The Express.
London, England, 1853-10-15 00:00:00

the pimple in the ecionies can obtain 4s. or be.
• day as wages. Is th,re anything like sense,
et reason, or justice in burdening this country with the
eni.rmous expenditure which we incur in keeping up
regiments in our c lonies when we have no good of ject
Ito serve by them, and when we have given up every-
thing to them soh ch our ancestors thought it worth cAile
to contend for by force of arms ? (Hear, hear.) Well,
now we have proposed in another resolution that it is tie-
linable we should encourage by every possible means the
intercourse of nations, and that by national communication
' with each other they are more likely to remain at peace—
(cheers)—that in the assimilation of coinage, which is
agitating the minds of scientific men both here and on the
continent, and the adoption, if possible, of a' more uniform
sj stem of mercantile law, we will be assisted in our commer-
ei.l intercourse, which will lead to the principles cultivated
by the friends of peace. Who, then, will say that it is
not desirable that these resolutions should be practically
carried out ? Well, then, these are general principles.
There is the ocean peony postage, too. I consider it pecu-
liarly fitted to increase the means of intercommunication,
and I am glad that my friend the Lord Provost has men-
tioned that subject to me, because it gives me the oppor-
tunity of eapressing to this meeting—aid I ern sure 1
only express the feelings of this meeting when I say how
I deeply indebted we feel to Mr. Elibu Bunitt for the exer-
tions he has made in the cause. (Loud cheers.) Ile may
be assured that he has made that ocean peony postage a
practical question in this country. It was spoken of at the
conclusion of the last session in terms of respect and appro.
bation )rum all sides of the house—(greatchecring)—and in
the next session of Parliament we eO4l have a committee
on it, and I feel no more doubt that this ocean penny post-
age will be carried into law than I have a doubt of the el-
istence of that admirable scheme fur which we are indebted
to Mr. Rowland Hill. (Cheers.) But now, as I don't in-
tend to keep a great meeting like this so uncomfortably
,ituated, knowing too, that there are other friends to ad-
dress you, while I have gone into our general principles, I
forget that we are at this moment expected to address
our,elves in some degree to the special circumstance now
before this country, and I need not for a moment shrink
from the question in the presence of our gallant visitor,
who has come specially here to controvert our Tit MS
on that particular question of the day—(loud cheers)—
I allude of course to the dispute existing between the Em-
peror of Russia and the government of Turkey. (Loud
cheers.) [The hon. gentleman here recapitulated what he
had observed on the previous day as to the condition of the
Christian population of European Turkey.] He then con-
tinued—l don't feel very much concerned about this attack
upon Turkey, unless I can see some other way of accom-
plishing the amelioration of the Christians of turkey than
that proposed by the Emperor of Russia (Hear.) Now, I
think this is the very time to speak of these things, because
I we are contemplating to go to war, and 1 believe 99 out of
every 100 of the people in the country do not know what
we are going to war about. (Cheers, and slight hisses.) I
totally differ from our gallant visitor here in the sentiments
he es pressed when he attended the meeting at the London
Tavern. He 'laid there, towards the eunclasion of his speech,
after he had been advocating our can intervention by force
of arms to coerce Russia in this matter, he said, " I hope the
Turkish government will be induced to feltil the promises it
mule towards the Christians which are not fulfilled." And
he wound up by saying, " I could say a good deal more
about that, but it might appear to be prejudicing you
against Turkey." (A laugh.) But now we are for the
truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth. Our
gallmt visitor knows the breach of promises on the past of
the Turkish government. (Hear, hear.) He knows that the
promises made upon former occasions have been nothing
more than waste paper. He knows that the pasha and
cadis are no more reached by an edict than the subjects of
the Empire of China would be reached by a British act of
parliament. Oh, but he says, " I won't say anything about
that now. Let us go and give Rune a geoid thrashing,
because Russia wants to set this matter right which ought
to have been set right, which was promised to be set right,
but don't say anything about it just now." (Laughter.)
But this is the very time to speak about it. It forms a
material part of the question, and I warn the people of
this country before they go to war to inquire iato
all these particulars, though our was,
visitor does
not like to tell them just now. Now is the
time of all others. I will now say a few wade upon the
interest England has in the matter. I say we don't come
into the Court of National Judicature with clean bands.
And for us to sail public meetings and peas such resolu-
tions as were passed at Leicester end elsewhere, with our
hands reeking with the blood of the Burmese at this mo-
moat—to talk of our being so indignant that we cannot
remain in abeyance while Russia is doing someting sot
quite so illogical as Lord Dalhous.e and Commodore Lam-
bert are doing, something second only in enormity to what
was practised in the Court of Ava,—to pretend that we caa
call God's vengeance upon the,nations of the world for that,
is presumption and hypocrisy. And, therefore, whilst
admitting the acts to be acts of wrong and high-handed in-
justice, as between the governments of Russia and Tur-
key, whilst reprobating the conduct as illogical, base,
mess, and as what may be described is one of the shortest
epithets of the English language, but which I
will express by —, while we reprobate and de-
spise it, I don't think we are the parties called upon to ex-
ercise physical forte—to exercise vengeance upon the authors
of these wrongs. I come now to the only question with us,
is it our interest to go to war with Russia in consequence
of the encroachments and acts of injustice which Russia is
