The Express.
London, England, 1849-07-21 00:00:00

THE EXPRESS, SATURDAY EVENING, JULY 21, 1849.

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.
HOUSE OF LORDS.—FEIDAT, JULY 20.
The Earl of SYMMS%BUST (Deputy Speaker) took hi.
seat at i o'clock.
ADMIRALTY JURISDICTION IN THE COLONIES
BILL.
On the motion of Lord Cabalism., this bill war read a
third time, and passed.
SEWERS ACT AMENDMENT BILL.
On the motion of the Earl of St. °IMMO, this bill was
read a third time.
LUNATIC ASYLUMS (IRELAND) BILL.
On the motion of the Marquis of CLAN ItICARDIN this
was read a second time.
COMMONS INCLOSURE BILL.
Oa the motion of the Earl of Comusui, this bill was read
a second time.
MILITIA BALLOTS SUSPENSION BILL.
On the motion of Earl Cinortraut, this bill went through
committee.

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AFFAIRS OF ITALY.
Lord BROUGHAM rose to more certain resolutions
respecting foreign interference in the affain of Italy, and,
after deprecating the admixture of anything like personal
feeling in so impor.ant a subject, proceeded to Irwin review
the events which had recently occurred in the Italian Penin-
subs. He wished he could at once begin with the kingdom of
the Two Sicilies ; but the perfidious conduct of Sardinia,
though it had been signally punished by the valiant Austrian
army under Marshal Radetsky, and the still pending negotia-
tions between the cabinets of Vienna end Turin, rendered
it necessary that he should first turn his eyes to the north
of Italy. He alluded to the Sardinian monarchy, and to
the still unconcluded negotiations between that power
and Austria tee the unremoved fleets of the Sar-
dinian monarchy from the Adriatic, and to the sell
bel= aguring of Austria in that part of Europe to
the preveation of her employing her undivided resources in
crushing rebellion in the eastern part of her dominion. It
was therefore impossible that he could address himself to our
foreign policy without first referring to the northern part of
Italy. It was at the beginaing of this leaden he had to call
attention to the dirtomfinue of the Sardinian monarch,
Charles Albert, by the troops of Radetski, when he was
driven back and I..reed to resort to his own capital for pro-
tection, and was only net followed there because the Austrians
must then have abstained frem obtaining a more complete
victory over him, and because they would Lave failed to fulfil
their pledgr of maintaining the treaty of Vienna. The
stoutest champion of the distribution of territory by that
treaty, his noble friend near him (the Duke of Wellington),
who by that treaty had completed the work of his still more
illustrious victories—could not have objected to Radetaki
following Charles Albert and executing vengeance
upon him for having broken that treaty, and
taken from him ample security against • similar
entrap. But Iladetaki had acted a more merciful part, and
both be and his master bad proved that they were above all
selfish and sordid feelings. He, however, only regretted
'that he did stop short of what he had • right to do. Then
it was said " Oh, but now we shall have peue," and media-
-1 tion we. talked of and offered by this country between Aus-
tria and Sardinia, the success of which he had little hopes of
at the commencement. That any success could arise from it
he thought just as unlikely as when two parties in private
life had been engaged in a law-snit, and one having alined
s verdict, the ether should propose that it be
agreed to refer all matters in dispute, there being, in fact,
nothing more in dispute. And although Sir Henry E:lis,
who was an able negotiator, was employed, he thought there
was little chance of success, and told him so; but then it was
said Austria marl ready to abide by it. No doubt But he
little knew the Sadist= councils. He (Lord Breneham)
doubted their good faith, and he was right, for Charles
Albert broke the armistice, and rushed at once again into
conflict. Charles Albert was to be blamed for the early part
of his career, but he was to be pitied for the latter course
which he adopted, for he was driven on by bad councillors—
the red republican party of France, of Spain, and Genoa.
