The Express.
London, England, 1847-07-13 00:00:00

THE Alleseneine Prewestivhe Zeitting—the official
journal of Prussia—of the 9th instant contains the
first of a series of articles on " The principle of the
customs legislation of the German Customs Union."
This semi-official document declares explicitly that
A revision of the tariff must of necessity contem-
plate a reduction of customs duties to the extent of at
least 10 per cent. on the value."
This unequivocal declaration is prefaced by three
Propositions :—That the object of the Customs Union
% gradually to introduce the system of free trade;
that free trade is recommended by experience; and
that many of the existing duties on imports levied in
the states of the Zollvercin, having been imposed with
a view to their gradual diminution, the time for a
further reduction has arrived.
The first of these propositions is established by a
rapid retrospect of Prussian financial and commercial
legislation:—
If we psw in renew our economical laws from 1807 to 1818,
it is obvious that the one idea which runs through them all
is the emancipation of industry, of property, of the entire
economy of the Prussian state. The emancipation of the
serfs and adscriptigh.s.e, in 1807, was followed in 1810 by
the freedom of operative industry; this, in 1811, by the
emancipation of landed property, the abolition of the earte•
like distinction between peasant lands, town lands, and noble
Lando; the opening of close incorporations of trades; the
removal of the hundred barren in the shape of
internal customs and excise duties, by which town
sal country were kept apart, and trade and mania-
futures abut vp within the narrow limits of cities.
The emancipation of national industry was the great and be-
nefizial idea of all these laws. The abolition of prohibitions
and high protective duties against foreign goods was • Ingi-
eal sequence to these enactments—the law of May 26, 1818,
and the tariff which followed it, and which is the basis of
the German Customs Union.
In support of the second proposition, the contrasted
experiences of the eastern and western provinces of
monarchy are appealed to. In the eastern :
The system of k rederick the Great was the most strict in
prohibition of the import of foreign goods that could be car-
ried into effect. The rule was entire prohibition of all im-
portation, even from Saxony ; duties of Zeo and 100 per cent.
were imposed on such goods as could not be entirely prohi-
bited ; the export of raw materials was prohibited in order
that manufacturer might have them cheap ; the manufac•
tarns were further encouraged by drawbacks and pre-
mimes. Notwithstanding all these sacrifices on the part of
the people and the state, the manufactures of the eastern
provinces remained in such a sickly condition that they could
not compete on equal terms with those of our own Saxon and
Westphalian provinces.
In the western provinces, on the contrary—
In the industrious county of Mark, in Wesel, the Rhenish
possessions Minden, Tecklenburg, and Heiligenstadt, all
foreign goods, and in particular those of England, were
admitted free, or on payment of low duties ; while the West•
phalian products were only admitted into the eastern pro-
vinces on the payment of 25 per cent. ad ralorAnt. . . .
Yet in these unprotected lands manufactures of cloth and
silk, all kinds of iron manufactures, the spinning and ma-
nufacture of cotton, attained the highest prosperity.
At last Count Be Low, in 1817, finding that the
protected manufacturers of the eastern provinces
could only supply the internal consumption by oe-
casional exceptional permissions to import foreign
goods, and by an extensive system of smuggling from
the Leipsic fair, resolved to put an end to the farce.
Maasen and Knuth developed the principles of free
trade in a masterly report to the Council of State in
1817, and the law of May, 1818, declared that the
fundamental principle of the new customs system
should be the admission for sale or transit of all kinds
of goods in all parts of the monarchy, and free ex-
portation.
In support of the third proposition, it is remarked:
The declaration of the law of May, 1818 (in paragraph 0),
that duties shall be imposed in proportion to measure, weight,
and number, can only have had this meaning—its object can
only be attained when from time to time averages are struck
of the value of foreign goods, in order that the rates of duty
may be reduced when permanent reductions in price have
taken place ; otherwise a prohibitive duty may soon grew up
out of a purely financial one.
- - - -

