The Express.
London, England, 1847-05-08 00:00:00

Earl of deadteleh Earl of Qualeerdeue
Duke el elaaakeiter Earl. Dude

l,nd fi. vilis

ia+6l7o •
aim amps
Lard armlas
Lard Faandria

Lb -Cove

roni r:o-gdide
Lord Leigh
Vircoont Sri/ley
Lord Gladlg

ghe epprto.

MAILS.

TM was ter Tips, Opie,i
velum, Madeira, OWL, and %wow.
will In wade us se Ur of sbe lite May,
The Net me‘b. Wan for Mexico, Madame, ipp
the nonsawborDl ba woes up 1111 tbssrrdinof the 17th May.
The Tanis 1w Mask Nall Amides,,, beenoses. sad the Oaten
swam, WU ber ow& up alb swim etas lOW May.
The owlish wells Iv Ofbeelene_ Melts, Omen the Wain Wain
Opypt,A4W.Osplos, lad* Nase4fasi. sad Mae, tus Saunas's.
WA be Wails en We werolmeatbe 29th May.
The demi meds,_ Ws Marseilles, to the %Wmb's;
=Afigh. Was. ons, Haw Low, tt.., will be made up 04 ths
etas DOW May.
The .We Ise Nero Wm& Weise, Vas Masan'. Lead, and Non
toosbni= be Weds up ilk WI womb. of th. SI gt May.
The 1w iles Iles !fete Plata, Monte Valero, Perna.
bees.
ealdm NeAsobs. obi DOWN Ayres, will be made up atap
analog of tbi 4lb lane.

HIGH WATER AT LONIE)74.ERIDOR.
Tr' DA,—Monday. 19 WA. Dry 7 ; Afteroam. 52 axis. art 7.
To.Norow--Ilornbr. 30 re. Dry II ; AlOrrumr II m 1 A. put 9.

LONDON, SATURDAY, MAY 8.

THE House of Lords has rejected the rating clause
of the Irish Poor-law, and left ministers once more
in a minority. The clause is not a very auntie/
portion of the law ; although its suppression renders
the measure more and more a landlords' bill, and in-
creases the repugnance of the town population both
to it and to the proprietorial classes. Should the
landlords be emboldened to vote the BENTINCE
clause also, it will be tantamount to a rejection of the
bill, and may possibly lead to a ministerial change.
It is but fair, that if the landlord party claim to
I legislate for Ireland exclusively in their own sense
and interests, they should be left to administer it also.
Czmpulaory charity is certainly one of the most
unwelcome burdens that can be imposed. The poor-
rata that come from nine-tenths of the pockets which
prof them, go to feed paupers which perhaps not one of
the rate-payers are in aayways answerable for. The
landlord or the master manufacturer may be en ex-
ception. They may pay, in the shape of rates, an•
naitiee and retiring. pensions, to peasants and spe.
retires, whose energies during the prime of life they
have profited by. But the general mass of roe-
payers give their quota merely to a portion of the
general pauperism of the country.
The Irish landlord, as represented by Lord STAN.
LEY, grumbles at this hardship. He is willing to pay
for the pauper, that himself has made or created, but
for no other. Suppose every one and every class was
to] say the same ; what would become of the greater
proportion of the English poor, or of the English
poor-law ?
We admit, that it may seem hard for the
owner of a well cared for property, not to be
left to enjoy the fruits of his skilful manage.
ment, but to be taxed for the poor on the estate of
his improvident neighbour. But the inhabitants of a
county, landlord and citizen, have duties beyond
their immediate homes, or their peculiar estates.
They must look and contribute towards the welfare,
not only of an estate, but of the county, of the pro-
vince, of the kingdom. And this is demanded of
them in their own interests; for who can hope to
enjoy the peace and prosperity of his private domain,
however perfect, if it be but an oasis in the midst
of a wild of barrenness, pauperism, and violence?
If the object of the poor-law was merely that of
taxation for the s.ke of feeding a certain number of
paupers, it would be little matter whether the rate
was struck in a large area or in a small divi-
sion. But the object is to rouse the landed pro-
prietors from apathy and isolation, to force them
to combined efforts for the looking to, providing
for, and elevating the condition of, their
peasantry. The most strenuous efforts of each
proprietor on his estate cannot do this. There will be
properues indebted, properties contested ; those long
ssrk-rooted, or of such poor soils as to allow no
better than squatters. Are these to be left
to themselves, and the r cleared from the better
cultivated estates to be . ung upon them? This would
be to chequer Ireland, as indeed it is chequered,
with happy valleys and Pandemoniums intermixed ; the
latter sending forth the midnight assassin, to affright
and lord it over the former. This is the old system,
which the poor-law is intended to destroy. But Lord
STANLEY would modify the poor-law so AS to sanction
the continuance of this old system.
Lord STANLEY poe es 4,000 acres, with very little
pauperism upon them. He thinks it very bard to
find these merged in a Union of 80,000 acres, all of
which will come to make fresh demands on his
purse and his care. It is hard, no doubt.
But who is to take care of the Irish
neglected population ? If Irish landlords will
not, the English mast ! On whom would Lord
STANLEY fling the burden? The government flung it
on those active, and efficient, and wealthy persons
nearest ; and in fact those near to this miser), are
most interested in its suppression, for such vicinity is
not only disagreeable, but dangerous to life, and de-
preciatory to property. Lords STANLEY and MosT-
EAGLE say : " 'No : beyond our domain wall,or electoral
district, we will not look." In that case, they must
intend government or the Poor-law Commissioners to
become stewards and administrators of all neglected
estates. The present effort is to effect a social reform by
means of the landlords and the middle classes. There
are only two other ways of effecting the purpose;
which are, the dictatorial interference and action of
government, or the dictatorial interference and action
of the people ; which last means revolution.
We think that it should be a great object with the
Irish landlords and the Irish middle class to avoid
either of these latter extremes, and to do the great,
the good, and indispensable work themselves; for
done, they ma) depend upon it, it will be. Ireland
cannot remain as It is. And if the Irish of talent,
experience, and property, will not undertake to gaide
and effect that change, pleading that they are deter-
mined to confine their cares and purses to their
private properties, then we can only say that in this
case, as in every other of a similar nature in history,
the abdication of the upper and proprietorial classes
will lead to their destruction.

