The Express.
London, England, 1847-07-06 00:00:00

, TUESDAY EVENING, JULY 6, 1847.

•
MOM

with &gums, ifiejl(111111ii, SSA in a meaner wetly of the
repreesstatiVe therEritWt mown and nation. (Hear
bear.) He had beesisegartial between the eantendbrg par-
ties, and for that laspadfality he was blamed by both. I beg
to tell the hon. gentleman that Mr. Southern was not re-
moved from Lisbon. He is there still, bat obtained leave
of absence for remonseonnected with the booklet his haul);
bat he did not leave Lisbon, and his preseme there wee at-
tended with very great advantage. Mr. liestkorn's conduct
proved him to be an holiest, upright, and able an. (Hear.)
My hon. friend says, that there is a decrepasey between the
blue book in France and the blue book presented to this
helm, because, wirde we alleged that one of the motives
which determined us to pursue the policy we did was the
fear of interference on the part of Spain, it appeared from
the despatch of Count Jarnac, that when the representatives
of the powers assembled at the Foreign Office for king in-
, terference, the Spanish minister said he had no institutions
for joint interference, and therefore hesitated to apes to the
protocol. But there is no inconsistency in that, for what we
said was, that Spain would have interfered by heseel4 and
that there was a strong party in Spain anxious for interfe-
rence; and it was therefore only natural that the Spanish
minister should hesitate before he tied up his government
as to the amount and duration of the interference. So far
from there being any inconsistency between the two state-
ments, the account given by Count Jame° confirms and
eorrehorates that statement on which we found in part
ear justification of the course which we pursued. My
hon. friend charges us with a desire to crush Porta-
geese liberty. That is not either the course which we have
palmed at any time, nor, I will take upon me to say, is it
the course which England, in these days, has pursued, or, I
trust, ever will pursue. (Hear.) It was very well for a great
sad powerful people in ancient times to hold it to be their
peculiar duty to impose fetters on every neighbouring land,
to crush and trample all than who felt an honest pride in
national Independence, and to draw against them the ruth-
less of the destroying sword ; but far different, in them
days, the allotted task of England. (Hear, hear.) Our
duty and oar vocation is not to enslave, but to set free.
(Cheep))l trait I may my, without boating and without
giving offence to any, that we nand at the head of moral,
social, and political civilisation. (Cheers.) Sir, it is our
duty to lead the way, and to direct the march of other
nations. (Hear, hear.) Ido not mean to say that we ought
to guide the unwilling, or force forward the reluctant;
but if we see a comrade struggling with difficulties, and tits
obstructions thrown in his way, we may be permitted to
cheer him with our sympathy, to encourage him with our
, approbation, and, when the occasion occurs' to stretch for-
ward a helping hand to enable him to bear up against the
difficulties which beset his way. (Cheers.) We have
dens this England has done this often, aye, and with suc-
case. (Hear, hear.) Why, sir, if Greece shook off that
yoke which bound her down to the earth for centuries, and
if she now enjoys a state of political independence, it
lL to England, in co-operation with the allies, that
the thanks of the Greek nation are due. (Hear,
hoar.) Why, if Spain has escaped the double calamity
of foreign dominion and domestic tyranny, its England that
Spain should thank for escaping from that double misfortune.
(Hear, hear.) If Belgium has ceased to be transferred front
master to master, as the tide of conquest ebbel and flowed
over the face of Europe, is it not to the influence of England
—an influence exerted under two opposite and conflicting
administrations—thou of the Duke of Wallington and Earl
Grey—that the greatest share is due in bringing about that
happy event? (Hear, hear.) If the house of Braganza now
sits on the throne of Portugal, and if the people of Portugal
enjoy civil and political rights, I say it is the strong arm of
England that enables Portugal at the present day to boast of a
national dynasty and political freedom. (Cheers.) And though
our neighbours on the other ride of the channel may sot be
much disposed to acknowledge their obligations to those
whom they erroneously look upon as jealous rivals instead of
acknowledging them as tingle hearted friends, as we are—if
they are enabled to enjoy the advantages of the revolution
of July without paying for it the penalty of foreign war, I
say that the influence of England, also exerted under two
opposite administrations, was exerted, at least honestly and
sincerely, and not without some effect, in securing to the French
nation the advantages of that event. (Cheers.) Well, then,
I sty, what is there in the conduct of the party how in power,
in the conduct of the men responsible to public opinion, to
justify the hon. gentleman in saying that we are actuated by