.
Variousinstances are then pointed out in which,
for want of a revision of the tariff of 1818, this
transformation has actually taken place. Thus, it
at present imposes virtually protective duties of 20
to 30 per cent. on woollen and cotton goods; of 30 to
40 per cent. on glass and earthenware ; of 30 to 100
per cent. on iron and cutlery ; of 50 to 100 per cent.
on manufactured tobacco ; of 70 per cent. on refined
sugar; of 23 per cent. on grain and cattle; and of 30
to 100 per cent. on wines.
The article concludes by an offer to demonstrate in
subsequent papers, in opposition to the advocates of a
protective sy stem, that " both the political and indus-
trial interests of the country require a reduction of
these high protective duties." This throwing down
of the gauntlet to the protectionists, taken in con-
nexion with the remark made in the beginning of
the article, that the reduction of any Zollverein duty
can only be effected with the concurrence of every
state in the Customs Union, entitles us to look upon
Prussia as having now openly taken the field as the
leader of the free-trade party in that confederation.

WE have seldom met with a case of greater hard-
ship and injustice than that which is shown by a par-
liamentary return to have been inflicted on Mr.
LiNcstow, lately a district judge in Ceylon. Some
of our readers may remember the name with the
distaste which is naturally associated with a person
who is only known to the public by his complaints of
a grievance ; and if they have looked further into the
case, they mac have received the not unfounded im-
pression that :\ r. LAxosLow is a gentleman of some-
what impracticable temper, and, therefore, probably
in a greater or less degree responsible for his own
misfortunes. Few, probably, will have taken the
trouble, which we have thought it our duty to un-
dergo, of examining the lettere and documents which
bear upon the case, and it is therefore peculiarly the
duty of the public press to expose the virulent injus-
tice of the local authorities, who procured the ruin of
Mr. LANG Low, and the unfairness of the Colonial-
office in gratifying their animosity.
Mr. GLtnsTosE and Lord GREY have both justified
their refusal to interfere in Mr. Laschtow's case on
the not unreasonable ground that the matter was de- ,
termined by Lord STANLEY, and that no new grounds
have been suggested as reasons for re-opening the
question. M'e cannot, however, but hope that the
present Secretary for the Colonies will willingly
defer to the expression of public opinion,
which a further inquiry into the circumstances
of the case can hardly fail to call forth.
Even Lord STANLEY seems at first to have
been inclined to counteract the injustice of the autho-
rities of Ceylon, and to have discerned the per-
sonal animosity which was mixed up with their
complaints against Mr. LANGSLOW ; but after a time
the habitual indolence of the Colonial-office, joined
to its leaning towards the military aristocracy who
govern its satrapies, prevailed as usual. It was easier
to dismiss a subordinate functionary than to rebuke a
governor and hiscouncil ; and because Mr. LANGSLOW
gave trouble he was removed, without considering
whether he might not be justified in his troublesome
course, and even bound to adopt it. We would
particularly call the attention of our readers
to the fact that he wan a judge, and not an
administrative servant of the government In
many civil departments it may be the duty of
the chief functionaries to dismiss their subordinates
on the sole ground of their general indisposition to
obey. „Incompatibility of temper" may be a reason
for divorce between clerks and their employers ; but
in England, whatever may be the case in the colonies,
the independence of judges has been hitherto thought
more important than their pliability. Mr. LANGSLOW
was a judge, and only a judge ; and it does not appear
that his most inveterate enemies ever brought against
bun any charge of partiality, of corruption, or even
of indolence. From the first he differed from the
Governor and Queen's Advocate on legal questions,
and he was finally suspended by Sir COLIN
CAMPBELL, and dismissed by Lord STANLEY, because
be persevered in his own construction of a colonial
ordinance, not against higher legal authority, not
against the plain sense of the document, but with the
cannel result of giving trouble and annoyance to the
colonial council or to some of its members. It seems
to have been within the power of the Governor and
council to remove the difficulty by a declaratory ordi-
nance, to appeal to the higher tribunals of the colony,
or to procure from home an authoritative decision of
the point, at issue : but they preferred the opportu-
nity of crushing a troublesome opponent. Mr.
Lascscow held that by the local law he was pre-
cluded from receiving criminal charges for assaults
and batteries without the previous interference
of the Queen's Advocate as public prosecutor.
The queen's Advocate, who had previously been
censured by Lord STANLEY for his intemperate and
Indecorous attaeks on Mr. LANGSLOW, disputed this
interpretation of the law, and, consequently, a failure
or suspension of justice arose in several cases. Upon
this, the Governor and council, of whom the Queen's
Advocate was a leading member, proceeded to suspend
Mr. LANostow,and to apply for his dismissal. Lord

