The Express.
London, England, 1846-09-03 00:00:00

he etriareoo.

MAILS.
• The meld for Maddre, leering. limes Ayres, and Monte Video,
will be reds ep on ths eyrie ef dr eth kat. (to.monsnr).
The Writ virdeo indedwg these tor Mexico, Hondurea, and
Hiram, well le arid rip at re of the 17th inst.
Ms reds kr Cereersollme, Operas Modeles. Cadiz, and
Gibraltar, vidl be ride wp on the of ler Cont.
The eseziand ceased rads, sr to the Mediterranean,
Egypt, Aden, Cod" India, Hoeg-Kens, de., will be made up on the
wrung of the Het hut.
The mails for British North Albedo, Bermuda, and the United
States, will be made up on the erre, of the lath tact.
The malls for Gibraltar, Malta, dr lonian Wands. rink,
Aden. Ceylon, India, Hong-Kong, sad Chew, will be made up on the
morning of the Met inst.

TO CORRESPONDENTS.
We cannot aoHas, in any way, any aommankatioa that Is mint to as
ancoymossly ; bat those who shown to Mahar as in mildew will
tad their lonSdanos rasprotad. NEITHER CAN WE UNDERTAKE
TO RETURN ANY MANUSCRIPTS WHATEVER.

BIOS WAWA AT LONDON-BILIDOR.
TIM D44.-21=r WM. pad II; Attend" La. pdt
Todomow.— glO Ida. pat 0; Alta a" 43 db. past 0.

LONDON, THURSDA-Y, SEPTEMBER 3.
Tae Government measures of Irish Relief are freely
criticised on both sides of St. George's channel.
Most of these comments appear based either on a
disregard of the peculiar emergency of the time, or on
a wilful misconception of the nature and objects of
Government efforts.
To reduce a nation to pauperism, would be not only
a profligate but a suicidal policy. Is it likely that
with the warning of last year's mischief from
ill-
judged interference, however partial, with trade and
labour, that the present Executive would follow,
sheep-fashion, on the same fatal path ?
That they have not done so, the points of difference
between their measures and those of their predecessors
sufficiently prove. But those who impugn the
proposed scheme of relief on this ground, over-
look altogether its scope and intention. It is not
held out as a panacea for Irish distrese,but as a means
of averting Irish starvation. It is called patchwork
policy. But we must patch, when there is a hole to
be stopped. The vacuum of empty bellies will not
wait for " comprehensive measures," unless, besides
being comprehensive, they are immediate. And the
true test of their wisdom is the degree in which they
originate future good, while removing present priva-
tion. In proportion as the Government scheme is
realised, will be the permanence of the benefits it
offers. It has been framed expressly with a view to
this. The works to be commenced are to be works
of public advantage. An effective and vigilant
Board is to select them, not a selfish and rapacious
Landlordry.
The first object is to diminish the pressure of
starvation. While this threatens, considerations of
political economy take second rank. England does
. not begrudge her capital at such a time. The very
men who exclaim against treasury loans, would be
the first to open a cry of "selfishness" on the Govern-
ment that refused them.
It is only when taken in connexion with other im-
provements, however, and viewed with their chain of
collateral effects, that we can rightly appreciate the
possible results of these measures. To enlarge a har-
bour, to finish a canal, to set a railway cutting in pro-
gress, may seem a waste of means when there are no
ships to enter the first, no goods to be conveyed along
the last. But in &country abounding with the undevel-
oped germs of capital ; with labour, facilities for
water communication, water power, a sea teeming
with fish, a fertile soil, stone and marble, ores
and flax, corn and cat.le ; it is clear that the
money capital to work these must flow ia, when the
obstacles to its employment are removed. The most
operative of these at present are, that insecurity
which results mainly from the unhappy dependence
of the peasant on his plot of potato ground, and the
want of those means of rapid communication which
the relations of modern commerce demand. The de-
pendence en the soil seems for the present broken up
by the revolt of the soil itself. As if conscious of the
mischief that had taken root, and grown with its
produce, it refuses to perpetuate the united and pes-
tilent issue.
It is obvious that the works undertaken under the
present pressure, however judicious the selection of
them, or however untainted with the plague of
jobbery, can of themselves effect bat a small frac-
tion of this good. Bat it is a beginning in the right
way. Even this is new to Ireland. It is attended,
moreover, by the promise of just measures, as be-
tween landlord and tenant. Nor is this promise only.
Enough has been done to guarantee continuance in
the direction pointed out by sound policy no less than
equity. Nor is the prospect of good limited by the
narrow horizon of social interests. England is
pledged to grant to Ireland political and municipal
equality with herself. It is a superficial view which
sees in Irish disorders the fruits of only social wrongs.
All such have a political root ; and must, to be effec-
tually cured, receive their share of political remedy.
It becomes of interest to mark the tone of the
Young Ireland organ at this crisis. This, also, takes
up the pauper cry. It sees in the relief measures a
form of Poor-law : a measure of which it quotes the
Economists illustration : " That it is simply giving a
hungry dog a piece of his own tail to eat." It merely,
says the Nation, takes money from one man to feed
another. But, surely, if one man has money, and
refuses to give a share of it to another who wants
food, the law may compel him to do so, rather than
allow the foodless to perish. It may be an inter-
ference with private property, but it is so in the
same sense as that in which all law may be said
to be an interference with private liberty. If,
moreover, as Young Ireland contends, absenteeism
is continually draining off the capital raised out of
' Irish soil and Irish labour, it is inconsistent to com-
plain of a measure because it arrests some of thjt
capital in transitu, and appropriates it on the spit
where it is most needed.
The Nation takes for granted that the relief works
are to be unprofitable. One the contrary, that they
shall be re-productive is a main object of the

