The Express.
London, England, 1849-10-06 00:00:00

THE EXPRESS, SATURDAY EVENING, OCTOBER 6, 1849.

ATTEMPTED PARRICIDE AT
CHISWICK.

niaTitil,ewettnimalwalt=e
aritiausatelettequpossentionninsousthe ;taint
ecesneseedreadittl
Mild) Bolaeleffelry Ins namely subsided on the public
of another herfal mina, tat eres el still greater
alresity, hem the doss et the naliapey victim
mad the miseresat wk. attempted its perpetration.
Within a shut half-sae of the Maranosroalth staspenelon-
=.?the Middlesex there, Oad in a handsome villa
on the beaks of the Thema. ham resided log I°°4l
roue past • esetlema named Iffoakhouse, Meanly is the
am, hot who, im inheriting a large patrimony, retired to
Chiswick, is whisk neighbourhood mural umbers el kis
Mink hats fielded daritig the let "story. Tile 111011•'
Man lad throe was man two dseditas WI 64, wino
mho died wenty ews ago. He sabsegmay
Mod again,t am son being the isms of dile
aim 1840 he has resided at Chiswick with bb met =
' MOB gni his son by the seemed wife. TM OM sea by the
▪ meleisffe, John, has lived at the adisiedeg vOleq tw
Ilijason Pea;
sue mend, Re fray'e so eaten
in this ve—f pretemilit.
✓ed km made several voyages to India and eliewheee; while
the third, Pitied* was apprenticed to as assay dotage.
About a quarter to 8 on Thursday evening the delver of the
sub No. 815, then on the stand in the Miseries, was bailed
by • young man in the garb of a tailor, acid speed to
mks the applies= to ebbed= tor 12.. The )oaog ma-
=teed the gab, but before leaving the ilinories he
the driver to atop at • public Mee is that street, when
he ailgimd, and entered the preisur. Remising for some
mina s% the driver opened the parlour door, and asked
Nan whether he intended to ge me. At this time be had got
ll on the table bible him,
_white the driver de-
sadbeiadie to have haniadly mesa= in his poekek,
re-
m N—s that he rhea ibe ready ikeetiy. He presently
Nth eat, and re-eneerbe the =ibis dmind the =Man to
guessedto Chiswick . Raving readied Illoanestnet with-
al{ farther interruption, the driver again drew up at the
Swan publiabouse, and several other publinheuess were
flailed at, till, on reaching Chiswiire the men bow
first to the White Hart publiahosis lathek4ga ssea.wMw
be alighted and entered the bar. Here be wan shimmed to
pall a pistol from his pocket by the landlord, who, Ming
somewhat alarmed, requested him to be careful, and was net
• little pleased to get rid of him. At this Muss he mounted the
box of the cab, and directed the driver to proceed down Black-
Lion-lens, at the bottom of which Mr. Moakhoue re-
sided. On reaching the Black Lion publio-house the
driver was directed to stop ageis, and hers both fare and
himself partook of some gin. TM landlord of this house
naiad something remarkable in the young man's manner,
sad on observing him closely he saw that he had a paper of
gunpowder In his hand. Fearing some accident, he requested
that he would go out of his house, upon which the young
run said, " Nonsense, old fellow, it is only sawdust." lie,
however, soon afterwards left, remounting the box, and di
resting the driver towards Mr. Mookhouse's residence. On
reaching this place he alighted, and desired the cabdriver to
pull the bell at the outer entrance, directing him to say
that a gentleman from London wished to speak a few words
to as. Monkhouse. The girl answered the bell, and,
returning to the house, presently came back and inquired
what was the name of the gentleman who desired to see Mr.
Monkhouse. The young man (who proves to be the
son of the unfortunate gentleman), here rushed from
btltind the cab, where he had concealed himself, knocked
down the girl, and, exclaiming, "My name is Monkhouse,"
ran towards the front door of the house, which is situated
in a garde* surrounded by a high wall. In the hall he
met his father, and, presenting • pistol in each hand,
be discharged them both. One of the balls took effect is
the throat of the unfortunate man, the other lodged in
the ceiling.
The assassin immediately retreated from the homes,
mounted the box of the cab, and directed the driver to
proceed beck to the hitt road, which request seems to have
been complied with. The man, on reaching the White
Hut Tavern. pulled up, and entering the house demanded
his fare. The assassin then add he wanted to go to Belies:,
and if the driver would convey him thither he would give
him a sovereign. The driver inquired the road of the Mier,
and, having ascertained the moat direst route, drove off, thi
masons again mounting the box.
