The Express.
London, England, 1848-08-31 00:00:00

11111111WM=ININNNINImmilmEmNINNINNolw

re do we me tho
tp Or hrrediftr,
t societies and
flourished in she
r .th.government.
to °Limp:nested ha
thc illiterate, this
fees of nap,
1, an, iqui,y, and to
i and proud parliip
.ater-mark ot them
COll. whiak
'Mule of the world.
Ration of party. /
serration.. to de,
lOW going to enter
or not; but this
it bee got hero dia.
party government
cannot have mulls-
id that, thcrefogr
rteininot out the dr.
and which I hops
is now warned is a
s that h ..c hitherto
louse o Commons,
din d. wiroare from
a syst. in of which
'trot...at; but no

eon,v4 ,o'neea. I
oontt .1!C --What
my • pinion they
.be them as prejudi.
lament, tarsi to that
as bei II our bent se-
w, more than that,
nian 11,..e. This I
owner. ill he. such
in accoinplialung—.
cht conclaves whisk
rto dent.. I know
:terions 'Latimer'. It
in which so long
ill be awil.t from the
n the .1, venth hour,
id it with indignant
▪ those conae,uences,
ir tire fare of
Watss. Con of calling
spot. I have had the
pet the cans, of this
have h .4 tile console-
itrein it in my highest
sting in toe face of
the II of Corn-
s seat Kraut loud and

the first place to
it dcwn for his kind•

hence u lo the time

,are in th, neat place
le for the very dtrert-
.c• that sp. ~ch origi.
tided, I own it 111
With reep,ct to
a parJgreph which
handay paper, with
ds that t, e paper in
ty than the London
Data me, and in as far

the Whole • story of
ming it to the 26th, is
But that statement
member's ddress. fn

hnu. memh. r seems to

e 'louse of COIIIEIIOIII

ent had made against
m them I was inclined
def.nding Hercules,

~ .
ungrateful on the part
lush atate:nenta or held

rt we have received the

ty of irntances. Those
we the howe have been

those which have been

7epesl of tho navigation
maj >titles. S that we
ale of Commons which

iroself to pur3ni.e and

ember seen• to suppose
been some ob creations
ruse allowin, very pro-
iow I do not wish on

•eposal is Wore the
of whether all of these
our halos and prac-

as no practice more con-
iaually discussing yeti-
ntleman who presorted
them at some length,
.oirg down to nine
esentati,n of petitions.
ice havins been alterel,
a to say for it than that
enjoyed by the people of
possess with rezard to
ere may be alterations in
house without injury
nest to the fretdom of
gentleman himself gave
ge had been made —and,
occasion a person of great
athority on constitutional
the proposed alteration,
.et of destroying all free-
hat no form of the house
1, without sacrificing that
.tial to our deliberations.

a history, or ra•her corn-
session, and has led the
lures which have been
I shall have oc *aims to

