The Express.
London, England, 1847-03-04 00:00:00

ghe epprtoo.

WAILS.

The malls the the Breaths, the Weer Plate, Monte Video, Cermet-
=gßahia, Mediates, and Bassos Ayres, will be mode op on the
of the 4th March.
The mails for vivo, Oporto, Ligon, Madeira, Culla, and Gibraltar,
will be made up on the morning of the 7th March.
The overland eloped math, eio Marseilles, to the Mediterranean,
rime. Aden, Ceylon, India, Kong Kowg, *c., will be made up on the
evening of the ath March.
Tho overland trails for Gibraltar, Malta, Otte*, the lonian Wanda,
Zit Aden, Ceylon, Hong-Kong, and China, Ma Southamton, p
made up on the morning of the 20th of March.
The moan for New South Wale., Van Diemen', Land, and New
Zealand will be made up on the menthe of the Slat March.
The Nest India mils, excluding those fur Mexico, Honduran and
the Havannah, will be mode up on the morning of the Slat March.
The moils for !ninth North America, Bermuda, and the Belted
States, will be made ap on the evening ot the 3rd April.

14011 WATER AT LON IX)N-BIIIDGF.

TIM DAT—Yoram 32 min. post 3; Allarnme, 44 min. put S.
To.lionnow—Morninn, 1 rain. 13443 4 ; Afternoon, 17 min. peat 4.

LONDON, THURSDAY, MARCH 4.
AT the morning sitting of the House of Commons,
yesterday, on the order of the day being read for
going into committee on the Factories Bill, Mr.
Reeorr opposed the motion. He implored the
government to refuse their sanction to the bill, with
respect to which the working classes laboured under
• great delusion if they supposed that a reduction in
the hours of labour would not lead to a reduction in
the amount of wages also. Firmly believing that
this question could never be satisfactsrily settled by
legislation so long as the working classes were I
exposed to periodical distress, and the con-
sequent discontent which such a state of
circumstances must originate, he should con-
clude by moving that the bill be committed Oust
day six months. Mr. Beeetre, being of opinion
that the operatives, as a body, were anxious
for the success of the bill, and knowing that the eleven
hoar system, when it had been tried, had worked
well, should support the original motion. Mr. WARD,
after adverting to the decisions, and counter-decisions
which had been arrived at in the last session, with
respect to a similar bill to the present, said the ques-
tion was, could they pass this bill without reducing
wages? He firmly believed they could not, rind, further,
that there was not a working man who desired a
ten hours bill with such a result. Looking
to the difficulties by which the subject was eurround4
—dear cotton, dear food, a great calamity in Ireland
spreading its influence over other parts of the world,
with an influx of fresh labour pouring in upon the
country,—these circumstances confirmed him in the
opinion that the present period was moat unpropi-
tious for attempting by enactment to limit the hours
of labour, and, being in favour of delay, he should
vote for the amendment. Mr. BROTHERTOB could,
of his own knowledge, say that the operatives gene-
rally were in favour of the measure. Parlia-
ment had already legislated to protect chil-
dren, and it most now interfere for the pro-
tection of females. When a boy he knew by
experience what it was to be a factory worker, and
had then formed the resolution, if ever he should
have the power, to use his utmost endeavours to
bring about a diminution of the hours of labour for
women and children in factories. The reduction of
the cotton-tax alone would more than compensate the
masters for any decreased production consequent on
each diminution, and believing the measure would
prove advantsgcoua to all parties he should give it his
cordial and hearty support. Sir J. GRAHAM con-
sidered the statement of Mr. Brotherton, that he had
administered with his own hands to his own wan%
did him the highest honour, affording, as it did, 114
most convincing proof that from the very; humblest
classes of the community gentlemen might rise to the
highest importance and influence, by the exercise of
honest industry and unblemished integrity ; and the
hon. gentleman was, in his own person, a striking
example of the principle, that, by the careful employ-
ment of time in the branch of labour under discussion,
the most useful and honourable acquirements were
compatible with long hours of labour. The right
hon. baronet then proceeded to take a comprehensive
Aar of the whole question, concluding his observa-
tions by stating that the measure would operate
as a tax upon machinery and upon wages;
would limit the earnings of industry ; and, if extended
to all trades, prove an intolerable barthen : entertain-
ing these 'dews, he felt compelled to vote against its
further progress. Sir G. GREY replied to the argil-
, meats of the last speaker, observing, in condemn:a,
that in committee he should vote for an eleven hours
clause ; but, if that should be rejected and the tea
hours clause affirmed, he should still consider it to be
his duty to give his cordial support to the remaining
stages of the bill. Lord Menrcrx should also vote
for an eleven hours clause, bat could net say, if that
were defeated, that he should support one for ten. Re-
presenting, as be did, a constituency deeply interested
in factory labour, he weald not support any measure
which he believed would interfere with their pros-
perity; but, thinking the ehange to eleven hoar' would
not have that effect, he was prepared to vote for
going into committee. Lord G. Sewn:Tree supported
the bilL Mr. M. Gin4eie, in the course of a speceli
of some length, asked, if this principle was to be
applied to the manufacturing artisan, why it was not
to be extended to the agricultural labourer, to nurses
in hospitals, and to washerisomea, concluding
his obeervations by stating, that, in return
for a reduction of the hours of labour, the
promoters of the measure had not offered anything
which was tangible, nothing which practical men
could accept; and therefore he felt it to be his duty to
oppose it. Lord EBRINOTON intimated that in com-
mittee he should move a clause enacting that the in-
spectors of factories should be medical men. Sir
ROBERT PEEL rid he expected to be in a minority
on the present occasion ; and was therefore desirous
to record under adverse circumstances his continued
objection to all interference with factory labour.
The effect of the bill must be to seduce
wages, which would operate neither taws oar
kw than as an income-tax on the admit
labourer. Believing as he did that the bill, if carried.
would endanger and dissipate the resources of the
country ; cripple the energies and interfere with the
comforts of the working dames, to whom he wee
under special obligations; he should reconcile himself
by endeavouring to promote their interests, although
he might offend them in so doing, by voting against
the committal of the bilL—The house having divided,
the motion for going into committee was carried by a
majority of 90, bat, u six o'clock had arrived when
the numbers were declared, the house, as a matter of
course, was adjourned, without proceeding further.