THE existing pressure and panic in the English
money market are exciting little less than an insur-
rection in most parts of the country against the as-
sumed omniscience of parliament, which, three years
ago, passed a decree placing the public and FL-
rate credit of the country in direct opposition
and war with each other, literally sacriB-
- the latter in difficult moments to up-
hold the former, as if they were antagonist, not
identical, and which in the universal distress, now
oocasionod by the enforcement of its theory, lot"
coolly and self-applaudingly on, as if the only object
was to save its own consistency and principles, allow-
inghalf the industriously raised fortunes of the country
to perish without respite or pity.
It is indeed a singular contrast, that offered at pre-
sent by the silence of the London press, and the
uproariousness of the provincial, by the solemn taci-
turnity of the House of Commons, all sank, whigs and
radicals, in the blind worship of PEHL, and the frank
declaration of eve. man to be met with, that the bill
I of 1841 has proved a failure.
Ths House of Lords, which is not so exclusively
Peat-worshipper as the Commons, uttered its pro-
test on Thursday night, and Lord ASHBURTON did
not shrink from denouncing the effect of the legislation
of 1844. That bill was evidently framed with a view
to counteract the effects of over-production and over`
trading, and, as such, was a good fair-weather measure.
But its inevitable tendency to cripple and destroy the
productive power of the country at a time when ex-
cessive imports are not the result of speculation, but
of absolute necessity, has been but too fully proved
of late.
We are not very anxious to embark upon this wids
field of discussion, since, however easy it may be to
prove the legislation of 1814 disastrous, and several of
the assumptions on which it was based utterly un-
proven and unwarrantable, still, it is a much more

