The Express.
London, England, 1849-01-16 00:00:00

Eht OffttlSL

31•11.11.
The Wag loft gaatagas aneada. Ilessfra.
Mew Orissa% red Madre. awl Yebaba' those ler
=el% Jra.le.7lleangee. Mew 0110/4 awl rem will
be me* apse the am India of the 17* Jae.
The irOs ler Vlso, Opine, L. rerun. Cada. M fillwalter
will be Me apes lie serif el the Ones% the 17* ha.
the *Mk let 1111Malier, MON lades Ishada
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th
the lileaserreara, Burk
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the de*
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will be made op ea the molar ef the 17th Jas.
The mile der New 2.5* Mei" to Mehidda's Lai, dad New
foam wit*e ere* up es the erealog of the Slat Jo.
Ile arse tie Om Wert Oemet it art* sad Madeira will he made
V we thewormag of the Melia.
maleup =Mt he IMAM% the bud* sad Imam APIS, will be
ea the ~lag of the ith Tela

1100 MAWS AT LONDON IMO%
Ten D. OmAm 6 =ma pin 8 Atimuses. We. pug 7.
To it NIL pm 74 AN•ram. =IL pan L

LONDON. TUESDAY. JAN. 16.

In an article of its react number, the Bdiseburgh
Revises has solemnly abjured the doctrines regarding
,1 Irish pauperism to which it professed itself a convert
just_ twelve months ago. Most of our readers pro-
bably remember the semi-official discoveries that
were announced in the [January number of
that periodical for 1848. The old errors
of whig economics were then penitettially
confined New light had broken in during
the instructive days of famine. " The Irish crisis"
was oome. The occult causes of national distress
were at length made plain, and the mystery of
national relief was solved. The all-sufficient remedy
was delared " by authority" to be—limitless rates, on
limitless &striate, for a limitless time. The old race
of landlords would thereby be rapidly extirpated, and
a new race of capitalists would forthwith take their
*as. Everything small would be abolished—small
holdings, small farmers, small towns, and small
industry of every kind. All would be re-constituted
on a great scale, and by sheer dint of rate
upon for the support of the unemployed poor.
"Eureka" was chanted loudly ever the InAm-
bred Estates Bul ; while emigration and home
colonisation were denounced u obsolete delusions._