000200 010 201102 10

&bytes sad intends& seeepayees to a responsible and
disintseinted pabbaboart The Nation enumerates the
the deasorabieg affects of these public works ;
bow the lebevsses, having the example before their
eyes of a great public fraud, themselves defraud their
fraudulent employers; how they quit agricultural
parsaite,where they earn a fair day's wages for a fair
day's labour, and crowd into the public works, where
they pretend to be cutting down hills and filling up
hollows, and, with tongue in cheek, receive half wages
for doing nothing. "To take so much labour (which
is Ireland's wealth) and waste it, is precisely as if the
value of it, the produce that might have been created
by it, were buried in the sea ; but to take the honest
labourers and cottiers themselves, and make swin-
dling, sturdy beggars of them by the thousand and the
myriad—no wonder that Mr. MONSELL, and many
another thinking man, is looking on with horror
and dismay."
But there are remedies directed to these very
abuses in the late act. The work is to be piece-work.
The wages are to be below the agricultural standard.
In fact, the whole argument of the Nation assumes
that the mischiefs of last year's act are to be perpe-
tuated :in :this. Its excuse may be that it has not,
before writing, seen the Treasury Minute which we
published on Tuesday. Except in the simple point of
providing food for the starving, and that only in ap-
hids inaccessible to ordinary trading supplies, Lord
Jour; RUSSELL'S plan differs from Sir ROBERT
PEEL'S, and that in excluding the causes of those
very evils which are chosen for denunciation and
exposure.
England may claim for the measures of the late go-
vernment, as for those of the present, the credit of good
intentions. Ireland has to answer for the nullification
of those intentions. If the jobbery of her landlords
selected unproductive fields of labour; if the dupli-
city of her peasants received wages for work which
they shirked; even in these, England is not to blame.
But, grown wiser by last year's experience, barriers
have been thrown up against the cupidity of Irish
landlords and the trickery of Irish labourers. Ire-
, land shall not be pauperized, if we can help it ;
Government have done all that even their large
means and powerful machinery can do, to relieve
without creating the habit of dependence ; and to
provide springs of prosperityrwhich shall not cease
to flow, like the wells of an Eastern caravan, when
the immediate needs of those who first use them are
satisfied.