ailecalt matter to point out e. remedy, without dia.i
%egg the basis of 1819, which is, at least, are not
to do. But, however desorable it may be to '
the iinpregnability of the Bank, and
to middle depreciation and Amiss poems of an inoon-
.o6, orrice, still there assuredly exist mauls
d ph,aut this without a total suspension of
oat,— and out seeking to recall a flitting gold
eurfoacy by flinging, at the same time, the existing
ppe armory into the sea after it.
are to be the givers and controller+ of
oontacy and credit, it im pretty evident that their
bonds and intellects cannot be tied in 1847 by abstract
mid immutable laws laid down in 1844, and drawn up
with views, and towards ends, quite different from
what exist now. Oar legislation on most things is at
r esent empirical ; and for the working and testing
of them things functionaries have been entrusted with
=avoidably arbitrary powers. This has been pecu-
liarlythe case in carrying into effect the maxima of
theorists and economists. The directors of the Bank
of England may not be the fit persona to entrust such
powers to; but they certainly ought to be in some
hands more cognisant of current and secret wants
sad difficulties than parliament can be.
The Bank itself has shown its utter distrust of the
lotnoiples of the act of 1844. Although called by
Bat ad to restrict and diminish the currency, it long
refrained to do so, fully aware that there was no over-
boding to cheek, but on the contrary every possible
aid and facility required to stimulate productions and
trade, in order to pay for supplies of corn in some-
thing else than solid bullion. The Bank, however, has
many other solid and selfish reasons for upholding the
law of 1844, and will not come forward to expose its
defects. All parties, in tact, shirk the great duty of
moiling and mooting a solemn law, of which the
doh= are evident, without the remedy being at all
se. The favourite panacea seems to be to stop rail-
read pakten sad &rads, not in haat), which might
have dam wee justice and wisdom, but in
regress. Like the Irishman who takes three
ee far pins from his harrow to furnish
iron fir dist* his horse, and then =shoes him
sitertwas to provide pins for the harrow when
wanted, we are to take the money in May from the
railroad to set the cotton-mills going, and hand it
back to the railroad companies at the commencement
of winter, when they can make no nee of it. And
this is proposed at a time when all that the cotton-
mills want is their usual annual accommodation in

the Ray of credit. But all is to be sacrificed to an
inoperative scheme for keeping bullion in the Bank
cellars.

We have, however, no space at present to enter into
the wide question of the principle of the act of 1844,
limiting ourselves to the usertion, that Mr. TOOK R's
principles and prognostications have not been proved
ao erroneous as was so dogmatically cried forth at
that time. In the May number of the Journal of the
Siatistical Society are a score of pages giving a most
lucid picture of the Bank and its operations since the
passing of the act, which paper fully proves at least
one of Mr. TOOKE'S dicta, viz., how little the
amount of Bank notes is proportionate to, or can be
considered an index of, the whole circulation.