We vent ured at the time to express our sad misgivings
that the Treasury programme of 1848 would not do.
We could not soddenly bring ourselves to repudiate
the obvious, though too long neglected, means of
lightening the foundering ship. We could not re-
cognise the possibility or the prudence of an indiscri-1
millets and summary confiscation of property through
the instrumentality of local taxation. We did Lot
believe that the two houses of landlords would
easily be induced to pass a bill that would
really facilitate the sale of incumbered estates. And
finally, we did not perceive how any country whose
ordinary supply of home-grown food had suddenly
failed, and whose manufacturing products were con-
feseedly insufficient to nay for the food it required
from abroad, could be restored to prosperity, comfort,
or industry, by the mere augmentation of poor-rates.
When Archbishop WHATZLEY was asked, seine years
before the famine, what he thought of out-door relief
as a remedy for Irish poverty and over-population,
he is said to have replied, " Pretty much -what I
should think of giving a hungry dog a bite off his
own tail." How such a mouthful was likely to have
become more nutritious after • season of unusual
privation did not to us seem clear. But that, of
courier, was our dulness, or want of faith. The
gospel, according to Sir CELUILES. was promated
es cathedra, to the pages of the Edinburgh
Review. Every attempt to modify the fiagrant
inequalities of the poor-law was rejected with
scorn ; even irquiry was refused with the su-
percilious pity which the confidence of official infalli-
Itility inspires. Emigration was more than ever
scoffed at, and reclamation of was.es was scouted as
a crotchet or a swindle. And the Inctimbered Estates
Bill, having been made thoroughly sale and ineffec-
tive, was paused by large majorities in parliament,
and, at the close of the first session of " the new era
in legislation for Ireland," vaunted of specially in the
Queen's speech.
But how soon kas the fine gold become dim, and
the faith in TREVELYAN waxed cold ! Already with
candour befitting its sense of humiliation and earnest
contrition, the Edinburgh hesitates not to recant all
the follies and fallacies (as it now calls them) into
which it was lured last year; and hastens back to its
ancient principles. By way of self-imposed penance
it specially refers to what it said in October,
1848,—that oat-door relief for the able-bodied
poor of Ireland can never by itself rescue
the labour of that unhappy land from idleness, or its
propeity from destruction ; that, without • re-adjust.
ment of the proportion which population bears in the
southern and western provinces to the cultivable soil,
the condition both of land and people must yearly
grow worse instead of growing liztt...r under the
burden of unlimited rates ; and that, if the widening
gangrene of Irish pomp rism be not excised
in time, its fatal circle must eventually coin-
'
prehend, not the industry and property of Ireland
alone, but that of England too. It urges the immi-
nent need of taking prompt and effectual measures
to alleviate the unequal and crushing weight which
has been imposed on the capital and labour of the
country, and goes the length of asserting that, unless
400,000 souls can be annually removed from the over-
crowded part of the island for the next tour or five
years neither the poor-law nor any other law can be
expected to work peaceably or usefully in that kingdom.
How farthis estimate may be deemed correct is a question
upon which we do not enter here. But as a return
towards sane and reasonable doctrines, and an abjura-
tion of the disastrous empiricism of which unfortunate
Ir• land has of late been the victim, we cannot bat re-
gird with satisfaction the altered tone of our quar-
terly contemporary.
With strange and perverse infelicity, however, the
good sense thus manifested regarding social economy is
marred by the introduction of topics utterly irrelevant
and unneceteary. Four leading measures of relief are
propounded. The first we have already noticed ; the
others—endowment of the catholic priesthood—in-
crease of the number of stipendiary magtstretes, and
the abolition of the rule requiring unanimity in
juries! On the endowment question our opinions are
too well known to need repetition here; but what
in the name of common senile can be meant
by offering two such homcoapathic prescrip-
tions as the two last named, to a patient
whose immtdiete danger arises from ina-
nition ? Be they intrinsically right or wrong, what
serious or perceptible change can a dozen such infini-
tesimal doses of justice be reasonably expected to pro-
duce ? It truly sounds like deliberate mockery of
fearful wrongs and sufferings, when in the same cate-
gory of remedies are placed things so dissimilar in
aspect and dimensions. Myriads lack food and work,
and we are advised to multiply head-policemen ;
capital and industry are paralysed by over taxation,
and we are asked to go into committee upon the past
and present constitution of juries.
One word on this latter point. We do not wish to
prejudge the theoretic question it involves. Much
has been said in favour of the Scotch law as com-
pared with the English, and much may, we know, be
ingeniously urged to like effect again. But this is
clear, that as the popular feelings and tra-
(quoits of England will rot easily be re-
conciled to the surrender of what for ages has
been cherished as a pticeless privilege and defence
against arbitrary power, it is exceedingly improbable
that Ireland, in her present mood of dissatisfy ctn
and distrust, will readily acquiesce in such a change •
and if it be proposed to abrogate the old fundamental
principle of juries in Ireland, while in England it is
maintained, no friend to the Union can hesitate in
protesting against such a measure.

Tun te can be no more singular exemplification of
" the blind attempting to lead the blind " than the
rumoured expedition of the French to reinstate the
Pot* upon his chair. Here are the French, who have
not had a government these ten months, and who ere
at this moment quite uncertain ;Own they shall have
a government, or whether they ever shall have one,
and yet they, who cannot help themselves, are deter-
mined to help others, and to teach others how to
govern or to form a government.
If there be one thing in this %toad more uncertain
and unfixed then another, it is the constitution and
policy of France. Itepub.ican yesterday, semi-repub-
lican to-day, imperialist to morrow, who can foretell
its prevailing policy or its reigning dynasty Yet
hie ootk of the weather, veenng will every wind, is
*h•out to *tech fixity to the Romans ! And why ?
Ueda: what preterite? For the good of the Romans