TnE Derby Nomination took place yesterday,
when, after the speeches usual on such occasions
(elsewhere duly reported), the show of hands
was declared to be in favour of Mr. Svarrr. It is
well to have to record so auspicious a beginning;
for we do not think the circumstances of this contest

very creditable to the promoters of it.
Mr. Snurrr has represented Derby in Parliament
since 1830, and a more honest representative never
eat in the House of Commons. Without being an
orator, he is always gladly and respectfully listened
to, because he rises not to snake a speech but to
advance business. He is looked up to as one of
the best informed and most judicious authorities
in all matters relating to private bill committees
and the class of business referred to them. He is, in I
short, one of a small class of members without whom
the business of the House would always be getting
into confusion. Add to this, he is a man of unblem-
ished integrity, of sound judgment, and a strenuous
mortar of liberty both of thought and action.
Himself a Churchman, he has ever been ready
to interpose between those who seek to stretch
the power of the Church beyond due limits,
and all classes of Diasenters from her doc-
trine and discipline. Mr. STRUTT has uniformly
supported triennial parliaments and the ballot, as
means of keeping pure our extended constituency.
He has ale) been an intelligent and zealous advocate
of Free-trade. Take him for all in all, he is exactly
the kind of man whom rational and practical
Liberals must be anxious to see kept in Parliament ;
and of whom any high-spirited and independent
constituency might be supposed to say with honest
pride, " We sent and we keep him there."
Yet Mr. Svasrrr, having to undergo the ceremony
of a re-election ; having undertaken the task, deli-
cate and difficult as it is important, of organising a new
department of executive government; of ascertaining,
experimentally, how far the new railway board may
interfere with the development of the railway system,
so as to secure the lives and limbs of us all, and
protect us against monopoly, without cramping or
diverting enterprise and capital from a natural chan-
nel;—has encountered with a fierce opposition in his
native town. It seems to be imagined that the rival
candidate has a chance, though personally unknown
to the electors ; and though all that his partisans
can say to recommend him as n legislator is, that he
fought gallantly in the Peninsula, and displayed both
energy and humanity in checking the unhappy
Bristol riots of October, 1831.
Any attempt at comparison or contrast of the two
men in respect of fitness for legislative duties, is out
of the question. Sir DIGBY MACKWORTII, if chosen
by the electors of Derby, will be chosen not for any
merits of his own, but for demerits supposed to exist
in Mr. Staurr. What, then, has Mr. STRUTT said, or
done, or been suspected of, to neutralise all the high
qualities which have made him so efficient a member
of the legislature ?
We pass over the miserable piece of parish poli-
tics the difference of opinion that appears to exist
between Mr. STRUTT and some of his supporters, as
to the exact degree of warmth and pertinacity with
which the claims of the burgesses to certain rights of
pasture ought to be urged. Opposition could never
rest on a question of that kind.
The sole offence of Mr. Sratrrr, the fault which
is to outweigh a parliamentary service of sixteen
years, useful to the country at large and to the con-
stituency he immediately represents, and reflecting
honour on that constituency, is his vote in support
of the increased grant to Maynooth. It formed
the staple of the nomination speeches. Mr. STRuTT
voted that the funds for the endowment of May-
nooth, should be taken out of the surplus funds of
the Protestant Church established in Ireland. Find-
ing a majority of the House of Commons reso-
lute in denying to the majority of the people of
Ireland, any participation in those funds which
have from time immemorial been set apart
for the religious service of the whole community, he
voted that a moderate allowance should be made to
them out of other funds (to which both Protestants
and Catholics contribute) to enable them to give their
priests a decent education. This is a question regard-
ing which there are not merely two opinions, for and
against; it is almost so many men so many minds.
Some would take all religious sects into the state pay;
some, though entertaining doubts as to the general
principle, think that the exceptional state of eccle-
siastical relations in Ireland justifies the endowment
of Maynooth. Some would have the state endow
only one church; others would have the state
withhold from any interference either to support or
discourage any sect. These discordant views convey
but a very inadequate notion of the diversity of senti-
ment which pervades society on the Maynooth grant.
Bat the men who esifirtain any of these opinions so
decidedly as to make one or other the rule of their
conduct, regardless of consequences, are few. By
far the greater part of society will be found halting
between two opinions. The difficult problem of the
exact relation in which the church and state ought to
stand to each other, is yet far from being ripe for
practical solution. It is one silpon which the sincere
and earnest advocates of all opinions ought to low no
lopportunity of publishing and defending their own ;
bat it is not one that can be made the test of a man's
fitness for a legislator. The comparatively few un-
compromising voluntaries or churchmen who would

