The Express.
London, England, 1847-01-22 00:00:00

TIIE EXPRESS, FRIDAY EVENING, JANUARY 22, 1847.

alliance of England, and could dare. France is now
alone, and can dare nothing. She has dwindled from
the boldness of 1832 to the tameness of 1847. She
then had the courage of the brave man, who faces his
real foe; she shows now but the address, which suc-
ceeds in cheating her old ally and companion, and
blusters to conceal it. From the events of Ancona to
those of Cracow, is the difference between CASIMIR
PERIER and M. (Water, between 1832 and 1817.
One of the corner stones of LOUIS PHILIPPE'S
early policy was to prevent the Holy Alliance being
once more formed , either to dictate to France, to
menace her, or to use coercion towards her. This
was done, as we have, said, by first making sure of
England's alliance, and then by representing England
as the supporter of ultra-liberal parties and advanced
ideas, whilst France was more moderate and con-
servative. All this fine scheme has failed. For it is
quite evident, that the bonds and the compact of the
Holy Alliance have been re-knit, and that there is a
renewed understanding, and a league of the East, un-
dreamed of few years ago.
It must be as clear to every one, as if it was set
for:h in diplomatic documents, that Austria would
never have marched into Cracow and taken perma-
nent possession of it, unless she was guaranteed secure
from the consequences of such a step. The natural con-
sequences were a counter-move on the part of France,
similar to the occupation of Ancona, a descent on
Italy, or the blockade of Trieste. The French minis-
ters of 1832 would have done it in a trice, and
forced King Louis PHILIPPE into it, as they did
force him into the recognition of Queen Is tuELL
of Spain. We may depend upon it that the
possibility of this was guarded against by a defen-
sive league, which obliged, in case of Austria Ising
attacked, the other powers to come to her support.
This league, betrayed in the occupation of Cracow,
and indispensable towards that act, is neither more
nor less than a renewal of the Holy Alliance auainst
France, and against the house of Orleans. Let LOUTS
PHILIPPE look to it, and conjure it, for such an appa-
rition is fearfully menacing to every free, constitu-
tional, and independent principle.
In addition to the tacit menaces of such a
League at the present moment, let us con-
eider what this Holy Alliance promises to France
for the future. England refuses to recognise
the claims of the Duke of NlosregNstErt to the
Spanish succession. Should Queen ISABELLA die
without heirs, her succession, in the opinion of Lord
PALmEasvoN, is open. Don FRANCR4CO, or his
brother Esien/us:, or Count MOtTEMOLIN, may all
put in their claims. If they accept the constitution,
England looks on with indifference. Not so the
Eastern powers. Tne Holy Alliance will then
support MoNTEHoLIN. Here is a pretty little war
of succession carved out for the house of
ORLE.ANS, in which France is to be pitted against
the Eastern powers in a cause, in which she
can look for no sympathy from England. Is the
Duke of MONTPEN,IER'S marriage worth all this risk,
all this probable bloodshed, and expenditure—this
war to Fiance, this civil war to Spain? Are the
future generations of both countries to curse the
house of ORLEANS for having entailed these disasters
un them, just as the people of both countries curse
NpoAPOLEON for having, in pursuit of the same
selfish am, brought these evils upon France and
upon Spain ?
Let French and English weigh this state of things,
this menacing prospect, brought on solely by the
aim of precipitating the marriage of the Duke of
MONTPENSICR. That prospect is far more menacing
to France than to England. IV(' may, if we are
wise and selfish, keep out of the consequences, and
bury ourselves in sullen neutrality. France cannot
pursue a policy of isolation, without the alternative
of being trodden upon or going to war. In the affair
of Cracow, France was trodden upon. The insuit to
France is ten times greater and more menacing than
to England, and that a French minister should have
suffered it must be an eternal disgrace to his name.
Some say tint M. Guizor Was friendly to the
absorption of Cracow. We do not believe it. Neither
M. GI:1E0T nor the King of the FRENCH could have
consented to such a blot upon their escutcheon, such
an indelible source of unpopulanty- and disgrace.
Monarch and minister must have been awakened

roughly from their sweet marriage dream by that
most unwelcome piece of intelligence, which, we may
add, was still greater folly on the part of Austria
than the Infanta'a marriage on the part of France.
The inevitable consequence to Austria of the cap-
ture of Cracow, must be the loss of Italy. France can-
not but avenge it. If M. GUIZOT does not, M. TIIIERS
will. Austria has broken the last curd which held
together the bundle of stipulations, called the
Treaty of Vienna. She has loosened the faggt, and
scattered to the winds all that was at first tied up in it.
France says little, and may purpose little. But the
inevitable current of events will impel Franco upon
Italy—will stir and agitate Italy to receive her. And
there is no longer a Treaty of Vienna for Austria
to plead. l'nnee NiETTERNICIeS dull and diplo-
matic claim to Cracow is virtually his abdication
of Italian sovervigmty. Be it so. We have no need
of undertaking the task of vengeance. Time will
wreak it.