Negotiations were, after his defeat, again begun ; they had
continued to this day ; and if report spoke true there was lens
chance of • enoeusful termination now than ever. lie
most deeply lamented it. He wag afraid there were
some persona too sanguine, whom no failure would
cure of grasping at all pPesilelities ; who, while
sinking and catching at a straw, would believe that a
hope still remained. lie thought what had liken place in
R sme and Transylvania had given rise is such hopes ; it
being believed that Austria might still be frustrated in her
design—of what? Aggrandisement? No: a desire on her
part to keep by the faith of her treaties, and not to swerve
from them even when tempted by aggression the most un-
just and success the most triumphant. He hoped, however,
to see all these matters in dispute throughout Europe, eetticd
in the only way in which he thought they could be, by a
general congress. The favour which we had shown to Sar-
dinia broke out in two eventful effects in Italy : first, in the
general difference of language held to Austria and Sardinia.
To Austria we held out everything short of a threat—gentle
in language, but in substance • menace—the sees-
viler in mod° and the fortiter its re. You bad
better not go to Italy you had better not
invade any ally of onto, you had better not go to Turin or to
Rome. It you do, it will be a matter of grave consideration.
Such was our language to Austria, hut the tone adopted to-
war le Sardinia was of a very different kind. We were
anxious to advertise to all Europe--particularly to the rebel
leaders in Milan and the red republicans in Paris—that we
had held out those threats to Austria ; and who could have
dreamt we had in our pocket a despatch from Prince Metter-
nich asking what is the matter with you ?--we never dreamt
of going to Sardinia, to Rome, or to Milan. (" Hear, hear,"
and laughter.) On the contrary, if any one threatens Sar-
dinia, we will defend her integrity. (Hear, hear.)
This was sent in September, and not produced until
the following May. (lieu, hear.) He, however, had a
copy of that despatch in his Lansdowne et tee time. (" Hear,
hear," from the Marquis of .) lie did not blame
the noble marquis (Lansdowne), for he believed that he did
not know of it. (Hear and laughter.) Our despatch said
that any aggression on the independence of Sardinia would
not be looked on with indifference by Great Britain ; and
the independence of the Roman states was alto said to be
regarded by the British government with jealousy; and it
their integrity was not maintained, the coneequenees might
be grave and serious. This would lead him to the centre of
Italy ; it would carry him at once to Rome. He asked for
information as to the movements of the various powers in
Europe—as to the occupation of Ancona and Bologna by
Austria. But there was also io the heart cf the peninsula,'
in its centre, its capital, not a Roman army—not an Ans.,
trian army, not an Italian army : there was a great French
army of between forty and fifty thousand troop., and
a park of artillery of 120,000 guns. (Much laughter.) He
begged pardon, he meant 120 guns; and the eternal city had
been invaded. Some few thousands of men and a small
number of guas went from Marseilles to Italy, and then some
information was given by France as to the object of the ex-1
peditioo, more or less satisfactory ; but did soy
one see is
that explanation of French troops going to Civita Vecchia ts
restore the balance of power, or for any other reason ae-
signed, their ultimate object ? It would not have satisfied
him. But there soon cams events which rendered a second
question n . The army was increased, and moved
on, and ine three days arrived in Rome. It looked to an un-
skilful observer very like an attack meditated on the Rarnal
City ; and an explanation would have been apposite enough
to the questi)n, what is to be done if you do carry it and
enter it ? Bat what answer might have been given, if any,
could not be ascertained. To say it was to preserve the
balance of power, or anything else, would have been the same ;
it was altogether inexplicable. But no government, no com-
mander, no troops, could have behaved more blamelessly than
the French army had before the walls of Rome. Could they
mot have bombarded the city, and taken it long before ? and
were they not impressed with the ides that it they did bom-
bard the town they must sacrifice the innocrat
with the guilty? He would now say a word as
to Ancona and Bologna. A sufficient explanation had
been obtained from Austria. Her object had been to put
down the rebellion in the Papal States, and restore the
Pope. It would not do to say that it might be well to re-
store the Pope as a spiritual prince, but he ought not to be
restored as a temporal prince—that was, he thought, a
short sighted policy. He did not think the Pope could exer-
cise his high spiritual functions if stripped of all temporal
power. We were not living in the eighth or ninth century,
when the Pops existed without much temporal as-
sistance. He was then the Bishop of Rome, and
bad great power with all the states of Europe.
His temporal power, afterwards acquired, made him
however independent ; and if he were again reduced to
dependence, he would be the slave of some foreign power.
