The Express.
London, England, 1849-04-25 00:00:00

0100, tkue beiar 140 amens at pro-

soateadod %Nat Ilk. Mawr of the Bath
d WA is mord Is eke esti military
then airliferersp *Mart Ito whir
6 slo ismer Aided that be lad era
the ..wk el the rampage, sad TO.
it lad bed asopportintty of meting
I sad olstrithrs a iliery.
- >e th. modsot of arida pow
iss, sites the sem et Lard Genii
at
sass spend tile =
rotrentaad have sacke =fra sad
ass.
imbed that B.r J. Thoetwell, the or
set boss pat n prom lowly forward
lam
lb* first rtrolatios bobs pat, that
• Brot Whom* tzprotood th• opiates
yes erellied to great credit for amni-
a resermosistion of the But ladia
this oppeiner it of governor general,
Mtn his by obligation iatoasittost
aids tart Wing bad so ism. dist'

ire then separately pat and agreed to.
rum WITH BRAZIL.
—bo, 1 have ikon* it right to bring
et the hone the peon slate of the re-
ties the Belted Maiden and the ma-
p milinit to the keen some tionaiderg-
Itli that subject whigh ere, 'nay opinion,
ono of parliament. It is lay Wend=
• of
the been on what I eemigive to be
eatiefainory mate of relstiSSl Si between
in which they now fled dismesien,
like the tense of tlus Bee" Z min
as to the prt sent stated Bede
that ineumber dee=
red. I prenated apt titles a few Begs
by
el the Chamber of CAIMPOSIK• al
I by tile president. The boo. menhee
I un, vehicle prayed foe a repeal of lbe est
which at', fa the words of the pale%
ilesatim of the lin:ills& penemignek,
misat'es of the treaty en whisk Wig&
ridasta rested. The speaker wastes teem
to ham bees made, tad the Beide
in Brasil Sr. attain, to a wane pull=
of say otter csigitry, alt Ille
between Bruit sad the Walled
enresim, end although the" la WWI
ge that, bat fur gene special one
peen the two nutria wend be of a me
sl nature. (Bear, hear ) We have bad
over to Brawl who ham reneged den
we have had wry diplomatic cone=
we lank belerelhie hone, we are
Meeting dense, and therefore I lay din
a hasty or precipitate step when I may
t nos be semething like parliamentary
kr se @salute the diploatatiats to we
kin, end if possible to lii upst a Mei.
I 011dIebillt of all differenme. igNrsi
mey be end that the unpleasant
Base tees dislike to England, 4 eon
hi omen mimesis she has beta
gabs of pen be no abolition of the elan
.is nesalsetalte anima that this is Sot
it sot Mao we are antique for the we-
slave trade den Mb feeling exists. 7W
meet o• Bosh t inverig' ly, sad up le
r, Anatol l
amt
moiredes to Ale seek
t, la a-opera will laity
ittohrion of the slam trade. It was, gliellea
py wen usable, sad sat became they etmel
they fitEed to retry such laws throsili
net es wen necessary for the sermilea
rade. They have evinced a et' *peen
.rp, ration, fenn.led on each a treaty ea
tie stereos of their lawtel emceesr
it. rights of their roariag treat end of their
her do protest altogether wain. this country
Kit • right to deal with either the per.
rty of Brazilian subjetta for carrying oa
id*, inept in strict strongly* with
ow, and according to th • provisions
4 robeistsest b..t•ren as. (liter, hear.)
tioe expressed by Lord Aberdeen, when eon-
a letter of instructions to the Admiralty Is
• he told that department to sheep the
they hay need to *vie have
ty as well read It to the bone. Died Aber-