TIM ghost of the old corn law, which Lord JOHN
RUSSELL evoked last night for the purpose of laying
in the Red Sea till September next, seemed neither
to alarm nor interest any one. The minister himself
did not dwell on the case, the ex-ministers were
silent, and Lord GEORGE BENTINCK uttered a lament
over the good old substantial corn law : but fur its
puny residue, he flung that away without compunction,
though declaring that its extinction would do no good.
With the protectionists and the liberals, both ready
to abolish the four shilling duty, it required but a word
of Sir ROBERT to settle the question at once. Lord
JOHN RUSSELL hided, indeed, that parliament would
probably pass a bill against its fut ure renewal. The four
shilling duty seems like a public nuisance, which all
admit, all complain of, but which no one person will
take the trouble or have the courage to knock on the
bead finally.
The navigation laws were evidently objects of far
greater interest. The protectionist. chord, dull to any
corn-law minstrel, vibrated immediately at the touch
of a ship-owner. Mr. GOULBL'IIN was as vehement for
protecting shipping in 1847, as he had been for pro-
tecting corn any session these five-and-twenty years.
And Mr. BRIGHT was obliged to put on the most
demure and penitential face, in asking that
cotton and corn might come in mixed cargoes,
and be allowed to take advantage of the suspension of
the navigation laws. As to sugar, of which we spoke
yesterday, and which is allowed to replace corn for
consumption, even that is of course to be eschewed like
cotter.
Mr. Thou ‘S BARING stood aghast at the bare idea.
Yet Mr. Hume put the case in a manner that it is
impossible for it not to have weight. We have opened
our ports to American corn, depriving, justly de-
priving, the Canadians of the advantages which they
before possessed. Bat our navigation laws prevent the
advantages being equalised; they fling them altogether
to the Americans, who can transport their corn far
cheaper than the Canadians confined to British ves-
sels. One good effect of the suspension will, however,
be, to render the evil operation of the navigation laws
so manifest, that the resumption of them an the case
of Canada, for example, will be too crying to be,
possible.
To assume that protection can be beneficial to this
country in its maritime affairs, when it has been de-
elated injurious and unjust in its agricultural concerns
involves the self-stultification of the legislature.)
Having ordained free trade in provisions, surely we
should have free trade in the means of carrying provi-
sions. Let us not be guilty of the folly of buying in
the cheapest market, and of restricting ourselves to
carrying by means of the dearest. ?or we may bo
certain, that the assertion that our navigation laws are
necessary to the maintenance of our maritime supe-
riority, is only a substituted chorus fur the old burthen
that corn laws were the cause of our national great-
ness. . _

By our reciprocity treaties we hove, in point of fact,
abandoned the exclusive principle of the navigation
laws, and to make their permanent abolition de-
Pendent, not on our own intelligence—not on our own
conviction that they are hurtful to our best interests,
but on the obstinate prejudices of France or on the
benighted ignorance of Spain—not on the truthful-
h?sa of economical science, Lut on the tardiness of
diplomatic negotiations—would simply be an act
of inconsistent folly. We have flung recipro-
city to the winds when corn is concerned :
let us send reciprocity, when it affects shipping, after
it with all possible ;ped. For if (as is now done
untier the treaty of 11415) we allow American vessels
to bring American pr. duce from American ports, why
In the name of all that is rational should we pro-

hibit German ships from conveying the like produce
from the same ports? The more competiti.,n there is
in the means of transatlantic conveyance, the better
must British consumers of American fl,ur, aud Ame-
rican consumers of British cottons, be served ; and the
more advantageously either country can consume, the
greater its amount of comfort and happiness, and the
more sure its career of improvement, both moral and
material.

Far better (as was so successfully urged in the
cora-law controversy) compensate or pension British
shipowners, than pay them freights higher than
other nations would charge us. But the notion that
the British shipowner cannot, under a s 3 stem of per-
fectly free-trade, and when (as in that event he must
be) supplied with the cheapest raw materials, compete
with the rest of the world, is really unworthy of
serious discussion. For the truth, as known to all
practical persons of intelligence, is, that British ship-
ping has been gradually declining in character and
suffering in profit because of our navigation laws; and
that it requires the wholesome stimulus which com-
petition, by their abolition, would give, to restore it
to permanent prosperity, and to give it that supre-
macy which it formerly possessed. What, for ex-
ample, can be more discreditable to our commer-
cial marine than that British merchants, ordering
rice from Carolinian ports, should direct their cor-
respondents to send it in American vessels,
lest it should be injured by its conveyance in British
ships ? What more humiliating than that British
underwriters should make a reduction of premium
when cargo is brought home in American bottom.? Are
not such facts significant of the (fleets of protecion
on British shipping ? Torpor amongst the men, and
gross inefficiency amongst masters, are amongst the
other results of the navigation laws. The proposed
examination of skippers, as to their competence to
navigate ships, however excellent the proposition in
some important respects, will be found wholly insuf-
ficient to restore the character of our commercial
marine. That restoration wants something more than
schooling; it requires the mother of all improvement
—necessity. So when ministers propose the suspen-
sion of the shipowners protection, let all free traders
unite to go a step further, and secure its abolition.

