The Express.
London, England, 1848-06-06 00:00:00

hon. member opposite, undoubtedly if I had been writing
a note to be sent to a foreign government it would have been
written in a very different manner. It was a text upon
which Sir Henry Bnlwer was to speak, not intended to be
Fermitted in the shape in which it stood. After what has
allen from the right hon. baronet opposite, it is hardly ne-
cessary for me to pally myself for having written that des-
patch, instructing Sir H. Bulwer to give advice upon those
matters to the government of Spain. Those genUensen who
have looked at the papers will see that, some days before
I wrote the despatch, I had received information from Sir
Henry that the Spanish government was meditating a course
which, in his opinion, was likely to produce great opposition
in parliament, if parliament continued to sit; that the op-
position was likely to induce the government to prorogue
and get rid of the parliament; and that if that course
were pursued there was the greatest danger of insurrection
' in the different parts of the country, more especially where
the Carlist party was in force. The state of Europe at the
time, the mighty and disastrous events which came to our
knowledge from day to day, and the representations of the
course likely to be pursued by the Spanish government, and
its probable consequences,-1 thought a full justification for
instructing Sir H. Bulwer to bring under the consideration
of the government of Spain those matters which pointed out
danger on the one hand, and on the other the means
by which that danger might be averted. I had no
reason to think that such a course would give
°Bence to the Spanish government; because it will 'he
seen that on a recent occasion the Duke of Sotomsyor had

had o,ocia;;;ailonWith flit H. Bulwer on other ;natters
and, of his own accord, had turned the conversation toward;
the internal condition of Spain,. he spoke to Sir Henry of
the intentions of the Spanish government; Sir Henry's
opinion being invited, he gave it ; and they discussed in a
very friendly and animated spirit the opinions and the
regions by which they were supported. (Hear.) Now I have
been asked about the asterisks in one of the despatches,
with all that curiosity which attaches to something unknown;
it is supposed the pasiage contained some grave and important
matter bearing on the question we are now dimming,
I have here the despatch from which that extract is given,
and I can read to the house the passage omitted, but perhaps
it will not ask me to do so when I state the nature of the
I passage, which is this:—That the Duke of Sotomayor stated
to Sir H. Bulwer what were the views and intentions of
Spain with regard to her relations with a third power. It
had nothing to do with thn relations between England and
Spain, but with the relations between Spain and a third
power ; and I think the house will agree with me that it
would not be fair to publish that. (Hear, bear.) So much
with regard to the asterisks. Both the Duke of Sotomsyor
and General Narrate permitted Sir 11. Bulwer to talk
freely to them on the internal affairs of Spain,
and I had no reason to think that the instruc•
done which I gave Sir H. Bulwer were catenated to
produce irritation or unpleasant feelings. In point
of fact, the instructions of the 18th of March only stated
that which Sir H. Bulwer had before stated verbally, thus
anticipating the instructions which he afterwards received.
Then the question is, was Sir H. Bulwer, having received
that despatch which was meant to be only personally and
verbally communicated, justified or not in applying that des-
patch to a different purpose and in communicating it to
the government of Spain I think he was, and the reasons he
has given for pursuing that course were sufficient to justify
him in exercising his discretion. (Hear.) He had exhaust, d
all means of personal and verbal exhortation; he represented
the facts and arguments to the Duke of Sotomayor, and the
Duke of Valencta, but he found that his representations were
uitavailing. Wader these circumstances, he was naturally
desirous of giving to those representations that weight which
they would derive from its being manifest that they came not
from himself but from his government. Another motive
for putting his representation in writing was, that by so
doing they were likely to come to the knowledge of persons
to whose knowledge they would not come if communicated
personally. I was of opinion, and I still am of opinion, that
Sir 11. Bulwer was borne out in the course he pursued, and,
therefore, I gave him that approbation, for which I am
• responsible. (Hear.) If I had even doubts, which I have not,
as to the discretion which he exercised, I think that
when the despatch and letter were rejec'ed as they had
been, it would be a shabby abandonment of a public officer
if I did not arm hint against the government from which that
rejection proceeded, by giving hint the full and entire appro-
val of the head of the department under which he served.
(Cheers.) His letter was not calcula.ed to produce the irri-
tation which it seems to have existed. It was not trans-
mitted in that formal manner in which diplomatic docu-
ments are usually communicated. It did not say, "the un-
dersigned is instructed to inform you," but he says, " I beg
to transmit to you some remarks which I lately received
from the Secretary of State," qualifying the despatch
which he communicated not as advice to be given,
but as remarks communicated to him on the state
of affairs in Spain. With regard to the right to give
friendly advice, I do not put that simply on the ground of
obligations which we have conferred, not on the ground of
gratitude due from the Spanish nation and government for
services rendered by England, though even upon that ground
I think we might establish a claim to give friendly advice
for the interest of Spain itself ; but I put it on the higher
and more indisputable ground, that we were liable under
treaty to be called on for assistar.ce by Spain in cases that
may arise. (Hear, hear.) The Quadruple treaty was not
an engagement volunteered by this country. It was ur-
gently sought for by the Spanish envoy, who was sent to
this couritry for the express purpose of entreating the En-
glish government to step forward and mist Spain. It was said
, we gave that assistance because we thought the Queen of
, Spain had the beet right of the two claimants. That only
formed • part in the decision to which the government came.
