The Express.
London, England, 1851-01-25 00:00:00

THE EXPRESS, SATURDAY EVENING, JANUARY 25, 1851.

THE
MANUFACTURING DISTRICTS.

" papal aggreision ha settled by the House of Commons
(Casters.) What, I want to ask, is this demand : Is this a
question that ean be ',Vied by pilitieians ? (Coos's.) I
speak as a poli:ionn. I may Petite it is my own mind as a
Protestant, and aa • protestant I mar have sty own opiniuse.
I have my own opinions : I am bound to have my own
opinions as an individual. Bv.rybody is blond to have his
own opinions as an individusi, end I s ,y he Ins a right freely,
I and I doubt if it be not his duty, to vindicate his own opinions.
And if be has an aggressive opponent, who advocates other
I opinions, I should doubt very much whether he is not
bound even Gently to defend the opinions he en.
tert,ins—always. of course, as an individual. (Cheers )
But I wont to ark if there in any rams why religious ques-
tions should not be removed out of the domain of polities,
the same as in the United Btres of America ? (Londebeers.)

GREAT SOIREE AT MANCHESTER TO
DISTINGUISHED MEMBER‘ OF PARLIAMENT.
MANCHESTER, Jaw. 24.
There wan a Tory importatat and influential gather-
Jen here last svenicir, at the Albion Hotel, which had been
celled tcgetbet by el.:cuter, couched is the following unpre-

kndiog terms
" 5, Newall'a•bdldiagr, Manchester, Jan. 13.—My dear
Sir, I respectfully requrst the honour of your company at a
aerial soiree at the Albion Hotel, oa Thursday the 23rd inst.,
to nest the lumbar, for 33ath Lancashire, tho member tot
the west &tiro' of Yorkshire, the members for the Borough

Lord Carlisle, when he—l wall not say &weeded from his
seat in the cabinet, I. delver an giddier to the Meehancias'
. .

of Manchester, to.--I remain , yours eery sincerely, Gho.