with. *11;i rZtZnir in 'ea-01-00.--
Let es lake this Derby election u an exaMple..
The only specific measure upon which Sir DIGBT
MACKWORTH pronounced an opinion yesterday is the
Maynooth grant. Now Sir Droar'amost zealous sup-
porter, the Standard, dissents from his view of this
great ; but agrees with Sir DIOS"! that " our Pro-
testant religion" is to be supported. " Our Protestant
religion," in the eyes of the Standard, does not im-
peratively command hostility to the Maynooth grant;
and this being the case, we search Sir DIGHT'S speech
in vain for any illustration of the meaning he attaches
to the phrase, " our Protestant religion." The evening
journal is more explicit. "To the mere worldly
men of the ' country party,' if any such there are, we
say that they lean upon a broken reed, if they hope
to carry the country by Protectionist principles alone."
Again : " The connection between the Protestant
religion and the material interests which the
' country party' defend,' is so far immediate
and practical, that they are at present as-
sailed by a common enemy : the Irish Romanist
party and its English abettors, whether Whigs, Radi-
cals, or renegade Conservatives." And yet again: "It
is to be remembered, too, that the principle of Pro-
tection properly includes the moat sacred of all our
institutions, the United Church." In short, with Sir
DIOBY MACKWORTH and his supporter, "our Protes-
tant religion" means High Church and Corn and
Sugar Monopoly.
In so far as the triumph of sound political principle
is concerned, we attribute marvellously little impor-
tance to the result of the Derby election. Should
even success attend the efforts, on the present occa-
sion, of these hair-splitting casuists—of these equi-
vocal enthusiasts, who hold all men who do not agree
with them on every point as alike vile and
worthless—who, with the name of civil and
religions liberty in their mouths, are endangering
Mr. Sriturr's return, and promoting that of Sir
DIOBY MAex wonvn —we believe that the result would
only be a prouder majority at the general election
for'him who has served Derby so truly during sixteen
years. But, for the reputation of the Derby electors
themselves, we do trust that they will have sense
enough to cast from them, even on the present occa-
sion, the mischievous advice of those strainers at
gnats and swallowers of camels, who would reject a
tried Liberal for difference of opinion on an abstract
principle, and fall down and worship the golden calf
of high church and corn and sugar monopoly under
the name of "our Protestant religion."

AMONOSTthe commercial .od reciprocity treaties,

of whose daily =elusion between the different
states of Europe we bear, none are calculated to
give greater pleasure than that recently settled
between Holland and Belgium. The divorce be-
tween these countries was so disastrous and unnatural
as far as material interests were concerned, yet so
imperatively called for by moral differences and re-
ligions intolerance on either side, that one is glad to
see the virulence of these latter causes abate suffi-
ciently to allow once more of the reconciliation
and re-union of trading and economic interests. It
has taken fifteen years to bring this about. Yet, con-
sidering the relative positions taken, and the mutual

feeling; evinced, by the two countries, the wonder
is, not that such a reconciliation has been so long
delayed, but that the obstacles to it have been so soon
got over.

One powerful motive must at length have ope-
rated, as the most influential in producing an ap-
proach to commercial union. This was the conscious-
ness of how isolated both were; and how powerless
and disrespected, because isolated. Five hundred
years ago, small States incurred the risk of being
swallowed up by the power of greater empires. Now,
they run another danger; that of being sent to
Coventry, of being commercially excluded. Large
States will no longer allow small ones to manufacture
for them, to carry for them, or to profit by them
in any way, even when the profit would be
mutual. Nay, large States are so inveterately
foolish as to refuse taking the raw materials
of power and wealth from smaller States at their
door. France will not take Belgian iron, and even
levies a duty upon Belgian coal. Belgium has been
vainly soliciting commercial fairness from France and
from Germany, coquetting with both, and endeavouring
to make use of political jealousies to secure commercial
advantages. She has offered great boons to both
countries, yet both Germany and France repudiate
her staples. To the friendship of France, Belgium
sacrificed her commercial relations with England.
The Belgian tariff on all English commodities was
raised to a prohibitive rate, to gratify the French is
preventing the contraband trade in English articles.
To the Germans, the Belgians granted Antwerp
as a free port, with unembarrassed transit along her