which prevailed last
nena of rho pressure
htprevailedave lad us beyond the
step which was not justifie'd according to the latter ot
im boo ee 1844. We thought it neceleary to rueet parhament
pdsnee of our hatving. taken that step ; and having
cone parliement toget
.er,
-it was not tor us to propose
toy re approbation r any rote confirming the con-
duct we had felt it our duty to►maws; but we were ready
duct, and to meat any opinion, or to reoeive
ani° t might think fit to pass. (dear )
Now what did- hishinnnnn? pansy to which the hon. ge
issue eiengs—fOPr'the bon. gentleman uot only a defendner
lea .n this house, but he is also a member of a party—
ofa t-iWt.the good fortune to have a want they had long felt
isn of the right hon. gentleman the
suppliedmember
fboy,
tSnetainarord (Mr. Herries). 1n..1848, when that
feu the goveruniont of SirB
li. Peel, there
wpireretYsitcemord,gsudt them many mambas who unwed much ability
via readinss in the Oiscuesions on those measures with
which they hail then to deal, but they had the misfortune or
defect of not having the awistance of a gentlema I of official
iseiorience, auainted with the mode of transa
wantctthing bus
hed the iness'
in the public cq
°dices ; and to supply this ey
eood fortune to secure the aid of the right hon. member for
taraford—a gentli man of great practical experience, who
hose tilled of
ot great importance, and whose attention
bad been specially turned to the financial and monetary
evnetrue ot the country. At the cornmeuci ment to the
!session that right hon• gentleman proposed a resolution, anal
Irma was it? After st aing the cause of the measure to
w theoys mount had resorted, the motion stated that
" .misterswere juentied, during the recess, in order to restore
pt blic confidence, t t suspend the restriction! imposed by the
lam." But it is here lel le matter of blame to us that when we
the it our duty to have recourse to a strong me twee,
which if we were wrong would have exposed us to Censure,
we called parliament tegether ceps ss whatever opinion it
pleased upon our conduct—(heer, hear)—whereas I show
that the lemon who came forward and without opposition
passed a resolution jus.ifying our conduct, was the right hon.
en who, alai became a member of that party which
liscenitaieranly opposed t'o us, and to which the hon. member
who now makes the charge against us belongs. (Hear, hear.)
Thee the hon. gentleman has entertained the Imuse at some
leogiek with an a u unt of the tone budgets which he is
pleated to say hove been brought fur •• and this year.
(" Hear, heir,' and a laugh, from Lord G. Bentick.) But
the whole pciut of this joke—the reel Rotter of wish in the
noble lord who now laughs at it—lies in the determination
of the noble lord to dignify every sigh mem or t :planation
which is made on finish:lel matters with the name
of a budget. (11.nr.) When ministers are asked
questions connected with the supplies or the: finances,
it may be very witty, awl suit the purpose of
bon• gentlemen opposite, to give to whatever statement
or explanation aav be made in answer the name of a
budget, and to say, here we base a Chancellor of the Bo-
cheouer who bring. forward no lea! than four budgets in one
~ but I have known ministers in former times bring
seesion
forward propositions on finitece which did nut meet with the
concurrence of the country or of this house, and afterward. I
withdraw them end propose other measures- (Hue, hear )
I remember, whe I was first iii parliament, I voted against
the ministry when they pr
continue the
forwar incomed
art
for two years—a ppotitiou widen wet be ught
ro
the purpose of winding up the accounts of the war. Oa
that coo:salon the maj oity of the house, and I believe the
majority ot the c metry, though, the proposition was not
just4ea, and on going to • division the government were
defeated. On the followg day another tax was given up-1
a pert of the malt tax. Of course this occasioned a change
in the whole financial arrangement, and the r. suit
was, that the war eetahliehment was not provided
for in the way the ministry had intended. Bot
we were not then so witty in our oppoiation as hon. uotherntie-
men opposite are now. (A laugh.) Aed though
arrangements were proposed and carried, we did not think it
necessar to charge the govement with hav in brought
forward these or tour budget!, rc
though the c meg was very
analogous to the presi nt. (Hear, hear.) Then the hon.
gentleman finds fault with us for referring the estimates to a
select committee, and has endeavoured to draw a distinction
between the committee apsointed for a similar purpose by
Dlr. Pitt and the Duke of \Vel ington. But, sir, in point of
fact and substance there is no such difference. (Hear.;
The Duke of Wellington's committee in 1828, Lord Castle-
reagh's committee in 1818, and the previous committees pro-
posed by .IT. Pitt, were all to the same effect. Ido not say
the same words were used.
Lord G. BENTINCK.—Than committees ori.inated in
messages from the crown. (Hear, hear.)
Lord J. RUSSELL.—Yes, there it that difference. (Oppo-
sition cheers.) But here is a measure whirls the hon. gen-
tleman hes spoken against as being contrary to the spirit of
the conetituttoo—as a dangerous ionovatiun, likely to lead to
the most serious consequences—and the only difference be
tweea it and former amnia measures is, that in the present
instance there is not a message from the crown. (Hear,
bear.) Now, sir, Ido not think the absence of the message
from the crown will make the precedent in this Case so ex,
etedinstly dangerous as the hon. gentleman seems to imagine
—Ow); but that whice would have been a dangerous pre-
mina would be to have left it to the select committee to
frame the estimates, and to say how many men were neces-
sary for the services of the army and the novy. (Bear.)
But, sir, we did no such thing—we framed our own esti-
mates on our own responsibility, and declared our intention
to stand by them as far as the number of men we considered
the public service required, adding that no opinion of the
committee would induce us in this respect to alter them.
(Hear, hear.) So that all the hon. gentleman has said on
this subject is a delusion on his own part, and has no solid
foundate n (Hear.) One consequence has however arisen
from the appointment of these committee+, that is the recom-
mendation in the report on the navy estimates, which is
d
exceingly usenil to the house and wich the government
has t eaken into its serious consijeration, h
and which my hon.
friend the Secretary to the Admiralty has already intimated
will be in a great part adopted; so that the precedent, so
far from being injurious, has been beneficial. (Hear, hear.)
The hon. gentleman went at cons:derable length into te
question of the Public Health Bill. That is a measure
of which, so far from being ashamed of the part I have taken,
I am glad, and am rather inclined to boast that we have been
able to pass a measure of such great use in a new and un-
trodden field of legislation, and which is likely to be the
foundation of many otner great and beneficial changes in the
law relating to the sanitary condition of the country, and its
administration. (Hear, hear.) But the hon. gentleman
says that measure was couiiderably altered in its progress
through the house. I should have thought that an hovi-
n.
gentleman who stands up so much for the rights and pri
leges of the House of Commons, and for its legitimate influ-
ence, would hardly be prepared to contend that the govern-
ment was bouud, when it brought in a matinee, to carry it
through unchanged, and that the suggestions of memhers of
the Huum of Commons SO alter or modify the measure
should not he considered. (Hear, bear.) The next measure
to which the hon. gentleman adverted was the bill tor alter-
ing the navigation laws. Now we have obtained the assent
of the house to the principle of that change—(hear, hear) ;
and the discussion which took place ono ther subjects, Ls the
bon. gentleman has correctly stated, pvented our proceed..
ing further with the bill during the present session. But
when the hon. gentleman passed to the subject of the sugar
duties, I think he might as well have mentioned what has
been the history of the change in the laws. It will be recol-
lected by the house that in the year 1841 we proposed a
measure giving a differential duty of 12a per cwt, in favour of
colonial as against foreign sugar. It was thought advisable
by those hon. gentlemen who represented take the coloninte-
rest to make that questions matter of party, and to ad-
vantage of the proposition with the view of overturning the
government which was then in power. In this object they
were successful. (Hear.) They achieved a great triumph,
and defeated the 12a. differential duty, on the ground that
to admit any foreign sugar would be attended with ruin to
the colonies. Several years elapsed, and the opinions in
favour of free trade gained considerable influence in the
country and in this house, and you passed 'soothe: measure
in respect to the sugar duties; and then the colonial interest
same forward to ask u a favour from the house a &limn-
tied duty of 25. Ism than we proposed in 1841. But, again
following the course they pursued in 1841, they thought it
netereary to make it a .political and party question, and
therefore, instead of bringing it forward as a proposition of
their own, they embodied it in a resolution condemning the
project of the government. This mode of treating the ques-
tion led undoubtedly to great length of debate, and
the noble lord opposite continued those debates
upon other points, which of course he was at liberty to do,
though we slay not agree with him as to either of his cora •
plaints+. We do not admit the justice of his complaint
with regard to the despatch said to have been miming—
(hear, hear)—but which was never miming, for it was either
in the Colonial office—(" hear," and laughter from Lord O.
Benthick)—or it had btou mot from tho Colonial ofram inTh en
hf•
laid before the house in due time. (Hear, hear.)
the noble lord found fault with the arithmetical errors of
the government, but tho figures were defended at the time.
(Oh, oh.) On this point the noble lord has his opinion—
(hear, hear)—but we rest by ours. (A laug
tad our figures.
h.)
Lord U. BENTINCIi.—But you adop
(Cheers and laughter.)
Lord J. IttISSELL.—.Some of them—(hear, hear)—
undoubtedly. The discussion of the measure we brought
forward with regard to the duty on sugar did take
up a great part of the session. I do not find any fault on that
account, and the hon. gentleman ia altogether mistaken in
supposing that the government have at any time complained
of full and fair discussion upon any subject. (Hear.)
That measure was discussed at great length, and no doubt
those discussion, prevented our continuing the debates on the
navigation laws. I may here, however, state that Ido not
believe that the measure of 1846 occasioned the necessity for
the auger bill of this year, but that the circumstance
of Lof the
extensive crop of last year, and consequeat cheapness ugar,
was the cause of the distress which had been made
the
ground for demanding relief. (Hear, hear.) Then
hon• gentleman commented on the conduct of the house
with regard to the issuing of new writs, and the discussions
on the C..rrupt Practical Bill. I had supposed that tons
was not a question on which it was absolutely necessary fur
the government to take the lead in the house, and I recollect,
certainly many yea/4 ago, acting with other gentlemen who
agreed with me on such questions. I use. to take my
own wax, independent of the government, and was successful
first in Tarrying a motion for inquiry, and afterwards in
paling a law for pdnishing those who were guilty of cor-
rupt practices at eh ctioas. I saw then it was by no
means necesiary that government should undertake the
duty; but if I complained of any opposition t
that measure, I should complain equally of t
eahe
opposition which was offered, both to the m-
sure of my hon. friend the member for the Flint boroughs,
and that which I afterwards introduced. Much of the
lime of the house was taken up in the discussion of those
two bills wit` out doubt—so much, indeed, that when the
latter bill went up to the House of Lords, a person of great
authority in that house—not the Lord Chief Justice, but a
noble duke wh bikes a great interest in the proceedings of
the Ilouse oh Lords—declared that it was not a bill that could
be rr cc le a with at such an advanced period of the session.