Ms., dishonourable, unconstitutional, and use-Engliah
feelings? I repel the charge with as much indigna-
tion as parliamentary decorum will permit. (Hear,
hear.) The reverse of these sentiments are those which
have guided her Majesty's government; and when we
are told of some influence I do not know what—
by which we have been induced to swerve (rem our proper
path of duty, I can only my that the men who suspect us
of acting a part so unbecoming of the stations we hold must
alter their own feelings very much before they are lit to bold
*Miler situations. (Loud ministerial cheers.) I say that
our course has been straightforward and consistent. We
found Portugal a prey to civil war, and to all the calamities
which attend it. And looking at her as an ancient ally, and
as a country with which we had important relations, we felt
it to be our duty to put an end to a state of things which wee
bringing desolation and famine on Portugal, and at the same
time to secure constitutional guarantees for the liberty of the
people, and to prevent the effusion of blood (Hear, hear.)
We succeeded in our object—we put an end to bloodshed,
and we removed the conflicting parties from the field of
battle to the legitimate arena of parliament. (Cheers.) By
our interference we secured to the Portuguese nation the
means, through the constitutional and political institution
of the country, of stating their grievances in parliament,
and, if neceissary, of obtaining in a legitimate manner, and even
I may say of extorting mimes from the crown. (Hear.)
That is the object—that is the limit of our intention—aad
whatever hon. gentlemen may think, I leave it with osali-
dance to the country and to the impartial judgment ease.
,temporaries and of 'future times to determine it we have
swerved one hair's breadth from that constitutional course
which it is fitting for the government of England to pursue.
Mr. P. BORTH WICK roes, and at some length reviewed
the circumstances connected with the war. The crown, he
said, had declared war against the people, and had invaded
their privileges by invading the charter. The people resisted.
Their resistance was not the resistance of a faction it was
a general war, not against the person of the sovereign, but
against the measures of the crown. So far from the inter
ference of England under such circumstances being calcu-
lated to establish peace, he believed that it was calculated to
worths war. He believed that at this moment the train
was laid which would issue at no very distant day, perhaps
even before the next British parliament assembled, in a pro-
clamation of the Duchess de Montpenaier as de jive et de
facto Queen of Spain. He hazarded that statement on no
light or iesuflicient grounds. The noble lord professed to
think that liberty had been secured in the peninsula. If
so, why was General Espartero a degraded exile in London ? '
If so, why were persecutions persisted in at Madrid ?
It was not long ago that a citizen of Madrid,
occupying a position equal, or nearly so, to that
of lord mayor of London, was summoned one morning
!Ipy a polies-agent, who informed him that a carriage was at
lie door, waiting to convey him on his road to the Canaries.
..1111•I have I done ?" was the inquiry. The police-agent,
Of muse, did not know. " What Is your authority ?" The
sent produced an order from the government. " What
are the reasons of the government ? ' " Oh, the govern-
ment never assign reasons ! " In half an hour this poor man
was on his way from the city—an exile for life! This, let
it be remembered, was no extraordinary cam. The reign of
Queen Isabella the Second had been written in the blood of
more Spaniards than the reign of the much-dreaded inqui-
sition. He considered that the British government, having
interfered in the affairs of Portugal—the British government
was responsible for the future government of Portugal. and
was, in point of fact, the government of Portugal. He re-
garded the noble lord as responsible for the detention of the
prisoners, as well in Africa as at Lisbon, and for all the evils
arising from the protraction of the settlement of the affairs
of Portugal.
Mr. HUME entirely concurred with the hon. and learned
gentleman in protesting against the late unwarrantable inter-
ference of the government in the affairs of Portugal.
Lord J. MANNERS was of opinion that the people of
England were as little satisfied as ever with the state of
things in Portugal. It was scarce possible, indeed, that they
should be so, when they saw that the patriot prisoners re-
mained in their imprisonment, that the second city of Por-
tugal was occupied by the troops of a most dangerous and
hostile neighbour, and that an practical progress had been
made in the assertion of constitutional principles.
Mr. ESCOTT should oppose the resolution, for the simple
reason that he considered it wholly useless. After what the
noble lord had said the house was bound to regard the go-
vernment as equally disposed and competent to carry out
the benevolent views contemplated by the resolution pro-
posed.