Obi ae. Bat as is "esselle4' !indorser*
amobaluvre,a3ea. CAVANIRAC hiliglisd that if he
toidi get -the Pow to 1110/4: it• would costly
wpm the &nag of hie celentloa. The radonal
Aeon* is low shoat to-lie diemieedead
sad Loma Mamma. and hie eoulaßlest fir it
would be a great coup to reinstate thrPope. It would
fascinate the priests, and &sale the devout catholic*
of the south and went. The writer ci the sketches of
" Our Representative System' expellee the artifiob
of the electaataerint jobbers—come of them

monstrous zrition Inf. a military interven-
tion and ex -to bring the Pops from
Gaeta, and him, surrounded by French bayo-
nets to make his entry into Rome, in despite of its
g~eaeent,aationel guard, and people—this would be
the meet monstrous electioneering trick on reoxd. The
Czar of &MU might Jost as well march his Cossacks
ones more to Paris for the avowed purpose of making
hie Russian Majesty popular with the rirosidjicke and
serfs of his own empire.
We mutual that this would be a most beggarly sam-
ple of the pohoy of Napoleonian government. Had it
interfered to prevent a powerful and tyrannic state
beta oppressing a little one, the attempt might have
been impertinent and impolitic, but at least it would
have been magnanimous. But to choose out the
smallest and most harmless population in the world,
in order to bind it, and muzzle it, and hand it back to
the prince who ran away from it, the, to say the
least of it, is a pitiful and inglorious act, more worthy
of some ci-derant prefect of police than of a man with
the name of NAPOLEON.

And the most amusing part of it is that this stupid
ultra revolution in Rome has been perpetrated by a
BONAPARTE, by the old and silly Prince of CANINO ;
whilst this mighty movement of French tactics is
chiefly destined to undo in the name of one BONA-
',Awns the follies committed at the suggestion of an
other.

What a teak, too, will the French undertake.
They march, or sail, to restore a sovereign, to re-im-
pose nim on his subjects. The attempt is useless,
unless they follow it up by supporting this sovereign,
by attending on him with their bayonets, by hedging
him round and acting police for him. It was this
that the French under the Duke of ANGOULEME were
obliged to do for King FERDINAND and the Spanish
court in 1823. And how were they repaid ? The
Ft each soldiers were in recompense made to 'saint at
the execution of RI EGO.

But this is no longer possible, it will be said. The
French will mania into Rome under the banner of
moderation or moderantism—the same banner under

which the unfortunate Roast fell. If so, the French
will occupy in Rome the same place that DE Rossi
occupied, that is, be abhorred by the ultras and the
priestly party, execrated by the popular and demo-
cratic party. I'eople are disgusted by the well
known fact that on Ds Rossi's death there
burst forth the most fiendish glee and the most
exuberant exultation. But did this proceed from the
democrats? On the contrary, we have learnt d from
the most excellent authority, that those who were
loudest in exultation, and in suborning notes of
triumph, were the ultra-aristocratic and despotic
party. Ross! was more odious to them than even to
the democrats. And the French will now occupy his
position, as the sole moderates of a land, where
there are no moderates, and as the abirri of a pontiff,
who will be hated, it for no other reason, at least for
the crying one, of being supported by foreign
bayonets.
For our part, we cannot think the demands of the
Romans unreasonable, that temporal and spiritual
powers should be separated, and that the ad-
ministration of their territory should not he rendered
something subservient yr the views of a religious
chief, who thought more of conciliating Austria, and
of meddling with the intrigues of the diocese of
Tuam, than of honestly paying attention to
the domesttc and economical affairs of Cen-
tral Italy. The French, we will be bond
to say, would no submit to have the interests
of France postponed to, or mixed op with, the inte-
rests or views of the Propaganda College, or of any
oth. r portion of a hierarchy.
We are wet: aware that there is no crisis more
dreadful, no period so critical, as that in which a na-
tion discontented with the incapacity of its ruler, rises
in arms, and comes to treat with its sovereign.
Such a crisis occurs in all countries. or
will occur ; and fearful we admit it to
be for sovereign and for people. But this
is equally certain, that the interference of a third rarty '
always renders matters infinitely worse. It defers
the settlement that must perforce take pla-e if sove-
reign and people be left to themselves, and when
they are so, conservative, aye, and loyal elements
are never wanting. But when the sovereign is made
to depend on foreign support, and when -he people are
thus induced to look to the same, and to join foreign
intrigue with domestic struggles, then the case of that
country is hopeless. In a country so situated the
sovereign will never attain security, the minister will
never command respect, nor the people ever enjoy
either freedom or prosperity. Such, at present, is the
state of Spain, thanks to the French intervention.
And such will be Italy with the same interference,
and under the same auspices.