The report of fire-arras summoned Mrs. Moukhouse with
the other no sobers of her family to the wrens of the whom
I where she discovered her unhappy husband prostrate en M
i around and bleeding profusely from a wound in his threat,
Medical assistance was instantly procured, and the sufferer
'lrefully removed to his bedroom. Interns's.e of the masa-
choly affair was immediately despatched to the Ilanuser-
smith polio-stat:on at Brook- green, where the cireasestanoss
having been szpatiarsd to Mr. Impostor Jacks, that Wiese
promptly despatched mounted patrols in every
at themesa time forwarding &description of the affliZioett
party (who, unfortunaiele, Ms been to well recognised by
more than one member of his family before effect-
tog his escape) to every parienatellon in the metropolis.
Among the odious commisnoned to arrest the aniused was
Polies-constable Remo, 247 T, who soon ascertained the
direction taken by the eab. It immediately occurred te the
officer that the criminal might attempt to seek a refuge in the
house of his brother, residing at Rites. Acting epos this
suggestion, he at once proceeded thither ; but not discovering
any trios of him there, be repaired to an adjoiniog tavern—
the Bell, on the Uzbridge road—where he perceived a Lon-
don sib at the door. This circumstance awakened iamb
eions. Entering the hose., he inquired of the landlord to whom
the sib belonged. and having been referred to a gentle-
man ia the parlour, he entered and found the accused,
who, upon being questioned, denied that his name was
Monkhouse. Os balm searched, the barrel and stock of a
pined, eight bullets, sic percussion caps, and a gusti-
ng of gunpowder, as well es documents proving his
identity, were found upon him. He was immediately
conveyed to the Brook-green pollee station, where he
gave his name as Henry Bathurst Monkhouse. The charge
upon which he had been arrested having been read over to
him, he mad, no remark, and was at once removed to the
cells, where he was carefully guarded, to prevent say attempt
at self-destruction.
Long before the hour appointed for the opening of the
Hammersmith Police Court (two o'clock), • large crowd of
persons bad assembled outside, anxious to obtain admission
to hear the examination of the prisoner.
The foregoing facts having been given in evidence,
The prisoner was remanded until Wednesday next.
The following particulars, in referents to the melancholy
affair, may be relied upon as correct. The grandfather of
Mr. Monkhouse, mu., realised a very large fortune—upwards
of 100,0001.—es an army clothier in Coventry-street. lie
bequeathed the whole of his property to his two eons, one of
whom died before his father. The second son was the father
of the unfortunate gentleman whose death there is too much
reason to believe will soon be recorded, and the great bulk
of the property was entailed upon the eldest son of this
latter gentleman, Mr. John Monkhouse, of Castlebardhall,
Baling, elder brother of the sound. The family for some
time past appear to have lived very unhappily. The accused,
who, as before stated, is the second son, was sent to Ira as •
midshipman at an early age, but through miesindant, as k'
is alleged, forfeited his father's good opinion, and for the
last sit or seven years has been engaged as • common eso.l
man in the merchant *orrice. et only landed at Liverpool
from his lest voyage on the 20th ul., and on Tuesday last be
went down to Chiswick to see his friends. Mr. blockhouse
sea., it appears, received him unkindly, and upbraided him
for dariag to show his face &hulks insult he bad offered to his
mother and sisters some twelve months previously, in bringing
home to Chiswick en abandoned woman, and introducing
her to his family. The young man, irritated by his father's
conduct, left in • passion, and was not again heard of until
Thursday morning, when he breakfasted with his grand-
mother, a respectable lady named Piper, residing at Shep-
herd's Bush.
The wretched man makes no meet of his guilt, and has
esteemed to having purchased the pistols and balls shortly
before the fatal occurrence. One of the pistils was found
1 upon him, the ether is not yet diseovered. The prisoner
states that he cannot tell what be did with it. This
probably arises from the excited state in which he is known
to have been for some time before and after the melancholy
catastrophe.
Among the papers found upon the seemed is a mariner's
register ticket, No. 328,860, in which the date of his birth is
set down as the 27th of Dmember, 1822. He is further
described as five feet six inches and a half high, fresh colour,
brown hair, gray eyes, and having the letters "H. B." and
an anchor tattooed upon his left arm. A eertilleete of his
having performed a voyage from London to New Zealand
in the barque Clara as an able seaman in 1847, and another
to the following effect, were also among his papers :
"This is to certify that Henry Bathurst lionkhouse has
served as seaman on to it'd the barque William Hand, from
Marsh 26,1848, to September 17, 1849, and was discharged
on the 20th of September is the later year. The above-
named I recommend as a steady sad obedient seaman.