lestitution of Leeds—bat when he honoured himself by
coming out of the cabinet for that purpooe—(cheers)—made
a remark which, coming at the time it did, I think expressed
more than the words would naturally do, when he said, " I
°online I do envy the temple!. toleration which exists in the
United States.' (Cheers.) I think that was a significaat
expression, aad might be taken, probably, to forufy those
who believe in the rumour that the cabinet is not quits united
upon the question of papal aggression. (Rear, hear.) In
the United States the Pope any appoint bishops whenever
he plumes; he may parcel out that vast continent into as
many dioceses as he please., including California—
(laughter)—he may send tielmany cardinals as he plesses ;
and no matter by what pompous phraseology all that
be done, the United States politicians, and the United
States legislature at Washington, would be perfectly indif
f.rent to all. I say that we will have toleration and religious
freedom is this country, cost whet It may. (Loud cheers.)
I AO not stand here as the advocate of the potion:is of the
Roman catholic body. A. a politician 100 not presume to
offer my opinions on the faith of any man. Even oa the
polity of the church-1 might on that subject be allowed to
offer an opinion ; yet, at the present moment, when county
meetings were held and advertised partly at the expense ell
Roman catholic. themselves, who pay rate. as well as pro-
testiest.; when, I say, so much abuse is lavished on theme
I should be loth to offer any obeervation upon the polity of
the church. But 1 may be allowed to say that I am no
friend to the organbation of the Roman catholic body,
speaking of it as an organisation. It is too centealising fi r
me; it is too subduing to the intellect for me; and if I
changed any religion at all, I should b. as little likely as any
gentleman in this room to go into that religion as any on the
face of the earth. But, at the same time, let the Roman
catholic" living in England be allowed to judge for them-
selves, not only of the faith they profile, but of the mod. in
which they like to organise those who follow their
spiritual teaching. (Cheers.) Why should you dic-
tate to the Roman esthetics whether they shall
he governed by a cardinal, an archbishop, or a bishop ?
We shall be told pretty often, no doubt, that unless gown.
ment interfere, the privileg.a and prerogatives of the Quin
of Ragland will be invaded by the Paps,—not by Cardinal
Wiseman. Cardinal Wiseman is a British 'object; be
cannot invade the prerogative of the crown without !wing
guilty of high treason; and if he is so guilty, let him be
tried by the law. But what prerogative. have been invaded
by the conduct of the Pope? Not the temporal prerogative.
Why, the Pope has at this moment in his army • few
thousand French and Austrian troops. And 1 have it on the
beat authority, that if these troops were removed dire would
be the dismay and speedy the flight of the whole body,
pope and cardinals. It is not, then, the army of the Pope
that is to tiereeten the temp iralities of the crown. Are
the temporal prerogatives threateued by sea? You may
have a list of the active naval form of the Pope ; it
amounts to two gun brigs and • schooner. Put one quarter
of our effective service on the coast of Sussex, it would be
quite sufficient to guard the whole Wand against it. It is
not, then, the temporal sovereignty or the secular privi
legs of the Queen that can be endangered by the Pope, but
her spiritual dominion, we are told, is to be perilled. Now
are we, as politician., who are called upon fairly enough to
vote money for ordnance, and for shot and eheib, to meet
and repel the aggressive enemy that meets us with similar
weapons ? Are we to forge the spiritual inlay with which
we are to mat the aggression? if we are, I beg you to con-
, eider how capitally we are suited in the House of Commons for
that purpose. 1 won't say a word to asperse the character of
that body of which 1 form • humble unit—l mean the
Igeaeral character of that body, as a religious body. You
may say, if you will, and believe, it you please—l leave you
to enjoy the pleasures of your credulity—that • large ma-
jority of that House of COMMOna are living in an especial
odour of sanctity and piety. You may believe it it you
please ; I offer no opinion on it, for being one of the body, and
having to face them in about a fortnight, I hope you will
excuse my expressing an opinion on the subject. Bat ad-
mottles, if you pleese—admitting that we are, the great
majority of us, eminent for our piety—how are we con-
stitoted Are we all churchmen, owning the spiritual
authority of the Queen? Why we are about forty or
fifty of us Roman esthetics, and, mark me, yea will have
a great many more Roma. catholica returned from
Ireland at the nest election. We have an independent
or two, we have three or four unitarians, and we have a
Quaker, I am happy to say, and I wish we had a good
many more. And we have a prospect of having a Jew.
(Great laughter.) Now is not that • very nice body of
men to uphold the Queen's supremacy as head of England's
church? Why, gentlemen, it you wanted to give as a
task in the House of Commons which should last till
Doomsday, and that we should therefore put off, as no
doubt Mr. tench Stowell would 'moire, all "fora.,
ee.wher a cal or parliamentary, till that remote day ;
then give us the task of settling this question of
papal aggression. (Hear, hear.) 1 say, give it to po-
lit.cians to settle' if you want it never to be settled at all.
(Cheers.) But there is one thin 3 that has been said
by those who preceded me—they have alluded to the bigotry,
and fanaticism, and ignorance, which prevailed fifty years