STANLEY, without deciding the question a: issue, was
guilty of the shameful injustice of raking up n aPPs-
renly unfounded charge against Mr. Lallos: ow,
!Inch had been secretly lodged in the Colonial-office'
six years before, when he was attorney-general at
Malta, and of dismissing him on the ground that,
whether he was right or wrong in the particular dis-
pute which caused his suspension, he was generally
unfitted for the public service by his impracticable
temper—in other words, by his want of official
pliability.
We by no means think that Lord STANLEY'S
motives were so blameable as those of the local go-
vernment : but the absurdity of his final decision is
the most serious feature in the cue. After a number
of frivolous or unfounded charges have been brought
against a judicial functionary and disregarded, the
government of Ceylon rests its case upon an alleged
judicial error on Mr. LANGSLOW'S part in interpreting
the functions of the public prosecutor. Lord STANLEY
"expressly refuses to give an opinion on the alleged judi-
cial error," and "even on the assumption that Mr.
LANGSLOW, in his controversy with the Deputy
Queen's Advocate, was right in substance," dismisses
him because he bas shown a want of temper and
self-command, and because a former governor of
Malta had, six years before, written a violent and
foolish attack upon him, which Lord lone Itessett,
then colonial secretary, had not felt himself called
upon to notice. We repeat, that the whole substance
of the case, on behalf of the Cingalese government,
depended on the alleged failure of justice caused by
Mr. LANGSLOW'S alleged judicial error. The charges
of intemnerance and want of self-command were
enly thrown into the case as make-weights, and
the Maltese scandal was not introduced at all, for
the sufficient reason, that the Governor and council
had never heard of it. Lord STANLEY actually re-
' fuses to confirm the suspension of Mr. Lasostote
because it was founded on his judicial conduct ; and
then coolly consigns him to the ignominy and ruin
of dismissal on grounds on which his most bitter ene-
mies had not themselves ventured to rely.
We believe that Lord STANLEY would have been
perfectly right is refusing to make the Colonial-office
a court of appeal from a colonial judge acting within
the limits of his jurisdiction ; but nt the same time
we cannot doubt that so acute a minister must have
been well aware that Mr. LANGstow was right in
his interpretation of the law. Whether, indeed, he
was right or wrong was immaterial. In England, a
minister would as soon venture to order the Life
Guards to disperse a county meeting as to interfere
with a judge on the ground that he hsd misinterpreted
an act of parliament. If the House of Commons had
committed the Chief Justice for his judgment in the
case of " Stockdale r. Hansard," it would not have
been the Court of Queen's Bench that would have
succumbed in the consequent struggle. But Ceylon
is a great way off, and military governors have sin-
gular notions of constitutional law. Sir COLIN
CIAIPBELL suspended Mr. LANGSLOW for an incon-
venient judicial opinion, and no doubt thought that
Lord STANLEY had substantially confirmed the act by
dismissing the judge, not for a judicial opinion, but
because it was the second time that he had incurred
the displeasure of a military governor of a colony.
The charter of Ceylon, as interpreted by the Supreme
Court of the colony, directs that breaches of the peace,
petty assaults, and other minor offences of the like
nature shall be prosecuted by information to be exlsibi'ed
is the name of or by motion of her Majesty's ~Ideocate
or Deputy Adrocate, or by information in the name of
or by motion of a proctor practising before the Supreme
Court duly authorised to act for her Majesty's Adeocate
in such cases. Mr. LANGSLOW thought proper to fol-
low the strict letter of the law. The Queen's Advo-
cate did not think it proper, perhaps found it impossi-
ble, to undertake,either by himself or his deputies, the
maim of petty prosecutions : and the consequence was
that for a time the minor crimieal business
was suspended. In England a declaratory act
of parliament or a new rule of court would
have got over the difficulty. In Ceylon the
judge, who determined to abide by the law, was