(Hear, hear.) It was, therefore, an European question that
the Pope's authority must be maintained. But in the
January following a change took place, • revolution broke
out ; and he could not easily imagine a more un-
becoming spirit than that which ran through nearly
the whole of the diplomatic correspondence of our regular
diplomatic agent, and the vice-admiral and captains of our
slips, who all seemed to have been changed, as by the
ancient enchantress who used to preside over that coast,
Into other animals—into strange mongrels—politieal sailors
wish a diplomatudog vice-admiral—(laughter)—a sugges-
*or of expeditions against our ally, with whom we wished to
draw the bocds of friendship closer. (A laugh.) This new
species of political monster—half sailor and half politician—
was • thing he contemplated the movements of, with as
little satisfaction as he regarded his existence. This political
admiral seemed to be employed In dealing out every tort of ad-
vice, and lecturing as if he sat in the Foreign-office
In his language in reference to the sovereign of the conntry
the gallant diplomatist bad been particularly free and easy,
• circumstance, however, which had not prevented him from
taking great huff at some slight which he said had been
put upon him by the authorities, a slight, however
which only existed in his own fancy. What said
the gallant diplomatist in one of his despatches? "The
altered position of the contending partite is such that
I have given general orders to the captains to afford
protection to individuals on both sides who are fleeing on
account of their political conduct, and 'hall wait anxiousle
to see the effect which the rebellion in Sicily will
produce at Naples." Now what possible business
had Sir William Parker with the effect in question ?
The manifest fact was, that Sir William Parker's expecta-
tion, his hope, was that the rebellion of Biel would cross
channel, and spread over the Calabria'. Hear, hear.)
the
Capt. Codrington, again, at page 52, was f l of political
speculations as to the progress of the rebellion on the conti-
nent of Naples, as if Capt. Codrington had been sent over
there to meddle and make, and occupy himself with sooth-
sayings about the course of rebellions, and the probabilities of
election returns ; for about this point, too, the gallant seer
speculated. " Should the small Graham force of 1,000
men, recently landed," propounded Capt. Codrington,
" succeed in raising the country against the government,
and should the character of the returns in the coming par-
liament be adverse to the present ministry, when the
parliament meets wo may expect a strong collision" and so

on. Now what on earth bad Captain Codrington to do
with these matters? Elsewhere in the papers, it appeared
that Lord Napier had expressed a strong desire that the
British fleet should come to Naples "in order to pro-
Maui ••
great effect upon the negotiations then
pending with the government." Now it was really
,too much that in the conduct of negotiations with
en old end faithful ally, the sinister is,flueuce of
British ships of war should be brought to bear against that
ally. (Hear, hear.) The realms Lord Napier, however,
had taken upon himself to send for the noble earl opposite
from Rome as an additional engine against King Ferdinand
in this contest against his rebellious subjects. And
now for a special feature : on the sth April there was a letter
received at the Foreign-office from some consul or other in
Sicily, stating that the rebellion was getting on moat flow-
ingly, sad that the Sicilians were about to choose
the Grand Duke of Genoa as King of Sicily.
Hereupon the government at home, which had
all along been setting teeth how excessively attached it was
to the old and faithful ally of England, how it could not do
too much to show its fondness ter the King of the Two
Sicilies, sends Won the Bth a letter to Mr. Abercrombie to
say, that having heard the Sicilians were going to choose
the duke as their king it was prepared to acknowledge him,
not Duke of Genoa, under the treaty of Vienna, but King
of Sicily, setting aside altogether its dear friend the real
King of B:cily, whom, all along, en paper, it was so anxious
to cement the bonds of alliance and amiiy with. (Hear.)
There was another circumstance which showed how com-
pletely our government had taken part against its Neapolitan
ally. We had actually taken upon ourselves to make serer
plaints of the manner in which the Neapolitan government
had lodged and boarded its rebel prisoners. Now only ima-
gine what an outcry our government would make if the
French minister, or the Dutch, or the Belgian, or any other,
were to take it to task for its method of dealing with the Irish
rebels,who had been so properly consigned to transportation.