ago amongst the mass of the people at this country. Now
there is one symptom, and al MOB' the only symptom,which has
consoled me in this agitation for religious disabilities, and
it it this—the calm, passive, and, in many respects, con-
temptuous silence and indifference with which it has
been regarded by the great mass of the people of this
country. (C errs.) If the same tumid,. had occurred fifty
or sixty years ego, owing to tut then ignorance and bigotry
of the team of the people of this country, half the Roman
catholic chapels would have been in flames, and halt
their mut ma' lives in danger. (Hear, hear.) And I
teank the demonstration only for this: that it nas given
me, more than anything else, a conviction of the erect pro-
, greet that has been made in real intellig, ace by the
great mass of the people, especially in the north of England.
Cheers) I will not say so muchjor the south. And I can-
oe' say much for the corporation of London. (Cheers and
laughter.) Why, only think of that corporation professing
to represent the city. Only thick of it! Last year setting
Stair up and agitating in • ferment of enlightened intelli-
gence and patriotism, in favour of religious liberty to the
Jews. (Hear, hear.) When has there bun such a spud.-
ale, even so absurd • spectacle, exhibited as that which was
show°, when the London corporation took that great ginger-
bread coach, the pattern of 200 years ago, and clothed the =-
selves in that Bartholomew fair dress of their.' ad took a
man with a fur cap, whose pattern dates back, I believe, five
essweries, with a long sword in his hand, and all the other
as, of the paraphernalia of the corporation of London, and
went down by the railroad to Windsor in °id.r to present an
address to the Queen, in order to put down—popish
mummeries! (Immense cheering, followed by roars of
laughter.) if you went to sea mummeries, go and see the
lord mayor's procession. I have seen the grand ceremonies
in the Vatican at Laster, I have seen the most gorgeous
religious processions the church et Rome can bout of, bat I
never saw anything half so absurd or half so offensive to
intelligeace or common soma as the mummeries in which
the corporation of London indulge every year. (Cheers.)
Now, gentlemen, only one word more, a. a politicise
again, but not as a party politician, if you please. Some-
thing has been said about conduct or miecoadact during the
last session. 1 don't come here to answer to you, because I
have not the honour of representing most of you. But this
I will say, I am exceedingly tolerant of every member of the
House it Commons who strain. a point to vote with the go-
vernment, because he has been some fifteen or twenty years
longer in the political arena than I have been. I
know perfectly well that on the Manchester Exchange,
and the Leeds Exchange, and the Liverpool Exchange,
where the Globe paper is taken, and that being a whig paper,
when persons au it speak against the member for the West
Riding, they are apt to think there must be a great deal
in it, and that the member must be making himself especially
ridiculous in the House of Commons. (lieu, hear.) I am
not a disappointed demagogue; if eve: there was anybody
who ought to be satisfied with his public career, it is I.
(Enthusiastic cheering.) I thank you for giving nu the
scaly response which could relieve me from the imputation
of great egotism in saying an. (Renewed cheering.) Well,
as I said before, my pillion is not the same as that of I
Hr. Brotharton. I have lived no limy that I cannot see
tle line of demarcation between while and tory. I cannot
see what principle the whigu advocate which the tories
do not advocate. I find from Lord John Russell, in the
House of Commons, not simply great impatience, but
petulance, and I had almost said greet insolence, in his
dealing', particularly in the remarks he has made to oar
friend Mr. Bright—who, I am sure, is very iedifferent to the
remarks themselves—but they are sufficiently important as
Indicating the tone of the man supposed to be the
leader of our pasty. (Hear, hear.) I must confess, that, in
regard to fiscal matter., I am bound to say I believe the
opposition party would do quite as much in the way of r•-
trecchmeot as the whige. lam not sure that they would not
do more. I believe Sir Jamie Graham, for instance, would
show lees subserviency to the Duke of Wellington, in
arrangements, than Lord John Russell. or Lord Pal-
merstoo. I believe is colonial policy, whilst Sir Robert Peel
resolutely refused to add another acre to our tropical posses-
sions, the present government are taking possession in Axis,
as well as Africa, of tracts of tropical territory which, I
believe, notwithstanding anything that may bo said to the
isentrary by the Manchester Association, are only calculated
to entail additional expense upon us, instead of benefiting
as, as a free trading community And I feu that next ses-
sion we shall be placed in a still worse dilemma, if we are
to believe the reports that Lord John Russell, instead of
Ming the champion of religious liberty, is going to embank
in a crusade against religious freedom. I shall then find
myself still further alienated from the present party. But
this I say : If I cannot say that I have at least the liberty
of voting in the House of CAIIIIIOIII for sonsatkihs diffetent
to that which aow exists—if I cannot hopes to see 'Me
'hasp and some reform—at least if I am not allowed rho
be. advocacy of my own opinions foe gone distinct panel
different from that which is now the rale of conduct wide
whig and tory—why am I to be dais( up till twelve
*Wok everynight in the Home of Commons ? This rho-
appaistod dalcagesso wants an public estplopaest: it I did,