THERE is scarcely an evil of our social polity,
in which public sympathy was so quickly awakened
as it was, a few years since, to female workers in
collieries. The Employment Commission fully exposed
the degrading duties of the female colliers ; and at
once obtained legislative interference to prevent task
work unfitted for the female constitution, and which
was so obviously detrimental not only to their own
morality, but to that also of their children. Lord
Asti LEY, in his benevolent endeavours to ameliorate
the condition of female workers, brought in an act,
which not onlydeterred them from pursuing avocations
unsuited to their sex, but which put a atop to other
abuses. A terrible and insidious custom prevailed
among the mining as well as the manufacturing
districts, of administering narcotic drugs to
children. The mother and father of a family
being engaged in mining operations, the chil-
dren were either entrusted to the care of a sister little
older than themselves, or were placed under the
charge of a nurse, whose occupation it was to take a
collective charge over a number of families. Such a
system of inefficient superintendence could not suc-
ceed without more than mere moral constraint, and
aceordingly,opiates were extensively administered un-
der the deceptive title of " quietness," for the purpose
of hushing those wants of nature which the mother's
absence prevented her supplying. Thousands of chil-
dren perished from this insidious practice, and those
who survived grew up weakened in intellect, and
deficient in all the qualities which maternal care can
aloi.e impart.
The operation of Lord ASHLEY'S Act destroyed this,
and gave an impulse to improved morality in those
colliery districts where female labour was employed.
The druggists in the coal-field of Lancaster com-
plained, after the introduction of Lord As; I LEY'S Act,
that the sale of narcotic preparations had decreased
from gallons to quarts. " The mothers now remain at
home," states a druggist in evidence to the Health of
Towns Commission, " and so the sleeping stuffs are
lin necessary."
We direct the attention of our readers to this sub-
ject, because an accidental discovery has been made
that female labour in mines still continues in op-
position to the act for its prevention. An ex-
plosion of fire-damp occurred a few weeks since
in a colliery near Chcaley, belonging to Mr.
iIARGRF.AVES. Among the unfortunate victims of
this explosion, were several females dressed as boys,
whose sex was of course discovered. The evidence
went to show that in this pit the females were em-
ployed with the direct knowledge and sanction of the
superintendent, ELLis. We extract, from the l'repton
Guardian, the evidence given by RALPII AINSCOW,
to this effect:—

----- •
Ellis had a full knowledsre, and we, the first who employed
women in the Coppal pit. In the down brow, a tunnel
was driven to get through a fault, and Elms employed •
number of women who were on the brow, to gn down into
the pit, and help to draw tho rubbish. I was employed at
the tunnel; it was three or four months before the explosion
that Ellis told the girls to come in hats or caps. Ile was
on the bank when be said this; Mord him all the girls
so. He told Elizabeth Holden ; she wan on the pit brow ;
my lam and she were present ; the browman and engioeer
were present, and minding their business at the time, about
eight or ten yards off. Halliwell, Booth, sod rnyselr, were
the only men who employed their daughters to draw for
them ; but there were plenty of men who had o•her females
for drawers. Holding's wife drew for him. Ellis said to
him, " Charles, let thy wife come in • jacket and hat or cap
and br teho." . -

The pictorial illustrations, in the report of the em-
ployment commission, have shown the public the de-
trading manner in which the work of female colliers
is performed, and, in spite of this exposure, we find
the same want of decency is allowed by the super-
intendent, who, if the evidence be true, must have
been cognisant of the illegal practice. The witness
cited above further states : _

Women engaged u drawers pull everything off hut
drawers and shift when at work; I have been many times
with Ellis when he was talking to the women in this state.

This case, brought so prominently before the public
by an accidental explosion, could not pass without
some judicial examination. Accordingly, we find
Mr. HARGREAVES, himself a magistrate, summoned
before his brethren of the bench for employing females
in mines, in direct contravention of the 3th and Gth
Viet., cap. 9), commonly known as Lord Am u.Ev's
Act. The Charley magistrates, however, dismissed
the case on the plea of Sir. H kIiGHEAVES' alleged ig-
norance of the sex of his colliers.

We cannot compliment Chorley upon the wisdom of
its magistracy in the case now before us. The act
expressly states and enjoins a penalty upon any
"owner of a coal pit who shall "employ, or allow,
or permit any female person to work or to be there-
in." Are the Chorley magistrates ignorant of the
rule of common law that masters are responsible for
the acts of their accredited servants ? If a ship ran
down another by gross negligence on the part of the
steersman, would the Chorley magistrates decide, in II
such a case, that the owners were not liable to off nxl
compensation because ignorant of their servant's neg-
ligence? But, in their delicacy to Mr. HARGREAVES.
the Chorley magistrates seem to have omitted the
exercise of a power entrusted to them by the 13th
clause of the recited aet, of summoning the agent or
servant 'ho has engaged females without the know-
ledge of the owner, although the latter is still held
responsible. We trust that the Chorley magistrates
will yet deign, in their magisterial wisdom, to take
this course, and not allow such a contravention
of the act to remain unpunished. We sincerely
believe, that Mr. HARGREAVES had no guilty know-
ledge of the illegal act of his subordinates. He
is a gentleman who, we understand, takes little per-
sonal cognisance of his works, hut who, nevertheless,
is amenable to the law for conduct in 2 them ill an illegal
manner. If the Chorley magistrates discontinue
farther proceedings in the case, we trust to see it
investigated by the liome•office. Unfortunately, the
contravention of this humane set is by no means un-
common, and will undoubtedly increase, unless it is
enforced in a case like the present, where the proofs
arc undeniable.
We have already stated our opinion that a super-
vision of mines has become indispensable. Qualified
inspectors of mines would be able readily to ascertain
on the spot, not only the provisions against accidents, 11
but also the extent of compliance with the act for re-
gulating labour. The visits of inspectors could only
be dreaded when the works are carried on in an igno•
rant or illegal manner; ar.d their duties could be
easily defined, so as to obtain a useful supervision
without an injurious and meddling interference.
The colliers have the reputation of being a turbo-
lent class of men, and, by their unions and reckless
conduct, of causing much trouble and injury to their

