The Express.
London, England, 1849-05-01 00:00:00

Vie OnirtMi.

OUTGOING MAILS.
The *ea Talk MAN tatiotkai Baranids, Hamm% Igsms.
Wm Or
awl Maileo, and excludiag them for
=IX keerialllemitee, Paw Orsasda, ChM. sad reea. kill
Mash walks masks et Mead May.
Was ie. is mi. la a Oa maw st the 4lit et May for Ma.
Ilea Mbrales, Olp ke *Ws kiwi, Pertneks. Si.m Lea"
. ild le le anasyM la her irth's eke. Iltstatas, which
is segelated all am W the Stb
prea. - Lam ks aistos.Thillirsiks. MI tide
all he Ikea le • wawa is. 1411. Illewarkat= kr lak Wit=
Mot bd. awl Lean Ille PIIIIIIIII" Nam lowa eat Mew
dee beWelaild IL's*, etkelak*Pwe will b 4 erlatityA
Mips
asuepapal laterbd to bs wet by this
i =deem tweak must he specially aldrasett .11y bee '•
strip.
Riaskam
' The mks ktr Makks. tks lksals, sad Brass Ayres, will be made
woe the amagatits4th 'taw.
Mai Isr Pala earns and the Vatted Masa will be
weds up sa the eels 4* May.
Ms make Tige, Lass, Madeira, Oldig, ad Okreitsr,
ell he wade up ea Orr et the ra a May
The aelle, pis Illsairs. Is Qs Malarrearaa. Ewa, Adria,
Cialseals, How-Keeaka. all be made up ca the maw a the
Ith at .
1 yas ke Clibeilek Melia, Ortwee. the kolas lama
Adm. *Wm. Lib. Maaltsw, aad Mae, Si. ea, task
be wade epee the ~kg et the lea May,

119•111 Z A.T LONDON WOOS.
VSD9ir I ma. pea •9. AftWOMIL 41 W. last •.
...ammo: le Isla. pat N. 11. MS. Pia O.

LONDON, TUESDAY, MAY 1.

Ix despite of the prophecies and assurances of Lords
BROUGHAM and ABERDEEN, of /Vines and Chroteick, of
IMbals, and of all the absolutist and semi-absolutist
champions and organs of the west of Europe, Hun-
guy has asserted, in valiant deeds as in eloquentl
words, its ancient reedom and independence.
national cause, which was depic'ed as forsaken by
every noble and respectable Hungarian, is now, from
its victories not its justice, admitted to be
the righteous and the just one. Boastrru,
who was represented a sons culotte, that had
run elf with the Hungarian treasure—be, scouted as a
runaway yesterday, is a hero and a provident states-
man to-day. Hungary is admitted to be a nation.
Her sons are allowed to be as triumphant as brave.
Congratulations are uttered on the uninterrupted
loyalty of those so lately stigmatised as traitors.
And instead of being hanged, the fats awarded to
KOSSUTH by. oar contemporaries, the proud Emperor
of Minus as recommended to treat with him as hat
as possible.
The population of Hungary has indeed behaved
nobly. If the Austrians triumphed in Bohemia or at
Vienna, it was by fomenting civil hatred between
classes and races, fanning jealousy between German
and Sclavonian, between peasant, soldier, and civic
guard. In Hungary, too, there existed varieties of
race, distinctions of class. Bat all were forgotten in
the face of the COMMIS foe, who came to destroy the
ancient institutions and independence of their country.
What gave strength to their cause and spirit to
their constancy wee, that the Hungarians demanded
nothing beyond what the Emperor had freely granted,
and what their Palatine, the Archduke STEPHEN had
voluntarily sanctioned and approved. The Archduke
STEPHEN was sent into exile, and the old Emperor him-
self dethroned.because they refused to break their stipu-
lated word to the Hungarians. But Count STADION was
bent on unity, on copying French centralisation, and
he relied for the completion of a task so gigantic to a
scattered, a diverse, and en extended empire—upon
an army which had certainly shown on more than
one occasion that it had not forgotten its ancient dis-
cipline and habits of blind obedience. .