suspended, and by Downing-street, he was, on other
and irrelevant pretexts, dismissed. Is it possible that
the colonies can be supplied with honest and inde-
pendent functionaries if the caprice of local autho-
rities is allowed to prevail in such cases as this ?
It is remarkable that Lord STANLEY was fully
aware that, on former occasions, the hostility of the
Governor and Queen's Advocate to Mr. LANGSLOW
had been founded on his refusal to tamper with the strict
letter of the law. "So generally," says Mr. BULLER,
in a despatch to the Governor, remarkable for its inde-
corous wit and cleverness, " so generally are strict
law and practiceat variance in this colony, and so open
is its past legislation to attack—(very likely, Mr.
BULLER, but why attack the judges who administer
the laws?)—" that I would undertake myself in a
month to plunge it into utter anarchy, though I
would not undertake in many years to repair the
mischief I could do in that short time." And again,
" In the more serious mischief which Mr. LANGSLOW
in doing, it is impossible to say that he is, technically
speaking, altogether in the wrong. As I before said,
incalculable confusion may be created by a person in
Mr. LANGSLOW'S situation acting wholly within the
letter of the law." ( What, Mr. Be LLER, by a person in
the situation of a judge holding by the letter of the
law ?) "And Mr. LaNGsLow is obviously disposed
to create as much confusion as he well can, under this
cowardly shelter." Cowardly shelter' the cowardly
shelter of the law! which we had thought was sought
without reproach by the ermined cowards of West-
minster-hall. Mr. LANGSLOW, if he had despised this
cowardly shelter, would, it seems to us, have avoided
rather than courted danger; but, as we have said,
Ceylon is a great way off.
Lord STANLEY, at least, seems to have felt that the
crime of a variance between law and practice might
not be wholly imputable to the judge who adhered to
the law. In answer to an angry complaint against
Mr. LANGSLOW, he replies in terms of grave and '
dignified rebuke : " I have to observe that it is
admitted by all the contending parties that parts
of the charter of justice have been disregarded
systematically, with a full knowledge of all the local
authorities, and without any plea or pretext of any
necessity for this habitual infringement of it. I cannot
but regard this as a grave imputation on the various
officers of the crown, administrative and judicial, who
have concurred in this mode of executing the law."
" It is not without reluctance," Lord STANLEY adds,
" nor I think without necessity, that I remark that
the sarcastic and satirical tone assumed by the
Queen's Advocate would have been well exchanged
for a more official and measured style in addressing
the head of the local government on a very serious
occasion." And yet because the district judge perse-
veres in his adherence to the letter of the law, Lord
STANLEY finds grounds for dismissing him.
We have presented our readers with the substance
of Mr. Lasustow's caae, though not with the bulk
of the complaints which have been brought against
him. The despatch of Lord STANLEY, which we have
last quoted, written with a full knowledge of every
imputed delinquency which could be alleged against
Mr. LANGSLOW, censures his opponents more strongly
than himself. Nothing farther occurred but his per-
severing refusal to entertain minor criminal charges,
except on the prosecution of the Queen's Advocate.
it is alleged, indeed, by the council, that he
was dilatory in the despatch of business, but he con-
clusively proves that, on the contrary, with
the exception of the criminal charges in dispute, he
got through a most unusual amount of business. The
bar unanimously remonstrated against his dismissal,
and it is not disputed that the suitors were uniformly
satisfied with his diligence. There are, however,
other circumstances in the case which, on a future
occasion, it may be desirable to lay before the public,
in illustration of the manner in which matters are
managed in our remote dependencies, and as a proof
of the duty which we all too constantly neglect, of
compelling or aiding the imperial government, by
remonstrance, by publicity, by support, and by.coer-
cion, to control the freaks and repair the injustice of
unreasonable and arbitrary proconsuls.