(Signed) " W. CLZIAND."
The accused Is entitled to the reversion of a large sum of
money at his father', death, and on the back of a card found
in one of his pockets, the gross =rant, 8,7221.4,. 4d., is set
down, with a calculation as to what a one-fourth share, to
which he was entitled, would amount.
It may he added that on Thursday morning the accused
celled upon Mears. Loy and Bendy, solicitors of Bream's.
=rwho art eroppd professionally for his father, sad
4J. from them.
Tits wowed= gentleman still lives, bat his Mowry ie
considered extremely doubtful.

SUNDAT LABOIDI IN Tat POWT-OFFlClL—Yeater-
day evening, in eocasosenes of a refitted nude by the Iter
W. Weldon Chantpoeys, wielder of Whiteelsapel jparith, •
nesting of the intiebttente of that district was hold in the
perish sehtselosant, foe the perpees of giving expression to
their excel seems with regard to the new order of the Lords
of the Mowry for epeeist the Geelong Post-ogles for the
Damnedest of Wilms oa Sundays. fleversl speedos were
made ead resolndesse passed coadannatoey dm
sett propeseidon, and a memorial to the proper as
is soasossaos with the e*it of the resolutions was agreed
to.—Later in the evW a nesting of the sabsortere end
letter-carrion of the Post-Kilos wee held at Faliten.square
Chapel, with a similar object. A great number of persons
not oceaected with the Post.ellos establiehment were slso
pruent. The meeting was addressed by Kr. D. W. Wire
=ma en on the oeeseloo), the Be". J. H. Hinton
Blaney, J. Beech, sad other gentlemen, and a ate:
modal ageism the new Treasury order was adopted.
Mamma mom BOYDAY.—The ship La Bella
Animal, which has arrived in the docks from Sweaty, has
brought several cases of sculptures from Nineveh, as a por-
tion of her ears,. These antiquities are not, in this instance,
specially eousigned to the government autkorities for deposit
is the national ritesotsolee. whatever Rey be their altitnate
destinatioe, but are consigned to en Individual d great
wealth end taste in this coantry.

MIL DBMARLI AT AN AGRICULTURAL CLUB. I justice. I will assume, therefore, gentlemen that we shall
i succeed in our first move, which is feundedin a pure prin-
ciple of justice, namely, that real property shall only pay in
future its own quota to the owe, and that it shall aot pay
the quota of any other kind of property. That, I think, is
• proposition so clear, so pure, that I dos't believe upon the
merits of this cam that we shall nod anybody, in or out of
parliament, to controvert Its truth. Then, gentlemen we
canunenc• with the equality of burdens ; sad having obtained
equality, I proceed to inquire—What is the best way by
which we may diminish the burdens of taxation I—what
is best for the country ritually, and what, at the same time,
may be advantageous to the agricultural interest (hear, hear) ?
Now, es far as the agricultural interest is concerned—and
am speaking of course of the landlord, toe motivator, the
labourer, and all those trades dependent upon them—l
speak of that great int rest in all its ramifications. As
far as they are concerned, no one will pretend
for a moment that the repeal of any particular to can be
amsepted for an instant as • compensation for the protection
you have lost. Every man will agree with me in this posi-
tion. In fact, gentlemen, there is only one tax which can
be viewed as • tax peculiar to the lauded interest in the
most comprehensive sense of the term, and that is a tax
which we are always counselled by our opponents to repeal,
which by the way ought to make you suspicious of the mune
lael that is given you. (Hear, hear.) But no men, whatever
may be his opinions on the malt-tax, will say—no man will
rise and pretend in the present exigencies of England, that
the repeal of the malt-tax would rally the fortunes of the
agricultural body. Well, then, look to the other great in-
torests—look to the commercial and manufacturing interest*.