(seer, bear.) My colleagues In that place therefore thought
it better to postpone the measure till another session, rather
than, against the opinion of the House of Lords, to endeavour
to force it through before the prorogation. Sir, 1 have now
made a short statement with regard to some of the measures
to which the hon. gentleman has alluded. As I have stated,
not well perceiving the object to which he was endea-
vouring to direct the attention of the house, I cannot well
answer the hon. gentleman with respect to his denunciation
as to that which he terms the political plague-spot of the house.
It appears as though the Hau,e of Curninons—of which three
fourths of the hon. gentleman's speech was a defence, was,
in the other fourth, the object of his iniective. (Hear,
hear.) But perhaps another interoretation may be
pat on his language—perhaps his sole object was to complain
that there was no longer any regular or orgenistel party in
opposition in this Mute. But so far as the present govern.
ment are concerned, we formed a party when we sat on the
other side. (Hear, hear.) lam not ashamed to say that I
belong to a party—for I believe the mode of carrying on the
business of the house by means of party tends not only to the
improvement of the law but to the maintenance of the
spirit of the censtitu•ien. (Cneers.) Haying, sir,
belonged to a party before I was in office, while
in office, again when in opposition, and now will
when in office, and having the satisfaction of hay
log united with me in that party many gratlemeu in
whom I have full confidence—(hear, hear)—and for whom
I have the greatest respect—men in whose opinions I agree,
whose views I believe to be for the public geed, and in whore '
cans itutional knowledge I have the must perfect faith
—(beer, hear)—it is not tq us that the complaint
should be made that there is 110 longer a party : but that the
noble lord add the hon, gentleman cannot torso a vary
sufficient far their views, if others relive to join them hi,
making a party in opposition to the government, I do not
Itude teat ministers on that ground are very much to
blame. (Laughter.) It would be rather too much I think if,
in addition to the numerous other tanks which of late have
been imposed upon government, we were required to form
end consolidate an opposition—(" near, hear," and laugh- I
ter)—snd it is therefore too much to blame us for having
neglected that duty. (Laughter.) The hon. gentleman and I
the noble lord, I thisk—ii I may be allowed in answer to
much of criticism which they have bestowed upon us to offer
a word of criticism upon them—l do think they make a mis-
take as to the grounds en which they seek to found their
party. (Hear.) There are many hon. gentlemen in this
house, no doubt, strongly attached to the political constitu-
tion of the country, strongly attached ,to the establishei
church of the country, awl holding opinions which are
hallowed by antiquity and reverenced by a large number of
the people, and who on questions relating to these subjects
might well combine to f rat a party. (Hear ) And
such a patty, though it might be inconvenient to the
government, would. I believe, be useful to the country
and to the tiouse—(liesr, hear): but if the noble lord and hi-
friends persist in paying th it the cause of protection which
has been abandoned they will endeavour to revive, and
endeavour in some future year to restore the sy dem of
huh and restrictive duties on trade, I think they are strain-
ing atter that which is not attainable, and will never be able
to form a consistent or coherent parte so long s
usy attempt
it. (Hear.) The hon. gentleman has done the honour
to pay compliments to some members of the government per-
sonally. Ido not meats it as a return for those compliments
when I opeak of the treat energy, the 1 ihorious and unti-
-1 ring p: severance which characterise the noble lord the mem.
her for King's Lynn--the ability and eloquence shown, not
on this occasion only, but on many other occasions, by
the honourable gentleman who lately spoke—the
acquaintance with busbieas which many others who
act with them possess—it rppears to me that those hon.
members might form a party to which a great portion of the
country would adhere. That they do not combine for this
purpose it is for them to explain. (Hear, hear. i I have
taken the liberty of giving them a hiut—(hear, bear)—and
that is as much as I can fairly bee xpected to do. (Cheers.) I
and laughter.) With regard to the circumstances of this
session, the length of time to which it has extended, I think
there are several reason, to account for it. It is the first
session of the parliament, and there are reasons which jus•
tiff many of those motions for writs and other matters
which have been made, and which belong ti a new parlia
meet, and which will not occur in future sessions. (Hear.)
But it may be necessary for the house well to consider
whether, for the sake of preserving the valuable
forms and rules of debate we enjoy, it would no:
be advisable for some hon. gentlemen to refrain
from giving us so frequently and at so much
length the benefit of their opinions—(hear, hear)—
and occupying so much of the time of the house in re-
citing them. (Hear, and a laugh.) I cannot say more on
this point, for it would be i0)110ie10116 and wrong to point
out more directly the hon. gentleman of whom I now speak
—(a laugh) • but when the hon. gentleman (Mr. Disraeli)
says he is defending the house, I wish to show that it is not
the house that needs to be defended. (Hear, hear.) The
house is the complainirg, party—it is the plaintiff in the
matter. (Hear, hear.) Nine-tenths, or nineteen twentieths,'
or even forty.nine-fiftieths of the home complain, and
with justice, of the other fraction to whom I have referred,
and who are certainly in a great measure the cause of the
delays which have been complained of. (Loud cheers.) But
on the whole subject of the business of the session, referring
as I have done to the measures which we have passed,
repeating again, that out of 12-5 bills introduced by the
the r goe-
verneuent we exp ct 105 to pass—(hear)—recalling
collection of the house to the fact that we had, at the be-
ginning of the session, but two days a week, or eight days a
month,; for, the purpose not only of introducing bills but of
proposing all the estimates, and laving before parliament the
thuatial plans of the year-1 do think that we are not to
blame for the small amount of work that has been accom-
plished. (Hear, hear.) Ido maiiitain, above all, that
which I stated at the commencement, that with sedition in
England, with incipient rebellion in Ireland, zed with con-
vulsions throughout Europe, the work of administration
was the chief business to which we were bound to de-
vote our energies. (Hear, hear.) There have been
moments when ev ry one must have felt that a
slight indiscretion of the government might have provoked
foreign nations against us—(bear, hear) ; there have Veen
moments when a want of watchfulness and anxiety on our
part would have given a most inconsiderable and contempt-
ible number of miscreants at home the means of promoting
confusion here. (Hear, hear.) But in wishing to maintain
peace in Europe—estimating the value of that penee be"
yond all price—lamenting that which I think was an unne-
cessary war in 1793—(hear, hear)—we shall continue to de-
vote our beat energies, our constant labours to the prune.,
tion of that peace. (Hear, hear.) Valuing also our institu-
tions—believing those institutions are the best that ever weroll
framed for preserving the liberties of the community amongst '
whom they prevail—wishing to uphold those institutions
against a superstitious neglect on the one hand, and against
rash innovations on the other--(hear, hear)-1 shall always
reflect with satisfaction that during the present year we
have preserved those institutions unimpaired ; and whoever
may succeed us in any future session will, 1 trust, have to
defend and not restore toe constitution of this country. (Loud
cheers.)
Mr. HUME differed both from the hon. gentleman and
the noble lord as to the value of party in that house. In his
opinion party was the bone of this country. The obj. et of
whatever party was in power was always to carry meatuses
for their own aggrandisement, and not for the good of the
people. The national debt had been produced by aristocratic
influence prevailing, in that house. The greatest satisfac-
tion he bad had since he had been in the house was in
having been instrumental in breakirig un that party
ed thewhich
previously kept the country in subjection. lie beliarev
constitution of this country to be an excellent one when ttr-
encumbered by aristocratic and party influence. The only
party he ever wished to see in that house Ives the party of ,
the people. (Hear.)
Lord J. RUSSELL hoped any further discussion would
be taken on the passing of the Cotecilidated Fund Biil, so as
not to delay the business of the evening.
Mr. OSBORNE remarked that the debate, as it had gone
on between the hon. gentlemen and the noble lord, was
something like a modern duel : shots were exchanged, and
both parties wished to retire satisfied. Bat there was mother
party to the affair—the people, who looked indiff
on both the attack and defence. With regard to the
house, it did not need the defence of the lion. member for
Backs ; and the hon. memoer should rather have declared
himself the defender of the hon. members for Yooghal and
Stafford, who had occasioned much of the delay—(hear,
hear)—and whose speeches this session, according to a macu-
lation made by a friend of his, would occupy as much as six
weeks debating of the closest print. (Laughter.) The hon.
gentleman had referred to the government fish dinner. lie
(Mr. Osborne) hat lately dined at Greenwich, and on that
ocuaion he was told by the waiter that when the ministers were
there on Saturday last they looked quite like a family party,
but that they were much more moderate than the last ad-
ministration. (Laughter.) teat, too, nee die tyluito.
the country. The people thought the present ministry
formed a snug family party, but that in their administrative
capacity they were mach more moderate than their predc
cesium. (Much laughter.) The defence of the noble lord wee,
that three former ministers had done nothing. This proved
that the system was diametrically
.wron, ofng. the
now, with its growing commerce, on the system pur-
sued by Sir R. Walpole, Mr. Pitt, and Lord Castle-
reagh. With regard to the Sugar Bill, he
forward had nev
theer
heard of a greater failure. Though brought by
great "economist"—(a leugh)—it contained arithmetical
mistakes which a school-boy would be ashamed of. With
regard to the business of the house, it was an innovation of
tmhert.rir
tuntileeghesadtobewehnicah
phaertiw as,
twit: ymWentsabeyrahw'serheminotfnneonwd
allowed, as heretofore, to bring forward cases of public or
private grievance on reading the order of the day.
In the position in which the business wee this session the
government were certainly in some degree to blame. The
noble lord could not deny that there had been four budgets,
and he Withule long odds there would be a fifth.
(Laughter.) regard to the sanitary measure he would
"aidfax upon soap and light, instead of bringing for-
ifogotvheeracommenfterrtsealolyf wishedt pectpoleim, Pig vtehetmhe table": thoffatnlide
ward the dilettante measures of the
Ireland and Forests.
He regretted much that the state of
lightly touched upon by the noble lord or the hon. gentleman
the member for Buckinghamshire. It was understood that
the noble lord intended shortly to visit Ireland, hut if he did
so merely with the vied
of
consulting the Lord-Lieutenant he
might effect his object by a letter throughthe Post-office..lle
niihigghhetrtaaknedamedoirtefoerestueinpseivnedouibojectht
etnh•oxiewaa.
bTotsP ee
dn
ohbel lordebad a
el
choerphuasditiran Iregilanvedn;toblurtehlane wdasownot measure ea
ofdamoiniorationg so until
li
which were so much talked of but so little seen. e
convinced of the necessity, and he better prepared
hoped the noble lord by visiting Ireland wouldbe tnltee.
sion with his long cherished plan. He must recollect that
mare
serse-
roeur tobutetliththe
ueo.f England,
olgletiebetg,
part of the empire that they
..musitia give
nop
goof
hanedhabd.nootugmety tot:act: tphreaptah
re
that the Irise Roman catholics