Vimsow."

The invitation wu well responded to, and the oompany
included the following gen.lemen: George BA.,
_ _

chairman ; Richard Cobden, El., M.P. ; R:ght Mon. T.
H. Gibson, M.P. ; John Bright, Esq , M.P.; Jaw&
Brotherton, Eg., Id.P.; Alexander Henry, Rai., M.P.;
Henry Ashworth, E q R. N. Philips, E.g.; J. C. Dyer,

-
; Wm. Rawson,. E=q. ; John Whittaker, Eq. ; sag
the Rev. D. Vaughan.

The CHAIRMAN having bridly opened the Madams of
the meeting—
The Right H in. T. M. GIBIION proceeded to address the
amenably. He commenced by pointing attention to the sact-
easeful issue of the policy supported by Me. Cebien and bis
friends, in reference to the national ammeter, and ettributed
the leaning towards radar:Om of taxation shown by the pre-
sent government to the it.fitienc: of the council of the free-
trade party. He &clued bimeelf opposed to dealing with
taxation upon the marrow grounds of wheth• r there wai a

surplus ore deficiency, and wished to me it based upon
cocs.dered principles. Ile then enumerated several taxes
which might be reduced without losing us. He in-

evinced the tales on tea and coffee; end, referring to the
rumoured abolkioa of the window tax, he censured
the proposed substitution of a house tam He
then gave an eloquent summary of the 'tegument/
in favour of the abolition of tams upon knowledge,
ani si:vocated the removal cf the stamp, advertisement,

and paper duties. Ile then turned to a consideration of the
Roman catholic question. Toe Met is (said the right hon.
gentlemen) I really am quite at a loss to know whit to do
with what is called the human catholic hierarchy, except to
let it alone. (Laughter end cheers.) Toere may bi some
pet scheme bidden in the racemes of Downing street, but as
far se I ern capable of judging, I am quite at a loss to know
upon what ground • country, which protasis to bate
ad ,pted the principle of religious liberty, to be progressing
towards the abolition of the word " amendarey," and the
repudiation of the word " toleration "—(cheers)—• country
which woksss to ask for religions equality—urn what
rule can such • country make the Roman catholic* an ex-
ception to their rule ? (" Hear, hear," an applause.) If the
Rama embolus, were to come to parliament and say, " The
heed of our church, the Pope, has given as bishops, and we
ask you to give these bishops legal recognition—powers by
law to enforce their jurisdietior," then 1 should say that
such a demand must be visited wi.h the moat strenuous