We have been more than once reminded b 7 corres-
pondents that some time since, when commenting upon
of farming land, we intimated the purpose of
publishing a model lease, and that we have not done
so. Now there is no magic in the mere form of a lease,
which should be a deed of greatsimplieity ; and in
truth, a very good model lease might be framed by
taking any of the forme in general use and striking out
all the objectionable stipulations, leaving it a mere con-
tract for the possession of land for so many years at
so much rent.
The modern agricultural difficulty with regard to
leases is, not how a lease should be framed, but of
what it ought to consist ; not what is to be the form,
but what the substance of a lease. There is nothing
which shows more hew completely the practice and art
of husbandry have outgrown the notions of owners
of land, than this difficulty. Assuming a landlord to
have made such an advance in the knowledge of
his own business as to have got over his preliminary
repugnance to grant a lease, then comes the question
of stipulations. And here there is commonly a dead
lock; the landlord, his lawyer, and his land agent
require the insertion of regulations and restrictions,
sanctioned probably by custom,—the custom of times
long gone by—which the tenant knows perfectly
well it would be altogether inconsistent with
good husbandry and profitable farming to observe.
In this state of things, if the tenant be a man careful
of incurring hazardous legal obligations, he will de-
cline the lease altogether, andeither give up the treaty
or prefer a yearly tenancy, with all its dangers and
difficulties, to the being bound down for a long period
of time to the performance of rural impossibilities. Or
otherwise, he will sign the lease, put it in his cup-
board, and think no more of its contents, until, at the
end of his term, he is awakened from his dream of
security by information that a fresh steward, or a
sew owner, of the farm, will require the strict and
literal performance of the covenants of his lease. In
fact, leases now in use have been aptly designated
" traps for tenant farmers ;" and so fully are intelli-
gent farmers aware of this, that their di inclination to
accept leases—such leases as they were likely to
get—has been made use of by landlords as an argu-
ment for their system of yearly tenancies. But there
sever was a farmer, following his occupation as a
matter of business, who would not prefer a rational
Ilse to any other kind of tenure.
The "rest object, therefore, is to determine, first,
what 'lease should be ; then the form will be settled
readily enough. Now, the first step in the inquiry is
what are the purposes of the parties to the contract ?
And first, of the landlord ? Then, of the tenant ?
The' rational, and usually the prevailing, purpose
of the landlord is to obtain the best rent for his farm,
sod to receive it back at the end of the term in a condi-
tion at least as good as when he let it. This is the
Min purpose of ell landlords. But beyond and
besides this, nine-tenths of the proprietors of land in
England desire to impose on their tenants certain
Dastard-feudal services. They want all the commer-
cial rent they can get, and they want also certain res-
trictive stipulations which may be made to operate as
a sort of string round the tenant's leg Amid he go
too fast or too far in any direction not agreeable to the
landlord. Now, these two things are obviously incon-
sistent, and the commercial principle is that which
most largely prevails in relations of medern landlords
tad tenants. Nevertheless there is enough of feudalism
retained in the contract, which, though it may be in
abeyance for a time, may at any time be called, at the
mere will of the landlord, into an activity most noxious,
Perhaps ruinous, to the tenant. These stipulations
are of two ela-ses, which may be termed negative and
positive. The one consisting of absurd prohibitions,
such as not to remove trees, not to break up pasture,
not to cut down hedges till twelve or fourteen
yens' growth, and the like; the other class being
positive directions as to rotations of crops, manuring,
ploughing, sowing, and so forth. All each terms
are altogether out of place in s farming lease,
where the tenant doe, not mean to be a kind of bailiff
cultivating with his own capital the landlord's plea-
sure farm. So far as these terms are not relics to.
the practices of past ages, they result from an appre-
hension on the part of the landlord that the tenant
will unfairly abstract from the land something more
than by the terms of the contract he is entitled to do;
or, otherwise, that his own skill in husbandry, and
his own sense of self-interest, are not sufficiently
powerful to induce him to farm well. Therefore, a
certain agricultural formulary is prescribed. AU
this, however, is founded on utter ignorance of prac-
tical agriculture, and results from incorrect observa-
tion of every day's occurrences in rural affairs. When
tenant of competent capital and skill is in possession
of a farm, his possession and his power to deal with
the surface of the land can scarcely be too absolute.
He cannot farm well and injure the property at
the same time, and it is every farmer's interest
to farm well, for by good farming alone can he reap
a profit. This is an agricultural axiom which no
fanner questions, though it would seem, by the fears
landlords entertain, to admit of doubt in their opinion.
Nor is it possible by means of positive covenants, even
supposing the course pointed out in such covenants to
be in itself judicious, to convert • bad farmer into
a good one. Such stipulations are insisted on in
utter forgetfulness of the homely rural proverb, that
" a child may lead a horse to water, but a dozen men
cannot make him drink." But in truth there are
comparatively few absolutely bad farmers. Most men
who have that character derive it from the restric-
tions under which they farm, or from their being
allowed to hold too mach land for the capital they
an command, or from the hopeless state of depend-
ence and vassalage in which, from some cause or
other, they are retained by their landlords. On the

farmer's part, the object of a lease should be, and
usually is, to enable him by outlay and a
judicious course of management to get not
a mere pittance, but such an ample reward as the
care, the industry, the capital, and the enterprise of
an intelligent fanner justly deserve. This can only
be done where the tenant has a long term, and is free
from vexatious restrictions. Nor ought Landlord's to
feel jealous on this point, though we know that not a
few of them imagine that if a tenant makes much
money on his farm, he has done so at the landlord's
expense. Nothing, however, is farther from the
truth. Land is to be looked at as a machine of which
the latent power of production has hitherto been
very imperfectly developed ; and it is by developing
that power, by drawing forth its latent capacity, not
by robbing it of anything which is the landlord's, that
a Food farmer expects to make or does make money.
e had intended to have appended some data en I
which a good form of lease might be framed ; but aa,
in so doing, we should exceed our Hunts, we must
take an early opportunity of returning to the sub-
ject—really, one of the most important agricultural
questions of the day.