, remark on one sentence
e latter part of Ilia speech.
le course of this year there
there had been incipient
r.ion in Europe. Now,
on of the house to
the crown are chiefly ap-
of the empire, and that
in England has been met
ary of State for the Home
es—tbear, hear)—that the
u been suppressed by the
combined with the energy
—(cheers)—that the revo-
: shaken the institutions of
rhatever the form or extent
nvulsed the states of the
e hitherto preserved peace
convulsions, I must say,
Bich is attacked, that the
lefective under which sedi-
ippressed, our institutions
in the midst of events such
as have witnessed. (Bear,
) more confidence, because,
man may Praise the ancient
d in that praise I should
ough, perhaps, any pane-
ent than his—l must
that this supposed daty of
introduce agree.. number of
them through in each sot-
new to the government in
may have been more or less
ministry, but it is a duty
ognised by the gr.r.test and
coury has seen. I will
t assurtredly and UudoUhtedil
tr2,e majorities of the House
ithstanding, this duty was
rmed. First, there was Sir
itilmlt to name any legisla-
✓ carried. It is true he en.
ad Customs Duties, and that
to was Lord Chatham, who
nost without debate, and for
for
division ; yet, with tne
h soldiers' pensions were
'ductioo being made et
mount, I hardly know
at bears the name of Lord
hnother minister--ono who
y in this house, sod who ea-
ng the institutions of this
h surrounded them-1 speak
asuret necessarily conco
m ted
ae exc •lotion of the girt es-
, there are no legialauvo mea-
. Pitt is attached ; sod every-
) the settlement of the tithes
but that it was eflected, not
istration of Lord Melbourne.
not, nor his it ever been held
uty of the government tots-
id carry them through parlis
t times of difficulty and peril,
deters must be given to those
ie discretionary exercise of the
crown which every day may
1 it is therefore far more
given to such questions,
ise and every particular
which are brought forward
r, in this state of thing,' and
had to meet, and the way we
of 12) bills introduced by the
t session, 105 have tither been
al so much of the @auction of
mole that they will receive the
ion. (Hear, bear.) Many of
le utmost importance-2s the
m which, with regard to Ire-
ults have followed is suppree-
which was previously.prelle
red Destitute' Poor Bill is a bill
, is likely to be of great use in
ruelty which sometimes is ia-
tenantry in Ireland ; and with
ditatinCthe sale of encumbered
was a measure which, while it
to its chat Als, is calculated
in on which the state of society
tly improved, by allowing thoseew
umbered to be sold, and s
maion ot them who will reallf
mprovements of the tenantrYug
gentleman has gone thro e the
regard to which he 'ay
pose on the part of the severs-
effects The first quesdo be
isamercial distress. Now evert
Os
ipou that subject. We