Had it not been that we felt we were powerful, and counted
on these parties being beaten, not one-hundredth part of the
objectionable matter would hare appeared which these des-
patches and papers had brought to light. But was that any.
ground for presuming to read lectures such as those, and for
doing as we had done ? To a generous nature, to a manly,
feeling heart, to a person of true British honour and
gallantry, it was the very reveres, and would have made the
practice the leas excusable. It was not in words only that
this disposaion had been evinced ; far from It. On the 11th
September Messina was taken ; within • fortnight from that
day the capture of Palermo must have followed as a matter
of necessity. What did we do? We had a fleet in those
waters, and were resolved it should not lie there for nothing. ,
Captains were sent with sealed orders. Ns notice
was given, though it would have been prudent foe I
our own purpose to give it. We insisted that they should ,
not break the armistice which we had enforced upon them, I
and which we had no right to require them to prolong ; fog
it wu en armistice, not between two contending parties, but
between a rightful sovereign, our dear and ancient ally, and
his own rebellious subjects, whom he had defeated at the
loss of 3,000 of his very best troops. The captains were
directed to take out sealed orders, to do all they could to
prevent hostilities breaking out again, to us, their utmost
endeavours, by fair means if they could, to prevent the
Neapolitans pressing on towards Palermo, and pushing
their victory, as they had a right to do, and as in all prudence
they ought to do, before the enemy could recover from his
panic. If that did not succeed, they were to open their
sealed orders, to fire with gun-shot, to do whatever was re-
quisite by main force to compel the Neapolitans to preserve
the armistice. (Hear.) Ile would now conclude by moving
the resolutions of which he had given notice, which were as
follow :
That It is the right, and was the duty of the government, to require
and to obtain from foreign powers satisfactory explanations of those
recent movements in the Italian states, which tend to unsettle the
existing distribution of territory, and to endanger the general peace.
That it is inconsistent wah the general interesta and duty of thin
=intuit° interfere in the concerns of foreign nations, as between
their governments and their subject..
That this house regrets to observe in the conduct of the government
particularly as shown by the papers laid before parliament, a war t of
friendly feeling toward. allies to whom we are bound by treaty and
by mutual 'chief good nat.
The Earl of CARLISLE said the noble and learned lord
had introduced his motion in a sober and temperate tone, of
which the government had no reason to complain ; but the
compliment thus paid to his speech he was not able to extend
to the resolutions. They seemed to he an attempt at g ether-
iog together and summiug up all tho vague and desultory
taunts and insinuations which had been emitted against the
government in the course of the present session—an attempt
to collect together, in one very heavy piece. of allegation, all
the censures and grumblings which bad proceeded from the
various parties into which that hone and the country gene-
rally was broken up. (Hear, hear.) The government was
frequently told that here they had been too meddling, there
too passive—here too ready to show sympathy with revolu-
tionary opinions and parties, and there not sufficiently
anxious to respect the independence of even the most demo-
critical institutions—at one time too French, and at another
too Italian. The first resolution declared it to be the duty
of the government to require and to obtain from foreign
powers satisfactory explanations of the recent move ments in
the Italian states. It might be very properly said that it was
their duty to require such assurances, but how could it be
their duty to obtain them ? As well might it he said that it
wee the right and the duty of g did Christians to pray for
and obtain from Providence a succession of good weather.
(Hear, hese.) Supposing they °Waived assurances that were
not satisfactory, that were highly unsatisfactory, what then
became of the right—what wu the government to do ? If
it were laid down as an abstract resolution that it was the
duty of the government to obtain satisfactory explanations,
and those were not obtained, the necessary corollary wee
that the country ought to go to wee—a moat mischievous and
ah'utd conclusion. (Hear, hear.) The second res lufiou
declared it inconsistent *with the g I interests and emy
of this country to interfere between the governments of
foreign nations and their subjects. lie cordially subscribed
to the general spirit of this resolution; but he held it
most imprudent to lay down, thatatleis country ought in no
case to interfere in the affairs of foreign nations ; because
there were emergencies and contingenciegin which such inter-
ference was counselled and commanded, not only by motives
of national policy, but by the most urgent dictates of
humanity. (Hear, hear.) it bed been the course for this
country, at all times, in the best times, which Englishmen
looked to with the greatest pride, to interfere when its inter-
ference could relieve the oppressed liberties of Europe from
mai 1 domination, and maintain, without any real risk
or cost to ourselves, principles which would do consummate
good to the world. This resolution would brand our inter-
ference in Portugal, in Spain, and in Greece ; nsy more, it
would brand the very principles on which the Dutch govern-
ment interfered at the time of our revolution, which led to
the protestant government of this country and the succes-
sion of the present reigning family. (Neer, hear.) In
alluding to the third resolution, which complained
of the conduct of the government towards its
allies, he would begin with that city which,
against
ni a
nil;
Its:
jolrot htBn
with
aidi et2yh ,
as in all preceding, so in all succeeding time, must obtain
the first place in the consideration of mankind almost every-
where—the city of Rome. It would be remembered that
the Pope had addressed a formal requisition to this govern-
ment, through his representative at Paris, to bear a part, in
co-operation with other powers, in endeavouring to compose
the differences which had taken place between him and his
subjects, and to re-establish his dominion over them. The
government, though unaffectedly sympathising with the
Pope, and feelirg alive to the disorders that hail afflicted the
Roman dominions, thought it their duty to abstain altoge-
ther from taking part, either in the conferences opened at
Gaeta or in the proceedings which emanated from them.
