The Express.
London, England, 1851-05-29 00:00:00

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LONDON, THURSDAY', MAY 29.

Ir were lobe wished that parliament put more variety
into its debates. .This session it has got a set of
stock pieces, which interest the actors, because they
know their parts, and because they can make hard
hits at each other but these pieces have lost all in-
tercet for the public. The world of London has now
witnessed for the hundredth time the duel between
Mr. BAILLIE and Lord TORRINGTON, or Lord TOR-
RINGTON'S champion for the time being. They
are acquainted with every cut dealt by the wooden
sword of MACDUFF upon the wooden buckler of
Nl.ieurrit. They know the thrust and the parry, the
declamation and the points. They know that. Lord
TORRINGTON must die on the stage, stricken down
according to the rule of the drama, and that he may
come up and thank the audience for their applause
after the curtain has fallen.
. . .

Not only has the Ceylon drama been played out,
but each personage has received his deserts. Lord
TORRINGTON, the loose talker and precipitate actor,
who, naturally frightened by the rebellion of a
people he knew nothing of, exaggerated everything,
expense, vengeance, confiscation, cruelty. It was a
huge blunder to send such a man to govern
any set of human beings. But Ceylon was
a crown colony, and there is no fitting clam
of men from which governors of colonies can be
selected. The inferior officer in the colony cannot be
promoted to the post of governor ; what feud, and
intrigue. and disrespect, such a system would haul to
is evident from the history of Mr. Wont:House and
Sir EmEasos TENNENT. It is requisite, therefore,
to send some one ignorant of the whiny, and uncon-
nected with it, an old officer, or a young lord, equally
incapable, but both requiring to be provided for.
The Ceylon blunder is the result of nur system. And
bad as it was, there is the satisfaction of knowing
that all the guilty parties have !veil punished, ut
least as much us it is in the power or stomach of '
parliainent to punish them:—for the days of impeach.
meaty and decapitation arc past. If WARREN lIAS-
TINGS escaped, Lord TORRINGTON cannot be found
guilty of felony. And if Lord Nottut survived the loss
of the American provinces to England, Earl Gan-
can scarcely be sent to the Tower for the
maltreatment of even a score of Kandians.

We mast confess the labours of that two years'
committee seem marvellously disploportioned to their
results. It is difficult to say what solid advice could
be founded on the information thus afliirded for
governing the colony, for that habilitation is must
contradictory. What it chiefly reveals is a state of
colonial society—that is of official colonial society—
which must • have been a perfect hell upon
earth. I)ANW:3 Inferno was preferable to it.
But the persons composing the society all come from
England, front high political circles and connexions
in England. And yet such, as it is recorded, was
their mode of conduct, thought, and speech, with re-
gard to one another. Some of the novelists of our
day delight in painting a society very black and very
mean. But there is no blackly:, i. is no mean-
ness, in any chapter of any novel at all to
be compared with Or me qualities, as developed
in the Ceylon blue books, not as regarding the na-
tives of irevlon, whom we would not blacken, but re-
garding the model gentlemen whom the Colonial-
office selected to govern them. 'There is condign
punishment in this public gibbeting, and in truth
we almost pity the victims of it
. . .

We fear:tlittt were any other colonial government
sufficiently-sick and expits tig to require such an notopsy
as that of Ceylon. they would he found not much
better ; and the House of Commons had a very fair
opportunity of extending it. inquiries, had it so listetl.
IVe cannot but think Sir HENRY WARD'S conduct in
'the lonian Islands just as unwarrantable and cruel
as Lord Tottumatts's in Ceylon. We believe there
were as many liven lost : a priest was shot in
Cephalonia. and we have heard from comiwtent
witnesses that he was shot by the soldiers.
There was martial law, courts martial com-
posed of young officers, not understanding the
language oft those whom they condemned, or of the
witnesses whom they examined : there were prices
set upon heads, and so on. There was in Corfu,
however, no Mr. Emma, no impartial and indepen-
dent English witnesses who could come forward.
Sir HENRY WARD took care to Lowish all newspaper
editors that were not court ones : and so he had the
island all to himself, with his doings therein scaled
and laureated fur the mystification of the Coloniul-
office.

