The Express.
London, England, 1849-10-30 00:00:00

OUR REPRESENTATIVE SYSTEM

BEWDLEY AND STOUHPORT—(coterthoun).
Behind the town of Smedley, as we meatimed in
the first put of this atticle, hes the tact of country
'mown in that quarter as " the Forest' " The
Fewest "is Crown property. " Oh, oh," we hear some
reader ejaculate, in - tones of justifiable suspicion,
another !Jokey job, perhaps t " Not quite so bad es
that, friend reader, not quite so bad as the' ; although
there are hides ocncerning Etewdley that bear the
stamp or office mark of Woods and Forests
mann meat.
The Forest cf Bewdley is let on lease to Sir Thomas
Eduard Winetngton. It is let to tim at a considerable
rental; probably Sir Thome, in a pecuniary point of
view, is no gainer by his !elm Bet to the repiesen-
tatim of Bewdlry " the Forest" is of the first import-
ance. It is all, or nearly ell, within the borough. It
affords an opportunity of conferring little privileges
on the voters—end particularly on the poorer
vote's —which mast tall in the event of an election.
Many a man in Bewdbiy is indebted for the main-
tenance of his horse or his cow to the Forest and the
Crown lessee. fed, ed, there world be some difficulty
in finding convenient pasturage at all in the vicinity,
without mere/shin more or less on the rights which
the Woods and Forests lease confers upon Str 760111&11
Edward Winalsgton.
If you lumps to have at band the Appendix to
the report of Lord Dancan's committee of 1848, and
if you will open it at page 162, yea will find an entry
autierniag this same lease. You may observe that
Sir Thomas Winningtoa, Bart, is there meotioned es
"the lessee of the manor of Bewdley, with divers lands,
coppices, &e., goatskins 2,238 acres, at an annual
rent of 2,4001., for twenty-nine years, from the 10th
of October, 1841," and you will also observe that
" the Treasury warrant anthnriekg this lease was
granted sot the 21st of July as the year preceding.'
Now about this entry there is the very remarkable
aid unusual circumstance that the " Treasury war-
rant &Gambia( this law" was Mimed a year and
three months before the date hose which the lease it-
self became effectual. if you look down the return
of lames granted by the Woods and Forests,
you will observe that this is a very rare occur-
rence. Usually, indeed, the department is so
much in arrear with its beriness that years
elapse bites the confirmatory warrants ere
obtained. What, thee, was the dire necessity that
impelled the Woods end 1' rests to grant, and the
Treasury to authorise, the new lease of Bewdley
manor an his than fifteen months before the expira-
tion of the old one ? _ _

Mark the dates. The year the lease expired was
the ereatful year 1841. In July, 1840, where were
the Whigs 11 Ix. In Cktober, 1841, where were the
Whip P Our ! There was • mighty difference to
Air Tawas Winniegton between July and October;
all the difference, in fact, of lease or no lease.
For there wee a neighbour of the hon. baronet
who was in every way as anxious to have possession
of this manor as he was. Lord Ward, as we have
already mentioned, had become powered of Whitley.
His lordship did not fail to see that Bewdley Forest
was the key to Bewdley borough. He set his ener-
gies to work to obtain the new lease of the Forest from
the Crown on the expiration of the old one. To Lord
Ward, money was no object. He was repent to
make a bidding out of all proportion to the value of
the property. Sir Tomas Winnington saw the
dander. His friends, the Whir, were in power—the
Whigs, feeble and tottering, unpopular both in and
out of dome, existing upon majorities of 2 and 3,
needing all the support their friends could give them.
Heaven only knew on what day their lease might ex-
pire! So Sir Thomas Wintuogton, before be left
Loudon for the recess in 1840, applied the screw, and
obtained a renewal of his own.