THE EXPRESS, THURSDAY EVENING, AUGUST 31, 1848.

a right to self-government as any factious set of men
in England. The government might take credit for their
measures of coercion during the late panic ; he would not
dignify it by calling it an inserreetion, any more than he
would term the disturbances here " rebellion," got up es they
were by a miserable set of vagabonds—(derisive conservative
cheers)—he did not allude to the charuata nor to the bon.
gentleman (Mr. F. O'Connor), who he believed was thornily
red republican in the house—(laughter)—but to a set of
idlers, who thought they had an interest in disturbiar the
peace. Bat he warned the government not to regard the
panic in Ireland as otherwile than temporary, and when it
ceued the country would anxioudy look for those remedial
measures which had so long been promised.
Mr. HUDSON admouthed the government upon the'
necessity, as re garded the commercial interest, of being more
Our in their financial statement, and of limiting it to one
budget. The hon. gentleman bore his testimony to the ex-
cellent state of the crepe in the netth of Ern:laud, where he ,
had recently been. No damage had been done, and they
were looking extremely well.
The bill was then passed, and the house, at a few minutes
alter 4, adjourned till a quartet past six o'clock.
The house renuned at a quarter put six.
PROCLAMATIONS 1 IRELAND.)
Sir J. TYR.ELL asked the noble lord at the heat of the
government whether he would be permitted to substantiate
the statement which he made on a termer evening, with re-
spect to the conduct of a Roman catholic priest at Temple-
knowe, in tearing down the Lord-Lieutenant' proclama-
tion. Me also wished to know it the noble lord lied received
any intelligence on the subject from the Lord-Lieutenant of
Ireland, or of the intention of government to prosecute the
person guilty of this outrage.
Lord J. RUSSELL said that be had received no intelli-
gence trona Ireland respecting the occurrence referred to by
the hon. baronet. The best plan for him to follow was to
write out a statement, and then the Lord Lieutenant would
be able to judge of the propriety of instituting a yrosecution.
PROTECTIVE DUTIES.
Mr. HUDSON asked if the government had any inten-
tion of repealing the protective duties on silks, cottons, and
cloth manufactures, so as to put them en a level with corn ?
Also he begged to ask whether any accounts had been re-
ceived from Ireland respecting the state of the crops there ?
Lord J. RUSSELL said it was not his intention to alter
the duties ref. rred to by the hon. member. With reap ct
to the crops in Ireland. the reports were contradictory and
could not be yelled on. He had reason to believe the result
of the harvest in Ireland would be more favourable than had
been anticipated some time ago.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER, in answer ,
to Mr. Hudson, stated it to be his intention nut to raise •
loan of 2,000,0001., but to sell stock from time to time, in
such a manner, however, as to sustain the price of the funds.
COPPER ORES DUTIES.
The house then went into committee on this hill.
The clauses were agreed to. On the schedule being
proposed,
Mr. HENLEY moved as an amendment that the duty of
21s. per ton be levied on copper ore and regulus imported
from foreign countries.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said
that the principle of the bill, which was to abolish
the duties on copper, having been affirmed by. a
large majority, it was unnecessary to argue against
the amendment, which was directly opposed to that
principle. All he should do was to oppose it. As he said
on a former occasion, the manufacturer in lieu country ob-
tained an advantage by the introduction of foreign copper
ore of a superior quality. The smelters also, and in fact all
those who used topper in this country, obtained great ethane
tage by its introduction.
Mr. NEWDEOATE said that he was not afraid of the
' competition of foreign countries with the smelters of this
country. England produced 5.3 per cent. of all the copper
used in the world. Russia Produce) 16 per cent., Austria 9
per cent., Norway 9 per cent., Prussia 3 per cent., and
1 Sweden 3 per cent. They had us means of preventing other
countries from smelting their copper. But England had an
advantage in the possession of coal which almost placed her
beyond the reach of competition. The right hon. gentleman
seemed to have a greet leer of the United States; but what
were the facts ? They exported to the United Steve. 2,170
tons of copper in the year 1846, and in the year 1817 they
exported 2,720 tone. Tneir exports to France had also in-
creased. He did sot think they had anything to fear then from
either France or the United States. He invited ti s govern-
ment, therefore, to consider the case of the colonists and the
emigreets to their colonies, and to give them an assurance
that their interests would not be enUrely neglected.
Mr. Vs'YLD said that this was the first time since the
Slave Emancipation Act that a British government were
about to put the free miners of Cornwall in competition with
the slaves of Cuba. He asked the house whether they were
prepared to accede to such a principle ? If it was insisted
upon, a feeling would arise in this country against the system
of free trade, however sound it might be in principle. He
thought the amendment proposed by the hon. member for
Oxfordshire was a must reasonable one. They gave a pro-
tection of Is. 611. per tun to the sugar of the Wert Indies.
They should carry out 'hat principle with regard to their
I other free colonies. Their other colonies had as good a right
to protection against slave labour as the West Indies.
Mr. SPOONER said it was not a question as between
free-labour copper and: alavedabour copper because the
copper at Chili was not produoed by slavellabour, and it
was to be admitted. If the amendment referred to slave-
produced copper only, he would support it. If they adopted
the principle of free trade they must carry it out so its full
extent; and till they did so, he believed they would not
perceive the full mischief of that principle. As long as that
principle was to rule he thought the home manufacturers
should be allowed to purchase the raw materials of their
manufactures as cheaply as possible. It was on this ground
that he should oppose the amendment of his hon. friend.
Alter a few words from Mr. DRUMMOND,
Mr. MUNTZ said that South Australia did not produce
copper enough for the use of this country. He believed that
if the law was to remain as it stood the people of Chili
would become the great smelters for Europe, so that the
whole of the duty would be lost, and the whole of the
smelting trade would be lost. What he complained of was,
is the system of protection, that it could cot protect all
e equally. lie was in favour of protection, if protection
could be earned out for the benefit of all. But he believed
that they never could protect the foreign trade, and there
tore protection must be partial, and consequently unjust.
Mr. E. VIVIAN said that if the foreigner or the English-
man who. imported foreign ore paid the duty on copper be
inlaid not understand how the manufacturer could put in a
, claim for peeing it alert.
' Col. DUNNE said that if foreign copper ore was admitted
free of duty those who d2pendel on mining operations for
subsistence in Ireland would be seriously injured, and that
was a matter of no small importance in the present state of
that country.
Mr. ROBINSON said that if the principle of free trade
was found to be wrong the true course to adopt would be to
stop short and not carry it out any further. He thought
they considered the interests of the consumers too much, in
contradistinction to the interests of the producers.
Lord G. BENTINCK said it was the cruellest cut of ell
to hear his hon. friend the member for Warwickshire ad-
vocating free trade principles. (Laughter.) He warneC
the government that in thus depriving the miners of Corn-'
wall of the means of subsistence, they were exposing the
country to excitement and outbreak. As to the smelters,
they were now better off than ever, fur while since 1842 the
price of the ore they smelted had fallen 271. 14s. 9d. per too,
the copper they produced had only fallen 111. 10s. ; so that 1
they were better off by the whole difference.
Mr. MUNTZ said that the reduction in the price of copper
was 19/. per ton.
The committee divided—For the amendment l9-24
Against it 43-24
The original clause was then agreed to, and the house
resumed.—Report thee day.
bITTING OF THE HOUSE.
On the motion of the CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER,
it was ordered that the house sit this day at 2 o'clock in-
stead of 12.
SAVINGS BANKS BILL.
On the motion that the report on this bill be brought up,
Sir H. WILLOUGHBY said that the managers of savings
banks objected to the species of auditing which were to be
imposed upon them by this measure, an objection in which
he believed the ble President of the Council concurred.
He hoped this pointnoble
would be reconeidered by the right hon.
gentleman opposite.
After a few words from Mr. SPOONER, Mr. Wonsuoues,
Mr. DUNCAN, Mr. P. SCILOPE, and Lord 0. BEWIINCE, the
report was received and agreed to, and the bill wu ordered
to be read a third time to-morrow (this day).
The house then, at hell-past 9 o'clock, adjourned.