LAST night Mr. BAINE (of Greenock) very wisely
for his friends, withdrew his motion respecting the
alleged interference of ministers with the Greenock
election. The only complaint that can be made
against ministers in respect of this election is, that
they have not explicitly declared that Lord
MELOUND is not the government candidate. We
have already stated that the opposition to
Mr. DUNLOP arises solely from the wounded
personal vanity of a local coterie calling itself
liberal. We now add that this coterie (the blue,
as it is called), finding itself in a minority of
the liberal electors, has formed an alliance with the
rival tory coterie (the red). Lord NIELnUND comes
forward under the auspices of these combined coteries

(whig and tory), who would keep Greenock a close
borough, in the hands of one or other of them, against
a liberal candidate who is the choice of the decided
majority of the independent liberal electors. We do
titLik that in such a case the liberals of Greenock—of
ScotlanC--are entitled to expect that ministers will
disclaim any approbation of Lord MELGUNIA pro-
ceedings which Alight otherwise be inferred from his
intimate relations with some of their number.

The Paris journals and our correspondence of Sun-
day have reached us.
All other topics, of what intrinsic importance so-
ever they may be, are forgotten or neglected in the
intensity of the excitement produced in Paris by the
investigation now in progress before the Court of
Peers. Nothing else was spoken of in society—no-
thing else was discussed in the journals on Sunday.
The circumstances successively developed are calcu-
lated to sustain this interest; and each day is marked
by an incident of a character almost melodramatic,
which feeds and stimalates the public appetite for
scandal. Saturday (es will be seen by our report
of that day's proceedings in our journal of yester-
day)
was marked by the production of the editor of
the National and one of the vice-presidents of the
Chamber of Deputies at the bar of the court, to ex-
plain how the new documentary evidence we alluded
to yesterday came into their hands. The original
letters were shown to M. Marrast, of the National, by
a friend of General Cubieres, and he was allowed to
make extracts from them, to convince him of
the guiltlessness of the general, and thereby
induce him not to attack the general in his
journal. But M. Matrast declined to say who
the friend was that made this communication to him,
such disclosure being a breach of confidence in his
capacity of journalist. General Cubieres meanwhile
was compelled to produce the original letters, not
being able to discover the extracts. In the midst of
this dilemma in which the court was involved by the
refusal of M. Nlarrast, and the delicate reserve of M.
Cubieres, a voice called out for the production of M.
Cason, an avocet of the Cour Royale. This gentle-
man being called, answered from his place among the
audience. Thus unexpectedly brought forward, he
had to apologise to the court for his costume, &c. It
proved, however, that he was the person who showed
the documents to M. Marmot, the papers having been
confided to his charge by M. Cubieres.
The tendency of these letters is to throw the alter-
native of guilt between MM. Teste and Pellapra, and
to show that M. Cubieres has been merely the victim.
It would seem that M. Cubieres has hitherto main-
tained a reserve on these points from the resolution
he formed to conduct his defence without assuming
the part of an accuser. He was pointedly and re-
peatedly warned by the Procureur-general of the
danger of such a course, exposing him, as it would
necessarily do, to the imputation of being party to
the guilt of the other accused. He still, however,
persevered in his reserve.
The matter is now reduced to this dilemma : either
M. Teste has been corrupted, or M. Pellapra has com-
mitted an act of " infamous eseroquerie." Either M.
Pellapra obtained monies and applied them to bribe
M. 'feste, or he appropriated them to his own pur-
poses and pretended to Cubieres that they were
given to Teste. In the actual condition of the inquiry
there appears no evidence to show which side of this
alternative is to be adopted. M. Pellapra alone can
throw light on that question, and M. Pellapra has
absconded.

