interview with the Queen this even-
ing. It is generally expected that he will decline
taking the vacant seat in the cabinet.
Another of the Correo's mental reservations con-
cerned the embassy of Pacheco to Rome, which it
denied with the most formal assurance. Pacheco will
enjoy an income (considerable in these days for a
Spanish ambassador) of 15,000 dollars a year. 22,000
are to be given to set him up; and he will have the
splendid Palazzo di Spegna, which has been recently
furnished at an expense of 25,000 dollars, for
lodging—on the whole not bad pickings for the
puritan ex-president to fall back upon. Of course
he will go perfectly besmeared with decorations.
This reminds me that on Wednesday evening a number
of ribbons and stars were given away ; and 13 new
grand crosses of Isabella la Catolica were made,
among whom figured Ros de Olano, Buschenthal, &c.
The place of political chief of Madrid has been
given to Signor Cabestanz, and the home sub•secre-
taryship to Don Miguel Pach y Bantista.
A decree has been published touching the organisa-
tion of theatres—a posthumous birth of Senor Etna-
vides. All theatres are by its dispositions placed
under the immediate superintendence of government,
and a model theatre is to be formed in the capital, of
which government will be the impresario. Little, as
regards art, may be expected from academical insti-
tutions of this kind ; but much mischief, both of a
moral and political kind, may be suppressed by a
proper amount of supervision on the part of the
authorities.

Some vague rumours have reached us of revolu-
tionary disturbances (in a Moderado sense) having
Pprevailed among the troops which left this capital of
ate for Catalonia.

Concha arrived at Valencia on the 6th, and took
his departure the same day, by a steamer, for
Barcelona.

The Carlist hands seem still to be increasing, many
numbering 400 and .500 men. Some unimportant
skirmishes have taken place, leaving a few blunder-
buses and cartridge-belts in the hands of the soldiers,
with two or three killed on the Fide of the rebels.

Olozaga is lying sick of an ague at Bermeo, near
Bilboa.

Pastor Diaz has been gazetted as rector of the
university of the metropolis.
Mazarredo has received permission, or order, to
travel for a year in foreign lands.
The journals of the opposition have for the moment
made truce with the government to turn all their
batteries upon Mr. Bulwer. who is honoured by three
columns of violent abuse in the Faro of to-day, and
two in the Herald.%

reconciliation between Salamanca and the Duke of
Valencia ; and if not, possibly by effecting the ruin
of their financial colleague. The first act of the
puritan section of the cabinet ought cls'arly to have
been, to insist upon the removal from Madrid
of the man who, they might have known,
would not leave a stone unturned to work their down-
' fall. By allowing him to remain they showed their
weakness, as no one could doubt their desire to send
him away. Narvaez has made the best use of his
time in keeping up constant communications with the
ministers of war and public instruction, and acting
through them upon the mind of the Queen. Nor has
he failed to address himself to higher influences,
stooping to besiege Serrano with the most flattering
assiduities. Every means has been thus taken to
(lighten the Queen with the prospect of popular
tumult and anarchy, if the liberal course marked oat
in the ministerial programme should continue to be
acted upon. At the same time the moderado party
are suspected of having resorted to the lowest means for
encouraging these apprehensions. On the night of
the Espartero illumination, their paid ruffians startled
the royal ear with revolutionary tires, mixed with
appalling muerus, and yesterday morning pasquin-
ades of similar alarming import, attributed to the
same source, were found posted up at the post-office
and other public places. The result of all this has
been a retrograde movement. Cordoba is said to
have declared his intention of keeping the progresista
officers out of the high employs in the army.
The Duke of Friar had an interview with the
Queen yesterday evening at seven. He has taken no
decisive step as yet, neither accepting nor declining
the presidency which was offered to him, but asking
a short time fordeliberation. lie is expected to have
a fresh audience to-night, in which he will state his
final determination.
It seems that M. Guizot was so assured of the
triumph of Narvaez over all obstacles, that he
appointed the Duke de Glucksberg full ambassador to
the court of Lisbon, as a reward for his services to the
French cause in Spain. At the same time he named
M. de Bacourt ambassador to Madrid, and was
already, it is said, prepared to shower favours upon
some distinguishedpersons of the ultra-moderadoband,
when suddenly the news reached him of the Duke of
Valencia'sdefeat. The chagrin of the French minister at
such a blow to his expectations may be easily con-
ceived. And the new ambassadorial appointments
having, it is said, been already made out, his embar-
rassment was equal to his disappointment. Bat
resolved to return to the charge, he commissioned
forthwith a covey of French agents to gain Madrid
without loss of time, and set every possible spring of
intrigue in motion fur restoring Narvaez to the
command. _