Mormax pouticians alternately cuff eau kiss each
other with as brief intervals and as little apparent
reason as Clown and Pantaloon in the pantomime.
When the whip last came into office they passed
over their old Chancellor of the Exchequer to
instal Sir CHARLES WOOD in his place. Sir F.
BARING was not only left out of his former office, no
plies whatever was found for him in the new
arrangement. Accordingly, when Lord Joey Hue-
sm. presented his original budget on the 18th of
March last, Sir F. BARING delivered an opposition
speech so pretty, and effective, and damaging, that it
elicited praise even from Mr. DISRAELI. Why Sir
FRANCIS was thus passed over no one could con-
jecture. He certainly was not thought the most effi-
cient of Chancellors of the Exchequer then, what,
ever may be the impression now, when the official
career of Sir CHARLES WOOD is interposed to soften by
contrast and extenuate his shortcomings. Nor can the
omission of his name in the ministerial list be a•tri-
bated to the grasping spirit of the " governing
family," for Sir nun's is a gitimste, intimately
allied to the house of OBEY on the one hand, and to
the AUCKLAND group on the other. The transient
coolness and alienation is inexplicable; sod equally un-
accountable is the re-admission of the caustic critic of
the budget of February last, or his ucceptance of the
Admiralty under those who slighted him as Chancel-
lor of the Exchequ• r.
In so far as the Premier is concerned in these love
quarrels, there is a good deal to be said in extenuation
of the part he plays. A carpenter who las only a limited
number t.f old worm-eaten deals wherewith to patch up
a leaky and battered boat, must be excused if he
alternately throw aside, and select one of them
more from fancy than judgment. And the assortment
of timbers Lord JOHN has got to pick and choose from
is scanty enough. The overtures made to Lords
Lint:out and DALHOUSIE and Mr. SIDNEY HERBERT
while his cabinet was it.choate, was a pretty frank
confession that his stock in hand of materials was not
over-plentiful ; and the flag of distress hung out to Sir
JAMES GRAHAM is still more unequivocal. The case
is urgent. The good ship Whig is on her beam-ends,
her crew too much reduced to work her, and the flag
is hoisted with the union downwards. Sir JAMES
GRAHAM sees that they cannot do without him,
and holds off till his full terms are granted. But
rather than do that, Lord lons will make one effort
more with the old hands, and Sir F. BARING, natu-
rally apprehensive that a coalition may render his
exclusion permanent, accepts of office with his party
in extrema.
A mighty pother is being made by the Times about
Lord JOHN'S freedom from feelings of clanship in
sending for Sir JAMES GRAHAM. The truth is that '
Sir JAMES was originally one of the set; be rowed in
the same boat with Lord JOHN much longer than he
has rowed with Sir ROBERT PEEL. He broke with
the whip on the question of an alliance with O'CON-
NELL, and now even O'Connellism is defunct, and
Mr. WARD'S Irish Church motion has been blown
away into the limbo of Vanity. Lord STANLEY and
Sir JAMES GRAHAM allied themselves with Sir Ho-
BERT PEEL, after Sir ROBERT had accepted of the
Reform Bill and its inevitable consequences.
Tne high tory section of ti-e party, rallied
by Sir ROBERT under this gathering cry,
have fallen back again upon their old principles,
and Lord STANLEY has gone with them. Sir JAMES
GRAHAM has adhered to Sir ROBERT and the conser-
vatives wt.° have griped down free trade in addition
to the reform bill as (to use Lord JOHN'S exprestion)
a final m-asure. There is now absolutely no differ.
ence of principle between Sir JAMES and Lord
Jots ; there is therefore no concession required or