not vote for the =eel= if he thought it gave the slightest in-
dication of a &position to encourage the atrocious erica.
of slavery, that nobody was consistent in the vote which
they intended to give, except the hon. member foe Montrose,
who said that he wished to set the slave trade free. What
would be the effect of rep: sling this law ? It would entirely
exempt the Snell= flag from di eaketation:in the entreat
of slavery ; even if the cant of Aida was 'merman with'
slave traders of every nation sailing ender the prottotive lei
of Brasil, elasisiag their visions Semi ems end of the
continent to the ether Ile that the hen. mad leaned
gentleman, la vs** kw .the satin Obis right hon. ied.
was iving,notaalaifea that as far es Ideate
could go he was wiles Wit loses the dew trade mile nest
of Africa. As te-thelsw Itself, the statement made ke the
right hen. lentinet spuds, sod the statement mai, by dm
hon. mid homed inflemeaa esseed piss the matter en
the shwa* and mugs aiddery feedag. He had lima we
paste upon lealeastion In wretch he sed his prekienem
were aneerned, beaded ea a jumbled Nees. en a erellea•
lion of international piracy, and the prenatien of phew.
At one moment gentlemen a-gued this matter es
if dealing with international piracy, and then
they changed their ground, and tinted it es con-
ventional piracy, and then they went back to international
piracy and the confusion of their ideas led them to think
their arguments absurd. There is a piracy which, by the
law of nation', is cognisable by all statique, consisting of acts I
of violence planned on the high sae, which is proved by an
overt act, and which when committed and the parties taken
in the fact is punishable summarily without national inter-
vention ; but the slave trade was not piracy by the law of
nations. It :Blight be made piracy by convention or by the
law of any particular country. In this ewe Great Britain
and Bread made a convention by which any ant of the slave
trade committed by the subjects of Brazil should be deemed
end treated as piracy. Subsequently the government Pre-
med to parliament and parliament adopted the bill by which
In crime committed by British subjects was brought to
the cognisance of a British tribune]. The bill became law,
and had been acted upon since' but the hon. and learnt
gentleman said that he objected to the law, not because it
went too far, bat because it did not go far enough. He
Add that the parties ought to have been dealt with, and not
the ships only. If be had contended that we bad gone be-
yond the treaty, he (Lord Palmerston) could have under-
stood the areument, 'but he mold not wee that not having
gone to the full extent was a reason to show that they had
gone beyond where they were entitled to go. It could not be
esatinverted, *strewn the time of passing the law which
Mes seated in Brasil, in virtue and execution of the con-
miliest, the government of Beall bad pursued an unin-
tended menu ell violation of the engagement. It was
mei yes MO elenning_ power to deal with the subjects of
Brasil 111111•1110er which the law of Brazil does not war-
rant. Many boa. members seemed Ignorant that there was
a law inflicting punia.rment on the slave trade—they had not
made it piney. There was in 1831 a law which, if carried
into execution, would have had a great effect in checking
the perpetration of this crime ; the vessel was con-
Sweated, and every person connected in any degree with
the transaction was by the law subject to the same
degree of punishment. And, therefore, so far from its being
true that we did more than the law of Brazil would do, we
did less, because our law applied only to the ship and cargo,
wheats the law of Brazil went to the extent of punishag
every mar. It was said that after the law was passed, a
communication was made to the Brazilian government, that i
if they would wee to the slave trade treaty, a proposal
would be made to repeal the law. That state-
ment
was true, and as the late government were
ready to propose to parliament a repeal of this law,
whenever the Brazilian government made an adequate
equivalent in the shape of the slave trade treat,
so, he was ready, on the asset kotaition, to presto". the re-
pal of the law. But when he was told that an arrangentrut
for such a treaty was virtually concluded by Lord Aberdeen,
before be left office, he cld only say that that atement
was new tee
him. All that he kneir was, that Mr.st Hamil-
ton, at Brazil, was instructed to make a government com-
munication to that effect. It was true that when he came
into office in February, 1847, tee Brazilian minister did
communicate to him the draft ot a treaty which he said
had been drawn up tud prepared by the govern-
ment not then in °Hoe, sea therefore ho was
not authorised to propene it in an official way, so as to bo •
communication of the existing goverament. That was the
only proposal from the government of Brazil. That ap-
peared liable to great objection, and be sent to Lord Row-
an each a draft as would be accepted by the British
government. The treaty wee not accepted by the govern-
ment of Brasil; they stated their intention of sending a
counter project; that counter project had never arrived. It
was said that this question ot the slave trade was
the cause why we bad no cominercisl treaty with
Brazil and he understood his eight hon. friend that it was
en amount of this controversy that the Brazilian government
liaised to continue the export treaty of commerce. That
was not so. The forager treaty of commeree which we had
with Brazil wasa treaty by. which import duties were li-
mited to a low amount. Teat trestywu Mt sea most irkse
restraint by the Brssitivn government. They king
dared it an impediment to the arrangement of their
and they were longing for the day when they should get
free. Therefore it was a mistake to suppose that raising the
duties from 15 to 25 per sent was a rega-
-1 illation for our anxiety about the slave trade.
It was the natural re-action of a government which had long
telt its resources crippled by an engagement mode many
years before. Gentlemen would deceive themselves if they
imagined that if they were to let 1 nes the Basilian @leve-
-1 trader, they would find the Brazilians willing to enter iato
arrangements similar to those from which they had escaped.