The Duke of Saldanha has been appointed Portu-
guese ambassador to the court of Madrid. D. Ventura
de la Vega, the Queen's private secretary, is gazetted
royal commissioner of theatres.
The following prelates have made their declaration
of faith in the presence of M. Brunelli upon their ap-
pointments : Senior Pagoda elected patriarch of the
Indies, the Bishop of Cordoba, the Archbishop of
Toledo, the Bishop of Coria, the Archbishop of Burgos,
and the Bishop of the Canalise.
On the 13th a courier will set out for Rome, taking
with him several petitions for bulls, relating probably
to the appointments of the new bishops.
Don Victorian Ameiler has addressed a remelt.

strance to the Captain-General of New Castile, con-
cerning an instance of malversation in the application
of military funds, which made some noise. The money
which remained in the chests of the disbanded regi-
ments of the royal guard of infantry, instead of being
applied to legitimate purposes, says Colonel Ameller,
was divided among a few officers, among whom were
the adjutants of General Cordoba, and other employee
in the inspection of infantry.

SWITZERLAND.— FRIBURG, SEPT. 10.-The

government of the canton of Friburg has just decreed that all
soldiery, either belonging to troops on active service, or be.
longing to the Landwehr, are to have their arms filmed by
the priests, paying 7 bats for each firearm, and . bate for
every other arm. The produce of this novel tax is to be di-
vided between the government and clergy, in the proportion
of seven.twelfths to the former, and hve-twelfths to the
latter._____ -

---- •
AUSTRIA.—VIENNA, SEPT. 6.—The house of
Excel■ and Co., at Venice, dealing principally in corn, has
just stopped payment, leaving liabilities to the amount of
1,300,000 Awry= livres. The effects of this commercial dis-
aster will be severely felt at Vienna and in the ports of the
Adriatic and the Mediterranean. The head of the house of
Excels and Co. was vice-consul of Denmark at Vienna.

SEPT. 11.—Symptoms of disunion have already
manifested themselves, in a way not to be mistaken,
in the new cabinet. Generals Cordoba and Ros de
Olano cannot be brought to concur in a single step
for carrying out the principles professed in the minis-
terial programme. It will be remembered that the
names of these two courtiers figured in the double
list which Narvaez presented to the Queen for ap-
proval, as his colleagues in office. The fact is, that
Narvacz had somehow, not improbably through the
agency of the courtiers in question, obtained before-
hand the knowledge that the list which he first drew
up would be rejected. Ile therefore appended a
second, which contained persons whom he not
only knew to be more acceptable to the crown
than the Pidal or Sotomayor set, but who
were certain in the event of his own de-
feat by Salamanca, of obtaining seats in the
new cabinet. By this demonstration in their favour,
he, therefore, hoped to possess a party in the ministry
that would replace him should he fail, and a party
with whom he could carry on his intrigues the more
easily and effectually, as they were his own intimate
personal friends. The actual state of the cabinet has
completely justified these calculations. Cordoba and
Ros de Olano are exerting themselves to bring
Narvaez in, if they can accomplish it, by OM-din a