Here we have a specimen of the price the senetsy
pays for what is called " parliamentary supports—
and a sample of the fuhioa in which goverment
influence now-a-days is brought to bear on boroughs.
We do not say for a moment that there was anything
particularly wrong in this case u far, certainly, as
it Thomas Winington was concerned, he only took
proper care of his own interest, and small blame to
him for doing tha`. But what would Sir Thomas ham
said if the Whigabad gone out without renewing, amid
the Tories had selected Lord Ward for their lessee, as
they assuredly would hare done if they bad possessed
the power ? Would not Sir Thomas have exclaimed
against " the system r Aye, that he would ; se
loudly as we, who are free from party-motives, ex-
claim against it now.
• The Tories of 13:•wdley no sooner knew that the
lease of the Forest was renewed, thin they set about
endeavourieg to cook some other scheme for diminish. I
ing the influence which appertained to the domain.
A sharp practitioner, rho set his wits to work, soon
found out • " flaw," and a flaw, too, of such nicety,
that it has proved ever since a stumbling block, not
only for revising barristers, but for the appellant
jurisdiction—the Court of Common Pleas itself.
Section 37 of the Boundaries Act enacts that no
part of any parish detached from the main body of
such pariah shill be taken to be included within it,
boundaries for the purpose of conferring a right to
vote, unless such detached part shall, prior to the
paying of the ace, have termed part of the borough
en which the franchise is to be exercised. Now it
hammed that a part of the forest of Bewdley, called
the " Far Femme' was a detached part of the parish
in whicir the town of Bewdley is situated. At the
ensuii g revisor, therefore, the Tories objected to all
the voters in this Per FOrt et, in number fifteen, and
all of them, of coarse, tenants of the Crown lessee.
It was obvious that to strike off these votes
would, in the then state of parties at Bewdley, have
turned the wale against the liberals. Greet effortr
were therefore necessary to be made in order to re-
tain them. Sir Thomas Wilde, then representing
Worcester, was consulted on the subject, and he gave
his opinion how the objection should be met. And
the seats answer which was thereupon set up moot
certainly deserves to be recorded.
It was argued that prier to the passing of the Re-
form Bill, Bewdley, for parliamentary purposes, vir-
tually had no boundary. The right of election,
it will be remembered, was then vested in 12 capital
burgesses, and others whom they might be pleased to
elect to act with them. There was no limitation as
to the residence either of the capital or other bur-
g:sees. They might live exactly where they liked.
And it was therefore argued that this case virtually
came within the proviso which exempted (rem the
operation of the clause such detached parts of parishes
as formed part of the borough under the old system.
The revising barrister—a tory—decided against the
validity o: the voter. The question was then carried
upon appeal to the Court of Common Flees, and the
judges of the Court of Common Pita were equally
divided—two aid two—in their interpretation of the
law. Under there circumstances, the decision of the
revising barrister took effect.
It was upon a register from which these votes were
struck off that the two parties in Bewdley were to
fight the battle at the Fenend election of 1847. The
Winnicgtons were obviously at a disadvantage. They
had ano her obstacle to contend with. A keg tenure
of his seat had nude Sir Thomas Winnington careless
of his popularity in Bewdley. He had in no way
conciliated—mach less sourted—the constituency.
His votes, moreover, bad not gone far enough for the
independent men of Stourport ; so that when the
contest approached, his supporters were lukewarm,
whilst his opponents were resolate, zealous, and
combined.

Drrd Ward now struck a blow for Bewdl(y,
as he did in 1841, his success would have been cer-
tain. Bat the divisions which had occurred amongst
the Tories tended in a great measure to neutralise
opposition from this formidable quarter. Lord Ward,
voting with Sir Robert Peel, could not well oppore
a moderate Whig member like Sir Thomas Winnicg-
ton. Besides, there was another influence in Bewd-
ley which acted u a check upon the Tory party, and
is which a discreet politician, looking at the game
upon the board, saw an inflame requiring to be
consulted.

We have spoken of Mr. Roberto, the patron and
amber for the borough prior to the Reform Bill.
This gent'emas, a man of large possession, had settled
down in Bewdley as a quiet country gentleman,
spending his fortune in the pleas, coursing the neigh-
bourhood with his greyhounds, keeping a well-
supplied table for the beet gentry of the county,
avAdiog politics as much as possible, especially local
politics, and obtaining, deservedly, the respect and
eats= dell his neighbours.
Mr. Robert 's trendship with the %mine=
has already been adverted to. Prior to the election
of which we are about to speak, the Dowager Lady
Winaington thought it her duty to consult him about
the prospects of ha. as.. lft Roberta would sot

