The Express.
London, England, 1851-01-27 00:00:00

Paresis not to give an electeeniarive withesit
permission of the Diet ? MANTIMMIL, has given,
everything but this, and give. ap‘,,thrp he would.
doubt, for he owns no God • but- liar. B4tArtil
And it ads to do so ? F. this great and last topolve
we must wait.
From the continued attacks of the SCHWARZEN-
BERG organ, the Times, upon Finish", we should
argue that Austria is not quite content with Prussia's
submission. There is still some hitch. The Prus-
sian court does not bear the political knout with
resignation, and therefore the Austrian organs,
which one should think might be more mag-
nanimous towards an bumbled foe, continue to
insult and spit upon Prussia and its King. We do
not, for our own part, feel at all disposed to defend
the Prussian court, especially against the slanders of
that party with which it has leagued. We would
merely hint, that no writer, really acquainted with
the true state of things and persons at Berlin, would
at present abed unnecessary insults on FREDERICK
Wamax. But what the Times said on Friday of
Prussia and its institutions is uttered in such complete
ignorance or contradiction of facts, that we must ex-
pend a sentence in correcting them.
The Times represents the Prussian system as essen-
tially despotic in throe minor details in which it argues
that the Austrian regime is to be preferred. sow,
with respect to "minor details," let us remark :
That Prussia has enjoyed municipal government
for upwards of furty years, its civic authorities being
elected by the householders since 1808; whereas in
Austria and Bavaria there are no authorities, muni-
cipal or otherwise, except those nominated by govern.

m-eat.
Prussia, moreover, since 1823, has had provincial
councils, also elected by the people, with large in-
fluence as the provincial administration, such as exists
no where on the continent, except in Belgiem and
These are the "minor details " of the Prussian sys-
tem, which, if permanently completed by the
parliamentary system, cannot but lead to the
political education and emancipation of the people
who enjoy them. Petunia has certainly failed
in achieving anything for Germany during •
tentative of three years. lier middle and intelligent
classes and statesmen have not been able to keep
down the fury of the mob with one hand, and conci-
liate the despotic lords of a million of soldiers with
the other. If the GAGERNS and the Aateires and the
Itsnowurzes have failed in this, it is that they have
had obstacles to encounter such ss neither PYM
and HAMPDEN, nor SOMERS and GODOLPHIN, nor
yet WALPOLE knew. The task of regene-
ratirg and emancipating Germany was • gi-
gentle one, and remains a gigantic one. Popular
Germany and princely Prussia have alike failed in it.
But there are still strong elements in both for re-
' miming the task, and renewing the struggle.
We have no durable prejudice or party tie that
would prevent us even now from appreciating and
doing justice to any fair effort of Austria to reconsti-
tute Germany in accordance with its tine interests,
and with the spirit of the age. We have even
refrained from comments in the hope that
some little fairnees of spirit, some particle of
liherality would show itself at Dresden. But no;
every scheme is redolent of Wa saw, every act is a
ukase, every official argument breathes the insolence
of autocracy. That any sensible continental statesman
could imagine that Germany could be solidly conso-
lidated, and the peace of Europe preserved by such
mere clanking of sabres and fetters is beyond belief.
And yet it is more marvellous that English journalists
in the middle of the nineteenth century should be found
to devote their pens to as apotheosis of such genpid
despotism and dull brutality.