The Toi,R, we sec, whitewashes Sir HENRI.
WARD, and likens his doings to those of Lord CLA-
RENDON. As well (it says) direct an inquiry into
the one as into the other. We beg to say, the eases
are in every way dissimilar. There were no men
executed, and no priest sh.it in Ireland. Whatever
' Lord CLARENDON did, he did in the hice of a vigi- ,
lant and hostile Irish press, and in the presence of
the correspondents of the London mfr.... His lord-
ship and his acts were within tuelve hours of the
British metropolis. But who knows what passed at
Corfu? Sir IL WARD took care to make away with
publicity, and banish its editors. No "own corre-
spondent" enlightened the world as to his doings.
his bloody and tyranideal work, fortunately for him,
in this world at least, was done in the dark.
It is to be regretted that the only mode of getting
parliament to enter upon any brunch of colonial inquiry
is to discover a colonial sore, and thus make it a per-
, sonal question against the government. For the Co-
according to its stupid rules, exagge-
rated by the chivalrous eagerness of Lord
GREY to uphold and screen his subordinates,
soon becomes the chief party in the casts, and
thus each question from one of colonial re-
dri:ss, becomes one of ministerial existence. Let
us hope that the greater degree of independence,
now in the course of bestowal upon colonies, will
first enable them to redress their own abuses, and
then allow the imperial parliament to inquire into
or animadvert upon them, without always bringing
the Colonial-office to the bar. At present we can-
not censure a functionary at tlw other end of the
world, without having Mr. ILtwEs and Lord
Gitsv instantly arraigned at the bar of parliament.
Colonial affairs are thus made either too much of
or too light of. Parliament has evidently no ma-
chinery to set it in motion, save tho big wheels of
party ; and these either crush, tear, and torture, or
else fail in even touching the grist which they are
intended to grind. There cannot be a more flagrant
example than the Ceylon eummittees and debates.

Esottsn creditor; of foreign governments are
placed in a curious limbo. They have either lent
their hard money in return for bonds, bearing in-
terest •uhich they have never received, as is
'the case with Mr. WAnswoartt; or their money
has been forcibly taken front them, in about the
'same way that a highwayman would take it, as
was the case with the Baron l) llama. If these
wronged gentlemen go to our Foreign Office, the right
honourable secretary will assure them that it is a
matter of private pecuniary dealing, with which he,
as a public minister, can have nothing to do—he
cannot interfere, or enforce.
Yet, if these gentlemen go away with the opinion
that the matter is a private one, and if, finding that
the law and the custom of the city of London allow
any creditor to attach the property of his debtor—
if they take advantage of this to attach property
belonging to the Spanish or Portuguese treasuries,
then my Lord Chief Justice steps in, and he tells
quite a contrary talc to the Right Honourable the

Foreign Secretary. The Chief Justice says that
pecuniary dealings of British subjects with
foreign sovereigns or governors are not mi.
vote; but Lord PALMERSTON would have them
not public ; he says that the law of debtor and credi-
tor does not apply to them, and that no foreign
sovereign, or foreign government, or foreign IB•rsone,
can be sued, even m the Lord Mayor's Court,
although the privilege of the City of London plain ly and
positively admit that such memescan be attached, and
can be seized. My Lord CAMPBELL, however, declares
that it would be highly inexpedient to permit this.
We may admit this at once. But at the same time
we beg to observe that the judges of her MvasTv's
Queens Bench were not appointed to decide causes
according to the rule of political expediency, hut
according to the rule of precedent, privilege, and right.
' Lord CAMPBELL has sacrificed by such laying down of
law one of the most important privileges of the City
of London. This may be very acceptable to Senor
ISTURITZ, and very convenient to Lord P.tiamtsruN,
but it robs the Lord Mayor's court of its ancient
right, and those suitors who pleaded the peculiar
and ancient privileges of the City of their just
right. That right was confined to the city of Lon-
don. It may be an anomaly to make the limner of
foreign governments liable for the just debts of diuso
foreign governments to English subjects in this
English metropolis. But it is no more an anomaly
titan to forbid her Majesty's self, or her Ma-
-1 jestv's troops, to enter the city of London
' without the permission of its chief magistrate.
It is quite clear that if such a right was question, d
before Lord Castrnett., he would instantly declare
it improper and inexpedient, and would sweep it
aside. We strongly recommend the citizens of Lon.
don to watch the lawyers, and to defend their rights
better the next time. A lawyer indeed did attend at
the time of the WADSWORTII trial to defend
the city. But we do not perceive that he defended
it with more valour, purpose, or logic, titan the old
man in armour, whom boys regret.
The attachment directed in this ease against
Spanish monies in a London banking-house was,
of course, directed against the Queen of SPAIN ill her
political capacity. We may think it somewhat disgrace-
ful that the sovereign of a country, which in the midst
of a plethora of wealth refuses even to acknowledge
its just debts, should display before the world of
London more luxury of jewellery and of regal orna-
ment than the most ancient or most honest
crown of Europe. Thole gems, that aro
destined to glitter on the head of IsvisEttv,
have been bought out of the abundant resources of
Spain. But who enabled the QUEEN to wear a crown
at all ? The English capitalist, that lent her
and her ministers their money to put down abso-
lutism. The English capitalist has been cheated
more flagrantly by the Spanish government
than ever, perhaps, any lender was by
airy debtor, that debtor being a rich one. Mr. Wens-
winern, who lent his 20,0001. to the Queen of
may pay his five shillings at the door of the Great
Exhibition to contemplate the tiara of crown jewels,
and compare them with his empty pocket. And
where is his redress? Lord l'ALvmusioN says ho
cannot help hint, because his debt is private. Loud
Cvnerw. prohibits his right of attachment because
his debt is public. And the only certainty is,
that Mr. Wanswoarn is most egregiously
bamboozled by my Lord PALMEIVTON, my Lord
C %strum., and the Queen of Snits. All the
powers of the world are leagued against
the poor and bond fide creditors of Spain.
Even the great capitalists of London are against him,
and instead of using their power to force Spanish
statesmen to honesty, they are using that power
to grind down the poor bondholder to sacrifice.
Lord CAMPBELL is the very good friend of Senor
'swami. and your London banker is the very par.
titular friend of Senor MON and Senor Mt alum,
and amidst all this romm,'roye honest citizens lobo
their rights and their money.