employers. But the hitter are themselves partially
the authors of that very recklessness and disorder
which produce so much injury. A class of men, sub-
ject to the constant risk of fatal accidents, such as now
constantly occur, with the prospect before them
of being victims to the ill-regulated system of
working our collieries, and of leaving wholly
unprovided their families, cannot have other
than daring and reckless characters. But if
they knew that the legislature cared for their safety-
and for those who might becadie dependent by the
calamities incident to their occupation, the asperities
of their character would be worn off, and they would
become more tractable and orderly labourers. We
have already endeavoured to show in former articles
on this subject, that the most feasible method to im-
prove the working of collie-ties is to suit the improve-
ments to the conditions, and not by a detailed legis-
lation to attempt to intro lute provisions which
could not be locally applicable. It is to as-
certain their varying conditions that we have
pointed to the necessity of a regulated in-
spection of collieries. The principle of making
an owner pecuniarily responsible for the loss
of life produced by absence of proper regulations in
his pit, by burdening him with the support of those
dependent upon the exertions of the deceased, would,
without doubt, prevent many of the accidents which
now occur so frequently. The falling in of
the sides or roofs of a mine would often
be prevented by a few additional strutts or
supports, if a heavy pecuniary responsibility
rested upon the consequences of such an accident.
Where the calamity is entirely fortuitous, and is tne
result of circus-- IWO) which human foresight could
•t have then • consider that the der-

not have prevented, ...Ai we pen-
dent survivors should have a claim upon the surplus
revenue produced by the small tax which we proposed
should be lmied upon coal for the purpose of de-
fraying the expenses contingent upon an inspec-
tion and supervision of the colliery districts.
Considerably less than a farthing per ton
of coal, a tax so small as not to be felt by the con-
sumer, would still yield lonia amply adequate, not
only to defray the expenses of supervision, but also
to support those who are left dependent by accidents,
which will still occasionally occur under the most
im-
proved system of working our coaL

The Paris journals of Wednesday are occupied in
discussions on the last diplomatic documents laid
before the chambers by M. Guizot The documents
on the Spanish marriage being nowcomplete, the oppo-
sition journals speak out; the Colt stitutionnel says as
follows: . _

What difference is there between the two despatchea of
Lord Palmerston and Lord Aberdeen? Is it not the ume
neutral polity between the candidates, the same wishes in
favour of the liberal party, for we omitted to up that Lord
Aberdeen bad manifested a preference for Don Enrique,
closely connected with trat party ? But, nevertheless, there
is a difference: Lord Aberdeen seems to menace France in
a certain hypothesis, and Lord Palmerston does nut speak of
such an eventuality. It is not true, then, that in the inter-
view at Eu, England pronounced against any candidate not
of the house of Bourbon. She only promised to remain
neuter. It is not true that Lord Palnierit.in was the first
to present a Sate-Coburg u a candidate, whose name
was previously mentioned in the document of Lord
Atrrdeen we have just cited. It is not true that in England
a change of policy took place with a change of ministry. It is
not true that the French ministry was relieved of the obliga-
tion of at least keeping up appearances towards England, by
the dispatch of July 19. The rupture was evidently on our
side. . .

The Constitolionnel goes on to examine the speech
of the Duke of Broglie, who it says has been obliged
to abandon the grounds hitherto assumed by
M. Guizot. It pronounces the speech embarrassed and
timid, having in its reasonings more insinuation than
affirmation, and ?nor., bitterness than logic.
Accounts of the deplorable state of the country,
ow.ing to the dearness of grain, continue to arrive.
Their details are similar to those we have already
given.
The Minister of Commerce and Agriculture pro-
posed, on Wednesday, to the committee of the
Chamber of Deputies on the importation of foreign
grain, to introduce a clause in the proposed law pro-
hibiting the exportation of maize. The ground of
this proposition is the fact that several merchants and
capitalists of Bordeaux had informed the ministry that
numerous agents for English houses are making large
pm-chases of maize at Bordeaux and Bayonne
to be exported to Ireland. The committee has
declined to introduce a prohibitory clause,
but has consented to invest the minister with
a discretionary power to regulate the tariff,
on the exportation of maize in proportion to that of
wheat. It is considered that maize is worth, in
general, half the price of wheat, although at present '
it is 10 francs, while wheat is only 27 francs
per hectolitre.
According to the information supplied to the com-
mittee by the ministry, very large importations of
foreign grain will still be wanting to complete the
necessary subsistence for the year. It is calculated
that the necessary purchases abroad will still cause
the efflux of nearly 200,000,000 of francs in specie
from France. This has given great alarm to the
bank and to the capitalists, and there appears little
doubt that its announcement will be followed by a
still greater fall at the Bourse.
The speech of the Queen of England was received
in Paris early on Wednesday. It was circulated in
the bureaux of the Chamber of Deputies, where the
sentence respecting the Montpensier marriage pro-
duced an unfavourable impression. It was agreed
that the phrase concealed a menace under its cold
reserve. The committee on the address shared this
opinion, and it was believed that the paragraph in the
address on the marriages should be very clear and
energetic ; also that the affair of Cracow should be
distinctly denounced as a violation of the treaties of
Vienna.

....
The general discussion of the law on the importa-
tion of corn was fixed for Friday, when it was ex-
vettd that the free-trade party would propose seve-
ral amendments. _ . . .

A rumour has been afloat this morning, in political
circles, to the effect that, according as the question of
the absorption of Cracow turns in the Chamber of
Peers to-day, so Count d'Appony, the Austrian am-
bassador in Paris, will regulate his conduct, and retire,
leaving a charge crafaires in his stead, as Russia
has done already. We are authorised to state, and
we have it from M. Guizot's own mouth, that Austria
has no intention to put such an outrage upon France.