FREE-TRADE CONGRESS IN BRUSSELS.
BRUSSELS, SEPT. IB.—This important congress
commenced this morning in the 613thic Hall of the Hotel di
Ville, the upper part of which was decorated with Belgian,
French, English, and Prussian flags. About three to
four hundred persons were present, bring highly ris
soectable merchants, with a little aprinkling of mane.
factures, and about a dozen ladies. The proceedings
were begun about 11 o'clock by M. Charlie de Brouckire,
the president of the Belgian association, taking the chair in
front of the table erected on a slightly elevated platform.
At one end eat M. Lehardy de Beaulieu, the secretary, and
at the other M. Victor Folder, a barrister who acts as mana-
ger of the association.
M. DE BROtiCKERE, on opening the business of the day,
spoke as fo:lows : Our duty is now accomplished. We shall
not wait to make any justification of the initiatory steps
which we have taken. Allow me to thank you all for your
co-operation on this occasion, and to thank you, moreover,
in the name of the alliance and fraternity of nations. In our
days a revolution has been accomplished in industry as well
as in politics ;_ and the progress of trade and commerce not
leas than the discoveries of science have given a helping band
to the alleviation of the lot of the working Mmes. To
you belongs the task of directing those political and
industrial force, to one noble object, instead of em-
ploying them for mutual destruction. The progress
of the arts and sciences and free trade have tended
to the rendering popular certain doctrines which
were formerly the exclusive property, as it were, of a
privileged few. The present was not the first meeting of
citizens of different countries, but hitherto such meetings
were principally confined to philooophical theories and in-
ductions. The crowned heads of Europe had assembled em
now to treat of wars. He did not blame them for so RMS.
Wing, but the success which attended them was owing to the
tact or duplicity of diplomatists, acting on the ignorant* of
the muses. The present was the first international meeting
of its kind, the first to consecrate the grand and eternal prin-
ciple of fraternity, and to put into practice the &wrier,-
cept of "love one another." (Loud cheers.) Now-a-days, the
question of the condition of the working chimes war the
main topic of discussion in all parte. Every one took an in-
terest in such a question. There was us lack of anemone
doctrines, but the equality of the levellers of all ranks and
divisions of society could only exist for a day. The tree
principles of free-traders were full equality of liberty, and
unrestricted commercial exchange. After a few other ob-
servations the president declared the meeting opened.
M. AMMON DI:PERHON, member of the French Chamber
of Peers, and a leading member of the French Association for
Freedom of Trade, made a few observations complimerrlat
M. de Brouckire, and moved that he act as chairman of the
congress. The motion was carried, and the following gen
tlemen were appointed vice-presidents:—The Du d'llbr•
court, as the representative of France; Col. Thompson,
the one for England ; M. Hamer, on the one for Prude
th
and Counthardyde Beaulieu was
nwe,assa
appointed
one for for.thires wintry
ury...4
Faider assistant-secretary. A number of letters of spoler,
and a list of books presented to the association, were rod of
the latter gentleman. Amongst the books wen lift! Mies
of the proceedings of the Marseilles Chamber of Commute,
one of the heads of which is M. de Lamutine.
euTuhioenCwiltilitdmheksrth,
eaftre
mastatiporginctihpal thfoemfi
irgtottotip,lc bans of
of die
..
political economy and the doctrines of the partisans of free-
dom of exchange, called upon
: satin out the
M. V. FAIDER, who commenced by pilan—o
great importance of thou sciences which have in
view the
direct amelioration of the condition of mankind. The ass/
of politics was assuredly a noble one, but it formed only
medium, and not the end, which was, in fact, for manlii
the attainment of happiness, contentment, and riehes—all
three forming by themselves eo many means of dereloysstr
and perfection. The speaker dwelt at some length. as
_.:
progresa of political economy in modern DEM UTZ
David:Hume, Quesnay, and GOUTIIIII asmere th6):Motinr:e."l)
most eminent scientific men of the present day to tko
directed now their attention to practical idol, and
turning of principles into facts. It was famine that
. oar."
the triumph of the truth in Belgium, and he cult
(rain from giving his tined of applause to the presera,,OLf
tern of that country for the prospect they heidnx out
orator p e"k4, „,,t°
who ?DtictB"
combat Peaitenations]
ot htnhe
ei amdr tom law.
nu. rtd
hhhoeeneoru,honour
reTq uhierprotectionists,
tl e
mat
protective laws, which, moreover, according.tore,,,„„em,:"'w
so many means of aggression and defence with is
no out the folly
an enemy. M. Faider concluded b
dangers of competition would be to extend ins_ insiiav"
the producers, and that extension would be boa
woald set the
by freedom of exchange. Such a system_moos
large,of pro tecandtin.F.:inaednu,ftheicatutrestheatbesthtewelyprwmeinp:o.fantb cad t°
eation_
tat
peace of the world, and prove the necessity of `II
giving reciprocal aid to one another. t a re
Professor Wotiont observed that Prussia halt
presentative to the congress in order to oppose °!.ratTe.
of free trade. France ought to have done la •^7
that truth might be elicited. He referred to telr.Pol=
which steam had made, to the admirable naann_if,
sties
icthbiarzhtsitimatsien,
protectionists,
Mi
osmrtin tan
d that
coarse. The speaker adduoed several a
.0 li'
asl md7,7.
(ree traders were the best protectors ot.
awdarnd tedniltliornes:itriogch:ll:Er'. and
remits