Sir D. L. EVANS approved of the course which had
been taken by the government, and condemned the incon-
sistency with which its opponents upheld intervention at one
time, and opposed it at another. It was a fallacy to call the
recent intervention an attack upon popular rights. On the
contrary, it was an intervention accompanied by the
strongest guarantees that popular rights should be pre-
served. All the conditions insisted upon by the British
government were conditions bearing against the Portu-
game government, and not against the people. (Hear,
hear.) To these conditions the Queen of Portugal had been
obliged to put her signature ; and, more than that, she had
been required, in a manner unusual when dealing with
crowned heads, to send a certain obnoxious person out of the
kingdom. Yet, in the face of all this, gentlemen stood up
and charged the British government with an intervention
against popular rights. To the motion itself he had no
objection ; he did not look upon it as a censure upon
the government, but as • motion in which they might
cheerfully concur, and the spirit of which he believed
they were fully determined to carry out. Provided that
house did not neglect its duty to the Portuguese people he
apprehended no danger to Portuguese liberties from the in-
tervention which had taken place. (Hear, hear.) With
reference to the prisons?* at Angola, he trusted that the
noble lord the Secretary for Foreign Affairs would use his
influence with the Portuguese government to enable them
to return to their homes ; and also in behalf of the prisoners
at Fort St. Julien, in whose cue, now that the Oporto junta
had submitted, restraint could be no longer necessary. If,
in addition to this, the British government would procure
the restoration to power of the Duke of Palmella, he had
little doubt but that tranquillity would be soon restored.
Mr. HORSMAN believed the motion of his hon. Mend
the member for Wycombe to be wholly unnecessary. He
was satisfied with the declarations which ministers had
made, and was inclined to leave the matter in their hands.
Having originally opposed intervention, he could not now
support • motion for continued and more extended inter-
ference.
Mr. EWART had ever objected to all interference in the
domestic concerns of foreign nations, and though he ap-
proached the question with very great doubts pervading his
mind, he could not see any use in the motion of his bon.
friend (Mr. B. Osborne), or in pressing this motion farther.
At the same time he was anxious that en answer should be
given to the question which had beet put by several hon.

numbest, namely, whether any steps had been taken by the
British government for the restoration to their homes and
their relatives of the brave and unfortunate men who had
been eo unjustly expatriated to Angola.
Lord J. RUSSELL said that with respect to the
motion now before the house he would only observe that it
wholly differed frees that of which on • former occasion
the hon. member for Finsbury had given notice. The
words of that Betio, he (Lord J. Russell) did not at the pre-
sent moment precisely member;re but its effect was to
wore the mown that this house had seen with pleasure and
satisfaction the just influence which the government of,
this country had used to obtain for the people of Portugal
the free exercise of their rights and privileges. The present
motion, however, proceeded to call upon the government to
interfere, and to ensure to the people of Portugal their rights
and privileges. This was, therefore, a new question, and
involved a continued and perpetual interference with the
affairs of Portugal. To that extent he was not prepared to
go. (Hear, hear.) His hon. friend, who bad just sat down,
asked whether the government had been enabled to
obtain the recall of the Count Boman, and the
other officers who had been sent to Angola. He could
only answer that as the basis of the interference of
the British government it had been insisted that all the pri-
soners should be recalled--(hear, hear)—end there bad not
been wanting recommendations from this country to the
government of Portugal to carry out that provision ; and
there was no reason to think that they would do otherwise
than comply with those recommendations. But hitherto
the Queen of Portugal had not had the means to obtain the
recall of these personages, in consequence of her not having a
naval force at her command. He trusted, that as the news