The answer of the Swiss Vorort to the note of
the three powers, an outline of which we gave yester-
day, is as follows:
To H. E. Baron Krudener. Envoy Extraordinary and
Minister Plenipotentiary of his Majesty the Emperor of
all the Runk's, to the Swiss Confedention at Zurich.
Scarcely had the President and Council of State of the
canton of Berne been invested with the attribu• es and
flinctious of the directory of the Swiss confederation, con-
formable to the prescriptions of the federal pact concluded
August 7, 1811 between the 22 sovereign cantons of
Switzerland, when H. E. Baron Krudener, envoy extra-
ordinary and minister plenipotentiary of Russia, found
himself called upon, according to orders received, to
declare in a note, dated Jan. 10, that the above mentioned
pact would be the basis on which the Imperal legation of
Russia would continue to entertain, through the organ of the
federal directors of Berne, the existing friendly relations
between the Swiss confederation and Russia. His Excellency
has declared, that those relations will be continued as long
aa the basis on which rests the power conferred on the pre-
sent directory, and possessed by the canton of Berne remains
unchanged in its nature and unaltered in its spirit. As it
is highly agreeable to the council of state of the canton of
Berne, as federal directory, to transact business with his
Excellency, as they must sincerely regret that their
transactions began in so extraordinary a manner, so
different from what has hitherto been done in similar cases.
The president and council of state of the federal directory
of Berne will ever make it their duty carefully to cultivate
and to consolidate on the basis of a perfect reciprocity of inter-
national relations which the Swiss confederation is always
happy to preserve with all friendly states. For what con-
cerns the administration, by the directory, of the federal
affairs which relate directly to the federal interests of Swit-
zerlstal, the pr.si eat and council cf state of the
directory of Berne cannot refrain from ob-erviog
in
his Excellency that in matters relating to the said
administration they are answerable to the confederate
cantons only, and that while they strive to discharge con-
scientiously, the obligations their position imposes on them,
they are, on the other hand, firmly resolved to protect the
independence of the Swiss confederation and its authorities,
in virtue of their compact, determined as they are to resist
any attempt whatever of intervention in the internal affairs
of the coufederat:on. The president and council of state of
the directory of Berne, take this opportunity of assuring
His Excellency Baron Krudener of their profound respect.
Signed by the President and Council of State.

CHAMBER OF PEERS.
Sirrino OP 19Y/1 JANUARY.
The Drag DE BROOLIR SOSO at three o'clock and, after
manse preliminary °Werra:on, respecting the policy purmed
by France towards Spain since the deck of Ferdinand VII.,
he said :
When the time was crime for the young queen Isabella
to think of choosing a husband, saw the most formid►ble
of all pretenders come forward ; a prince nearly related to

the Queen of Great Britain; a person whole iffuctrious
house has already given two kings to Europe—one tu
Bel-
gium, the other to Poriugal ; a prince who.e accession to
the throne of Spain, by clusely linking together the courts of
London, of Madrid, and Lisbon, would Live placed the
whole of the peninsula under the self-same influence. All
the difficulties fort seen by the French government were there.
It was the duty of the court and cabinet of Madrid to make
the marriage of two young princesses, heiresses to Fcrclinaed
VII , serve to consolidate estate of things founded by Ferdi-
nand VII. A double marriage, contracted among the
members of the royal family of Spain, however sui able it
might be in other respects, had not that advantage.'
No support from without was to be obtained by these
means, no increase of fec.ndancy, of authority at
home. Such advantages the court of Spain found in
an alliance which might be considered, under all the circum-
stance*, as a , alliance with the royal family of England;
and, perhaps, even in a certain measure, politically speakina,
as au alliance between Spain and England. Indeed,
whatever may have been the reserve of the English govern-
ment, it was certain that had the choice of the Queen of
Spain fallen freely on a prince of the house of Coburg, that
choice would have been hailed with joy in London. How
dissuade the Court of Madrid from such a choice, otherwise
than by proposing one equally good? What other equiva-
lent than arc alliance with the royal family of France?
A.d if, on the other band, the King demanded the
hand of Queen Isabella for one of his sons' it would
have been contradicting declarations which had been
uttered, freely and loudly, before all Europe ; it was
establishing between Spain and France a union more close
than would be prudent; it would be to reader the two no-
narchies in some measare answerable for each other's acts.
Government had to choose between the se two inconvenience*.
On this slippery soil it was necessary to establith the nego-
tiation front 1841 to the present day, and on thin ground it was
maintained. We scarcely know more than anecdotes
relating to the negotiations concerning these marriages,
which lasted four years. We know vaguely that many
combinations have been tried successively and uselessly,
that the Count de Trapani, the Duke of Aquila, the Prince
of Lucca. and even the Count of Montemolin were spoken of.
Many European court., est:ecially those of Austria and
Naples, interfered in this negotiation, with different views.
Every person of common sense will perceive that there
were never but two feasible candidates, and it was always
evident that the negotiations would end in favour of the one
or of the other of the two governments—a definitive rup-
.