give Sir Thomas Winnington his vote; but he was
induced to pledge himself, for self and friends, to
preserve a strict neutrality. Mr. Roberts, directly
and indirectly, exercises 6fieen votes. It was precisely
too number struck off the register by the decision in
he "Far Forest" ease, so that parties were re-
clined very mush to where they were before—that
is, to an equality.
The Tories appear to have bad some difficulty in
selecting a proper oisdidate. At length a Mr. Ire-
land was introduced to them. Mr. Ireland was a
Suffolk landowner who had parliamentary aspire-
tiaras, and who Lad goes about seeking introduction to
a mat among the low agents who are always busy
previous to a general election. Mr. Ireland came down
to Bowdley with his "agent," a man of no
repute. It was obvious from the first that he came I
resolved to win, no matter by what means. His
canvass was conducted most unscrupulously; and, in
feet, from first to last, no election, here or elsewhere,
ever was conducted in a more unprincipled and
wicked manner than this election for the town of
%wag.
At the poll Mr. Ireland was returned by a majo-
rity of 2, the numbers being—for Ireland, 160; far'
Wanniegton, 168. It was impossible that such an
election could stand: probably some of Mr. Ireland's
friends never hoped or expected that it would. Petitions
and counter-petitions were presented. They alleged,
on both side*, the most open and notorious bribery
and treating, the abduction and hocussing of voters,
the introduction of mobs—in short, every species of
corrupt electioneering practice.
•- ' • •

(it, le continued.)

IRELAND.

Dssrax,pc!. 29..

It is expected that a conditional c;rdie-tiill be ob-
tained, at the openiog of term, for a mandamus to
compel the Castlewellsn magistrates to take informa-
tics. against their brother Orangemen for the Magher-
amayo =MCI% Socha step as this follows, in
fact, as a necessary result, os Mr. /3enrick's report.
Oovernmeat have ales resolved as adopting vigorous
measures to guard against disturbances in the North
on the approaching 6th of November. A couple of
regiments have already been despatched thither, and
instead of her Majesty% troops being marshalled with
the Orangemen to shoot down the " papists," and her
Majesty's justices of the peace giving the word of
command for that pooise, the prepared party demon-
stration will be absolutely prohibited. Every one
here, except the most violent partisans on one side,
is rejoiced that the eyes of the Irish government have
at length been opened on the subject of those party
outrages.
The Ineumbered Fotates Commissioners adjourned
their public sittings on Saturday until Friday, the
9th of November, Baron Richards having very pro-
perly hinted that their secretary's bag could not be
expected to serve all the purposes of a Rolls-office to
the court—that, in fact, they should have some place
to sit and call them over. It is ludicrous enough to
see the hon. commissioners in their present position;
and those who have been all along prophesying the
failure of the commission rejoice at any buogling that
may attend its proceeding. at the outset; but it is
understood that tho Board of Work, is now preparing
chambers and a court for them in Henrietta-street.

In addition to tke four properties I mentioned on
Saturday, three others are now before the court,
lamely, those of W.A. W. Kerr and Mary Ann Kerr,
on the petition of Henry Faster; of T. O'Callaghan,
on his own petition ; and of O'Grady Rase, on the
petition of David Henderson. On Saturday, before
the rising of the court, Mesas. D. and F. Fitzgerald
obtained a conditional order for the sale of Mr. John
O'Connell's estate, at the expiration of ten day. after
service of the ardor, admit cause be shown to the
contrary. This estate has been in litigation for the
last three years, the parties endeavouring to have a
sale.

'Me claim of Mr. John Reynolds, M.P., to the
citizenship still remains in jevairdy. It is rumoured
that the Lord Mayor, and one of the two revising
barristers (Mr. Mayer) are opposed to the claim—a
hint from the Lord Mayor that Mr. Reynolds would
not improve his position by pressing for a decision
being construed in that sense.

The Coat ELECTION.—The citizens cf Cork are
diecusathg the wakes how far Mr. flerjeant Murphy's
friends wire justified in withdrawing him Irina the contest,
end how far he may mailer himself bound by their rot.
lie is hourly expected ow the scene of action, and, in the
meantime, has published his address, in whiat he thus stake
his political creed: "I believe now, as I did in 1843, that
local government for local purposes, coupled with imperial
supervision for all great state interests, would be desirable.
I see no reason to change that opinion. Indeed, the state of
Ireland, since the severance of our connexion, hue pressed
more forcibly on me the necessity of reforms in that coun-
try, local in character. I would reform the relati .n of hod-
lord and tenant by giving a tenant-right, end a claim for
contheasation for outlay. I. would protect agriculture, es I
am convinced that, in the absence of trade and mourn-
tures, free trade ►ae depressed and imperiled most of the
landed interests of Ireland. I would call for the abolition
oink Irish church on its present footing of ascendancy, and
I would seek fur a redistributioa of its funds, on the prim
eiple of conrregatiosal necessity. I would u-s every ether
tion to stimulate native industry, end to remove the mass of
pauperism that afflicts our ►apless land. In a word, I would
vote for every practically maul meatus—and I (earl:soli
appeal to my alt conduct, to ask whether lum likely to de
wive you is this pledge."