In this state of things a fresh incident has super-
vened to sustain the interest of the drama. It
was rumoured, and generally believed, in Paris on
Saturday night and Sunday, that the Prince de
Chimay, the son-in-law of M. Pellapra, had written a
letter to the Chancellor to say that M. Pellapra would
appear in person at the bar of the court, on an early
day, to vindicate his honour against all charges which
might asperse it ! His appearance was accordingly
expected on Monday morning. Ile was supposed to
be staying in the neighbourhood of Brussels.
Meanwhile M. Teste vehemently protests his com-
plete innocence, disavows all knowledge of or parti-
cipation in the proceedings indicated in the corre-
spondence which has thus unexpectedly been brought
to light, and denounces it as a tissue of false and
calumnious inventions, with which it has been at-
tempted to surround him. While he thus disavows,
I in general terms, his own guilt, he declines to affirm,
what seems inseparable from his exculpation, the
charge of eerroquerie against the other accused. In
such a situation, it will be conceived with what inte-
rest the return of M. Pellapra is looked for.
Le Courier Francais says that M. Pellapra had
actually returned, was in I'aris, and would present
himself at the bar of the court yesterday (Monday).
The age of M. Pellapra is 75.
Notwithstanding the important questions of finance
now before the Chamber of Deputies, its benches are
deserted, and the supplies are granted with almost
silent votes. The deputies are at the Luxembourg.

Advices from Rome of the 29th ult., quoted by the
Atigsbury Guu.tte, say that the most extraordinary
rumours are current in that city. It is said that
I'ope Pius desires to renounce his projects of reform,
and to abdicate, and that, with these views, he has
sent for his brother, the Count Mastai di Sinigaglia.
The liberals assembled on the 29th, to deliberate on a
petition to his holiness, which was to be sent into the
provinces, to take the sense of the population upon
it, and which it was expected would receive 300,000
signatures. In this petition the reforms are indi-
cated which his holiness can make consistently with
the due maintenance of his apostolic dignity. They
desire that the Pope should throw himself altogether
into the arms of the liberal party. The public dis-
content against the Jesuits receives every day
stronger expression. The portrait of Clement XIV.
was distributed gratuitously among the populace.

MADRID, JULY 6.
A decree appears in the Gazette of to-day, ordering
the issue of Exchequer Bills, which I announced to
you as in meditation.
1. The amount represented by these bills is 100,000,000 of
reals. 2. They are divided into series, which will bear a
daily interest equivalent to 9 per cent. per annum, u fol-
lows:—Series A., of 5,000 real,; 8., of 10,000; C., of
15,000 ; and D., of 20,001 reels. 3. The interest upon the
bills will be paid by the Treasury on March 1, 1848, and
'Sept. 1 of the same year, on which day the capital will
likewise be restored. 4. The bills not presented at the time
flied, together with the interest due on them, will be
accepted in their entire value in payment of contributions.
5. The government guarantees the punctual payment of
capital and interest, with the bonds of the buyers of na-
tional property and other valuables, which shall be deposited
at the Bank of San Fernando, and which shall be restored to
the government, when the bills, with their interest, shall
have been paid. 6. The bills shall be admitted as legal
tenders, at par, in all deposits and trusts which the govern-
ment educts. 4 ... The government renounces to make use of
the faculty of issuing more Exchequer Bills till after Sept. 1,
1818. 8. The hundred millions of Exchequer Bills will be
negotiated by public competition made by means of sealed
envelopes.
There is another decree, which makes Concha
grandee of Spain of Cie first class, with the title of
Marquis of Duero ; another which makes General
Pavia Marquis of Novaliches, Viscount of Baboon',
and another which bestows the Cross of Isabella Is
Catolica upon Don Bernardo Fuentes, Spanish consul
at Oporto.
The government have applied morn than three
millions and a half of reale of the funds belonging to
the Department of Public Instruction to the imme-
diate wants of the Treasury.
In answer to the statement of the Correo, that
Senor Mon and his ministerial associates proposed
so meagre an allowance for the King Consort as
30,000 dollars, the Faro says that Mon had in his
pocket a proposal, which he was going to lay before
the Cortes with the budget, for settling a pension of
three millions of reels upon the King.
A decree appeared in the Gazette of yesterday dis-
solving the provincial deputations, and ordering the
election of new. The elections are to take place on
the 18th, 19th, and 20th of the present month. This
linstitution is nearly analopus to the Irish grand
juries, except that the elections are popular. As the
function of provincial deputy confers considerable in-
fluence in managing the elections of the national
deputies of the Cortes, it is the object of much party
competition ; and no doubt the government will avail
Ithemselvesef their position to determine these pro-
vincial elections in a way that may give them en ad-
, vantage in case the Cortes should be dissolved. For
the rest, the pretext set forth for the dissolution of the
provincial deputations is that a law was passed in
January 1843, which provides for the re-e ection of
these bodies as soon as the new division of districts