An army, however, and, above all, an unintelligent
and blindly disciplined army, requires regular pay, a
good commissariat, and recruits. And it was plain,
that unless the Austrian army could win a speedy
victory, the dilapidated state of its finances would
soon introduce disorganisation and wantonness in its
ranks. Although the trained Sclavonian soldier
fought: stanchly, from long habits of discipline, at
Vienna and Prague, the newer recruit, taken from
his village in freer times, was by no means so
docile. The peasant had learned to speak of rights
and nationalities, and though he might be hallooed
upon the citizens of Vienna, he saw no cause why
he and the Hungarian should rush to mutual
slaughter. Our tory papers and correspondents told
us much of rivalry between Sclavonian and Magyar.
Where now are its symptoms ? Even Croatia inclines
to the Hungarian cause, whilst Slowak, and Gallician,
and Pole, the entire Sclavonian race north of the
Danube, are in a terrible unity, and at the same time a
ferment of opinion, meditating a simultaneous throw-
ing off of the Russian and the Austrian yoke.
The event most dreaded, and indeed expected,
that which gives the greatest gravity to the Hun-
garian war, is a general insurrection of the Sclavo-
nians. WINDISCUOaATZ, who saw it coming, and
who despaired to make head against such a
tempest, should at least advise an accommodation
with the Hungarians. The Emperor Niatous, who
a 'brief month ago was menacing Prussia, bully-
ing the Tapir, and inciting the Dane, has of a
sudden changed his tone and feeling to the awed and
the pacific. The entire diplomacy of absolutism,
who then were urging on Austrian generals and
executioners to make short work of the Magyars, now
deprecate violence and recommend moderation. The
Tlmes, so lately the echo of absolutist fury, is now the
organ of absolutist fears. Make up with the Hun-
garians, it cries to Austria; make peace quickly, or
the cause of tyranny and reaction is lost.
We, too, should be glad that Austria would profit
by the lesson which her defeat has taught, and that she
would grant to the Hungarians their ancient, their im-
prescriptible, their lawful rights. It is not alone that the
cause of freedom, political, religion*, social, commer-
cial, would gain by Hungarian independence;
although that is immense. But if the Hunga-
rians be not appeased, and their liberties guaranteed,
they have it at this moment in their power to set the
entire of eastern, and, indeed, of central Europe in
a flame. Little democratic or ultra-revolutionary
though they may be, the Hungarians must feel that to
dally with circumstances is to lose all chance of final
success. They have not a moment or • march
to lose. And if, instead of being met at Vienna
by offers of conciliation after their splendid and
complete victories, they should encounter continued
hostility in front, with a Russian invasion from be-
hind, then they have nothing left but to appeal to the
popular and democratic spirit and cause of both
Selavonians and Germans. If they make this appeal
of people against princes, and of free institutions
against despotic governments, we shall have scenes
in 1849 to which the movements of 1848 were child's
play. Eager as we are in the cause of freedom, we
mast own we should deprecate such a convulsion,
being confident that freedom, after all, can win its
way without such extreme and devastating means.

THE Rate in Aid Bill has finally pissed the Com-
I mons, and it only now remain to be Ken how the
upper house will deal with it.
The debates in committee and upon the third read-
leg contained little of either novelty or interest.
There was somewhat less of disguise about the aim
and motive of the opposition given to the measure
than during the earlier discussions. From first to
last it has been a landlord question—a question of
so much less rent, by reason of so much more rate—
s question of money to be saved or spent by one par-
ticular class of the community in a season of national
suffering and misfortune. All this was at the outset
boldly denied; and some who are probably half
ashamed of participating in the course of frustration
adopted with regard to the bill, affect to be still un-
conscious of aey special ground on which it should be
I treated as a class question. But the history of the
controversy reveals enough to show how the ease
really elands. Let us briefly recall some of its leading
incidents.

