The Express.
London, England, 1849-03-27 00:00:00

dal protection, should be, as far se possible, British in chi-
nester.
The cameo was then agreed to ; as was also clause 33.
Mt. G. SANDARS proposed to move a ,lease to the fol-
lowing egad:
Whereas it is expedient that ladoesserds be held out to foreign
tams, pine Willi& awls Is foreign ports an the same footing on
Irma the .area of sash foreign states are assail la tin ports debts
mastery; le it sassed, that, in ease it shall, at the exphatices of
thipnioefrala 'Wang of this set be made to appear to her
tha antiarceals are subject Is lay hales country to any
Stilkgrinli4ll,lWropies la want they may
Innen or es to airy mav import into or export
lima such country, to which the alas( ma Isegas into
see not
mutant is this country, it than thin he anal kr bet Majesty In
counril to blame nett prohibitions or rastriesheanaon the ships of
such as
osantry sameall plies the assn of such 'cantles as
nearly as pailible the balm is Br ports as that an which
British ships are placed to the ports of sash country.
Mr. L kBOUC MERE said the object of the hon. gentle.
man appeared to be, to leave matters open for three years,
and to enforce a system of strict reciprocity it the end of that
period. He could not conceive any plan more open to ob.
jection. It any plan of retaliation were initials'', it should
be acted upon earlier.
The clause was then withdrawn.
The pre anble was then agreed to.
Mr. GLADSTONE wished to ask the right hon. gentle-
man what course he intended to pursue with regard to the
clauses whisk conferred certain powers on the cuknial le-
gi-laturee Had the right hon. gentleman had an opportunity
of considering the amendments which he (Mr. Gladstone)
had proposed ? A. to the t:rm of those amendments he was
quite willing to meet the right hon. gentleman.
Mr. LABOUCHERE said, that although there was no
gnat practical differt noe between the right hon. gentleman
and himself, yet he preferred the course proposed by the
government. believing, am he did, that it would be most as
tothe colonies. lie had no objection to reconsider
the subject.
Mr. GLADSTONE hoped the right hon. gentleman
would soon intimate his final decti.ion, as when it had been
declared it might be his (Mr. Gladstone's) duty to raise the

question.
Mr. LABOUCHERE would take that opportunity of
/stating with regard to the proviso en the subject of tl to pro-
portion of British seamen to the tonnage, that sines the
discussion the other evening be had had some communica
Cons with the shipowner, and in consequence he thought
it hest that the proviso should be withdrawn. He had been
informed by shipowners that it would lead to the overcrowd-
ing of ships.
Capt. HARRIS said it appeared to him that the result of
withdrawing this clause would be, that owners would be
able to man their ships with as few menu they pleased.
Mr. RICARDO said that the shipowner bad represented
the inconvenience of the proviso, and on that ground, he
believed, it was proposed to withdraw it.
The hones resumed, and the bill was reported.
Mr. BERRIES said it was understood that the third
reeding was not to be taken until after Easter. Would the
noble lord state on what day after Easter he proposed to take
the third reading ?
Lord J. RUSSELL would endeavour to suit the meow
mociation of the house on the point, but he could not at lbs
moment name the day.
On the motion of Mr. LABOCCHERE, the bill as usentled
was ordered to be reprinted.
POOR-LAW (IRELAND).—RATE IN AID.
On the motion that this bill be read a second time,
Mr. HAMILTON rue to move, pursuant to notice, that it
he read a second time that day six months. lie was insensible
as any man to the gnat distress which afflicted many parte
of Irelend, and most anxious to remove that distress, now
and for ever, by any practical and practicable means, but he
could not admit this measure as coming within the category
of either practical or desirable. He objected to the measure,
in the first place, on constitutional grounds, as interfering
altogether with the established principle of local administra-
tion and load taxation. He of jetted to it, next, as inter-
fering with the great experiment now in course of
trial of poor laws in Inland—an interference pe-
culiarly to be deprecated. From the last report of
the poor law arawbeionen of Ireland, he perceived that,
omitting from the calculation the last rats issued, only six
per cent. upon the whole rating of Ireland had failed to be
paid in. That poor law was founded on the principle that
etch district should be answerable for its own poor ; and,
although there were many districts, perhaps, too large, still
the guardians in each case were the representatives of the
ratepayers there, and responsible to them and to the
country for the due administration of their trust in
their own district. The measure now before the house
would do away with this wholesome responsibility, and
introduce general confusion. The system by which
a pleas was to be compulsorily assessed for the relief of re-
mote districts was an indirect violation of the wound constitu-
tional principles which the legislature had, at ell events, al-
ways avowed; and the committing the distribution of the
tax to the Pcordaw Commissioners, whose management so
far had been such ss to give offence to the good sense of the
people of Ireland, was calculated to combine the whole coun-
try against the principle of a poor law at all. (Hear, hear.)
Nothing could be so unfair as that districts which
had struggled more or ler successfully to keep
down their own pauperism, should now be called
upon further to contribute to the support of pau-
perism in which they had no share. (Hear, hear.) The
hon. member for Buckinghamshire bad well pointed out, in
ore of his eloquent addresses, that it is a dangerous thing to
impress any class with a conviction that it is being treated
with injustice by the legislature. Most assuredly if this
measure passed, an indelible impression would be produced
upon thebest class of her Majesty's subjects in Ireland that
they had been treated with injustice by the legislature.