MANCHESTER is in the habit of bolding a brief
parliamentary session in Jaruary, in order to test its
popular sentiment, as well as to expose and ventilate
the political ideas and views of its chiefs, previous to
their votes and voices being merged in that Babel of
conflicting interests and pieties at Westminster.
There can be no more important or interesting baro-
meter to consult than three several meetings of the
great manufacturing capital, some for instituting
protests and defence+ against Rowe, some for making
light of them, some for deprecating agitation, for
devising and insisting upon material and intellectual
improvement, for procaringlhe great raw material of
national as well as local manufactures, for opining
libraries for the working classes, for seeking how to
induce them to educate their children, and how to
make religious zeal an assistance, not an obstacle, to
so great a purpose.
The moat important of these sittings or meetings, if
net in aim, at least in its character and indication,

•
was that of Friday, at which the members for the
borough and for the neighbouring West Riding spoke
at length upon the complexion of the times, upon its
priucapal events, upon the triamphe and failings, the
hopes and fears, of the liberal party.
The key-note of the meeting was evidently struck
by Mr. Bsta, a veteran of proverbial shrewdness and
sagacity, well skilled to read the age, and cmura-
geo•s enough to say aloud what he beheld. Mr.
DYER very plainly informed his friends that political
effervescrces had gone down, that agitation wee at •
discount, that the Helorm Bill had, to his mind, pro-
duced very few and unsatisfactory results ; but that,
nevertheless, the reform party, Instead of growing
stronger, was but stationary in the House of Com-
mons, and could not master more talent or more votes
than it could halt a century ago

Whes George the Third was king.
Ws regret much not having a better report of Mr.
DYER'. sp.ech, which seemed to accuse the Man-
chester reformers of lukewarmness, of not appealing
to the thoroughly popular interests, or extending
the franchise, acd, in tact, attribatimg the present
syncope of radicalism to the feet of middle-claas and
lower-elan agitators having been kept apart and
prevented from givicg mutual warmth and impalas
to sack other.

All the speakers present met this boulade from the
mouth of Mr. Dean by a recapitulation of the
m4hty things that had been done in Manchester, by
I *tun of the immense changes wrought, not merely
in legislation, but in social and political habits; the
revolution in commercial principles and laws; the
pacific and economic policy forted upon the
government; and the great improvement and
advance in liberalism made by all parties
in the House of Commons, so that if the thorough
radicals were not observed to pm the num-
ber of 100, it was that the majority or portions of the
majority stole from the reeleds their principles and
their political capital, bit by bit, as they became
available, and thus that their liberal ideas were pro- '
pirated and made to prevail, even by those who not
only did not profit by them, but who had not even the
honour or the name of rendering them triumphant.
Mr. BRIGHT and his brother politicians admitted
indeed the fact of there being a lull" at present. It
was, however, according to him, but the pause of a
man, who relaxes efforts, in order to reflect how he
may beet and most efficiently renew them. This
" lull" was accounted foe by some as arising from the
prevalence at present of religious controversy, wineh
absorbed all other topics of interest. Mr. GIBSON
seemed inclined to fling the blame upon the
press. Mr. COBDEN thought it needless to be
so very anxious about keeping public feeling
up to a continued state of incandescence. He
foe his part had done his duty by steadily pur-
ening certain aims and questions since the great
triumph of corn law repeaL These aims had been
partially attained, and neither time nor energy had
been thrown away or missipplied. Satisfied fully,
therefore, with his success, NIL COBDEN was for the
silent and solid gains, leaving the achievements of
(clot to those who more desired them.
In all these different assertions and arguments,
much truth as there may be, there still remains the
great fact of there being, not merely a "lull" in
liberal enthusiasm, but a very great and sensible re-
scion in the general aspect of political hope, and tone
of :political opinion. The events of 1848, there
cannot be a doubt, have had a most un-
toward effect. These events, with still sur-
viving consequences in France and elsewhere,
have alarmed ail the higher ranks, and all the pro-
pertied classes, and driven the large mass of those, who
were before indifferent on i echoed to liberal tendencies,
to speak, act, and lean in a contrary direction. The
fear of the ascendancy and domination over the middle
and upper classes by the people, a thing to be scouted
in 1847 as an impossibility, was realised a year later
in such a way as that every Englishman beheld the
nature, the foundation, and the results of such
a revolution. There is no denying, no use in
cozzcalicg the effect. Thousands upon theusar.ds
of persons, who were liberal ia religion, liberal