ppositioa. (Applause.) But if amongst tbemselves they
support those dignitaries by their own voluntary contribu
tons, having so jurisdiction except such as tho free will of
the English catoolica chose to accord them, then I my that
it is extremely difficult, without violating those principles of
religious equality, on which I am prepared to take my stand
(cheen)—to bung forward any legislative enactment bear-
ing upon it the stamp of disability upon religious argued'.
If you makes retrograde step with regard to religious equality,
it is not clear that you may not do so in civil and commercial
freedom. (Hear, hear.) The same pri..ciple of injustice is
at the bottom of political monopoly, commercial monopoly,
and religious monopoly. (" Hear, hear," and applaus-.)
Favouriusm to clam against class is at the b ttom of all these
monopolies; and we should combat thc ascendancy principle,
whetter we find it in religion, in politics or in commerce.
(Cheers ) Error may reign for a time. But let us combat
error with Until ; and in the long run truth will var quish
error. (Cheers.) It is better to risk the temporary success
of error than to encounter the dangers of religious persecu.
Lion. (Hear, hear.) I bay. perfect confidence in the sound
policy and wisdom of acting consistently upon the broad
I Principles of religious equality. Coder those principles, I
I believe troth will triumph, and a greater amount of indi
v.dual and collective happineas will be secured, than under
'say principa of ascendancy which the ingenuity of man
could devise. (Tremendous cheering.)
Mr. Anal. Harasser, 31. P., briefly addressed the meeting,
and was followed by Mr. J. C. Dula, who expressed regret
at the result of the Reform Bid, observing that in 1810,
when we bad a borourkmon,garing parliament, the peop.e's
party was 80 to 90 in the house, and it was no more
' mows (Hear, heat.)
Mr. BRIGHT, M.P., was next introduced to the meet-
Mg, and was received with enthusiastic bursts of cheering.
The hon. gentleman commenced hie speech by referring to
the many signs of the political and social progress made in
the counties of Lancashire and York within the last thirty
pars, and congratulated his audience on the absence In
then counties of intnterance, as exempt fled jet their conetuct
during the last three mouth,. There had been attempts to
frighten the country out of its propriety. The cocknies
bra been much frightened—the parochial mind of the yeti•
ous divisions of London; but what had been the
state of feeling in Lancashire and Yorkshire ? Toe
most influential organ of pubic epinion from Hull
to Leeds, Manchester, and L'verpool bed opposed the cry of
intolerance elsewhere raised the agitation bad tailed
amongst the three millions of the population of this king-
dom that inhabit the counties of Laucuter and York. Look.
lag forward to the coming session, Mr. Bright said it was
not because some 60 er 90 only voted for some measures,
that therefore these 80 or 90 were all who were on the side
of reform; those 80 or 90 were behind a government which I
were se.el to be a liberal government, and which men who were
willing to give men credit for all kinds of virtnes, called a
'liberal government. Why, the whip in wen totally
different creatures to the whits out. (Applause.) It was
quite notorious that the timid, the rawer far-seeing of
the respectable damn, had been willing to keep the whigs
in, because they knew if they were out there was no
kind of desperate measure which they wont.: not recommend.
And he ventured to say, that u the members of the
present cabinet were on the other side of the house, there
would hardly be a single proposition which Mr. Cobden had
proposed, and which any one had seconded or supported,
that they would not have supported with an ardour and a
pelilial partizanship which his (Mr. Bright's) party hid
sever exhibited. Taey went there without any tape-
tatioa of getting titles, and places, and thousands a year.
Tory likely, if they had those expectations, their feelings
would be stimulated eemetimes, and they might by excited
to bitter and irritated expressions against their opdonents.
But there was nothing of that kind in their case. They sat
amongst some who voted with them so constantly, but who
told them that if Mr. Dioaell should show an in.
clination to go right for once, they were to go
wrong to oppose him. He for one could not con-
sent to do so. Even though they should semetimn p
wrong, even though they should occasionally vote against
the government, when their constituents might think that
without abdicating their position or principles they might
have • oed with them, whatever slight error they
might at any time commit, that error wee abundantly
compensated for by the existence of some 60 or 100 men in
' the House of Commons who have a regard to the opinions 01
their constituents, or (what is even a tar better guide) to the
principles which they have learned, which they have taught,
and which they value. It was far better fr r the country that
there should be such a party, then that any ministry that
ever existed in this country should be kept in office.
Mr. COBDEN presentee: himself amidst great cheering.
He said—l find that what I told you in the Free Trade Hall
just three years ago, that we might live to see the time when
the expenditure which sufficed for 1836 would soffits agaio,
is in process of being realised. We have already made such
' progress, the some four or five millions of reduction in our
expenditure has taken piece. (Cheers.) I have no doubt
that further retrenchments are going on at this very
moment; and I now repeat, not only my conviction that we
may return to the expenditure of 1836, bat that we shall
ore long attain that point, and that we shall not stop
even there. (Hear.) As fiscal questions will engages pert
deal of attention in the craning parliament, I would have
you rigorously to draw a distinction between two questions
which are very often jumbled together, causing groat con-
fusion is the public mind. I mean the difference between
a surplus caused by increased revenue, and a surplus ones.
stoned by reduced expenditure. (Loud cheers.) The
government comes forward with a surplus of 2,000,0001 :
arising from an increase in the receiptsof the various exist-
lag tears; and the government is then too apt to take credit
to itself for the great merit of having effected the super-
abundant revenue. They do not tell you, and you are too
opt to folget it, that this surplus is merely the effect of your
having given, out of your pockets, 'vast 2,000,0001. more into
the hands of the Chancellor of the Exchequer in one year
than you did in the last year ; and then the Chaecellor of the
Exchequer says very graciously, "I have 2,000,0001. more
than I estimated, I will return it to you." " Thank
you for nothing," is all that you should ever say
for that. (Cheers sad laugh•er). But I wish yen
to watch the Chancellor of the Exchequer when he brings
forward his budget, and to look critically and rigorously at
the amount of the reduction of his estimates for the neat
year's expenditure, as compared with the estimates of last ,
year. (Rear. bear) If, in the ensuing session, the Chan-
cellor of the Exchequer don that which he may do, bring
forward a reduction in oar eetablishmente, as be may da if
the govensmeat are so incli.t.ed, then you may have an
estimated surplus over the expenditure of next year of
nearer 5,000,0001 than 2,000,0001. (Cheers.) The sur-
plus that is now being estimate) is upon the present
year's estimates. I want to are tee neat year's
estimates, and the budget, that we may judge of
the government by their estimates, and not by
nay cc they may have reached. For the last two
or throe months there has not been a calm is this country.
I wish you to bear in mind, that when we meet, ere
another fortnight, in parliameat, oar time will then,
I fear, be very much occupied with the dinned= of
another question ; for, if we may believe Mr. Hook
Stowell la what he told us at a very large assembly in Man-
chester, every political question of fisal, social, or any other
Tykes, must be suspended until this one pest question of