railroads: But all to no purpose. She has found
in return but niggardly and half-closed markets;
and has been forced to look abroad to over-sea
markets, as the only ones likely to prove permanent
and advantageous. Belgium has purchased steamers,
and planted colonies on arid and unwholesome coasts,
in vain hopes of this kind ; the failure of which
cannot but have suggested the folly of having broken
a union with a sister-country, rich in colonies and
vessels, in all the sources, means, power, and trade,
which Belgium wants.
Holland, on her side, has received similar lessons.
She was formerly the great factor of colonial produce
for the German states. These now seek to chicane,
quarrel, and bargain for: the smallest matter.
Though without a marine, the Zollverein would have
all the profits and privileges of a country with a
marine. It is as jealous of the Dutch navy as of British
manufactures, and would do without eit her. Not
only Germany, but even Russia, has grown churlish
towards the Dutch; and both ukase and edict have been
hurled against their trade.
Holland and Belgium having thus suffered all
kinds of slights, insults, and churlish treatment from
their powerful neighbours, have at last been
driven to think once more of each other ; and we are
glad to see the result in a very liberal treaty. By its
stipulations, the Dutch flag is once more on a par with
the Belgian in Belgian harbours, and vice versa.
The Dutch can bring their fish to Ostend, though
not as yet in an unlimited annual quantity ;
whilst the Belgians can go to Java, and bring home
as much of its produce as there is at present Belgian
tonnage in existence. Belgian manufacture has thus
once more found a market in the East. Belgium, like
ourselves a great producer and consumer of provi-
sions, has not feared to admit Dutch corn, cattle, and
fish : a sign how our principle and example tell
already. She admits the coarse woollens of Holland,
whilst she can send thither her own finer cloths. In
short, a very wide step has been taken on both aides
to restore the commercial relations, which were profit-
able to both countries in the days of their political
union; and which nothing but ultra-Tory theories of
governing by ascendancy, and of forcing Protestantism
down Catholic throats by education, could possibly
have disturbed.

It cannot bat be a great satisfaction to King LEO-
POLD, as well as a high proof of the patient wisdom
of his government, that he should have outlived and
outworn those mutual feelings of rancour between
Dutch and Belgian, which he found in all the smoulder-
ing heat of civil war. In the same manner, LOUIS
PHILIPPE will have outlived not only the mutual
hostility between France and Europe, arising oat of
the events of 1830, but he will have outlived that ani-
moeity which has since arisen between France and
England for very idle causes. Let us hope that the
analogous position and fortune of the sovereigns may
extend still further; and that as King LEOPOLD has
converted his subjects' rancour against supposed foes
into commercitl amity with them, so Louis PHILIPPE
himself may do for a great country, what his son-in-

.:ume¢

Vir•MaNaSUMAIK aa•Vla“.••••••451• ..1111 N. 01,1111.11.
WINO
feelings (Ithaca]e rilealsy between FllOlO/1 and England
which are happily fait dying *Way.

We have received the Paris journals of Tuesday,
with our private correspondence.
The Chamber of Deputies suspended, on Monday,
the selection of its officers, and was occupied with
fresh debates on disputed elections.
M. Drault's admission was objected to on the ground
that, to obtain the majority which had ensured his
return, he bad signed a series of engagements imposed
on him by the Legitimists. M. Drault did not, as
Messrs. Mater and De Renneville did, contest the
fact, but contended that these pledges were in con-
formity with his own opinions and principles, and,'
therefore, he had only bound himself in writing to do
what many others had solemnly promised to do on
the hustings and in their addresses. The point
to the settled was precisely this: does a com-
pact between the electors and a deputy
upon a peculiar or upon several political questions,
make the election invalid ? M. Owzot spoke strongly
in the affirmative of this, while M. Drault's admission
was defended by M. Odilon Barrot, and the majority
mastered against it by 152 votes to 134.
M. Drault was a member of the Opposition.
On Tuesday the elections of the officers of the
Chamber were resumed. M. Delessert was elected
fourth Vice-President.