should be completed. That new division has been
now effected about a year.
The political chief of Madrid has issued as order
to the directors of newspapers to refrain from mixing

up the name of the Queen In so disrespectful a man-
ner with their daily polemics. The Popular, evening
journal, is greatly shocked at this invasion of the
liberty of the
_press. A week or two ago the same
paper was delighted with the decree which prohi-
bited the discussion of the Duchess of Montpensier's
right to the succession.
Nothing definitive has been settled about the journey
of Don Francisco de Paula. I heard yesterday that.
is all probability, the Infant would be let off this
banishment to the baths.

CONSTANTINOPLE, 'TYNE 28.
The French steamer, which ought to have left this
on the 27th, has been kept back by order of M. de Bour-
queney till to-day, in consequence of Count Bturmer haring
announced to the Turkish government that he was in hourly
expectation of despatches from Prince Metternich relative to
the Tureo-Greek question. Up to the present moment, 3
p.m., the courier has not arrived, and in another hour the
steamer leaves. In • communication from N. de Mettsr-
nich, addressed to the Interriuncio, and which reached here
on the 23th inst., the Austrian minister states that he bad
received the despatches lately sent him by the Grand Vizier
and the Reis Effendi, on the subject of the difference exist-
ing between Turkey and Greece, and that he had written to
M. Coletti communicating the contents. Ile said that in
the course of the same day he expected to have an interview
with Chekib Effendi, the Turkish ambassador at Vienna,
and that immediately on its conclusion he would send to the
Porte his final decision upon the Turco-Greek question.
You will remember that in a former letter I told you that
Count Sturmer had, by the advice of Prince Metternich,
proposed to the Porte to make some concessions, hut that
the Turkish government refused, and expressed their deter-'
mination to abide by the terms of the ultimatum. Both
Reschid Pacha and Ali Effendi wrote to this effect to the
Turkish ambassador at Vienna. Prince Metternich', courier
ought to have arrived here this morning at latest. Those
here who are in the fittest position to judge of these matters
*appals, that the Austrian minister has renewed his proposal
for concession, and that this delay is occasioned by Chekib
Effendi's opposition to any departure from the instructions
which had been received from his government. I have good
reason, however, to know, that if the Sultan', ministers-find
that a majority of the five great powers pronounce in favour
of the concessions proposed by Prince Metternich they will
yield. The Porte at this moment are most anxious to put a
period to the agitation caused by this question ; and they
only seek an honourable occasion to renew friendly relations
with Greece. The chief reason of the Turkish government
in consenting to accept Prince Metteniieh as arbitrator was,
that they supposed hint more likely to bring it to a speedy
conclusion than the chief of any other government amongst
the five great powers, from the comparatively trifling into-
reit which Austria had in the matter.
Letters from Janina announce that disorders had broken
out in the province of Albania. A chief, named Djoubka,
at the head of 1,000 men, in marching to the attack of a
fortress called Arghyrokastro, was met by the Puha of
Janina, at the head of a considerable body of troops. An
engagement took place, in which the rebels were entirely
routed.

Colonel Williams, t►e British commisaioner employed on
the Persian frontier question at Erzeroum, arrived here
yesterday by the steamer from Trebirond.

