The Express.
London, England, 1853-09-09 00:00:00

REPLY OF THE BRITISH GOVERNMENT TO

MR. EVERETT'S LETTER.
LOAD IOHN 11:1111aLL TO MIL CRAW

Foreign Office, Feb. 16, 1863.

Sir,—Lord Malmesbury received, just before leav-
ing °Mee, the note addressed to you by Mr. Everett, and
left it for the consideration of his successor.

The absence from London of the ambassador of France
has hitherto prevented the communication between the two
governments which the circumstances of the proposal made
jointly required.

I have now to inform you of the view which her Majesty's
government take of Mr. Bveretrareply to oar overture.
It is doubtless perfectly within the competence of the
American government to reject the proposal that was made
by Lord Malmesbury and M. Turgot, in reference to
Cuba. Bach government will remain as free u it was
before to take that course which its sense of duty, and •
regard for the interests of Its people may prescribe.
I should have satisfied my obligations as Secretary of
State by this obvious remark, had not Mr. Everett entered
at large into arguments which the simple nature of the
question beta* him hardly seemed to require.
The governments of Great Britain and France, when
they made this proposal to that of the United States, were
fully aware of the growth of power and extension of terri-
tory which have marked the progress of the United States
since the period of their independence. The absorption
or annexation of Louisiana in 1803, of Florida in 1819,
lof Texas in 184.5, and of California in 1848, had not
escaped them ; still leas did they require to be reminded
of the events of the seven years war, or of the American
war.

It occurs to her Majesty's government. therefore, to ask
for what purpose are these arguments introduced with so
much preparation, and urged with so much ability ?
It would appear that the purpose, not fully avowed, but
hardly concealed, is to procure the admission of a doctrine
that the United States have an interest in Cubs, to which
Great Britain and France canno pretend. In order to
meet this pretension, it is necessary to set forth the chine
ter of the two powers who made the offer in question, and
the nature of that offer. Mr. Everett declares, in the out-
set of hie despatch, that " the United States would not see
with indifference the island of Cuba fall into the possession
of any other European government than Spain," ike.
The two pow'ss mast likely to possess themselves of Cuba,
and most formidable to the United States, are Great Bri-
tain and France.

Great Britain is in possession, by treaty, of the island of
Trinidad, which in the last century was a colony of Spain ;
France was in possession, at the commencement of this
century, of Louisiana, by voluntary cession from Spain.
These two powers, by their naval resources, are in fact the
only powers whn could be rivals with the United States for
the possession of Cubs. Well, these two powers are ready
voluntarily to "declare, severally and collectively, that
they will not obtain or maintain for themselves, or for any
one of themselves, any exclusive control over the said
island (of Cuba), nor assume nor exercise any dominion
over the same."

Thus, if the object of the United States were to bar the
acquisition of Cuba by any European state, this convention
would secure that object.
But if it is intended, on the part of the United &Atte, to
maintain that Gnat Britain and Franco hare no interest it

the maintenance of the present statust
the united States have alone • right to a voice in that
matter, her Majesty's govirnment at once tiro* to admit
such • claim. Her Majesty's possessions iu the West lodise
alone, without insi,tiog on the importance to Mexico and
other friendly states of the present dace abution of power
give her Majesty an interest in this gut stivn *Lich iik;
cannot forego.

The possessior.s of France in this American seas, gin
similar interest to France, which, no doubt, will be put for-
ward by her government. Nor is this right at an tar W,
dated by the argument of Mr. Everett, that Cuba is to the
liniteti States as an island at the mouth of the Thames or
the Seine would be to England or France.

The distance of Cuba from the nearest part of the terri-
tory of the United States, viz., from the southernmost part
of Florida, is 110 miles.
An is:and at an equal distance from the mouth of tha
Thames would be placed about ten miles north of Antwerp,
in Belgium ; while an island at the same distance frog
Jamaica would be placed at Manzaoilla, a morn in Cuba.
Thus there are nu grounds for sayi the poistision
of Cuba by Great Britain or France Vi be menacing to
the United States; but that its poosessien by the United
States would be so to Great Britain.

There is one argument of the United States Secretary
of
State, which appears to her Majesty's government not only
unfounded, but disquieting.
. .

Lord Malmesbury and M. de Turgnt put Lirward, u a
reason for entering into the proposed conso.na, •' the lateral
whice have lately been made on the Island of Cuba by law.
leu bands of adventurers from the United States, and with
the avowed design of taking pobsession of that Island."
To this reason Mr. Everett replies in these term.: " The
President is convinced that the conclusion of such a treaty.
instead of putting a atop to these lawless proceeding;
would give a new and powerful impulse to them."