When first the proposition of a rate in aid was
broached, its obvious justice and moderation led all
who heard it, with the exception of the Irish land-
lord members, to give their assent to it. Lord Lrx-
COLN and Sir JOHN YOUNG concurred in recording
their approval, the sympathies of the one and the
interests of the other being overbore(' by the plain
common sense and common justice of the plan.
Their humanity revolted at the notion of allowing
myriads of helpleve beings to starve; and their per-
oeption of national equity, as between England and
Ireland, told them that it was only fair that Irish
property, whether on the banks of the Laggan or the
Lee, should =tribute to the temporary wants of the
specially afflicted districts, when English property,
without distinction of kind or locality, had already
been heavily' taxed to the same purpose. But me
the bill had gone for a second reading the alarm-
bells of landlordism had been set a-ringing. Had
the Carlton been reported to be on fire, a
greater commotion could not have been wit-
neesed. All the grand juries in Ireland met
and pronounced against any farther diminution

of rents by any additional rate in any form or upon
any pretence whatsoever. The pro.ectionlsta mare-
over had naturally resolved upon lending their ulna I
hand to help in the mischief. The old screw of class
interests in clinger was applied, and, to the infinite
triumph of Mr. DISRAELI and Ws friends, many of
those who at first had supported the rate is aid,
walked out repentantly after him on the subsequent
divisions—a proof of d•-.cility which he took care to ••
commemorate amid " much laughter," at the expense
of the unappreciated proselytise.
Again, it we confine our view to the composition
of the Irish majority against the bill, and the lei* g•
minority who supported it, we shall find that, in.. -1_
spective of party ties and attachments, the county •
members nearly all voted one way, while the repro. ,
sentatives of the towns constituted the greater per. •
tiom of the number who voted the other way. It
should not be forgotten that, by the mock reform bill
flung to Ireland by Lord STANLEY in 1832, only
thirty-nine members were given to cities and bo•
roughs throughout the entire kingdom and that,
from the small constituencies created in the greater
number of these, they remain as completely as ever
under the territorial influence of the neighbouring
gentry. Still the fact is a significant one that the
chief part of those who sustained the rate in aid were
borough members, while the bulk of those who de•
nounced it were either county members or identified
by property or family with the proprietary class.
As clearly do the arguments and amendments
offered during the course of the discussion indicate the
severance of feeling we have already noted. At first
the declaimers against the measure would have had •
it believed that not for their own sakes, but for the
sake of the poorer sort amongst their tenantry, were
they so deeply moved ; and, had it been an income
tax, they would never have complained. But when the
option was unfeelingly afforded them, and they were
invited by the prime minister to say if they would
prefer paying in the way which would exempt the
smaller farmers, they could not make up their minds
to the disgusting alternative. The minister, cone.
quently, adhered to his original proposition. A small
number then brought forward a proposal in direct
terms, substituting the English tax on income in. •
stead ; but the large majority either abettined from •
voting altogether or voted the opposite way.
Finally, when the opportunity was afforded in
committee of amending the details of the bill, what
was the line of tactics pursued by the re-.
spective sections of the representation P On the
one aide an amendment was proposed, by which
it would have been made obligatory to levy the
sixpenny rate separately, thus giving special notice
to all who might choose to resist or thwart its collect-
tion, of the precise time and amount distinguished
from the levy of the ordinary rates. For the pro•
petal, the numbers found, on a division, were not very
considerable ; but they consisted almost exclusively
of the adherents of the same section, who in all its
stages evinced their untiring hostility to this mine.,
rable 'mount of relief. Another amendment of
very different description was that whereby the
whole amount of this extra* rate would have beta
chargeable by the tenantry as a deduc-
tion from their rent. Whatever may be
thought of the intrinsic merits of the suggested
alteration as a practical mode of dealing with the re-
lative liability of the owner and occupier of the soil,
it obviously afforded an easy mode of testing the depth
of that solicitude of which so much had been said by
the landlord opponents of the bill for the welfare of
their " over-taxed tenants." Here was a provision
for their exemption in express terms. Here was the
principle of an income tax as against an additional
rate. How many voted for it P Just fifteen, includ-
ing the tellers, and of these fifteen no fewer than
eleven were borough members.
And now we shall wait to see what the other house
of landlords will do with this much debated project.
Already the accounts from the western and southern
parts of Ireland are painfully urgent in favour of
speedy relief. Deaths from want have once more be. ,
come of frequent occurrence, and pestilence has set
in with fearful virulence among a stinted and ex.
hanated population. Will the advocates of dear food •
and high rents add to all their other claims to popu-
lar regard the additional one of rejecting at such a
moment such a bill ?