The Moniteur contains a Royal ordonnance for the
rettion of beet-root sugar manufacture.
Dec de Montpensier remains at Strasburg,
busily engaged in practical studies and experimental
manceavres of artillery. He was to pay a short visit
to the Grand Duke of Baden, and great fetes are in
preparaon at Strasburg, where one of the Grand
Dike's eons is to join the young Prince.
The total amount of the property left by the late
King of Holland, Louis Napn, is estamated at
fifteen millioas of franca (600,0001.). Ho has be-
queathed 10,000/. to a natural son, and the residue
goes to Prince Louis Napoleon.
The agitation in some of French departments still
continues on account of the deficiency of the harvest,
and fears are entertained of a farther rise in the price
of corn ; but they are, according to our correspond-
ence, without serious foundation.
The Minister of Agriculture and Commerce has,
however, just sent a circular to the prefets, to obtain
from them a return of the harvest of 1846, for every
description of corn.
The price of bread in Paris remains unaltered, and
for the first fortnight of September is fixed at 39
centimes per kilogramme (a trifle less than 2d. a lb.)
for the first quality, and at 32 centimes (something
more than three halfpence), for the second quality.
The waters of the Seine are extremely low in Paris,
but the navigation between Paris and Rouen is not
interrupted.
We read in the Echo d'Oran of the 22nd ult.
A large number of Arab transports for the government
left Oran on the 18th ult. for Tlemcen under a strong escort
of native cavalry ; every precaution was taken to avoid a
surprise, which the neighbourhood of the turbulent Morocco
tribes made not unlikely. The presence of Abd-el-Hader at
his deira greatly contributes to keep us on our guard, as ex-
perience has proved how iudefat*able he is in his projects.
The Ramadan begins on the 23rd of the month ; it is to be
honed that this period of the year, which is usually one of
agitation, will not this time be marked by events likely to
compromise the present state of affairs."

Letters from Madrid of the 27th inst. state, that
the arrival of the Due de Glacksberg (eldest son of
the Due Decazes) had created a sensation there. It
was supposed that the Duke's visit was connected
with the Queen's marriage, the sole theme of Madrid
anxiety and Court conversation. Count Thomar
reached Cadiz on the 20th ult., on his way (as was
supposed) to Madrid.
A letter from Lisbon announces that the cabinet
councils were very frequent, and there was an expec-
tation that the President of the Council, as well as the
Ministers of War and Justice, would alone retain
their posts.
There was a report that the Miguelites and Cabral-
Mtn had united at Figuera, but their efforts hitherto
had been futile.

POLAND.—The Augsburg Gazette of the 27th ult.
confirms the announcement that important reforms are to
take place in Poland. That journal states, on the faith of
one of its correspondents, that Prince Paakewitch is the
bearer, from St. Petersburgh, of a complete and definite plan
for the redemption of the corvees. This plan is to be shortly
carried out. Such a step, which speaks of the good intentions
of the Emperor towards Poland, will be favourably received
throughout the kingdom, and will contribute greatly to
better the condition of the peasantry, and to attach them to
the Sovereign. The young nobles, says the Augsburg
Gazette, are not to be feared; they form a body of officers
without an army. As regards the high nobility, they are
devoted to the Crown.

FROM THE EIDER.—AUGUST 24.—The birthday of
Prince' Frederick of Augustenburg was celebrated on the
23rd August, at the castle of Stmr. A number of persons
went to congratulate him, among others the magistrates and
public functionaries. National airs were sung under the
windows. The Duke of Augustenburg armed in the
evening.
DENMARK.—An order of the day, dated from
Wyck, of the 18th ult., has been published by the King of
Denmark, sanctioning the resignation of his Serene High-
ness Lieut.-General Prince Frederic Emile Auguste de
Schleswig Holstein Sonderbourg Augustenburg, as Com-
mander in-chief of the troops of the Duchies, and appointing
Major-General de Lutzow To the vacant post. Another
order of the day discharges the Prince from the functions of
President-in-Chief of the Regency of Schleswig Holstein.
VENICE, AUG. 20. —All the letters from the
Roman states agree that Don Miguel is making preparations
for an expedition into PortugaL
ST. PETERSBURG, AUG. 18.—All the possessions
of Countess &mallow in Russia have been confiscated,
owing to her late marriage with a foreigner without the
permission of the Emperor, and are to be sold by public
auction within six months. Countess Somailow, who is of
the Pahleu family, and has considerable property is Russia,
married the tenor, Perry, who died shortly after his marriage.
DoN MIGUEL.—The German Journal of Frankfurt
states, on the authority of letters from the Roman states,
that Don Miguel is making preparations for an expedition to
PortugaL This report is in some measure confirmed by a
letter in the Herald o, of Madrid, which states that Don
Miguel is only waiting the arrival of the vessel which is to
convey him to Portugal, in order to carry his plans into
execution.