(Hear, hear.) He should like to know whether a
principle of the kind involved would be tolerated in
England or in Scotland? Besides, the rate proposed would
be altogether inadequate to the assigned purpose. Even
did they collect the 250,0001, which they would not, it
would not at all answer the purpose. He objected to the
proposal further, because he considered it calculated to
aggravate all the evils under which Ireland laboured, and
which were made constant matter of reproach against ber—
tha want of enenty, of determination, of selfdependence.
(Hear, hear.) Why was it that Ulster was In a better con-
dition than the rest of Ireland ? Simply because the popu-
lation there were energetic, selfdependent—were good ma-
nagers of their resources. A fine reward for their good
conduct would they meet with in the results of this mea-
sure ! The bill, in fact, would simply operate as a premium
upon that very idleness which had brought distress and
rum upon so many districts of Ireland, and the
effects of which would then become all but uni-
versal. Many divisions, which now were just able
to struggle on free of debt, would be prostrated.
If he could feel assured that, in conjunction wilt the present
measure, means would be taken to grapple with the whole
question of Irish distress, he would be ready to consent to
any amount of fair and just taxation ; and although not him-
self a landholder, be would venture to say, on the part of the
east and the north of Ireland, the same feelings predomi-
nated. He hewever objected to the bill, because it dealt
with Ireland on provincial, and not on imperial, principles
of legislation, which might lead to separation. The bill was
opposed by the subordinate authorities of the government in
Ireland; it would not fulfil the objects which it was intended
to effect, and it would increase and protract the duration of
those evils which it purposed to alleviate. For all then reasons
he begged to more as an amendment that the bill be read a
secant time that day six months.
Mr. CORRY seconded the amendment, upon the principle
that the ball was as objectionable for two years as it would
be far twenty.
Sir W. SOMERVILLE said that his hon. friends who
had moved and seconded the amendment, admitted they
felt for the distress in the west of Ireland, and yet both of
them had need arguments against the bill which went to the
effect that no relief should be afforded to the distressed popu
lotions of those districts, for they joined in objecting to
make Ulster pay for the want of energy and industry of
Connaught. He (Sir W. Somerville) looked in vain for any
other fund out of which any assistance to the annum popu-
lation could be derived. It was very true his hon. friend
(Mr. Cony) had said, if Ireland is not proportionably tax.d,
let a commission of honourable men be nominated to inquire
into the subject, and if the fact was so he was ready
be pay his additional share of taxation, but here
was an urgent case. The famine mast be stayed ;
the people mut be prevented from dying of hunger,
and that is best done which is nostquickly done. To appoint
a eonimissioa would be blinking the whole question. And
Mt blank was not the income tax a new tut when it was
imposed is 1842? Was it impend then upon Inland?
Were there net ether exemptions from taxation enjoyed by
baba? He recollected well that when the right hon.
baremetepposite fleet proposed the inmate tax, he and Tinny of
his hon. friends around him listened with the deepest anx-
iety for the announcement of his intentions with respect to
Ireland. He well remembered the murmur of approbation
which proceeded from the benches on which he and his hon.
friendeazitt when they heard the right hon. baronet state that
be di of intend to melees Ireland to the income
tax. Remembering that circumstance, ho little thought he
should ass the day when Irish mambas would ask the go-
vernment to impose an income-tax on Ireland, in order that
they might escape the rate in aid. (Cries of " No, no.")
At all events, though there might be some who were not
melons that the income-tax should be extended to Ireland,
he was not wrong in saying that both his bon. friends oppo-
site had said they preferred that tax to the rate in aid.
Great stress had been laid on the hardship of subjecting in-
dutriosu and wealthy Ulster to a contribution for the relief
of poor and desolate Connaught. And it had been
asked what Ulster had to do with Connaught, from
which place that pro-Ines was so far removed. He
in reply must say that Ulster had a great deal to do with
Connaught, and that Ulster *mild not be allowed to blow hot
and cold—to profit by the prosperity of its own inhabitants,
and to refuse to share that prosperity with the other flute of
Leland. He did not believe that the present condition of
CIMSBUgIit was owing to the want of energy of its popula-
tion. He ascribed the distress prevailing there to that
dreadful famine which destroyed the food of the people. lie
attributed the pauperism and ruin of the west to the failure
of the foundations on which the whole fabric of society in
the west was raised, and not to any of the effects of free
trade, as had been everted. It was not till the year 18"
when the mare extended poor law was thought necessary,
that relief to the able-bodied out of the workhouse was son-'
trued by the house. His belief was, and always had bees,
that that ineasuro was a necessity; It was a misfortune to be
driven to such a law, but it was preferable to the modes of
mistimes which had before been resorted to ; and if they
had had the poor law machinery prier to 1947, his belief was
that a large amount of money would have been sired. Sup-
posieg, then, that they were all speed that it was not too
much to ask the people of Ireland to come forward in some
may towards the relief of the distressed district*, all they had to
decide was the best mode by which that essistance might be
rendered. It shoull n• v:r be forgotten that this rate was a
temporary measure, and was intended te most whet he