The fact was, that treaties of commerce, fixing mutual tariffs,
, were treaties in which this country was not likely to enter,
and to which other countries would feel insurmountable
t objections. Practically he did not think his hon. friend would
I say that our commerce with Brazil suffered under inconve-
, 'dent restrictions. He had only to add, that he considered
this law to be perfectly insetted ; he held it to be perfectly
borne out by the treaty ot 1826 Ile wee convinced that, if
you abolished it, you at once sole-d the question whether the
slave trade should be allowed to revive or not. If they were
to revive it, they would do that against which the feelings of
the country would greatly revolt ; and even those who
were of opinion that everything had been done on
the subject, and that we ought to retrace our
steps mid rrmit the crime to go free, ought to suspend any
effort to carry their opinions into practice until the commit-
tee which was considering this matter should have reported,
and have stated whether they saw any other means better
calculated than the present f accomplishing the object, and
what those means, according to:tteir instructions, were. On
these grounds he should resist the motion of his hon. friend,
and he could not allow himself to doubt that the majority of
the house would adhere to those principles to which the
honour of the country was pledged, and would not now, when
they had made some progress in their consummation, by
votiog for the motion of his right hon. friend, sanction the
opinion that this country was indifferent to the continuants
of the abominable traffic.
Mr. E. PALMER said that the argument of h 6 hon. and
learned friend the member for Oxford proceeded on a fallacy.
The government of Brazil could not complain if we pro-
ceeded to deal with those engaged in slavery as we should be
justified in dealing with other pirates. There could be no
doubt that parliament had authority to say that a pirate
Tinsel captured lawfully
.by ships of this country should be
dealt with by the Admiralty courts. The government of
Breit had precluded itself from saying that they were Bra-
zilian vessels or entitled to the protection of Branli in law.
Mr. COBDEN said the noble lord the member for Tiver-
ton (Lord Palmerston) had done great injustice to his hon
friend the member for Monroe., and chore who concurred
with him in condemning the present method adopted to
suppress the slave trade, by assuming that they wished for a
return to the old practice of the slave trade. (Hear, hear )
If there were one thing more universally admitted than an-
other, it was the disastrous failure of the attempts to put
down the slave trade by means of armaments. (Cries of
" No, no," from Col. Thompson.) His gallant friend said
" No, no." He would remind him of a statistial face Did
not the Anti-Slavery Society, in the little tract which they
had sent to hon. members that morning, state, and prove by
figures the truth of the statement, that the number of slaves
now transported from Africa was more than it was in 1807,
when the slave trade was carried on both by England
and the United States of America? (Hear, bear.) If
mo slava were now taken by other countries than
werere required altogether, when England and Frame were
the two greatest customers for slaves, could there be a doubt
that all their attempts to suppress the slave trade by face
had disastrously failed ? In the same little paper, which
was. he supposed, designed to induce them to vote against the
motion of bra hen. friend, it was stated that the number of
deaths on the middle plenum had increased from 14 per cent
to 25 per cent. since 1807, and that the horrors of the middle
passage had increased in the same proportion. (Hear, hear.)
Under these circumstances, it was rather too herd—it was
somewhat cool—for the noble lord to get up (the right hon.
baronet the member for Tamworth put the argument on a
similar issue) and say that those who voted for the disarm-
tinuance of the employment et armed cruisers were for that
reason advocated a return to the slave trade. Why what said
the Anti Slavery Society itself inthe little pamphlet whinthe,
all hod in their pockets. The very first paragraph of an ad-
dress presented to the noble lord the member for Tiverton
by the Anti Slavery S witty, and signed "John Scoble, 27,
Broad-street," was a protest against these armed cruisers, as
leaving been Wily unsuccessful. Did the noble lord mean
to say that Mr. Sable and the Anti-Slaver( Society were in
favour of returning to the slave trade ? Hear, hear.) If
the argument were good as agent the on. member for
Montrose, equally good was it me against the Anti-Slavery
Society ; and he must say it was rather hard that those who
had borne the heat of the agitation in the anti-slavery
cause, from the early life of Mr. Clarkson down to the pre-
sent day, should be included in a general condemna-
tion because they were not in favour of employing
armed truism. He believed that the reason
why they had hitherto failed to abolish the slave
trade was, that they had relied on coercion. His great
quarrel with the anti-slavery people of the present day was,
teat they had departed from their own principle of attempt-
ing to influence nations by appals to humanity and re-
ligion, and bad attempted to effect their object through
statesmen and politicians. From the moment when the
Anti-slavery Society went with deputations to Downieg-
street to urge the coercion of other nations into the adoption
of 231 U-slavery principles, they had done more harm than goad.
Going bosh to the beginning of the system, he would asset
that every drat made at the congeal of Vienna, and every
effort midis et Paris in 1814, had Produced the same Lei°'
nonei eeninatmoss. In letters of the Duke of Wellington.'
written from Park in 1814, it was stated distinctly that
Fronk newnemses and French society gave them no
seek-
credit
whienver siessrity, and that they were regarded as
ing to Wave* seam saisse in order that they might carry
on the selfish trate due. If they would give other coun-
tries credit be bang the
_same power to repress moral evils
=freed by *metres, and if they would content
wide setting a_good example, they would do far
mere eel thea they Wild effect by mans of armed anima