Herein they had exercised a wise discretion; fora Protestant
government, which had not established any diplomatic re.
tattoos with Rome, could not, with either propriety or deli-
cacy, have put itself upon the same level with the organs of
the other catholic states of Europe, who were, of course,
amessible to views anti influences in which this government
could not share. Therefore, though they cc uld not cease to
watch what took place on so important and interesting a field
of action with the most unceasing interest, though they were
ready at all times to offer such advice as they thought
might be useful upon any occasion that arose, though they
had not forborne from offering that advice whenever they
thought it would be advantageous to do se, and should con-
tinue so to do,—yet, having thought that it behoved them
not to interfere, thinking that they were right in that de-
cision—thinking that if the conferences at Gaeta had led
those who bore a part in them to take part in more overt
proceedings, as they had subsequently done, that nothing
could have been viewed with more distaste or reprobation
in this country than to see that English interference had
Men exercised to reimpose the dominion of the Pope upon
any community whatever,—yet having taken this course
they did not think it incumbent upon them, nor becoming,
to adopt any opposing or obstructive course with respect
to those powers which had charged themselves with the office
of Interfering, and if possible settling this long protracted
controversy. (Hear, hear.) They had forborne, both
in the time and tone of their representations, from
adding to the embarrassments and difficulties of those
upon whose superiority and sucteussuch vital interests were
depending. (Hear, hear.) Had they pursued a contrary
course, they might perhaps have laid on that table a plausi-
ble or specious despatch ; they might even have gained ap-
plause by the pith and pungency of their remarks on the
nature and character of the French expedition ; botany such
edvantsge would have been dearly purchased at the price he
had described. (Hear, hese.) From Rome the noble and
learned lord had turned to the kingdom of the Two Sicilies ;
and this was the only part of his speech against which the
complaint might be brought, that he had used more general
bigamies of tone.
Lord BROUGHAM—Against the Neapolitan govern-
ment.
The Earl of CARLISLE said it was not against the Nea-
politan government, but against the British government,
against the British navy, and against British diplomacy.
(Hear.) The old relations of this country, to nee the very
mildest term, with the inhabitants of Sicily, would have in-
duced the government to use their best t ndeavouts to staunch
c .11, , : t
hadj,, n • .
pc iionakywnlrdeyelenhhymoesibtnde
elmrl
all
Sicily
ell
remembered
1 autho-
rised tr
ehioii
chi;
or
short
of her wounds, and meliorate her condition, if they had not
received the express concurrence—nay, more, the formal in-
vitation—of both parties In these fatal differences, to inter-
pose their mediation. If an indictment
the
having ic
constitution
cum.
cotintxdinonwnwiuthp taekntenwins
Sicilian affairs, in his judgment the most formidable, or
the most pinching form it could assume, would be
that of arraigning the government for not having dine
enough in behalf of the Sicilians.—(hear, hear)—
for
hauveicagghfaanllelenothahe°rintoobflethloetddse,
se an independent country with a distinct nationality. They
4iarn;latdB4hotartfBnbiruhcsarh a rp
ganopttpreteohe
vewet:yoa
war ^t
1:
~
:ui certainly
tepfliurwere
ied onnnohtttolho:
but what the old Romans would have called our eliense'.
(Hear, hear.) That the proceedines in 1812 did fall short of
a guarantee, was the defence of this goy rnment for nit
hiving done more; and he believed the Sic:hurl wire not