What cause have they to complain of the pressure of tau-
tion ? Because we ought to consider in a meeting like
this—a party meeting in a certain sense, because we are
bound together by great principles efpolicy—(cheers)--bat
not a party meeting in this sense—that we are nut tcgether
to cheer delusions and clap-traps ; because, gentlemen, we
are assembled for business. Within a few years the manu-
facturing and commercial body have obtained the entire re-
peal of duties on all raw materials imported fur reorodacie
tiers. They obtained an enormous diminution of duty on all
tropical articles that enter into general consumption, tad
the whole revenue of the post-office has in fact been sacri-
ficed to the commercial exchequer. Besides all this, they
have obtained the abroption of our agricultural policy, by
which, according to their own accounts—and I think it the
greatest mistake in the world to overstate • case—the wisest
thing in public discussion Is to take the data of your oppo-
aorta ; and lam arguing on their data now. They have
obtained, then, according to their own account, by the re-
peal of the corn laws, sot only vastly increased and highly
profitable foreign markets, but they have obtained, in sheer
economy by the altered provedon law", two mila ,ns sterling
a week. ("No, no.") That is their own statement—the state-
ment of *gentleman high in economic olio., and who was re
turned to parliament by one of the Largest meuulactuting
titles in the world in consequence of his opinions—a gentle-
man whose evidence was the basis of our legit's. ion, and who,
according to his own account, drew up the tariff for Sir R.Peel.
With what colour, then, can the manufacturing body come
forward and complain of the burden of taxation ? Did not
the manufacturers say tea years ago, "Repeal the corn
laws, and then we shall'beat the world." And not only that,
but every other tax that pressed upon them, has been since
repealed. I do not grudge it them ; they are welcome to
enjoy what they have got ; but at least they should be the
last persons in the world to come forward and complain of
the pressure of taxation. Well, I repeat that I want to place
this question of taxation in its true light, for the whole
matter depends upon it. Once entertain a clear inateeptkin
of it, and, depend upon it, I even am bold ensugn to say
the remedy is in your own hands. And I will tell you
in a moment what the remedy is, as it appears to my
own mind, and I trust to your verdict to-night to
settle it. If no tax will give a bond fide relief horn its
repeal to agriculture—if the manufacturing and commercial
interests have no claim whatever to ask for the repeal of
any peculiar tax, because they have been legislating for
the country for years, and according to their own theories
making all their fortunes—why, then, It follows that when-
ever you meet the cry of the repeal of any particular tax,
it is either the movement of some small spe-
culative body, who attempt to stimulate some fo-
reign market already drugged with our productions,
or what is really the troth, anti what is really at the bottom
'of all this cry—it is the effort of those who Lave ulterior
designs, and under the mask of financial reform mean politi-
oal change. (Hear, hear.) Now, let me remind you of this
ingFmorena oriategmlanandy—ltheane leaPeddeis
rtrue stakatebemileenemuandmthstsenlemad
of parties and the men who influence public opinion—have
dealt with • real or with an imaginary surplus. Sir Robert
Peel, then the powerful minister of a greet country, had •
real surplus, and dealt with that. Mr. Cobden, a very in-
fluential individual, although net a minister, has an imagi-
nary surplus greater than Sir Robert Peel's real one.
But whether the surplus is real or imaginary, the way in
which these gentlemen deal with their surplus equally indi-
cates their policy. I do not care whether there is a surplus in
the exchequer or not, but if a great man in public life tells
us what he would do if he had one, it squally shows his
policy. You have had heard one minister get up and tell you
we must repeal the duties on raw material, and also the du-
ties on slams wat enter Into general tonsue;;:itelt ; iaental,
that we must have recourse to direct taxation ; and
another, that we must further reduce the duties on
timber or tea. Bat you never find any man get up and do
that which 1 think ts met natural, certainly what is most
honest, and, as 1 think I shell. show you, what is by
far most politic, most advantsgedus for the country, and
perticulasly advantageous for the agricultural body, and
that is, to reduce the national debt. Every man thinks
when he has got • surplus that be must take off the
duties on timber, or tea, or some other foreign produce,
bat he never thinks of dealing with the national debt,
which is the debt of the nation, and the interest of which,
if is is net reduced, you must continuo to pey. I a twenty-
three years of war you increased that debt 630 millions;
in thirty-six years of peace you have reduced the debt oaly
one-eighth. I want to know how that is to end. It must
be obvious how it will end. It must ho obvious that if on
our present system we can scarcely make the two ends meet
—if, the moment we have a surplus, foreign articles are
admitted free of duty, which is so much gained to the
foreigner—when the moment of difficulty arises, our resources
can only be raised by taxing property; and, as all other pro-
perty is in its nature evanescent, that tuition must ulti-
mately be raised from real property—from the land of Eng-
land. My opinion is, that we ought to pay our debts before
we take off the taxes on foreign imports. (Cheering.) M
opinion is that there ought to be a sinking fund, and I
support the establishment of a sinking fund for three
principal m a/Ont. In the first plate, because I think
it will terminate that system of tampering with the
resources of the country, and put an end to that
organised arrangement of what you may call political eco-
nomy quackery—(cheers)—which has brought Lhis state of
thiatis about, that with an increasing population and a
diminishing taxation you find as much difficulty as ever in
meeting those engagements which lon have to encounter.