performing towards Turkey ? What are the arguments,
upon which we are to go to war for oar own interest I
don't set up the argument of interest. The argument of
interest is met up by our opponents, and It is urged that if
Russia is allowed to conquer Turkey our possessions will
be in danger from his aggressive movements. What
does that amount to ? It amounts to this, that because
I assume that Russia is going to beat Turkey, and
add to his territory, and acquire enormous power
by means of taking that territory, that then he is
coming to attack you. They assume all that to be true
and they will ask you to go to war in order to avoid what
is to happen. But I don't admit all these dogmatical pre-
mises.' lln the first place, I don't admit that the accession of
territory necessarily leads to the increase of the power of a
state. I have visited Turkey and Russia sufficiently to
enable me to understand what I read about these countries;
and from what I know of Russia, I believe she would he
more powerful from this moment if she adopted a pacifies
course, deepened her rivers, widened their channels, in-
creased the fertility of her soil, and attended generally to
the development of her internal resources. She would in-
crease in power more by that than by pursuing • warlike
coarse. The more you extend your surface, the more you
weaken the centre. If Ramla, instead of two
capitals, Moscow and St. Petenburgh, takes
Constantinople as a third, I believe that insteed
of tending to increase her power, in twenty years it
would have an opposite effect. I know this is not the
popular opinion, because there is a universal desire in the
mind of man to acquire more territory. The farmer, who
has got 600 acres of land, and has not sufficient capital to
work it well, will endeavour to thereon hie number of
acres; and his neighbours will think him more profitably
engaged with his large number of acres, Insufficiently tilled
though they be. But that opinion is not sound and philo-
sophical, and does not work to the advantage of indi-
viduals. And the same principle applies to Mateo. Bat
in the next place, I don't take the encroachments of
Russia stun Turkey as a sign, annals as a proof,
that Russia wants to encroach upon u. Ruda, it is true,
is evidently encroaching upon her neighbours in the
East because her neighbours are a decaying, disorderly, and
anarchical people. Nations don't perish from without:
they always perishpsa suicide from within. Wherever you
find a nation edi from the map of the world you will
find that has hese mom% and invariably caused, by a long
period of miagmenment, amounting sometimes to cen-
turies, whisk Rode ye. to vender as you read, not that that
country was extinguished when it was, but that it was al-
lowed to remain so long before ft became annexed to
another more prosperous and orderly state. I say, the ease 1
of Turkey is precisely that case. Yon have Russia, a lasi
barbarous country, better organised, sad with all its faults
more progressive and industrious than Turkey ; and you
find Russia encroaching upon Turkey. Well, I therefore
deny that you have proof that the encroachments of Runge
are necessarily to load to this vast Mariam of power that is
to overshadow the world. I say, that taking the course
that Russia has pursued for the last thirty sad
comparing that with the progress of the ig
you will find that where Russia has advajaert
the United States of America have
least to thirty. That is, at the Ism& Ilm sew
partitive progress of the two countries. Meneatese Ibs
power England has gained during the last *Mr yews
against Rum* we have increased four or live them mars
in real power and wealth than the &laden empire. Now,
I don't say this as an argument that we should encourage
Russia to attack Turkey. But when you say I should go to
war to prevent danger to this country, I want strong proof
of danger before I go to war to avert what is, after all, but a
calamity in imagination. But lam told that we mot go to
war with Russia, because Russia is an anthcommercial
country, and Turkey favours commerce. lam not disposed
to admit the premise,. I deny that Russia has ever been an
anti-commercial country. No government in the world has
shown more carelessness to extend commerce and manufac-
tures wherever they have extended their empire than the
Runtime. That is our complaint against them, that when
they took her territory they shut us out with their tariffs.
Bat shutting out by tariffs does not make people an anti-
commercial people. We formerly put on a restrictive tariff,
but that protection, exit was called, did not make us an anti-
commercial people, out was intended to benefit this country
by making this country's commerce more profitable. Runs
has become a restrietiv• country, but there is no restriction
imposed by her half so indefensible u that which we put
upon her corn up to within the last ten year.. And I would
here point to this fact, that all the commerce you have, and
the world has, with the Black Sea, has been made by the
Russian encroachments on the borders of that sea ; for

until the Russian goveroment erected Odessa, there 'was
no communication by the Black Bea. Where do you get
your tern from now ? Odessa; yet Odessa was the result
of the encroachments of_Rumia. They tell me_ that you

are going to lose the trade with Walhabia and Moliaiia,
because the Reruns are going to make further
encroachments upon that country. I am told by
the best authorities connected with that trade, that
all the commerce growing up in these countries is
owing to the more settled government consequent upon
the encroachments of RUMIII. Don't take my opinion.
Turn to M'Culloch's Dictionary, to the head of Odessa,
and read his description of Chess Russians about which
we are now discussing. M'Culloch, writing in a com-
mercial spirit, says that whatever objections there may be
in a political sense to the encroachments of Russia upon the
Black Sea, by giving greater order to its government and
greater security to its industry, it has undoubtedly tended
to improve the commercial relations of these regions. In
the face of these facts, ant I to go to war to prevent the pos-
sibility of uric losing some of our trade to Constantinople