NAPLES. Aram 22.
The steamer did not leave yesterday, and I
am able to inform you that ordors were received
het night to take letters for the land poet to Palermo
by way of Reggio, Sceseina, &o. A telegraphic des-
patch states that on Friday, the 20th, Filangieri, was
marching, upon Palermo. Letters were received for
and despatched to every pact of Sicily last night. I
take for granted that only one inference can be de-
rived from it—there is no information in town from
that island, except such as may have been received by
telegraph. Troops are here in tome force for the
frontiers of the Papal states.

FRANKFORT, APRIL 27.
Yesterday the majority of the parliament, after a
three days debate, resolved to do nothing—to wait
till they see whether the King of Prussia will not at
last consent to accept the imperial crown—not to ask
ministers before the 3rd of May whether the Prus-
sian government is likely to come to a decision. Tha
left is indignant at this procrastinating spirit in the
majority, and several of its members threatened yes-
terday to withdraw from the committee of 30, and
advise their friends to resign their seats in parlia-
ment, if the majority did not adopt a more courageous
policy. This threat, foolish as it is, may possibly
find many partisans among the Left ere long. It is •
certain thatthe Right—or more properly the Prussian
party—feels itself stronger than it has ever been
, before since the parliament met. Of late the Left
has only been able to keep its ground when
backed by the Austrian party. Since the Aus-
trians withdrew from the parliament, the Left
is a powerless minority, and the Prussian party is
of itself able to outnumber it. The Prussian party,
headed by Wychenbach, counts 230 votes; the Lefto*
150; and the surplus of vacillating members are too
few to make this a majority even when they go along
with it.

In this state of affairs the intriguants of the Prussian
party no longer think it necessary to keep terms with
the Left. The wise men who advised the Austrian
government to recall their deputies forgot that each a
step would deliver up the parliament into the hands
of the Prussians. These cunning disciples of Metter-
ne
party
h always
might
ot cwh tchhea
ne cow we bany thed ah
shape
eT
constitution
Prussianetion
according to their fancy, if some of them had not
pledged themselves daring the crisis to resist any
such attempt. But perhaps—nay, probably—they
will seek to attain this end by some roundabout way.
It is even whispered that the proposal main
by M. Izenplits in the upper clamber at
Berlin—ter confer the imperial dignity joro-
visionally on the King of Prussia, without
obliging him to take the oath to the constitution till
it shall have been amended by the first Diet—was
preconcerted with M. Von Beckersth, Minister of the
Provisional Government at Frankfort. I do not be-
lieve this: bat the story is current, and that shows the
opinion entertained at Frankfort of the firmness of
our ministry.
This at least is certain—that the Prussian party is
obviously more confident in its own strength then it
was a short time ago. M. Baseermann in the last
debate need the most provoking language towards
the Left. He told them:—" Yon have done nothing,
and that you have not been dispersed by force is
owing to us—to our prudenoe." This style naturally
exasperated the Left, who retorted on M. BMW.
mann. M. Baena' was more violent than is hie
custom. He went so far as to argue that if the
German governments did not accept the constitution
it would be necessary to compel them—bya new revo-
lution. This may be good logic, but it is a logic
which the German parliament will have little inclina-
tion to be persuaded by, except "on compulsion." To
hold out a new revolution as the term of its labours is
to frighten, not to enoourege it. The opposition has
in general displayed little of that tact which is re-
quired to turn to account the advantageous position
it occupied, and still occupies, owing to the neat
which the Right still has of agitation to attain its
end, while the Left alone can agitate the popular
mind. Even M. Vogt, who delivered a masterly and
powerful speech in the late debate, was not
sufficiently careful to avoid expressions more
likely to repel than to attract the majority. He
confessed that the German constitution, with its em-
peror, was for him and his friends merely the first
step of the ladder by which they exp-cted to mount
to a republic. Here is a pretty inducement for those
who regard a republic with fear and horror to co-
operate with M. Vogt in establishing the constitution!