made whoa the ?rimier asks the truant who left him
la 1886 to return, sod bring along with him such of
his new Menials are at of, with it* in opinion.
It is likely to prove that Sir James is adj.& loan
frvilmthe whip to the conservative% to ktgaA back
with interest when the latter come to he -itp house.
The distinction between whigs and conforming con-
servatives is a distinction without a difference, and all
the world sees itt. The former are a full-grown party,
r somewhat, it is tree, " declined into the vale of
years,' and the latter a fragment of another 'Arty,
which would fain pass muster for a whole one. But
their principles or professions are identical. They
bear the same resemblance to each other as a stripling
may to a man, or as the Chronicle does to the 71rnes,
slam both fell under the management of a "governing
family." If they can strengthen themselves by ceas-
ing to =act the farce of an unreal opnosition, there is
no valid reason why they should not come together :
no one has anyright to forbid the banns.
But will whiggery, or liberal conservatism, or con-
servative liberalism, receive any accession of strength
from this fusion of parties P That may be questioned.
The accession of Sir Jas GRAHAM to the cabinet
would doubtless 'name its administrative ability, so
far as he is ptrsonally concerned ' • but those he brings
along with him would be as complete cyphers in office
as any who may have to make way for them. The
slender increase of 'okra., however, is the least
consideration. The whigs are weak, less in conse-
quence of personal incapacity, than of their isolation
troni the °priors and sentiments of the great liberal
party throughout the nation. In forming an alliance
with the conforming conservatives they make no ap-
proximation toward. popular opinion; but, on the
contraey, court the alliance of a body who have at
least professed to stand still more aloof from and inde-
pendent of it. The coalition will bring them no
increase of popular confidence and affection, the ele-
ment of strength in which they are most deficient.
And yet the best thing Lord JOHN RUSSELL
can do will be to renew the suspended negotiations
with Sir JAMES GRAHAM, and give that gentleman
his own terns. Lord JOHN knows that he cannot
keep his ground in parliament without an accession of
administrative talent; he knows that Sir JAMES,
though not exactly a statesman in the highest sense
of the word, is a shrewd, exact, indefatigable men
of business—more so than any other public man of
the day; and by the overtures he has just wide to
Sir JAsEs, Lord Jonx has let the whole world into
the secret that this is his opinion. The tone in which
the government organ has been instructed to speak of
the negotiation, shows that it is not finally abandoned
as hopeless, and few are in doubt as to the
real difficulty which retards its successful con-
clusion. Th.• application to Sir JAMES GRAHAM,
who has perilled his reputation on his being able to
prove that, with all his retrenchments, he left the
navy in an efficient condition and amply supplied
with stores, demonstrates the anxiety of the whigs to
buy golden opinions b• effecting some economy, and
by doing it in that department. The hesitation of
Sir JAMES GRAHAM to close with th in sugges's the
suspicion that the whigs have as yet only made up
their minds to a sham or show reduction of expendi-
Itore in the navy, and that Sir JAMBS will not corn-
pronrse himself without being assured that he will
have it in his power to make tree reduction real.

MERE are two cAisummatinns, for which Times,
Chronicle, and all the aristocratic party, are moat
anxious. These are tt,e comp!. to subjugation of
Sicily by Naples, and of Hungary by Austria. For
these they offer daily vows, overwhelming Lord
PALMERSTON with the direst obloquy, because of his
doing the little utmost that the spirit of public
opinion and of parties will allow to aid the cause of
constitutional government in both these countries.
Hut Lord PALMERSTON shown any desire to inter-
vene in behalf cf the despots or despotism of
either nation, the tones would have ap-
plauded, or slurred over the intervention. But ford
PatAttiorroN's manoeuvres being on behalf of liberty
are nowise to be pardoned. We think his lordship
wrong—wrong in prlontaing, or attempting, or signify-
ing, any species of support, even to the most noble of
causes, whick the country will not support him in
effecttutlly and zealously carrying out. We sympa-
thise with Lord PaimeasTota's motives, and believe
his tendencies truly liberal ; but the time has come
when we must leave foreign liberalism to take care of
itself. And it is the duty of British statesmen hence-
forth to eschew small diplomacy, as to avoid little
wars.