We are told by the learned of the present day that
the science of political economy and the science of
government are two distinct and opposite things—
one for show and syllogism, the other as an every
day practical rule of conduct. One serves to preach
about, the other to act upon ; one to look wise with,
the other to enable ua to observe prudence and common
sense.
In foreign policy there are two sciences, the eso-
teric and exoteric, of pretty much the same kind.
The one is founded on justice and philanthropy, the
rights of man, the independence of nations, on
words and things, huge, and respectable, and old as
the Chancellor's woolsack. Bat statesmen prefer
resting on the first easy chair. Now, being an enemy
Ito humbug of all kinds, we would kick out of all
discussion and respect that political economy which it
is the pleasure of every editor to indite, and the duty
of every government to neglect. In foreign policy
we should also eschew mere wordy philanthropy at
a time when no rational mortal thinks of founding a
single act upon those bursts of feeling, however elo-
quent and indignant
We feel all the cogency of Lord FraWlLLleses
logic, the superabundance of Lord BEAUMONT'S liberal
sympathies, the legal terseness and lucid arguments
of Mr. Merrnsw HlLL—all employed in showing
the infamy of Cracow's absorption. But the facts
admitted, what then ? Will you go to war for
Crsoow ? Nay, would you have gone to war for
Cracow in 1814, when England, Fiance, and
Austria leagued to protect Poland? No—you would
not venture it then, with three Powers against two.
How can you do so now, with one power (England)

misname the trust wttion undertake, shall I who had not only to take care of but to manage (our rail-" L"' V".`"
would conclude brieciarbilithat ht7attaciei leagneo to protect rouunt r
ountkceeeciPamAin ettabliain a claim on the confidence sad good- lions of property ? (Hear, hear,) He felt hintsell in the England, has adopted a means to stimulate the PM*.
Portant* to the elevation of tke working clams*, and he not venture it then, with three Powers against two. named, ;noatiTed thTlandawn- escape the former
"1440itsinet going into committee on this question, not be- How can you do so now, with one power (England) decision and establish the present system of entails. will of the wh9le
situation of a senior partner, who was Witted to a larger to Lho cakflitien et the WWI which it world be Wei
4

- if other landlords would imitate—that is, a prize of
101. for the best acre of oats, and of 31. for the second
beat, tilled by spade husbandry, the prize to be paid
• and the land tilled on or before the let of April next.
The candidates to qualify must be holders of not more
thins 20 acre. of laud.
A fund has been subscribed in the island of Jersey
for the relief of Irish destitution, amounting to 2,0001.