just received intimated the conclusion of the civil war, and
that Portugal was restored to tranquillity, the government
of that country would see that the only hope for prosperity
and peace was in the strict observance of the constitutionid
rights of all classes in that kingdom ; and that what-
ever passions or feelings of revenge might exist,
the executive government will observe the constitu-
tion with the utmost strictness ; and that whatever
party might have the majority in the Cense, that should be
the party to whom the Queen would entrust the government
of the country without any attempt to restrict their manage-
meet of public affairs. (Hear, hear.) He (Lord J. Russell)
had already stated that, although the British government
had been brought to the necessity to interfere on this parti-
cular occasion, yet to perpetual interference he wholly
objected as being inconsistent both with the dignity of the
crown and the rights of the people of Portugal. (Hear.)

Lord G. BENTINCK thought the noble lord at the head
of the government had given a most unsatisfactory reason
for the non-recall of the Count Bomfin and the other insur-
gent leaders, who had been expatriated to Angola. With
all the British steamers, that lay in the Tsgus,—the
Sidon, the Gladiator, the Bulldog, the Polyphemus,
and the Phenix,—one of the five at least might
have been spared to go out to Angola, and bring bask
the Count Bomfin and his companions in exile and banish-
ment. But the noble lord and his government were not as
energetic in the cause of the insurgents as they were in that
of the Queen of Portugal. (Hear, bear.) But he (Lord ce!
Bentinck) wished to know where was to be found the treaty
by which this country was bound to interfere between the
Queen of Portugal and her people. The noble lord on a
former occasion had admitted that the Queen of Portugal
had committed a breach of her coronation oath—that she
had arrested her responsible advisers, and had constituted a
military despotism. This the noble lord said was a mere act
of imprudence. (Cries of " No, no.") Did the noble lord
mean to deny that the Queen of Portugal had broken and
violated her coronation oath ?

Lord J. RUSSELL was sorry to interrupt the noble lord;
but in the first place he must observe that the noble lord
was irregular in referring to a former debate, and in the
next place the noble lord was in error. He (Lord J. Rua
sell) had not said that the Queen of Portugal lied broken
her coronation oath, neither had he said her conduct had
been merely imprudent. On the contrary, he had con-
demned it altogether. (Hear, hear.)
. . . _

Lord G. BERTINCksaid that uthe noble lord sheltered
himself under the parliamentary forms, he would not pursue
that point further, but the records out of the house would
show, to-morrow, that his cause was not so good as it ap-
peared on the other side. With regard to the treaties, there
was none which he could find that could justify the inter-
ference of this country between the Queen of Portugal and
her people. It was true that this country might interfere to
prevent the invasion of Portugal by the troops of other
countries, but it was bound to the constitutional government
and not to the queen when exerciaingunconstitutional powers.
It had been laid down by Mr. Canning, in 1827, that this
country ought not to presume to interfere until both cham-
bers of the Corte*, by acclamation, had confirmed the proposal
then made to apply to this country for assistance. But now
the Queen of Portugal had abolished the Cortes, she had made
captives of her responsible advisers and had established a
military despotism in her kingdom, and therefore her email-
tutional right to all upon the country to interfere had gone
hom her. Therefore, there was no pretence whatever for
saying that the Queen of England was called upon at the
desire of the Queen of Portugal to interfere in this civil war.
Spain by Pacheco had declared that she would not interfere
without the consent of Great Britain ; and as to France
the despatches published in the French newspapers showed
that M. Guizot had no thought of interposing so long
as England abstained from interference, but the moment he
discovered the intentions of the noble lord at the head of
1 foreign affairs to meddle with the affairs of Portugal, and
leave France out of consideration, then H. Guizot made up
his mind to intedbre on the pert of France. With respect
to the present motion, he felt great difficulty, because he
was against all interference, but, at the same time, he felt
that England had been placed in a most disgraceful
position by the conduct of her Majesty's government.
It was a mockery to say that freedom in Portugal
could survive the interference of British arms.
He could be no party to any resolution in favour of perma-
nent interference—in favour of the British government
being now and for ever the government of Portugal. (Hear,
hear.) Not being prepared to mute to the 5,000 or, 6,000
men who had been up in arms their just share of promotion
in the army, he could not agree with the motion of the hon.
and gallant member for Wykeham. Still the insurgents
had been placed in a very cruel position by our interference.
Just as they were on the eve of victory, we had made them
all prisoners, and taken from them their arms and ships.
He doubted whether this had not been done illegally, having
been done without any declaration of war ; and it was a
grave question with him whether these insurgents might
not seek and obtain redress in our courts against the officers
commanding our squadron. (Hear.) Henna he condemned
the interference altogether, especially on the part of a queen
who had abolished all constitutional government; but he
could not help asking the hon. and gallant member to with-
draw his motion, lest the house should be placed in a false
petition, by appearing to approve that which he believed a
majority of the house condemned.