, Undoubtedly if we did not think the Queen of Spain bad
the best right, we would not have given her the support
asked fur • but we would not have given it merely on that
ground, but bemuse we believed that her cause was identical
with the liberties and independence of the Spanish nation ;
, and that the people of Spain were almost universally en-
, listed on her side, and that the banner under which they
fought was not the banner of Isabella, but the banner of the
constitution ; and that, therefore, we would be backed by
the approval and support of this country. (Hear, hear.)
It was upon that ground that support was asked for wLeu
the first act of that transaction was cernplete, and when Don
t Miguel and Don Carlos were expelled from Portugal and
Spain, and when application was made to complete the ad-
; ditionel articles, which applisd more specifically to Spain,
the ground on which additional assistance was asked f. r is
thus stated by M. Manistee de la Rosa: He dwelt
L on the manifold evils which were to be apprehended from a
return of the Pretenders to the l'eninsula. He said that the
, question was not only sue relating to the succession of the
thrones of Portugal and Spain, but to those con-
stitutional principles which agitated Europe, and which
I sooner or later would disturb England and France. It was
on that ground that the support of England was asked for.
, If that were so, into what position would this country be put
, if we were appealed to under the conditions of the quadruple
, treaty, not to assist the Spanish nation in establishing the
, constitution, but for the purpose of enabling the government
to overturn that constitution, and to establish in Spain that
very despotism against which the treaty was originally made.
( bleer.) It has been said that it is a boastful assertion to
say that the Queen of Spain owes her throne to the
support of England. It may be boastful, but it is
founded on face. (Hear, hear.) And it has been
matter of reproach to me in this house by gentlemen who
were in favour of the contending Prince. There was on the
one hand the great bulk of the Spanish nation contending
for Isabella and the constitution, and on the other a smell
party, but a party supported by foreign influence, whose
expenses, as is now well ascertaitied, were supplied by large
contributions of money from without. (Hear, bear.) It
was not, therefore, a mere contest between two parties in
Spain, but one of a larger and more comprehensive scrip-
(Hear, hear.) We have been told that non-intervention' in
additim to peace, retrenchment, and reform, was the
creed of Lord Grey's government. But what did that
nou-intervention apply te ? It was to what was going
on in Belgium where a revolution had taken place,
in which it was apprehended that England and other powers
would interfere by force of arms to compel the people of
Belgium to acknowledge the authority of the King of the
Netherlands. But so far was Lord Grey's government from
being founded en the principle of non-intervention, that one
of the first proceedings they were obliged to adopt was the
joint interference of the five powers in the themes between
Belgium and Holland. (Hear, hear.) I contend that in
writing the dispatch of the 16th of March I did no more
than on point of principle the government was entitled
to du and when the right hon. baronet thinks there
were words in that despatch which were not cal-
culated to conciliate or persuade, my answer is,
that it was not intended to be communicated.
The right hon. baronet thinks that there was an allusion to
benefits conferred ; but he will find that it is not so, the al-
lusion to past benefits being in the subsequent despatch.
(Hear, hear.) The right hon. baronet says that I both
laughed at and knocked down the government of Spain ;
but some gentlemen think that in that despatch I was not
spirited enough, and that I ought to have been more offended
than I stated myself to be ; whilst others think that I showed
too much irritation. I leave those wfio entertain these dif-
ferent opinions to discuss them amongst themselves. It ap-
pears to me that this is • case in which the British go-
vernment need not be offended; and I believe say
person who reads the note of the Duke of Sotomayor,
in which the despatch was returned, will say that
it is net calculated to raise any feeling of anger or indigna-
tion in the mind, but that it is calculated to raise • far dif-
ferent feeling. (" Hear," and laughter.) If I erred in
showing too much forbearance to the government of Spain, I
can only say that I would rather be blamed for being too
slow in taking offence than for being too prone or too prompt
to resent it. (Hear, bear.) With regard to the other stage
of the matter, communications are go;ng on with the minister
of Spain on the subject. When these communications are
completed, and when her Majesty's government shall
be able to come to a decision, I shall be prepared
to communicate to parliament the correspondence
that has passed. While these communications—l will
not now call them negotiations—are passing, I am sure the
house will feel that it would be highly improper in me to
state the precise nature of what is passing, or that I am pre-
pared to lay the papers oa the table of the house. (Hear,
hear j Though I declined to have any direct communication
with Count Mimed, as having no official capacity and no
diplomatic character, and whose assurances therefore could
have no official value, and whose statements could have no
official authenticity, I nevertheless expressed to M.
Is!urive, the minister of the Queen of Spain,
that her Majesty's government were ready to receive
any statements which he may think fit to communicate. I
shall only say that, in a country like Spain,*which has been
subject to such multiplied changes, it is difficult for an am-
bassador who represents a foreign court not to hold com-
munications with men of all parties. (Hear.) In a country
where, between 1832 and 1847 there have been 30 presi-
dents of the council—(laughter)—and 38 ministers of foreign
sffairs--(laughter)-1 think it must have been difficult in-
deed for any man having to deal with those various
and successive ministers not to hold social and personal