turn or • compromise. The t7uptere 'would have been the de-
finitive separation of Spain Irani France; it would have
been Spain passing into another regiva of influence,
foreign and hostile to France. The compromise is
known to you ; the Queen of Spain chose fur her
husband one of her cousins; the King permitted one of his
sons to solicit the hand of the Infanta; he allowed the
two marriages to be sulemuized at the same time.
This last point was the most difficult. It is the con-
cession, and the only one that the government
made, and they made it only at the last extremity ;
first for a motive of which I shall presently speak, but like-
wise, because such was their interest, bee use it was greatly
to the interne of France, if that was possible, that the second
marrilge should take place only after the birth of an heir to
the crown of Spain, because nose are more interested than
we in dl Europe in preventing any of the king's MU/ from
being admitted to share the crown of Spain. But, if we
had gained that point in the transaction, we should
have obtained everything, and the Spanish government
would have conceded everything. To flatter one's self
that the Court of Madrid would willingly exchange the
advantages of an alliance to which it ate/ached so high
a price for the uncertainty and risk of future events, would
be outstepping reasonable expectations. Thi., gentlemen,
is what Iliad to say as to the series of events which led us
to the point where we are. I wished to make the extent
and the reality of the danger which threatened us up to the
Last moment fully understood ; to make it fully understood
how many, in so long, so difficult, and complicated a business
were the obstacles which the government had to over-
come. Things are but half known outside ; sppear-
ances are looked at, and facts are only to judged es they
gradually come to light. It is necessary to hold, or to
have held, the threads of the complicated affairs in hand
to he ab.e to form an ides of their number and the
difficulty of keeping them disentangled. Whilst we here eon-
s; seceded* ourselves, on the other side of the Channel com-
plaints are raised. They speak of treaties violated,
engagements broken, double dealings, and surprise ; of
proceedings contrary to • reciprocal confidence. For
the lot eight months a great change is visible in the
conduct of Great britain —a new ministry has taken the
place of the former, and shows greet irritation. In its eyes
the preference accorded by the Queen of Spain to the eldest
of the infants instead of the younger, is a choice to be re-
gretted, and which the English government congratulated
themselves in having taken uo part in. In their eyes, the
marriage of a son of the King of the French, the fourth in
the order of birth, the eighth or ninth at present in the order
of succession, is an infringement on the law of nations, an
alteration of the balance of Europe, • principle of anarchy or
war in a not very remote future. In their eyes, the line of
conduct resolved on by the present French government, and
the ministry which preceded it, is a bargain, a compromise.
in which, apparently, each party meddled with what did
not concern it—that is to say, with the crown of Spain and
the hand of the young queen. Either the word bargain
means that, or it has no sense. This bargain, this arrange-
ment, is not officiary known to the present English
government. It has also compl .fined that the marriages were
precipitated without its knowledge, and that a policy et
crib-nee was abandoned for one of isolation and reserve
Such, gentlemen, are, I think, the different complaints con-
tained an the documents communicated to you.
The Due de Broglie was followed by 31. de Noailles, and
the Chamber adjourned.
On Wednesday the sitting commenced with a speech from
M. Panty, after which
M. Giizor rose and said—l do not get up to defend the
policy which the government of the king has practised; it has
b. en but slightly attacked ; it has beau eilieaciously defended.
The characteristic fe=ature of our situation is the influence
which the Spanish marriages hove had on our rela-
ions with the English government. The debates of our
chambers, my own words, may have influence also.
For many years the chamber has supported the go-
vernment of the king, when it was accused of bean
wanting in dignity and firmness in its relations with
England. Now that our firmness and dignity is manifest,
the chamber will, I hope, sustain us when we are accused
of having acted with d:sloyalty and imprudence. (Yes!
yes!) It is this double reproach that I wish to remove en-
tirely by a simple and complete relation of facts to the
Chamber, to my country, and to Europe. Since the origin
of this question the policy of the government of the king has
been both determined and op. n. I endeavoured to remove
all irresolution, all obscurity from this policy. You know
its principle; the throne of Spain must not peas from the
House of Bourbon. That it may not pass away from that
house, it is requisite that the Queen of Spain should choose
her husband among the descendants of Philip V. Every
notional interest commanded us to pursue this policy ; the
dignity of the crown, which is the dignity of France, the
security of Frame in the centre of Europe, the European
balance. This principle I have expreuod at the tribune of oar
Chambers from the beginning of the question, and every time
the opportunity offered itself, in 11342, 1843, 1844, not only I
expressed it loudly, but I made it the constant guide of
my language in my transactions with all the European
courts. I have done more. A skilful charge' d'affaires,
who bad remained long at Madrid, returned to Paris with
the approbation of the king. I had sent him to London, to
Berlin, to Vienna, to make our pelicy known there in its prin-
ciple and its motives. H. Psjot announced to those three
courts the declared policy of the government of the king; and
at St. Petersburg I made it known be a letter to 111. Casimir
Perrier. I may say that neither before my country, nor in
our relations with all the courts of Europe, there ever
existed the slightest hesitation or momentary pause
in our line of policy. It was • good and a national one,
and we thought should be publicly known. We did not even
fear to link ourselves to that policy by public declamation*.
But while the policy of Frasier: wan thus resolute and
public. I fear not to say that it was moderate and conciliating
towards Spain. We neglected no opportunity of proclaiming
our respect for her independence, foe her nght, which was
entirely free, and which we had no intention of limiting, but
which could not at the same time interfere with our own.
In our relations also with the Spanish governments, which
during several years might not have been considered as very
friendly tower& us, we observed a conduct full of modera-
tion and reserve. We avoided entering into their qua-eels,
we sought for no opportunity of doing them harm ; we ren-
dered them service, on the contrary, every time it was in our
power to do so. The chamber recollects that when called
upon to speak at this tribune of the Regent of Spain, the
Regent Espartero, who could not then be among our friends,
not on.y I showed a favourable disposition towards him,
but I defended him when he was attacked. On the
19th of April, 1842, I wrote to Count Flahaut, con-
cerning the combinations is question. The combina-
tion then proposed was the marriage of Queen Isabella
with the eldest son of Don Carlos, as queen and
king. This was called the fusion of the two rights.
A. marriage similar to that of Isabella the Catholic and Fer-
dinand of Arragon had given hopes. We preserved, rela-
tive to the combination, the attitude which was imposed on
us ; we, at the same time, acted with moderation and im-
pel tiality. As to England, we have been, from the begin-
ning, so conciliating, so moderate, that, since 1841, we con;
stantly endeavoured to acs in concert with her, and we
renewed our offers of joint action on every occasion. No one
is more convinced than we, that the conflict and the struggle
for influence in Spain between France and England is a
great evil for Spain, a danger for Europe, without ofirring
any real advantage to England or France. No one is more
convinced than I, that no very great real 'tenoned interest
requires one of these two nations to exclude the other from
all influence in Spain. I am convinced, that in Spain, as
elsewhi re, these two powers may live in peace and harmony,
each preserving the situation commanded by its interests.
From 1841 to 1843, the cabinet of London acted with reserve
and delay, but did not enter Spain with us. In July, 1843,
when the government of Espartero had fallen, things were
somewhat changed. English influence had sustained in Spain
• great drawback, to which France was an utter stranger.
At the same time a report bursa to spread in Spain that the
queen might demand, or the Spanish government desire the
union of the Queen of Spain with the Duke d'Aurtude. This
report awakened the attention of the rngliih government,
and in the new situation in which it had been plated rela-
tive to Spain, it showed itself leas disposed than formerly to
consent to a joint negotiation. The English government at
that time made in its turn proposals of •joint negotiation.
In the acting in concert proposed to us no mention was made
of the marriage of the queen ; we caused the question of the
queen's mamage to be entered into the proposition of soling
in concert. We could not give a greeter proof of our frank-
new than by including the marriage question in this concert
as soon as that acting in concert was proposed to us. This
was accepted shortly after the first shot of the Queen of Eng-
land to the Chateau d'Eu. The question became a subject
of conversation between Lord Aberdeen and me ; it was