The Paris journals of Thursday, and our usual cor-
respondence, have come to hand.
An animated debate took place in the Chamber of
Deputies on Wednesday, on the subject of the extra-
ordinary credits taken in the department of foreign
affairs, in which a sharp attack was made on the ca-
binet by M. Billault, and defended by M. Guizot.
This formed the subject. of a leading article in the
Omstittetiotmel against the minis:ry on Thursday,
in which traces of the hand of M. Thera are visible.
The rumours which we alluded to yesterday of
ministerial changes continued to circulate, and to
gain more consistency. The principal members of
the cabinet, MM Guizot, Soult, Duchatzl, Hebert,
and Damon, would, it was said, continue in office; the
other five, MM. Saivandy, Moline de St. Yon, Cunin-
Gridaine, Lacave-Laplagne, and De Mahan retiring.
M. Duchatel would, it wad said, go from the Home-
office to the Finance, M. Damon taking his place.
Count Darn was spoken of as Minister of Public
Works, M. Murat de Bord as Minister of Commerce,
and M. Charles Dupin as Minister of Marine. We
give these as mere rumours, forming the subject of
conversation in the Salle des Conferences, without
guaranteeing their accuracy.
In conseqfience of the affair brought by the letters
of General Cubieres, M. Cremieux had laid before
the bureaux a proposition to render all directors or
public companies incapable of sitting in the chamber;
and so strong has been the impression produced by
the recent disclosures, that this proposition has been
adopted without debate by all the bureaux.
The Chamber of Peers, under the presidenee of
Duke Pasquier, was extraordinarily convoked.
The Keeper of the Seals ascended the tribune
amidst profound silence. " Gentlemen," he said,
" we have the honour to present to the chamber
as ordonnance of the King, bearing yesterday's date,
convoking the Court of Peers to try General Cubielee,
peer of France, for crimes and offences provided
against by articles 179 and 405 of the penal code.
M. Delangle, procureur-general at the Court of Peers,
aided by M. Glandes, avocat-general, are appointed
to support the accusation."
The Keeper of the Seals then presented the ordon-
nance to the chamber; and Duke Pasquicr announced
that on Friday at one o'clsck the chamber would
form itself into a court of justice. Hereupon Gen.
Cubieres left his place, ascended the tribune, and ex-
pressed himself to the following effect : " Gentlemen,
being prevented by serious indisposition from attend-
ing your sittings, I impatientlyawaited the moment of
being present. I regret that the peculiar situation
in which I am placed prevents me from giving ex-
planations on certain facts which now engross the
public attention. I must, therefore, have patience.
No one is more interested than myself that truth
should be made manifest. Ido not fear that it will
be otherwise before the wisdom of the court of
peers, and I confidently await the result of their deli-
berations." General Cubieres then returned to his
seat, but retired almost immediately from the cham-
ber. The chamber then went into the order of the
day.
Bon Maza, the celebrated African chief, had arrived
in Paris, and engaged apartments in one of the
hotels, but, on desoeudinz from the carriage, was in-
formed he would be under surveillance, and must
reside in a place inuicated by the authorities.
No Madrid mail was received in Paris on Thursday.

