The Express.
London, England, 1851-11-06 00:00:00

THE EXPRESS, THURSDAY EVENING, NOVEMBER 6, 1851.

" As there is no other European cause ranking more
closely in the English mind with the cause of Hungary, in
respect of its simplicity and justice, than the cause of the
Italian people, so there is no other European name which
you will Rod more closely linked with your own, whether in
the general heart of the English people, or in the express
appreciation of Englishmen of high intelligence, than the
name of Joseph Marini.
" We hail your liberation, therefore, not only for the sake
of justice and humanity, which have been outraged in your
person ; not only for the sake of Hungary, to whose service
you have dedicated your life ; but also became we lung ear-
nestly for the emancipation of Italy, whose fortunes arc
indissolubly connected with those of the land you labour
for, and because we are interested in that common cause of
liberty and national independence which demands the
closest alliance of all patriots and all oppressed peoples.
" Signed fur the Society,
" P. A. Tarton, Chairman of Committee.
" DAVID MASSON, Secretary.
" Offices of the Society of the Friends of Italy, 10, South-
ampton-street, Strand, London, Nov. ii, 18.31."
M. KOSSUTH having listened with deep attention Ike
Mr. Taylor's observations and the reading of the address
in reply thereto said—With you, gentlemen, finding ma
entire identity in views, I find that I am anticipsdeC
in what I wish to say, and that what I sought for is
already established and at work here in England. Of
course then it is tot necessary for me to enter into those
views and sentiments ; it only remains for me to say
that I feel most happy in seeing • body—a
corporation, established by the impulse of their
uses sentiments to promote, to protect, and to advance that
very cause and those very principles which I have considered
to be the end and aimof my life. (Cheers.) Still, in
other respects, the views and sentiments which I have now
the honour to bear, open up to my mind a very large field
of observation, respecting which, although I cannot on the
present occasion enter into it at any length, I trust I may
be permitted to say a very few words. (Hear, hear.) The
observations I am about to make shall have reference to the
practical force of public opinion, as directed to whatever
cause. Of course there can be no man on earth who would
not wish for peace. War, even by the most warlike men on
earth, cannot be considered as our aim. War is an excep-
tional situation, the aim can only be peace. (Hear, hear.)
Out in the particular life of • single man, as well as in
large communities, the Rim must never be confounded with
the instrument by which it is to be attained. It is very seldom
that it is sufficient to pronounce the aim in the hope that
by such pronunciation the aim itself may be carried. So it
is with public opinion. Public opinion in itself is no aim,
it can only be the mc ilium for carrying that which it takes
for its aim. Therefore, when I hear men speak of the
moral force of public opinion I must frankly. confess my
belief that it is very rarely that public opinion is previously
restricted and clearly confined within certain limits—when
men say that although such be our public opinion, we will
not avail ourselves of those media of action which circuits,.
stances may render necessary—then I believe that in that
erudition of things it is very possible that public opinion
will not be of any weight. (Cheers.) Public opinion to have
an effect on the freedom of the world must be ready to
say, " Now we will go to war if our opinion be
misled." Such pronunciation would be a difficult thing
to obtain in England, where there are numerous classes who
would be terrified at the name of war ; still, if you merely
declare that you sympathise with the cause of freedom, but
will never in any case take up arms for it, such public
opinion merely gives • charter to despotism. (Cheers.) If
the despot know that however he may trample on the rights
of nations, or even on the interests of England, there will be
nu active interference, then I must confess that there is not
so much weight in your public opinion as would influence
the fate of Europe its the slightest degree. (Hear, hear.)
Therefore public opinion is not an aim, it must be a medium
to come to a certain end. The best means towards that end
must be pointed out by circumstances, because the true
policy of every state is the science of exigencies, which en-
tirely depends on circumstances. (Hear, hear.) I can only
wish that to give real and efficient support to the cause of
freedom in Europe England should not want to go to war;
but this I say, that the public opinion which declares that
in no case it will go to war, that public opinion is of no
weight whatever. (Hear, hear.) One word more with re-
spect to public opinion. When the sentiments of a people
take for their aim the principle of non-intervention, it
should not be unilateral non.intervention, which would
mean that England would interfere in ao case. That would
he to abandon her position in the lace of the world.
(Cheers.) lf, whatever may be done with respect to other
nations, England is to weigh nothing in the destinies of hu-
manity, then England may he a happy island as it is; but
lit would cease to be a member of the human family—cease
to be the brother of other nations. In short, it would not
easlise the idea, which is the chief principle and foundation
of the Christian religion, that, having one Father in heaven,
that very doctrine declares us to be brothers—and that
brothers have a duty to one and another. (Loud
cheers.) The principle of non-intervention, unilate-
rally interpreted, would not be a Christian principle,
would not be • humane principle, and would not be • good
political principle—because it would lead to • resignation of
the power and position of England. (Hear, hear.) Now,
that is the only thing I wish to say respecting the develop-
ment of public opinion in England, as it affects the external
affairs of Europe. I wish it to take such a direction as that
every nation, as well es all despotic powers, should be sure
of this—that when public opinion in England declares itself
willing to side with the principles of freedom, those incli-
nations and those declarations of public opinion will be
more than mere signs; that they will conic to realities,
with war or without war, as circumstances may require.