agreed upon, not that Lord Aberdeen should adopt our views,
but that the advice of England should be given in that setae,
that all other condi late* should be kept back by means of
ouch advice and influence. I set forth in my despatch to
Count Flahault the line of conduct openly followed
between the two cabinets, after the first visit of the
Queen of Eng'and to the Chateau d'Eu. Such was,
since the month of September, 1843, our language
and our conduct. After these first conferences and res lo-
tions, the candidate who presented himself in Spain was
Count Aquila, tie brother of the King of Naples. The first
idea of that combieation did not come from me; it came
from Lord Aberdeen himself, who had designated the brother
of Count Aquila as a combination which might succeed. We
had no reason to be unfavourable to that combination ; it had
the known assent of Queen Christina, who, as a mother and
a queen, had full right to be of weighty account in the ques-
tion. It was a combination likely to establish harmony
between the three reigning branches of the house of
Bourbon in Europe. We, therefore, could but approve
of that combination; we adhered to it in the limits.
Such, gentlemen, is the spirit in which our negotiations were
carried on in 1341, and in the first months of 1815.
The combination 1 hare just indicated met with great
obstacles in Spatn. Things went on thus till the sum-
mer of 1846. The Due d'Aurnale married a princess of
Naples. He then was no longer a candidate for the hand of
the Queen of S, ain. In the midst of these difficulty s a fresh
overture was made to U namely, the simultaneous marriage
of the Queen of Sp •in with Count Trapani and o' the Duke
of Montpensier with the Infanta. A rumour of his idea and
the character attributed to it canted anxiety to the Cabinet of
Landon. We were aware of its anxiety. It was shortly
before the Q•seen of En fiend made her second visit to the
King at the Chateau d'Eu, in Sept. 184.5 ; at the time of the
second visit we exp.aitied (writhes on the marriage of the
Duke of Montpensier with the Infanta. We said to Lord
Aberdeen that it was a marriage which perfectly suited the
king and France ; but we did not wish to obtain an end by
indirect and crooked means; as lung us the Queen of Spain
was not married, the marriage of the Infants had for us
the same political value as the marriage of the Queen
herself. Lord Aberdeen acknowledged the openness of our
conduct, and expressed a wish to work in concert, to marry
the Queen of Spain within the limits agreed upon. When
the marriage of the Queen had taken place, then no
objection could he mode to the mar: huge of the Duke
of Montpensier with the Infanta. The sovereign, having
returned to their respective eapitels, the question of the
marriages was taken up at Madrid, wile re it continued to
occupy the government. It was still Count Trapani who
was in view. As I before said, it met with serious obstacles,
sad others sprung up by Spanish or through other influences.
The name of the Prince of Coburg, which had been pro-
. nouneed at various times, came forward in a more prominent
manner, and its appearance, backed by Spanish influence,
caused us some anxiety. I manifested as much to Lord
I Aberdeen. Lord Aberdeen re-assured me completely, by
telling me that I had nothing to fear from that quarter. At
the same time the Spcnish government made us a formal
of concluding immediately a merrirge between the
proposal
Trapani and the Quo en, provided a marriage was at
the same time contracted between the Infanta and the Duke
of Montpensier. The government of the King refused, in
order to remain faithful to the engagements it had taken.
In 1845, the Neapolitan combination loot ground, and
the Kenitra cabinet that supported it was on the po:nt
of retiring. General Narvaez left affairs in Feb. 1816.
It won a serious thing for us. I therefore called M. de Jee-
r= to Paris, and made him acquainted with the int tntions
of the government of the king, in case our principle should
be endangered. M. de Jamac took a note of it. It was
communicat d to L trd Aberdeen. A new overture was
made to us at thin period by the ne w Spanish cabinet under the
Marquis de Miraflore', namely, the marriage of the Duke of
Montpensier with the infanta at meee, before the marriage
of the Queen. We refused that overture for the same resew
which had induced us to reject a simultaneous marriage, out
of respect for previous engagements. It is in this situation
that, in the month of May, M. Bremen directed my atten-
tion to the active and menacing negotiations that were
carrying on at Madrid in favour of the Cohurg combination;
and at the same time I received notice from Lord Aberdeen
that the Spanish government had applied to the Duke of
Saxe Coburg, while he was at Lisbon, to ask his consent to
the marriage of Prince Leopold with the Queen. The
chamber will judge how great was our surprise, not at the
fact itself, but on learning that the English ambes-
sailor at Madrid was aware of it, and approved it.
This I frankly expressed to Lord Ab. rdeen, who wrote to
hie minister at Madrid, and blamed him for leaving taken
the slightest part in the business. The true cause of what
took place at Madrid is this: The Spanish government, from
the very fled, had the intention of contracting a great mar-
riage for the quern, to give the se pport of a grand •lliance
to Spain—that of France or of England—by a French prince or
bya Coburg. It is to the Spanish government—and t• it only,
and not to any foreign influence—that we must attribute the
explosion which happened at that moment. Meeting with
the difficulty of our formal refusal, the Spanish government,
in the interest of its policy and pursuant to it, consent in-
teution, catered actively into the Coburg combination.