Mr. OSBORNE said, u he had understood the noble lord
to intimate that Count de Homfin should be recalled, he
would not object to withdraw the motion.
Leave was accordingly given to withdraw the motion.
THE EX-RAJAH OF SATTARA.

Mr. HUMS said he felt great reluctance in bringing for-
ward the motion of which he bad given notice on this sub-
ject, but he should not think he had done justice to the ease
if he did not again lay it before the house. On a former oc-
casion the right hon. baronet at the head of the Board of
Control (Sir 3. C. Hobbouse) had denied all his statement',
and said that his documents had been obtained in •
surreptitious manner. He would not retort these per-
sonalities, but would pus them over, however much
some hon. members might think he was called upon to
notice them. Wherever there was abuse he always found
the cause was a bad one, and he had been long enough in
the house to learn how to pass over abuse. (Hear, hear.)
He had been charged with singling out one public officer
err attack ; but this was excused by the tact that be was de-
fending an absent individual, who had been deprived of his
sovereignty and degraded from his rank. In 1818 the ex-
rejah of Satter* had, been placed on the throne, after the
Mahratta war, having an independent sovereignty assured
to him by treaty, and to his successors for over. The treaty
specified the district over which he was to rule, and fixed
the conditions of his government. Provided he did not
violate that treaty, the British government bound thew
solve' to pretest him in his dominions. Instead of this be
had been deprived of his throne and exiled, without Jut
ground; and he bad never had a fair trial. (Hear, hear.)
Had his conduct been open to censure formerly there might
have been some ground for treating his defence lightly. gat,
on the contrary, he was the only Indian chief, who, during
a period of twenty-one years, had uniformly received the
thanks of every government in India. The documents be-
fore the house amply testified to the goodness of his char-
acter, and showed that he had invariably conducted himself
so as to give satisfaction to the government up almost to the
period of his dethronement. At various periods, testimony
had been borne by the Governors-General of India to his
mild and amiable rule, and his devoted attachment to the
British government. In 1834, the court of director" bad
declared that he was most attentive t• business, and that en
no native prince could they place greater reliance. The est
charge against him was made some time subsequent Britt
and in reference to that charge, a letter from the assts(
directors declared that ha was perfectly in the rjght,sui first
the government of India was in the wrong. His labours in
the cause of education, in his own dominions, had exalted
the jealousy of the Brahmins; but so satisfied was the court
of directors with his conduct, that in December, 1835, they
caused to be presented to him &sword, with a complimentary
letter, expressive of their approbation, respect, and applause.
The charges brought against the rajah were an at'empt to
seduce some officers of the 23rd Native Regiment from their
allegiance, and having entered into correspondence with
several native states hostile to the British interests as well
se with the Portuguese at Goa. The question he wished to
put to the house was, whether, however late, justice was not
to be done to the rajah by granting inquiry ? The number
of times that this had been refused was no argument against
its being re-opened. The right hon. bert. (Sir J. Hobbouse),
in a former debate, bad himself acknowledged that he did
not believe the charge against the rajah of conspiring with
the Portuguese at (Inc against this country. The Portuguese
governor also denied that he bad ever had any correspond-
ence with the rajah. The evidence with regard to the first
charge of tampering with the officers of the 23rd regiment
while at Sattarah, was so contradictory that it could not be
believed, and the officer who commanded the regiment
said that the whole was a piece of Idahratta intrigue.
The commis ionen were directed to inquire into the whole
of the ex-rajah's papers, and they dated that there was
nothing which indicated that there had been any communi-
cation with the ex-rush, or anything whatever to bear out
the charge made against him. To every place where inky.
milieu might be obtained to support the charge an applies.
Don was made, but no evidence could be obtained to show
that the ex-rajah bad been guilty of any violation of faith.
The right hon. gentleman had said that the terms proposed
to the ex-rajah were not disgraceful: Mr. Tucker and
others, however, affirmed that they were. The hon. gen-
tleman having referred to a letter of the court of directors