entirely to expose the futility of the fear. The feats-
of the gallant subaltern EDWARDES 'recut off by their
comparative insignificance from being reckoned up
with the greater events of our military career in the
east. Plaasey, and Assaye, and POLLOCK'S cam-
paign occupy an elevation not to be reached even by
a nine hours conflict with a superior force in a hostile
country, and in the teeth of-the monsoon. But the
achievement is in every point of view most
extraordinary and brilliant. Here you have a
young man scarcely arrived at the prime of manhood
resolutely setting his shoulder to the wheel, and, in
spite of the most harressing and perplexing diffictd-
lies, conducting his enterprise to a successful issue,
which his superiors in command were apparently
absorbed in irresolute cogitation. By a coincidence
suggestive of many reflections,Lieut. EDVrARDES holdi
his commission in that let Regiment of Ftutiliers,
which of all the corps in the service of the Bengal
government, is the only body of troops who can bout
upon their colours the name of "Plessey." The
comrades of this breve young man are the succes-
sors of that hardy band who, on the famous 23d June,
1757, performed so distinguished a part in CLIVE'S
heroic onslaught upon the recreant Subandar of
Bengal. Of all the brigades and battalions who have
sworn allegiance to the British standard, there is only
one other body of troops who reckon the honours of
that great and decisive day among their trophies.
Her Majesty's 39th Regiment of Foot are Justly
proud of the inscriptions which remind them of their
participation in the defence of Gibraltar, and the
bath's of the Peninsula, but the title "Primus in
hulas" is still the moat illustrious blazon upon their

colours.
If CLIVE had taken the advice of his elder officers
on the day that he drove before him, by his handful
of 3,000 men, the army of 70,000 assailants, he would
have addressed himself rather to negotiation than to
battle. He would have begun to reflect that he was
fighting in a hostile country, and under all the dis-
advantages of the tempestuous period of the Asiatic
solstice. Upon mere considerations of prudence there
might have been very fair reasons on paper • and if
they had prevailed, for aught we know to the con-
trary, the destinies of Hindoetan might still have been
directed from Delhi, and the GREAT MOGUL, instead
of revealing himself to the British people through the
voluminous rhetoric of M. GEORGE THOMPSON,
might have been as magnificent a barbarian as the
Lord of the White Elephant or the Brother of the Sun.
' Luckily for the fortunes of the East India Company,
' CLive had a salutary contempt for over-safe coun-
cillors. He had lived long enough to learn that daring
is often the best sort of sagacity, and so he marched
down upon Sunaisti-en-DowLsu, and took an oath
never, to the end of his days, to incommode himself
with another council of war.
At a respectful distance, Lieut.EDWARDES has done
1 very much the same thing. While Sir F. CURRIE
has been bewildering the people at Lahore with
orders and count. r-orders —has been pestering the
Commander-in-Chief and the Governor-General with
one reference to-day and another reference to-mor-
row—has been making up his mind not to expose
his l'unjaub contingent to active service during the
rains, and has, nevertheless, subjected them to all the
perils of an inconvenient and crowded encampment—
and has been so anxious to secure the peace of the
country on the one hand by delay, that he has provoked
its perpetual infraction on the other by the pardon-
able audacity of 'some half dozen different malcon-
tents and fanatics—we say, while all this has been
going forward for two months in the vicinity of the
Resident, a young subaltern, detached on separate
duty, has, by his own unaided exertions, got together
a few thousand raw troops, picked up at hazard
among one of the wildest of the tribes who dwell
I upon the western frontier of our eastern possessions,
I and by dint of energy and skill, has apparently put an
effectual curb upon the Moultan rebellion.
The defeats sustained by MOOLRAJ on the 18th June
I and Ist July, stem to have reduced him from an
aggressive to a purely defensive posture. More than
this they have scarcely accomplished. At the con-
I elusion of the last battle, it EnwAitoes had been pro-
lvided with a few of the guns and mortars so plenti-
I fully sprinkled by Lord HARDINGE among the
Icantonments of the Sutlej—but surely not pro-
vided with any . expectation that they would
ever fail of their effect from unskilful hand-
, ling—the victory and the campaign would in
1 all likelihood have been then and there com-
pleted. MOOLRAI might have got within the fortifi-
I cations of his capital, bat it would only have been for
the purpose either of capitulation, or of standing
I such a process of assault and battery as has hitherto
I never failed to reduce all obstiaate recusants to a due
sense of their situation—no matter whether they were
piratical deys behind the bulwarks of Algiers, or
soldiers of the pasha ensconced in St. Jean d'Acre.
As the matter stands at present, the youthful victor
of the battles of June can only contemplate the
stronghold of his enemy, and patiently await the
result of his application to Lahore for assistance. In
the meantime the revolted DEWAR has the benefit of
the chapter of accidents, and by the aid of the sooth-
saying fanatic, who is reported to be attached to his
interest, it will not be at all surprising if he contrives
Ito increase his strength by considerable accessions,
and to give us no small trouble during the autumn.
The East India Company must already, have found
the marching* and countermarchings in the Panjaub
to be at least enormously expensive, and in their
present temper we can imagine no result more di-
rectly calculated to arouse their discontent. They arc
bent upon economy andretrenchment,and they want to
alter the balance of their revenue account from a deficit
to a surplus. As well as being laudable in itself, this
peculiar bias at this moment will have a special salu-
tary effect. It will give a keener edge to their criti-
cism of the dilatory conduct which has led the Lahore
authorities—whether Resident or Commander-in-chief,
or Generals of Divisions—to frighten themselves by
the notion of a monsoon campaign, and to be indebted
for the removal of an imminent peril to the sagacious
bravery of an officer who does not even hold a field
•mmission, and to the chance loyalty of a few Paten