FRANCE.—Ma. O'CoNNELL—Marseilles journals
of the 3rd annouce the arrival there of Mr. O'Connaell,
accompanied by his son, hie chaplain, and his physician.
These gentlemen, says the Ciensaphorcstate that Mr. O'Con.
null hadimproved considerably atter his arrival at Avignon
Iso the 25th ult. He conversed much more freely than he
, had done since he quitted England.
DUEL.—A duel with swords has just been fought
between M. de Pommereux and the Duke de Vicente, in
which the former received a dangerous wooed just below the
heart. The cause of the meeting is said to be, that M. de
Pommereux had emus:seed his determinetion to oppose the
admiasion of the duke as a member of the Jockey Club,
saying that he would never give his vote for the son of a
man who had taken part in the execution of the Duke
d'Enghiea
HOLLAND.—AYBTERDA3I, MARCH —STATES
GI EN 611 A L.—The second chamber of the states general came
to an important decision, on tie 4th, respecting certain
articles of the fundamental law and that of June 19, 1845.
It will be remembered that a treaty of commerce and nevi-
tion was concluded, last summer. between Holland and
Belgium—a treaty which was considered by numbers in the
former country as too favourable to the Ott r. Many mem-
ben, moreover, of the second chamber objected to the mode
of effecting the treaty—viz., by royal ordennance, instead
of by virtue of a law, in which the states should neeessarily
have taken part, the legislative power in Holland being con-
currently exercised by the king and the state. general. In
tcm articles of the ern: melted, or funelamen•al law, it is pre-
scribed that no tax or impost may be levied for the benefit
of the public treasury except by virtue of a law ; and it is con-
tended that, as the treaty referred to did impose, change, or
alter certain iluties,there has been a violation of, or deviation
from, the chief law of the Dutch nation. On the other
hand, that same law declare, that the king has the right to
conclude and to ratify all treaties—a tight, it may be
observed, which has been exercised he the crown since the
year 1815. The decision of the chamber, on the motion of
Harr Hoffman, was to the effect—that a committee be
appointed to draw span adders* to his Majesty, in order to
make known to him that by the treaty with Belgium the
provisions of the sicond article of the law of June 19, 1845,
and of the 195th and 106th articles of the fundamental law
were departed from. The motion was carried by a majority
of 6. One of the chief objects of the supporters of the
motion was to show the necessity of a revision of the funda-
mental law—a religion which, during layered years past, has
been called for:II/the " liberal" party of Holland.
R MA.N T. PRUSSIA. BERLIN, MAT 4.
Tan Darr.—The AUgemeine Preamiche Zeitung of this
day contains the official reports of the discussions in the
meetings of the three estates held on the 29th and
30th ultimo. The three estates met immediately after
the adjournment of the erasion of the combined estates. The
deliberations were merely formal. Two subjects, however,
were incidentally brought under consideration, which,
as indications of what is fl.ating in men's minds,
are of consequence. M. Mohr, after remarking that,
according to the 'movements of the chamber, they
were not properly an united national assembly, but merely
eight provincial assemblies .fitting in the same room, pm.
posed that instead of the members repreaeating one province
sitting together as at present, each man should take his seat
indifferently where he pleased. The marshal remarked that
the sailgoet meld only be brought under consideration by
=lAlleilltion to the king. The other topic was of more
prostital interest M. Diergardt drew attention
to dr effect alibi late increase of the duty in cotton yam to
=ent the general distrear. The Rhine districts, he said,
to Anselos to compensate for the short supplies of
familia Europe. France and England had given extensive
orders for basedstnffs in America, and the consequence was,
that these countries bad received from America orders for
cotton goods. " We, gentlemen," proceeded the speaker,
are unfortunately usable to engage in such an exchaage.
The resolution adopted at the last conference of the Zollve-
rein imposes a customs duty of 3 dollars the eentner
on twist, and allows no drawback on exported rods. The
Prussian manufacturer, if be is to compete with English, '
French, and Belgian manufacturers must, in order to plane
himself on a footing of equality with them, reduce wars.
(Order.) I have little more to say: I have to request
that the Marshal of the Diet will immediately appoint a
committee to sit on the proposal I now present to lam. My
median is, to petition his Majesty that a drawback may be
allowed of the whole duty on twist or all cotton [shrift'
which ere exported." The marshal replied that he would
immediately refer the petition to a committee.—April 30.
At the opening oldie sitting it appeared, from the list of
ruinous' referred to eommetees, that M. Diergert's pen.
tion for a drawback equivalent to the duty on twist or cotton
wares exported had been refcrred to the ninth committee.
To the same committee were referred the petition of M. Von
Eyes= for the immediate convocation of a congress of the
Zollversio, to revise the tariff, and remedy the evils
which have ensued from the decisions of the last eon-
bream respecting cotton and linen yarns, and a petition
from M. Borne. so the same effect The order of
the day was a report from the third committee, respecting
the exclusion of persons of bed character from the diet. The
report, which was mud by Oraf Von Stosch, is long, and
relates te —the criteria by which infamy, implying exclu-
sion from the assembly, is to be ascertained, and the manner
in which the application of these criteria to special cases is
to be made. The report, long in itself, would be unintelli-