ATHENS, Jt:ea 30.
Not a word of anything new regarding the dif-
ference with the Ottoman government. The elections are
the all-absorbing topic. M. de Roujoux has been for some
days in Athens on his return from his electioneering tour in
the Cyclades, on hoard the French steamer Chacal. On the
10th June, writes our correspondent, M. de Roujoux was at I
Santorini, where he called all the authorities before him in
the house of the French Vice-Consul, and announced to them
that M. Coletti had appointed MSI. Maths, Valetta, and
Zane* to be their deputies, and that they (the authorities)
were to do all in their power to have them returned. On
the 15th he arrived at Nexia, and called upon the authorities
and catholic clergy assembled to receive him, to sup-
port, at any risk, MM. Candle, Norio, and Barozzi.
When he was told that there was but little chance of their
success, he said, " Well, then, we will send in a
detachment of irregular troops to watch over the proceedings;
then there will be no doubt of success." He thence
went to Syra whilst there, he read a letter from M. Pima-
tory to one of his friends. Through some indiscretion, this
letter has found its way into the journals. The following is
one of its paragrephs :—" The opposition will any, that the
differences with Turkey will weer be arranged: do you
reply firmly, that it will be arranged. The opposition will
state that the Greek government will apologise to M.
Museums: reply firmly, that this will never be. The oppo-
sition will advance, that in the dispute with Turkey, Greece
will be sacrificed : do you reply, most firmly, that Turkey
will be sacrificed, and not Greece." M. de Roujoux left
Syr, where he was the most successful, of all his missions, on
his return to the Pirrone. On his route he visited Andros, and
found the ministerial candidate in a minority. He returned
to Syra, and requested • detachment of troops to to imme-
diately sent to Andros the other left with them the next
day. This is the manner in which the elections are
conducted in Greece. The election for Athens is termi-
I 'sated, but as yet it is not known who are the deputies
elected, as many communes have not yet given in their
returns. The elections for Thebes and Caryotie are also
terminated, in favour, it is said, of the ministerial candidate.
On the 21st General Griziotti came to Athens, to complain
of the treatment he had received from the government
agents in the election, and solicited the honour of an
audience with his majesty. Instead of this, he was arrested,
conducted to Chalcia, and immured in a fortress. To legiti-
mise his arrest, he was accused of having, en 1813, ill-treated
some individuals. General Grivas, who was saved front jus-
tice by t►e French steamer Pepin, to be installed inspector.
general of the army, is again in open revolt against the
government. He was attacked by an armed force, and has
taken refuge in Leucadia (Santa ilaura) under the British
flag. More than 400 shepherds and their families have
quitted Greece with their flocks and hi rd., to seek in Turkey
that quietude and justice whish is not to be found in Greece.

PRUSSIA.—BEitLT,c, JULY B.—The Allgemehic
Pretusisclie Zeilitny of this day, publishes the returns of
the Prussian bank for the month of June. The value of the
coin and bullion in the bank is set down at 14,401,100
thalen; of the treasury notes, 883,800 tb. ; of the biUs of
exchange, 15,313,400 th.; of the receipts for advances,
12,02.3,300 th.; of the various kinds of public bonds, &c.,
13,645,000 th. The note circulation is fixed at 15,007,000 th. ;
and other liabilities to the amount of 31,311,500 th.—The
prisoners implicated in the recent insurrection in Posen have
been allowed by government to exercise their free choice
with respect to the selection of legal defenders.
AUSTRIA.—VIENNA, JULY 3.—ln a fest days
Count Fiquelmont, Minister of State, is to repair to Italy,
entrusted with an important mission. The state of things
in Tuscany and in the Haman States evidently excites the
attention of the Austrian cabinet to the highest degree. The
situation of Switzerland creates also the greatest uneasiness,
and, in every respect, it behoves government to interfere in
the affairs of Sardinia, and place itself on a commanding
footing.
SMYRNA, JUNE 20.—Piracy is still going on in
the waters of Calymnos. A few days ago three persons,
who were amusing themselves in a boat, fishing, were car-
ried off and ill treated. One, a native of Smyrna, was set at
liberty the next day; another, two days afterwards, after
paying the sum of 600 piastres; the third, being the son of a
rich man at Calymnos, has to pay 25,000 piastres before he
will be liberated. His father sent 3,000 piastres and some
rich presents, but in vain he must send the sum demanded,
or his son will be murdered. All Calvmnos is in arms,
expecting rdescent upon the island. Iteschid Pacha has
sent a corvette to the island.