(Hear, hear.) In short, that it will be a more active par-
ticipation in the destinies of mankind, and not merely the
passing emotion of noble hearts; not such compassion as
we give to the memory of the dead, whom we can-
set help, cannot restore to life, but that the
public opinion of England, declaring the sovereign
right of every nation to manage its own affairs,
will be enforced with all the weight of its moral power and
Its material power. (Hear, hear.) It is not necessary to
discuss what power I mean, but it is to be hoped that, ac-
cording to circumstances, England will be as good as the
word of an Englishman, and become the England of deed
and of action as well as the England of sentiment. (Cheers.)
I as firmly persuaded that if you declare it to be the in-
tention of the people of England to come to a practical re-
sult, in each case I am firmly persuaded that to carry out
your principle will not cost England one drop of blood or
one shilling of money. (Hear, hear.) Why? Bensuae
every absolute power upon the earth will consider the ma.
terial fortes of England, and will pause before ho runs the
risk of encountering them. (Hear, hear.) But if yaw
say that in no caw;you will go to war, that will be the surest
mode of provoking war, because the absolutist powers
will consider that they have a free charter to dispose el
the fate of nations, and I must fairly state my
belief is, that in that clue the concessions of E
would come home to England, and that the materiel kr
terests of England herself would be hurt; because to Mjnee
England it is not necessary that the Cossacks should water
their horses in the Thames. There are many interests in
India, in the colonies, and all over the world, that may be
injured. There are ea many arteries that feed the power
of England ; and if one of them were cut, England mead
be no longer what it is. (Hear, hear.) Therefore, I be-
lieve that, should England declare her intention in no case
to speak the word " stop," with the intention of keeping
her word, in a very short time England would be obliged
to go to war for the porpoise of upholding her own interests;
because it is not possible that for long, in different parts of
the world, the two principles of absolutism and freedom
can go on in parallel directions, but the contrary. Oa the
continent the former now gains ground, because there is
no freedom there, except, perhaps, in Belgium—a
country. of .so small extent as to depend on its
neutral position for its existence. England, then, is the
only powerful representative of the principle of liberty.
All other nations are either crushed or disappointed in
their hopes, and if England takes not up this principle of
freedom, absolutism goes on crushing the people of Europe,
and, as I believe, ultimately with the greatest danger to the
principles of freedom in England herself. (Hear, hear.)
As to Italy, I need not say that I entirely concur in your
views. I have already had an opportunity to speak some
words on this subject. I have declared the cause of Hun-
gary to be identical with that of Italy—that they are, in
short, like the two wings of a single army arranged against
one enemy. (Cheers.) I have only one word to say with
respect to Maszini, the man whom you have particularly
identified with the cause of Italy, and named as the repre-
sentative of that cause. Now, I consider that for oppressed
nations it is a very great benefit when, whether by merit or
by any other chance, there is one man who con-
stitutes the very centre around which all the
forces of that nation unite • who, in a word,
is the medium of concentration both of will and of action.
As for my poor self, it is not for want of modesty I speak.
I frankly confess that I have not done enough to be re-
garded by my people as such • man deserves to be—the
central point for &lithe forces of Hungary. Not my merits,
but rather the necessities of the time, have placed me in
that position; but when I confess that I have not merited
it by what I have done, still I believe that it is my condi-
tion, in Hungary, and because I know how difficult it is so
to concentrate the confidence of a people upon one man as
to constitute him its representative ; therefore I think it
would be not only a fault, but almost a crime, if I did not
avail myself of that condition to do as much good to my
country as I can. (Hear, hear.) Now, supposing events
to go on with gigantic steps, I consider it rather • favour-
able circumstance for the cause of Hungary that my
poor people should have centered their hopes and de-
sires round one man, and having heard, not by,
unilateral information, not from Italians, or from pare-
titular friends of Martini, because I consider it would'
be as mischievous as it would be dangerous to rest on one I
sided information, and, therefore, I tried to get knowledge ,
of the situation of Italy, not only from his friends, but from I
sources which I considered entirely disinterested, not
friends, not enemies of the man, but men who went with
the duty to get every information and exact knowledge of I
the state of Italy. On such information I declare that be-
sides myself as regards Hungary, I know no man of any
nation en the whole world who more fills the Caine situation
oirci=the representative of the hopes of Italy than Joseph '
(Loud cheers.) As for Hungary, I have
dederei publicly that I believe my people share my
eareistima that the future organisation of our country—
melded eireumstances beyond the reach of man do not in-
terreme—must rest on • republican basis. That is my wish,
bonen sill our monarchical inclinations have, by the re-
pistol ildeetioods of the house of Hapsburg, been com-
pletely tiestroyed. (Hear, hear.) I know that it is not so
mash the teem of government that makes the happiness of
the Imo*, as it is the goodness and morality of the
pmeinema (Hear, hoar.) Therefore no government can be
geed wherein people have not full confidence in the troye r-
ams lei security for the future. (Hear, hear.) That is
the etas with Hungary. As to Italy although lam not
nneetweinteti with the aim at the Italian nation as re-