The government of Great Britain acknowledges, with
respect, the conduct of the President in disavowing and
discouraging the lawless attempts here referred to. The
character of these attempt*, indeed, was such as to mite
the reprobation of every civilised state. The spectacle of
bands of men, collected together in reckless disregard of
treaties, for the purpose of making, from the ports of the
United States a piratical attack on the territi.ry of a power
in amity with their own state ; and when there, endeavour-
ing, by armed invasion, to excite the obedient to revolt,
and the tranquil to disturbance, was a sight shocking, no
doubt, to the just and honest principles of the President.
But the statement made by the l'resident, that a Come.,
tion, duly signed and legally ratified, engaging to respect
the present state of possession in all future time, would
but excite these bands of pirates to more violent
breaches of all the laws of honesty and good neigh-
bourhood, is a melancholy avowal for the chief of a great
state. Without disputing its truth, her Majesty's govern-
ment may express a hope that this state of things will not
endure, and that the citizens of the United States, while
they justly boast of their institutions, will not be insensible
to the value of those eternal laws of right and wrung, of
peace and friendship, and of duty to our neighbours, which
ought to guide every Christian nition.

Nor can a people so enlightened fail to perceive the
utility of those rules for the observance of international
relations, which for centuries have been known to Europe
ley the name of the law of nations. Among the commen-
tators on that lAw, some of the most distinguished American
citizens have earned an enviable reputation; and it is
diffi-
cult to suppose that the United States would set the example
of abrogating its most sacred provisions.

- - Nor let it be said that such a convention would have pre•
vented the inhabitants of Cuba from asserting their inde-
pendence. With regard to internal troubks, the proposed
convention war altogether silent. But a pretended decla-
ration of independence, with a view of immtiliotely seeking
refuge, from revolt on the part of the black., under the
shelter of the United States, would justly be looked upon as
the same in effect as a formal annexation.

Finally, while fully admitting the right of the United
States to reject the proposal that was made by Lord
Malmerbury and M. de 'Forgot, Great Britaiu must at ones
resume her entire liberty, and upon any urcasiuu that may
sall for it, be free to act singly, or in conjunction with
other powers, as to her may seem tit.

1 am, &c. J. RUSSELL.
TO THE EARL OF CLARENDON.
(Eltract.]l
Watibington, April 18, 1853.

In obedience to the instruetiou contained‘ in Lord John
Russell's despatch, of the 21st February, I have read to the
Secretary of State of the United States, and placed in his
hands a copy of his lordship's despatch, of the 16th of that
month, upon the subject of Cuba.
My French colleague having also received instructions
from his government to communicate to the government of
the United States, a despatch upon tho tame subject, and
eery much to the same effect, it was agreed bet aeon us that
we should, as upon former occasions, in regard to this
matter, make our communications simultaneously; and we
accordingly waited upon Mr. Marcy together, for that par-
pose, on the 16th inst.

Mr. Marty, after having listened attentively to what M.
de Sartirtes and myself read to him, said that he would
submit the observations of the two governments to tho
President; and remarked that several weeks might pro-
bably elapse before any reply would be addressed to us,
even should the President be of opinion, which Mr. Marcy
seemed to think doubtful, that any further discussion of the
matter between the two governments was desirable.

It would, he added, of course be necessary tor him again
to read over the despatches, in order to comprehend their
full import; but, as tar as he could now judge, the opinions
of the two governments seemed to coincide in reference to
two points—viz., the one that the right of the United States
to decline the proposals made to them by the English sad
French governments wan admitted ; the other, that some of
the geaeral positions taken by Mr. Everett, in his note of
the let of December, 1852, appeared to those government
to render a protest against them on their part necessary,
lest it might hereafter be interred that those positions had
been acquiesced in by them.
We replied that, without pretending to point out to Mr.
Marcy what further step he was or was not to take in this
matter, the object which our respective governments had ls
view seem tons to be,generally,such as he bad stated it ; and
that we, for our part, considered the discussion of the ',ab-
ject closed by the communication which we had just made.
Mr. Marcy appeared to receive our observations in a ma-
eiliatory manner, and concluded by expressing his hope sad
belief that no misunderstanding would arise between the
great maritime powers in regard to this matter.

GERMAN REFUGEES.