FRANCE.

PARIS, WPM:MiI/AT EVENINO.

To-day the Legislative Assembly enters upon the
third and last year of its existence, and motions for
the revision of the constitution may be legally
brought forward forthwith. No motion has, how-
ever, been made on the subject.
At the close of the Assembly's sitting M. Moulin
presented his report upon his own motion and that
of M. Morin, relative to revision. ft recommended
the adoption of both. 1 have already stated that tho
(May proposed is three months. The debate was
fixed for Saturday.
Military precautions of more rigour than usual
were taken as if to protect the Assembly against an
invasion of petitioners for the revision. Rut no oc-
currence took place of a nature to justify these pre-
parations.
M. Thiers is expected to reply. to the grand display
of oratory which M. Berrver IS getting up for the
illustration of the principlC of traditional monarchy.
On Monday night the Club of the Itue des Pyra-
mides agreed to support General Lebreton as candi-
date fur the questoiship, in opposition to M. Bare,
and decided upon continuing in office the two re-
maining questors.
The first overt step of importance which has been
taken towards the revision of the constitution is the
motion which has been signed by the men of the
Rue des Pyramides. They have torn up their first
motion, winch was a pure and simple invitation to
the Assembly to proceed to the revision, and have
boldly declared the principle of their procedure to
be the restoration of the nation to the full exercise
of its authority. This expression being aimed at
those provisions of the constitution which cramp tho
%villa the majority, by excluding the President from re-
election, and obstructing the revision by impracticable
tbrmalities, it becomes at once evident that the sort of
revision proposed by the Hue des Pyramided is par-
tial, or in plainer words is in favour of prolonging
the President's powers. The legitimists, to whose
precipitation in invoking a return to the traditional
monarchy this decided success and vigorous attitude
of the ifonapartists must be ascribed, are perfectly
furious at the resolution taken by the ltue des Pyra-
midis, which they regard, nut without Hawn, as a
defiance. hi fact it is clear that the campaign is
opened against them, and they will be pressed hard
to confirm their vaunts that public opinion is with
them. That their pretensions are hollow, and their
expectations over-winning becomes daily more ob-
vious to the government and there is no doubt that
the first illegal excess of ardour on tile part of the
infatuated ultras will be repressed with vigour.
The moderate legitimists are fur the moment,
in consequence of the step taken by the ltuo
des Pyramides, driven towards the views
of the extreme party. The course which
they intend to adopt with regard to revision is at
present involved in much obscurity. Probably tho
Duke of Valmy's mission to Fruhscforf aims at ob-
taining more positive instructions from head-quar-
ters before any final decision be taken.

In the debate of yesterday General I,amoriciere
made a stand for preserving a popular iirineiple psi
the composition of the national guard. By the 21st
article the eoncoil de recownient, in whose hands
lies the arbitrary decision on cases of exclusion, con-
sists of the same number of members us the muni-
cipal council of the conunune. According to the bill
the sub-prefect appoints the members of this council,
half out of the municipal council and half out of the
national guard. MM. Monet and Flaudin tempered
this despotic power of the sub-prefect by proposing
that the municipal council should appoint those of
its members who should form the half of the eumeil
de ncemeneent. This amendment was admitted by
the committee, and ultimately adopted by the As-
sembly. But Lanioricire set his thee:against it, and
adhered to the old law of 1831, which excludes the
executive power from any share in the appointment.
It seemed to be thought, ho said, that because the
government had recourse to the national guard, it
ought to have the composition of that force.
But, to speak more correctly, that was the
very reason why the government ought to
have nothing to do with ythe appointments; lxviinso
the support which it derived from the national guard
was more valuable in a moral than military sense ;
and the moral effect of the adhesion of the national
guard to the government would be completely des-
troyed, if its formation were committed to the gen-
Ual power. When an insurrection broke out the
government appealed to the communes. The sol-
diers ought to be able to say, when they saw the
waves of the national flowing towards them
from the communes, "trace is with us." (Cheers.)
He would cite an instance: If in 1848 the commis-