recruits.
We have said from the very beginning that the
changes made in the Pubjaub executive at the com-
mencement of this year, were needless changes. There
NM JOHN LAWRENCE, MACKRBON, MACOREGOR, and
LITTLER, among whom to choose for a successor of
the brave and skilful officer, whose name is so inti-
mately connected with on: Punjaub policy ; and with
these materials for selection the course pursued was
little better than a wanton disregard of common

The tOrpreOli.

sense.
The discontented portion of our trans-Sutlej subjects
have now got a knack of rebellion, and we may de-
pend upon it, that even if we could extinguish the
seditious DEWAN to-morrow, we should by no means
rid ourselves of future troublesome customers of the
same sort, unless we contrive to convince the Sikhs,
through our administration that they may securely cal-
culate that if they are rampant rebels one day, they
will be promptly defeated rebels the next.

Mn. DISRAELI was last night delivered of his
promised review of the progress of public business
during the present session of parliament. As if aware
of his natural predisposition to tartness of remark,
the honourable member stuck it into a debate on a
sweet topic—the question whether the Distilling
from Sugar Bill should pass. Clever, Mr.Distunti's
treatment of the theme undoubtedly was, but not so
comprehensive in its aim as was demanded by the
subject, or as will satisfy the country. He merely
availed himself of the pretence of discussing the ques-
tion, why such a protracted and laborious session has
proved utterly fruitless, t 3 attack ministers. It
Is sheer affectation on Mr. DISRAELI'S part
to pretend that by showing ministers to be blame-
able for much (or most) of the desultory trifling
with public business by which the House of Com-
mons has provoked public indignation throughout the
session now drawing to a close, he can exonerate the
house from complicity in the crixe. Admitting that
ministers are to blame in the first instance for the
scandalous waste of time which has characterised the
session, the House of Commons which tolerated and
connived at it is equally culpable.
We will take an early opportunity to submit to oar
readers our own review of the progress of public busi-
ness during the session, less with a view of imputing
individual blame for the time that has been lost, than
for the purpose of throwing light upon the causes of
the inefficiency of our legislature, and the means by
which it may be rendered more efficacious. In the
mean time, requesting our readers to combine Mr.
DISRAELI'S sarcastic but too true history of the tour
LONDON, THURSDAY, AUG. 31. budgets of 1848, with the circumstances under which
IS is quite clear that our Indian Empire is not to the financial statement of the CHANCELLOR OP THE
be loot just yet. If anybody had begun to regard it EXCHEQUER has been made, and an addition to the
in jeopardy the 4. tailed accounts of yesterday ought national ',debt voted, within the last few days. we

The mails for New South Wales, Von DiCMHA't Land, and New
Taaland will be made op ou this evening, the 31st August.
The mails tar the West Coast a Africa and Madeirn will be made
up on We evening, the 31st August.
The mails for British North America, and the 'United States
will be made up the evening of the Ist Sept.
The WWI India Mann, including Bermuda., Nassau, Ilevan
Hondures, New Orleans, Vera Crux, Tampico, and Porto Rico, and
excluding them for Madeira, Jacmel, Cartharna, Santa Martha,
Chsgres, Panama, West Coast of South Amenca, and St. 1111131 Alt•
Nicaragua. will he made up on the morning of the lad Sept
The mails for the ernam
tke River Plate, Monte Video, P-
buco, Bahia, Madeira, and Buena Ayres, will be made up on the
evening of the 4th September.
The mails for Vigo, Oporto, Lisb o
tn, Madeept. Cadiz, and Gibraltar
will be made up on the morning of he 7th S
The overland closed mile, vie Marseilles, to the Mediterranean,
Egypt, Aden, Ceylon, India, Mo., will be made up on the
evening of the 7th September.
The overland mails for Gibraltar, Malta, Greece, the lonian Islands,
Egypt, Aden, Ceylon, India, Hong-Kong, and China, via Southamp-
ton, will be mate upon the evening of the 20th Sept.

NOTICE TO ADVERTISERS.
The number of STAMPS issued by the authorities of the
.titamp-oliice, during 1847, to the
DAILY NEWS was 3.447.009
'nth, we believe, is within eight per cml. of the number
issued to the Morning Herald, Morning Chronicle, ast4
Morning Poet, ALL PUT TOCINTHBR.
In addition to the above, issued to the DAILY NEWS.
Morning Paper, there were issued for the &miry; Edition,
THE EXPRESS 778 714
Which was more, we believe, than were issued either to
the Globe or Standard. Evening Papers.

DIOR WATER AT LON DOS BRIDGE.
Este 13..-.110rd5p.33 URA post 3; Aftwouo. tee. put 3.
To- --lionilut, t. MA 4; Jammua mkt. put 1.