Y. 1111.8iNg•ESZN, a German protectionist, addressed
the meeting in favour of his principles, and was listened to
with considerable attention, his main arguments resting on
the assumption that the Anglo-Portuguese alliance of
Methuen had been the cause of the decay of Portugal.
M. LILANQVI spoke in reply, lie contended that Por-
tugal was already in decadence, before the conclusion of the
Methuen alliance with England. Its colonies were either
lost or mined, and its native industry was either anuihilated
or dormant. In a neighbouring country to Porugal, the
protective system had proved equally destructive. Where,
he would ask, were the manufactures of unfortunate Spain?
Legitimately, they could scarcely be said to exist. Why, it
was a Let that free-trade—an equivocal sort of free-trade,
certainly—was the almost general rule. Not less than fifty
millions of francs' worth of smuggled goods entered Spain—
a proof that elevated duties completely failed of their object,
since they robbed the treasury and injured internal manu-
factures. Ile regretted, as r Frenchman to say that it was
the National Convention which resuscitated the old protec-
tive laws, as weapon, of defence in time of war. But the
war had ceased. Why- should not those weapons of war
fall ? Custom-houses were so many signs of international
hostility, and he trusted the day was at hand when travellers
would find no such mementos. (Cheers.) The speaker
next referred to the relative position of England 1
to other nations, awl asserted that England her-
self was the first tributary of the world. She de- I
prided on the United States for her raw cotton, on I
France, India, and other places for raw silks, and on nu-
merous nations for her provisions. Yet he had never heard
that England was sadly annoyed at being obliged to have
recourse to those natious for her supplies. Lately, Belgium
and other countries had been under the necessity of asking
free trade for bread, and an equal necessity for seeking for
other supplies from the same source would be soon recog-
nised. M. Blanqui adverted to the large quantities of
English needles dof Geneva watches which were smug-
gled into France, gave an interesting account of the first in-
troduction of Indian shawl' into that kingdom, of the suc-
cessful imitation of them by the French manufacturers, and
of the subsequent demand of those manufactures for protec-
tion for their articles. Ile argued that no secret in indus-
trial researches or descove ries could belong withheld from the
public. lie bad seen a little of the smuggling business car-
ried on in Spain, and he had known emus porters with
immense baskets of vegetable, contrive to extract from them
scarcely. smal:er quantities of silk, and bulky women to be
safely delivered of a great number of English stockings.
(Laughter and cheers.) lie would quote an example of
double injury inflicted by elevated duties. It was
well known that English sheepskins were much whiter and 1
finer than French ones. Well, it has happened often and •
often that rich French ladies, on heir return from a visit to
England, have been desirous of bringing with them the
handsome carriage mats or foot-earpeta of that country.
They h inc offered frequently to pay • duty double or treble
the value of the article. Their demand had been refused ;
the article has been declared confiscated, and the consequence
been that the treasury lost in money, whilst the French
manufactures of the article in question were not in any way
the better off, for the French ladies would not have such poor
stuff in their carriages. M. Blanqui next alluded to the re-
cent liberal alterations in the tared, of Sardinia and Naples,
countries in other respects not the most liberal in the world.
He would say to the governments, the more liberal your taxes
on articles of necessity, the greater will be the consumption
of them. Ile would say to the protectionists since you must
in cae..:our acknowledge that an elevated re tic of duties
necessarily produces smuggling, lower those duties, and
that smuggling will receive its death-blow. The free traders,
however, were not for violent or immediate changes. They
felt the necessity of doing good in a good manner. They
would act delicately with existing interests, for it was their
sole wish to do good to mankind. The orator promised to
give an account, at a future sitting, of the vexatious cha-
racter and proceedings of custom-houses, and retired from
the orator's rostrum amidst loud cheers. .