in 1839, stating that further inquiry would be detrimental
to British interests, proceeded to show that this and the
subsequent conduct o the court of directors was at variance
with the opinion of Sir R. Grant, who declared in 1831
that be never could concur in any proceeding to de-
throne the rajah without a trial. But to this hour
no trial had been granted, and on that ground he
(Mr. Home) appealed- to British justice. (Hear, hear.)
The hon. member then read from a letter by an eye-witness
the treatment which the rajah had received at the period of his
removal from his government, the troop? entering his capital
by eight, and carrying him off almost is a state of nudity.
1,200 of the rajah's subjects accompanied him on
his route to Benares, and witnessed a series of cruelties
which it was not expected would be disclosed in this
country. As reparded the mode of getting up evi-
dent* against the rajah, be could not help Implicating
Col. Ovens. Mr. Thompson had accused Col. Ovens of sys-
tematicallyintercepting the correspondence of the rajah, and
of suppressing evidence in his favour. Both these charges
were extremely serious. Col. Ovens was proved to have
given money to buy evidence. He (Mr. Hume) hat a copy
of a receipt of 160 rupees paid for seditious documents,
bearing what was stated to be the signature of
the ex-rajah. A gang-robber also was pardoned on
the crime' condition that he should furnish depositions
intended to be used against the relish. All these facts should
be made clear before the public. No one could be more
hostile to the rajth than he was at a former period, because
ha believed that Sir James Caruso would not be guilty of an
act of injustice ; but he could net resist the evidence of his
innocence. The course first taken by the rajah sou that of
presenting a petition to the board of control. He himself went
to the Earl of Ripon, and observed chit there was new matter
to be examined, which was greatly in favour of the rajah's
case. There sou a letter from the rajah, detailing the whole
of his case, which had never yet been produced, and this
kind of suppression characterised the whole case. A man
who had given security to the extent, himself of 1,000 rupees,'
and 5,000 rupees by other parties, with a view to the
examination of charges against Col. Ovens, had not,
to this day, been able to obtain an investigation.
The rajah refused all private considerations for hie sove-
reignty. He demanded justice, but justice had hitherto
been denied him. While eight folio volumes had been sans
fully produced, containing every
prejudice his case, not a
paper was produced which went to exculpate him. If
rajah were really guilty let him be proved such b •Ye
trial. If justice were not administered to him, the charnlm
of the East India Company, and of the British government,
would be most seriously damaged in India. In his (Mr.
Hume's) opinion the rajah was perfectly innocent of the
charges brought against him, and he therefore moved for an
inquiry into the conduct of the East India Company in de-
posing the Rajah of Sattara, and detaining him a prisoner.
Mr. EWART seconded the motion.
Mr. HENLEY moved the adjournment of the debate to
this day, which was agreed to.
On the motion that the Masters in Chancery Affidavit
Office Bill be committed pro forma,
Lord G. BENTINCK moved the adjournment of the