Re would not trouble the house with one word about the
legal question ; he would only add that he baieved the
stasmen of Europe and the diplomatic corps of the whole
world were oppoeed to the treatment which Brazil received
teem this country.
After a few observations from Col. THOMPSON in oppo-
dam to the motioe, the honks divided—
The house then divided.
Per the motion
Against
FIRE INQUESTS.
Mr. WYLD moved for leave to bring in a bill to explain
and amend the law relating to the holding of icquests or
elute of itquiry in cases of firs in any part of tho United
Kingdom.
The ATTORNBY.GENERAL opposed the bill as eoa-
templating a waste of time and money. A fee
for eac
alh fire
e
oa each of the 52000 fine supposed te take phase annuly i
the United Kingdom would be rather an important addition
to the county rata. (Hear, hear.)
The gallery was cleared, but subsequently the motion was
negatived withcut a division.
WAYS AND MEANS.
The report of the committee of ways gad meats was
brought up and agreed to.
The house adjourned at a quarter past one o'clock.

Mr. Richard Harris, Member for Leicester,
with Sir H. Williamson, Bart., in favour of the
ing for the abolition of tSe Navigation Lbws.

Zile 45):31VMS.

OUTGOING MAILS.
The ma ries Marseilles, to the Mediterranean, Esyfit, &Mato
Ceylon. India, lions.tions, ris., will be made up this erodes, the
25th of April.
Molts for Brill& North Amerlee and the United Mates will be
made up on the maks of the 27th April. j
the malls for Vito, tiliorttl/2 Lig." Madeira. Cadli, and filbtalta
Sill be made up on the morning of the 27th of April.
The malls for Madeira, Cape de Verde Wands, Mena Leone, sod
Aticenaion, will be made rip on the 20th of April. Letters to be sops.
daily addressed. " By her Majesty's ship:.
Ile West lads Mont'Maladies Bermuda, Itivranea, Names,
New Gerona and Healer,
excluding those for
=rant. Jaan.deiNkaragua, New Granada, Chili, and Para, will
be made up on the moraine of the led May.
The mails to Madeira, the Brazils, and Buenos Ayres, willbe made
up en the wombs of the 4th of May.
Ite matte for Gibraltar, Matta. Grease, the lonlui lolanda.
Mao, Gaylen, bed* liongiKong. sad Mu% eh; SouthesritenEr
loss made ap on the welsher et the Seth lies.

WATgR AT LONDON 111.1 DOE.
DAT :—lteralsp. 27 WA .it 3, Alter owe. 48 pl. put
lotAgw—llLendu, 30 els, t>♦ta 4 : Altarepaa, nada. But 4.