Dr. BOWRING next came forward, and was received with
great applause. He addressed the meeting in French. He
commenced by referring to the Anglo-Portuguese alliance,
and contended that that treaty was, in fact, the retuessc of
the protectionist doctrine. The Methuen treaty bed con-
ferred many privileges on England ; but that country, grown
wince by experience, had given them up one after another,
and, strange to say, in her own defence. (Cheers.) The
Portuguese market was opened to all the world. The
English government had long wished to see other govern-
ments follow its example. The English only desired reci-
procity. When the Chines war was ended, the Emperor
begged that Lis ports should be opened only to the
Engl sh. The British envoy, acting up to his instructions,
made answer, " No, we do not desire any exclusive privi-
lege; on the contrerT, we require that the usual ports be
open to all the world. (Considerable applause.) Ile would
ask the German apologist for the protective system, whether
that system had proved a successful one in Germany ? It
certainly had failed in England ; it had not saved the weak
branches of industry, nor had it done any good to the strong
ones. It was admitted that German cloth found its way in
large quantities into England on account of its cheapness.
Why tax then foreign cloth ? (Cheers.) The hon. gentle-
man then referred to the great amount of trade dune by
smugglers, who (he said) were in some respects envoys from
hens en, for Le did not know what would become of the
world without them. (Laughter and cheers.) The
time had come in which nations, like individuals, could
only find their happiness in the happiness of others,
and when nationality would give way to fraternity—a broad,
comprehensive fraternity, which would embrace all man-
kind. (Cheering for several minutes.) It was surprising to
find that even soi-dernelf "protectionists" were not averse
to the doctrines of free trade, provided it did not touch the
particular branch which they manufactured. The same
spirit had been manifested in England ; and even now there
are many peisons who regard with dismay the approaching
abolition of an act which is another barrier to freedom of
commercial interchange. (A cry of " L'acte de navigation,"
accompanied by cries of " Bravo.") Yee, he referred to the
Navigation Act, which must speedily fall. ( Renewed cheers.)
M. Decusresu, of Valenciennes, next delivered an able
speech in favour of protection, contending that it was the
protective system which raised England to its present com-
mercial grandeur, and the very Navigation Act referred to,
which made its navy the terror and admiration of the world.
Mr. EWART, M.P., next ascended the rostrum, and in the
course of his observations remarked that English commerce
and the English naval power had increased, not en account
of, but in spite of, protective laws. Much reference
had been made to 'muzzling, and he remembered that on
one occasion his friend, Mr. flume, at a time when the im-
portation of India silk handkerchiefs was prohibited, asked
all the members of the House of Commons to pull out their
handkerchiefs, and it wea found that almost every one had
an India silk one.

Mr. Ewart was succeeded in a humorous sueech by Col.
TRomrsure, and the meeting was adjourned till the following
day, when the following topics will be discussed : The parti-
cular interests or special reasons which each country may
invoke for or against free trade ; and the influence of free
trade upon the condition of the working classes.