would direct attention to an important consideration
suggested by these transactions.
Of the two functions of the House of Commons—
legislative and financial—the latter is not the least
important. The duty of strictly examining the yearly
estimates, of consenting to the taxes impoeed on their
constituents, is ono which the collective members of
the House of Commons cannot delegate to a 'elect
committee. The estimates can only be discussed,
taxes can only be voted, in a cummittee of the whole
houae. Now can this be said to have been done when
the CHANCELLOR OF THE EXCHEQUER makes his
financial statement to 38 members, and when the
measure he recommends for bringing the income of
the year up to its expenditure is voted tits= in a house
composed of 85 members?
De facto, the members of the House of Commons
have run off to enjoy their autumnal sports, leaving a
select committee to look after the pecuniary rights
and interests of their constituents. The CHANCELLOR
OF THE EXCHEQUER appears to have reserved his,
financial statement for this snug party of confidential i
friends. Instead of submitting that statement to the
House of Commons at a period of the session suffi-
ciently early to admit of their taking it as their
guide in the discussion of the estimates and the ways
and means, he reserves it till all the estimates have
been voted, and till the session has approached so
near to its close that he can feel confident no one
will venture seriously to propose a counter project to
his plan of raising the wind. He reserves it till so
few members are left in town that, if any serious
opposition were threatened, he might appeal to the I
irregularity of so inconsiderable a fraction of the I
house entertaining novel proposals.
Ministers and the House of Commons have been
fortunate in the time they have selected for thus
trifling with their duties as administrators of the
public revenue and guardians of the national purse.
Had the public temper been either a little mare or alittle
leer excited than it is at present, the experiment
might have been a dangerous one. The folly of the
few silly braggarts calling themselves chartists has
frightened JOHN BULL into one of his periodical
paroxysms of acquiescing conservatism. He is in no
mood to take a bold step to right himself. But were
he, as we have seen him, sufficiently angry to be
elevated above the suggestions of alarm, or were he
sufficiently convinced of the stability of his institu-
tions to be free from alarm, it is not unlikely that he
might question the legality of a money vote passed
in hugger-mugger, at the fag end of a session, by
less than a seventh part of his representatives is the
House of Commons.
If we could imagine it possible that the manner in
which the financial business of the session has been
conduced in parliament could pass into a precedent,
we should be seriously alarmed for the future. The
members of the House cf Commons have allowed
themselves to be worn out and jaded by all sorts of
minor business—to be put off from day to day by im-
perfect and deceptive revelations—and have at last
fairly run off before the real business of the session
began. Aided by their impatience, government
have passed off upon the few members who remain, a
financial statement in which they virtually confess
their ignorance of the actual condition of the national
revenue and resources, and have obtained a vote of two
millions to tide over their difficulties for a month or
two. This is an unpromising state of public affaire,
but it will work its own cure. Whatever apathy or
panic may paralyse at present the expression of
public opinion, the levity with which our so-called
representatives have deserted their duty while the
üblic accounts are becoming obviously and hope-
lessly entangled. has fixed the doom of our existing
representative and administrative systems. The long,
busy, and futile session, which is now drawing to a
close, demonstrates the urgent necessity of searching
reforms in the constitution, both of the legislative and
the executive government.

FRANCE.
PARIS, WEDNESDAY, 11.30, A.Y.
The state of the press in Paris, at present, is with-
out any previous example in the history of all the
political convulsions through which France has passed
for the last 60 years. For the first time within that
eventful period the liberty of the press has become
extinct in the most literal and practical sense of the
term. It is not merely the abuses of journalism
which excite the head of the government to the
exercise of the despotic power with which he is in-
vested for the arbitrary suspension of the press,but it is
now openly avowed that any journal which will exer-
cise the right of discussion in any manner which the head
of the government shall consider to be adverse to the
repabhcan form of government, will be immediately
suppressed. This doctrine was frankly and explicitly
avowed, to the great astonishment of the journalists,
by General Cavaignac, in his interview with them on
the occasion of the presentation of their late protest.
On that occasion the general is reported to have said,
" You application does you honour; it is your duty''
to protest as it is mine to suspend. I will not do less
with the Constitutionnel, if it continues its attacks
upon the republic in favour of monarchy. I have in
a friendly way caused its editors to be informed that
if they continue their polemics in &Nour of a dynasty
which I feel honour in having served, but which I will
have nothing more of as France will not have it, I
will suspend the Constitutiotanel without more hesita-
tion than I suspended the Lantrion. The republic is
still in its infancy ; it is too weak to resist the jour-
nalists of the opposition ; when it shall have grown
you shall have a carte blanche to attack it."
The same doctrine is accordingly promulged by the
journals of the government. There is, therefore, to
be to opposition press. The government is to have
its official and semi-official organs, but they are to
have no adversaries.
Under these circumstances it was proposed that all
those journals not directly or indirectly in the interest
of the government should suspend publication. This,
however, not being agreed to, several of them have
ceased to publish any comments on public events.
This is the case with La Presse and the Cenatitutionnel;
usslaihegoltisophisstblisqtitsie
chineden
to
otiohnsis
pastresopos,rftottht General
tiou, a guard consisting of the police agents who were
ordered to watch over the safety of Louis Philippe
when he appeared in public.
Another detachment of upwards of 400 insurgents
was sent to „Havre on Monday night.
The Salta Public of Lyons states that the army of
the Alps is now 60,000 strong, and in a complete
state of organisation for active service.
The Northern Railway Company has just paid, by
anticipation, to the treasury of the republic, a sum of
3,000,000 f., which, by the terms of the late arrange-
ment, need not have been paid before three months.
A rumour was current at the Bourse yesterday that
the diplomatic negotiation between the cabinet of
Vienna and Mr. Abercrombie were so far advanced
that the English government recognised the right of
Austria to hold all her ancient Italian possessions.
This rumour appeared to have suffisient foundation
towards the eintea to prevent the Rpeetilatora for a rise
succeeding in their attempts, and to induce a decline
of 1 fr. 20c. on the first quotation of the day. After
the Bourse some transactions took place in the Coulisse,
even at lower than the closing prices. The new loan
was firmer than for several days past, in comparison
with the price of Five per Cents.

We have received the Madrid journals and corre-
spondence of the 24th. Some dissension had become
apparent between the Cabinet and the ultra-Modem-
doe. The latter of whom is supported by Queen
Christina and her party. It is said that
appeared sensible of the impossibility of maintaining
his present position in relation to England, that a
rapprochement would be attempted by the interven-
tion of France, and that Queen Christina and her
friends would be thrown overboard.
A plan for the settlement of the debt, foreign and
domestic, had been presented to the government by
Don Manuel Sanchez Silva, member of the committee
appointed for that purpose in May last. The principle
of the plan is to convert all kinds of debt into Two
per Cent. Stock at the type ofF 20 pes and r cent. The Threes
to be admitted at par, to ur Fiv at 12
per cent., the Coupons at 8 percent., and the Passives
at 5 per cent.
Mahan,. Aro. 24. Three per Cents., 19i paper; after Bohm,
19 19 &.16 cash. Five per Rents., 114 Ci.ol ; offer.Bobs, 101 ark.
Pascles, 4 paper. Coupohs, 74 cub. Bank of St Ferdinand, SO
paper ; 46 cub: &swum of notes, 41 41 per cent. Exchange on
Laoden, at. 30 days, 47 p..per.

THE EXECUTION OF THE CONVICT KELLY, who
shot a woman in the barrack-yard, Newport, took place on
Monday at Monmouth-gaol.
A MURDER ie reported to have taken place near
Buntingford ou Thursday last. The criminal is a h.q., named
Game, oily eight years old, and the victim his sister, a child
1 three years y,.unge• than himself.