VIENNA, JAN. 14.

With the death of the Archduke Palatine, a new
phase in the modern history of Hungary commences.
The first start from the antiquated mode of governing
that fine country took place after the cholera riots of
1831 and 1832, which proved for Hungary a whole-
some visitation, much as the corn riots of western
Europe seem likely to prove for Ireland and France.
The landed proprietors were then first made aware
that a faulty 53 stem of government is not likely to
prove detrimental to the poorer classes alone. They
learned that the interests of the rich are to
the full as much staked on the failure
of a government scheme as any other. The
steps taken to ameliorate the condition of the Hunga-
man peasants, immediately after the disastrous crisis
alluded to, have by strenuous co-operation between
the government and the really liberal party, of which
Count Stephen Steezeny is the leader, conferred the
inestimable benefit of freedom of person and of in-
dustry on a body of people exceeding ten millions in
number. From a condition little above absolute serfage,
the Hungarian peasant has become a landed proprietor,
with almost a better tenure than his quondam lord.
The noble is but a fief-holder, and, on the failure of
heirs male in his family, the estates revert to the
crown as suzerain. The peasant's tenure depends on
the payment of the rent-charge, for which his labour
dues have been commuted. But other rights of free-
men have been obstinately withheld by the Austrian
court which the Hungarians prize more in a state of
comparative freedom than they could as serfs. They
have of late demanded freedom of the press and free
administration of justice. With these guarantees
they feel that the independence of the country is
secured both against foreign and internal attacks.
The reluctance shown by the Austrian court to grant
to Hungary benefits that are carefully withheld from
the more highly cultivated kingdoms of Bohemia and
Lombardy, has nourished an opposition in the
country that would otherwise have been alto-
gether dissipated. The high office of Palatine of
Hungary, now vacant by the death of the Archduke
Joseph is by the constitution of Hungary elective.
The Palatine is, nominally at least, chosen by the
nobles, who form a large portion of the population,
representing the freemen of olden time. It is not
long since there was much talk of proposing the pa-
triotic Count Steezeny as Palatine, in the case of a
vacancy. And if the high feeling and strong mind
of that nobleman did not raise him above such a petty
object of ambition he might even now obtain an
enviable testimony of the gratitude of his country-
men. The candidate of the court will, of course, be
the young Archduke Stephen, son to the deceased Pala-
tine, a popnlar youth, who has been, for some time past,
Governor of Bohemia. The acquiescence of the Hun-
garian Diet in this choice will, however, be regarded
at Vienna as a concession. The opportunity may be
seized by the liberal party to demand an extension of
popular rights ; and, notwithstanding the menacing
aspect that the Austrian government has thought
proper of late to assume towards the Poles, the Hun-
garians have only to make their demand to obtain all
they desire.
With the Archduke Palatine, the first of a list of
statesmen and potentates, whose personal influence
has long preserved the present state of things in their
respective countries, leaves the political arena. As
each of his colleagues and contemporaries follows, the
bonds that have in many places been tightened almost
beyond the endurance of the people, must be slack-
ened. We trust that the oppressed will in the hoar
of triumph display more moderation than their op-
pressors. Otherwise, the prospects of Europe are
anything but cheering.

ITALY.—NtrtEe, JAN. 6.—The volcano corn-
atence4 an eruption on the evening of the 4th inst.
GERMANY.—WEI M %ft, JAN.ll.—Schiller's sinter-
isedaw, Caroline Von Woleogen, the lent surviving member
of the Weimar " Court of the Muses," expired this morn-
ing, aged 84 'Tars. She was the authoiess of a " Life of
eeliller," of a novel ("Cordclio "), and of some other
werks.
CRACOW, JAN. 11,—The incorporation of our terri-
tory into the system of the Austrian customs, which had been
announced for the Ilth instant, has been adjourned to an
undetermined period Nevertheless, the officers of the cus-
toms are nearly always stationed along the frontiers. Now
it is stated that the concentration of Russian troops along
the frontiers is net to superintend the receipts, but to furnish
the troops with means of su'aistence ate cheaper rate than
in the interior of Poland.—FranAjort Journal, Jan. 18.
' " . . .

•
PARTITION OF TURKRY.—According to the Leipzig
Allgemeine Zeiteing, • work by a M. Run, who is attached
to the Belgian Embassy at Constantinople, containing a plan
for a partition of Turkey, has created a great sensation there.
As the plan is drawn up in the interest of Rossi•, the author
expects to be screened both from Turkish violence, and from
the natural dissatisfaction that may be expected to be shown
in Belgium at this troublesome ottlcLuinem of one of the
Belgian employes.