1

jiL Vogt added the&possibly the ametitstion might
act bs 'stab:lobed Whoa* a war, and that seek a
war weeld dye the Wool r red. Is this the hooey
with which oar case* huntsman seeks to elan the
heats of the Centre is the National Assembly ? M.
Bleinillian teased these blazers to good aceoust,
wring them as reams to induce the majority to die-
raped the orgasms of the misority.
This vete has otesamted great excitement The
Left believe that the papaw feeling is on their side.
The triemphsat movement in Wertemberg was *fie-
Wed sad led by the Left. It will have ade tided
Whiesce en the movement which is beginning in
Bever* and indeed all through the smith of Ow.
many. It is not imposeib'e test the parliamentary
majority may two hag And itself the national mino-
rity. With seek a chance impending over it, it
shows lamentable indiscretion in exasperating the
IA by disdainful airs. If the German governments
had sot long ego alienated the people, this paiia-
sentary hod might have served their ends. But
they are only strong in muskets and minnow, and we
shell see of what avail these are spinet the public
opinion of a pliant people. They will have recourse
tofiesses, bat that can only lead to a sew revelation.
This new revolution, however, will 001114 all the more
quickly the Use that is said about It.

COLONIAL
BRITISH NORTH AMERICA.

CANADA.—We have advice* from Montreal to
the 14th of April. A vigorous war was being carried
en by the opposition in the Haase of Assembly against
the government meaextree—the Tariff Bill, the &bea-
ters Bill, rite. On several points in the heat-named
measure ministers have been obliged to make emcee-
great is the checklist thereupon among
their 111•01111,1814 The access of good humour which
Wee partial sameness has occasioned has somewhat
softened the asperity of the tone in whisk the bill is
eompeesate those who suffered lasses during the rw
hellion occasioned. Or, man probably, the parlia-
mentary opposition leaders (always excepting Mr.l
idiNab) were beginning to get rather ashamed of
the fret and fame of their partisans out of doors, and
act indisposed to cut the connexion. A prospect
of being able to oust ministers by other means
may contribute to make them more prompt in adopt-
*se slip a resolution. Certain it is, that though
the anti-compensationiste are still pretty loud in Mon-
treal, and loader still in Toronto, the English settlers
in the eastern township, of Lower Canada remain
pirdietly quiescent, and the. Jlosfreal Oaseye only
keeps up the cry pr!iforwarl, in a Betters hangnail man-
ner. Its last chronicles of the agitation announce the
cam total of 89 meetings, throrighoat the whole of
Canada, at which protests egged theßebellion Loewe
Compensation Bill have been carried. When the
activity and reckleseness of the leading agitators are
taken into account, and the organisation of the orange
lodges sad other agencies which sabserved them, the.
Is bet a Imre show. The Gaulle annoyines that
several esnespondente had suggested the re-publica-
tion of the debate on the bill in the form of a cheap
pamphlet, and remitted their subscriptions. The
whole amount of sabseTiptioas, however, received at
the arisellsr this purpose was wily two dollars. Lord,
Elgin still delayed to give his 'auction to the
measure i either wai till he received inaersotioss
has bone, or till hereervesmce would stride of
its ewe mord.

The is in the harbour of Montreal was giving
symptoms of an approaching break up. The firm
snipe of the season had been exhibited at the principal
poulterer's in Montreal.

NOVA SCOTIA.—From Halifax we have dates
to the 20th ult. The royal mail steamer Europa ar-
rived thin at half-past tea a.m. on the 19th, having
made the memo out from Liverpool in nine days
sad a half. The local sews possesses little or no v-
iral interest. From the Ist to the 18th of April
the weather in Nova Scotia was mild, spring seemed
rapidly advancing, and all agricultural operations of
the steno were in active proems. On the 17th,
however, surly winter resumed his sway. The earth
was" baked with frost," and the pools covered with
Ise. Towards the evening of the 18th, however, the
weather ineensligy became milder.
NEWFOUNDLAND.—Our intelligence from this
agony is to the 16th of April. The colonial legisla-
ture wee still la session. A joint committee of the
masa sad asesaibly bad =pored on the prevailing
.....3,2
distress 'Asti in the several ontpoete. The com-
mittee their conclusion that the fisheries
were is nate to the rapport of the people, and re-
an appropriation of 30,0001. for opening
up mein and agricultural lines of mad. Seven crafts
had retarced from the seal fishery, with about 23,500
seals. They report other vessels as doing equally
well.