LONDON, WEDNESDAY, APRIL 25.
THERE is a question of considerable importance to
British merchants, shipowners, and underwriters, to
which it has b.en hitherto impassible to extract a
satisfactory answer from government; and yet the
question seems simple enough. It is :—Are al or any
of the German ports blockaded by the Dane.? Sow 0
documents, which we publish in another part of t'
day's impression, under the heading of "The Dc arh
Blockade," would induce us to answer "No."
If there bo one &aline of international law
blished with more certainty than another, h
ciples of reason and equity, and by h reti
precedent, it is, that a blockade to bo respe
go
re r
airiest.
un r smn
_nt
:Jed most
be real. It is the unquestiond rigla of
trwtenwttiltehtreaitifiheerisorsubethinofitstwneattereil
such a time, as to favour directly or indirectly the""
warlike operations of tire one the other party.
Neutrals are not allowed to traar . in contraband of
war, or to have intercourse with' . a blockaded port or
town. The reara of these exceptions is obvious.
Neutral!, by supplying one of. the belligerents with
munitions of eine, or by it traducing provisions or
other commodities into a toe in or harbour blockaded
fur the purpose of reducing it, or neutralising its co-
operation with the rest of the state to which it
belongs, abandon their character of neutrality and
biome a.miliaries.
But in international, as in municipal law, excep-
tional cases require to be strictly construed. The
prohibition of traffic in contraband of war, or with
blockaded places, as exceptional limitations of
the rights of neutrals, must be kept within
due limits. The free access of neutrals to the ports of
belligerents may not bo prevented by fictitious block-
ades. That access is properly debarred when hostile
fieeta or armies hem in a port or town, with •
view to reduce or isolate it, for to permit access in
each circumstances would bo to neutralise a military
cyeration. But when the fleets or armies are with-
drawn, the visits of neutrals do not interfere with the
rights of belligerents ; and to forbid them is a viola-
tion of the rights of neutrals. When hostile ships of
war are actually stationed before a port, neutrals are
bound either to abstain from entering it, or to take
the consequences if they try to run the blockade. Bat
there is no all upon them to show the slightest re-
spect to a mere paper blockade—a blockade
by decrees not enforced by the congenial 9 presence of
an armed force. A proc'amation blockade without
ships to carry it into effect is a mere sham to frighten
neutrals off a ground on which it is their undoubted
right to tread. Reason dictates that neutral com-
merce ought not to be exposed to the uncertainties,
litigations, and captious oppressions for which a mere
nominal blockade, or a blockade partially and inter-
mittingly enforced, may afford pretexts. And except
during the brief and lawless interval when Botta-
P aRTE with his Milan decrees, and the Tory rulers of
England with their Orders in Council kept trampling
with equal recklessness upon the rights of neutrals,
the practice of nations has confirmed the dictates of
reason.
Now, the papers above referred to prove beyond a
doubt that the alleged Danish blockade cf certain
German perte is a mere paper blockade. By decree
of the Danish government the ports of Cammin,
Swinemande, Wolgast, Greifswald, and Stettin, were
declared to be blockaded from the sth inst. Yet it is
certain that neither on that day nor any other previous
to the 16th inst. had any Danish vessels been sta-
tioned before the ports of Cammin or Wolgast, while'
at Swintintinde a Danish frigate and corvette had
only occasionally. appeared in sight. It appears
that the Danish frigate and corvette are
cruising in the Baltic, and taking upon them to
warn neutral vessels not to enter certain German porta
which are nevertheless not blockaded. It is physi-
cally impossible for two men-of-war to blockade the
five ports we have named, and they have not taken
up a permarent station before any one of them. Such
conduct on the part of Denmark is certainly not
described in too strong language by the British mer-
chants and agents at Stettin when they denounce it
as " a wanton molestation and hindcrance of friendly
and neutral merchant vessels on the high seas."
It is of the utmost consequence that every effort
should be made to keep Great Britain neutral in
the northern quarrel. The interests of our com-
merce, the moral sense of the nation, the desira-
bleness of this country's preserving an attitude
that inlay enable its government to prevent war
or accelerate the return of poop alike call upon our
government to neglect no step that may tend to keep
them but of the fray. But if Denmark is left without
warning to tamper After this irregular fashion with
I the strict principles that ought to regulate the prate
tic° of blockades, oar commerce cannot be safe from
the chance of insult or aggression. All that is re-
gaited to obviate the danger is for our government to
intimate in friendly terms to the Danish ministers
that they must either enforce their blcckade, or
desist from the pretext. British traders have a right
to know whether there is a real blockade or not. The
uncertainty occasioned by the irregular proceedings
et Denmark is enough to paralyse the trade of the
Baltic.
The matter to which we are now directing atten-
tion calls for parliamentary notice. The answers
from the Foreign-office to all inquiries respecting the
alleged Danish blockade have betrayed an nage-
countable reticence, or a culpable ignorance. The
questionlconcerns the merchants and commerce of
tile country, and these our leading British
diplomatists are too much in the habit of considering
beneath their notice. Lord PALMERSTON has too
.much to do, holding the balance between peoples and
dynasties • Lord ABERDEEN is too much the humble
servant oithe le.gitimato successors of the Holy Al-
liance to have leisure or inclination to attend to mere
vulgar matters of trade. The government at Wash-
ington thinks and acts otherwise • but British diplo-
macy is more genteel and chivalrous than that of the
North American Union.
Mr. Hurr appears to bavo been exerting himself
laudably to obtain some information for his consti-
tnews respecting the state of affairs in the Baltic
and off the mouth of the Elbe. It could be wished
that he would bring ministers to book on the subject
in the House of Commons. He is one of the few
members who are competent to the task. Mr. HAWES
his ability, and has devoted much attention to such
matters, but he is neutralised by official position. It
is when questions like this emerge that the want of
Mr. Itoeeucit in the house is felt—but he will soon

be there.

',