The most amusing part, however, of these two
eases of Hungary and of Sicily is,that in aceompliehing
the wishes of our aristocratic and tory politicians,
the despots of Austria and of Naples would be
dealing the Dewiest blow to aristocracy and to the
aristocratic principle, that yet r mains to be stricken.
In fact, Sicily and Hungary are the only two regions
of Europe in which an hereditary, a wealthy, and a
powerful landed aristocracy survives. You may look
in vain for such, either in Austria Proper, in
Preens or even in ROSfill, where nobksse is
essentially an official distinction. The revo-
lution, and the long French dominion in
the kingdom of Naples, equally rooted oat the aristo-
cracy there, and had made the titles of count and
baron to become rather insults and br-words, than
marks of dignity. In Sicily and in Hungary, on the
contrary, the landed nohksse has continued to flou-
rish from its old roots. They made the revolution
of lbws countries, as our noblesse made that
of 1688. Such a thing as one democratic
chamber was never thought of. In both, peers rnd
magnates were allowed their rights, their house of
legislation apart. And if the English constitution is
ever again to be repeated, or tried out of
England, it must be in Hungary or in Sicily.
But our tory politicians have, it seems, a horror of
the British consteution anywhere else than at home.
They load with vituperation and condemn to the scaf-
fold the independent nohksse of those countries in
arms against a despotic court. And they invoke the
advent of military conquest and official ascendancy in
order that seignoiiial rights, House of Prers, and all
other ne moanti of a somewhat aristocratic constitution,
be swept away. For our part we regret this levelling and
sweeping destruction. However opposed to aristo-
cratic ascendancy, when carried too far at home we
think that wherever a Noblesse exists, it ought to have
its place in the constitution, and he allowed to keep all
of that place which it would naturslls retain without
the aid of artificial and unfair privilege*. Our tariff:,
however, have no mercy upon Sicilian or Hungari :n
nobles, especially when, like our own of the olden
times, supporting their rights against the crown.
They would make a tabula rota of the two countries,
in order to introduce that enlightened and equable
species of government practised from time immemo-
run by the comets of Vienna and of Naples.
Be it so. But this e will say, that there is not
republican, an ultra-democrat, or a communist, that
will not join hands and congas' oboe with the limes
and Chronicle at seeing the Hungarian and Sicilian
noblesse mashed and annihilated by those kings and
armies, whose supremacy they for long centuries re-
sisted.

We regret to see that our fee's for Hungary have
been realised. WINDISCHGRATZ has not ind-ed cap-
tured Pomorn, bat be bus found his way through
the difficult forest region which extended between it
and the Plattensee ; and our Vienna correspondent
sends us a bulletin, announcing the e- trance of the
Austrians into Pesth on the 6th. The Hungarians,
indeed, fought what is called the battle of the Moor,
but proved, u we anticipated, no match for the
regular troops of their foes. And vet Austria retains,
by force and stratagem, 12,000 Hungarian soldiers
in Italy. Were theme re4iments restored to the
national cease and soil, and able to unite
in ranks with the brother midi. r at home,
the result of the present campaign might have been
different. KOSSUTH must rue the day when, in cre-
diting the bland but false langusge of the court of
Vienna, he proposed to leave the Hungarian regi-
ments ander the standard of RADETSKI. Then he
might have recalled them : MHO it is too !ate.
The canoe of Sicily is one of more promise. The
Palermitans have hail time to equip an army and to
provide excellent officers for it. They have also pur-
chased some steamers, and General FlLAstr.teitt,
even although he should be as well supplied as Wm-
DiscaGßArt with Russian succours, will find the re-
duction of Palermo no au-h easy matter.
Should the King of NAPLES make an attempt on
Palermo, and fail—should hr bombard it, and ma.•
sarre its inhabitants, as he did at Messina, without
(Erecting the °unglue! that the possession of the cita-
del of Messina allowed him to make, he must abide
the consequence, shich, in that case can be no less
than the Inge of the island, a result that the govern-
ments of France and England have, we believe, la-
boured to prevent.

One of our tory contemporaries sneered some
time back at the envoys sent by these brave and
struggling countries to implore succour acd mediation
here. The envoy from Sicily is, we believe, one of
the first noblesse of the island. The Hungarian envoy
here, who was despatched with credentials from the
Archduke Palatine of Hungary to the Archduke
loam, and by him duly received and acknowledged,
is also well known to be a noble of the moderate and
oonstitutWial party in Hungary. Although he enter-
tains these moderate opinions it bag not made him
deny that Komura represented the true interests
and independence of Hungary.