I support the continued action of • sinking fund, for I can-
not doubt that if you once establish it you will have resolve
tion enough to maintain it—l support it because it will be
the bona file action of a sinking fund to reduce the interest
on productive capital, and to make capital abundant and
cheap for those who require it for the purposes of industry.
In the third place, I support a sinking fund, because if you
adopt it you will force on a reconstruction of the financial
resources of the country on • rational and national principle.
We often hear the argument used—Yes, the principle of a
sinking fund is a good one, but how can you get it ? Now,
let me !ell you this in the first place. There is no
man of mark in the House of Commons who will get up
and say that this country cannot afford a sinking
fund, and a sinking fund enuposed of millions.
Can the Manchester school? Are they not telling us
that the expenditure of this country is ten millions
myear more than is necessary ? Well, they are not the men
who will say that we cannot spare five millions for a sinking
fund. Is it the late government, or the present government,
who supported the late government's policy, and who have
since adopted their measures ? Between the yeas 1842 and
1846 the government took off seven millions and a half of
taxes, none of which were petitiened against, few were com-
plained of, and many were never heard of. (Laughter.)
Two-thirds of that revenue would give • sinking fund of
five millions. My opinion is this—the case is urgent—Par-
liament ought scarcely to be • week assembled without all
England praying for the institution of a sinkthg fund ; and
my opinion is, that the best and most practical—many as are
the suggestions that have been made to me, many as are the
means which have occurred to myself—my opinion is, that the
best and most practical way of obtaining it is to do that di-
rectly which the process I formerly indicated would have done
indirectly, namely, to lay on ad valorem duty on all articles of
foreign import whatever. That is the weapon, the charmed.
weapon, with which weshall win the battle. Put that weapon
into the hands of any knight you may elect to win your
battle and I stake my political reputation upon it he cannot
fail. I have told you the first measure which I thought
necessary, though its effects, however certain, will not
suffice as a complete remedy for all the evils which you
have encountered. I said it was bleed on justice. No
doubt the equalisation of the burdens on real property
Is founded on justice. But the principle of the second
measure which I have mentioned is not only just—it is
also honest. You see with what great measures and great
principles the great landed interests of the country,
la all its ramifications, tends to associate itself. First
of all, you ask for equal taxation; and no one with a feel-
ing of justice can deny your right to it. And the interests
of this great party—for it is a great party, notwithstand-
ing all that has occurred, and while this country lasts
it will ever remain a great party—are thus luso-
&tad with justice. So with regard to the maintenance
el robin coedit. Yon do net ask for peculiar advantages.
pads not demand exoeptional legislation. There is no
in • nation paying Its debts. There is n.
=phew in paying taxes for other people. (Great
sad ohooring.) Now, am I right in supposing that
Ws lemon IS/SIZ will adopt these principles—(loud CAM
of°Yea yes ') ? But am 1 right in supposing that the
MONS of Essex mean to act upon them ? (Cries of " Yes.
yea," and laughter) Because we live in times when cheers
to
Inroad a convivial board will not save the country. In old
dalswes ad te fun assemblede
beer of difficulty and danger; and we meet to no use unless
had But commemorate
w thee
victories
meet wei
we
in htlitt
we can devise some plan which we shall follow up with •
confirmed resolution to conquer. If you resolve to act
upon these principles, permit are to tall you, not as a model,
for you do not require such an incentive, but rath. r as an
instructive hint, what we have done in the county is which
I live. Impressed with the two great principles— first, that
taxation should be equalised, and secondly, that public
credit should be maintained—(cheers)—we have tortned a
soriety ter the relief of real property, feeling convi,r d that
real property never will be relieved except on the policy of
these two principles which I have laid down. I ask you to
do the same. From your sou ety petition the House of Com-
mons for equal taxation, to which you are entitled—a justice

MEETING AT CASTLE HEDINGHAII, ESSEX.
The annual meeting of the agricultural club fur
the hundred of Hindi/mei; in North Bees, was held at Cattle
Redingham, a villein sheet nine mike from Braintree. The
largest prise, of 21., wee given to a man who had bean for 64
yean in the employment of one fanner.
At the dinner upwards of 200 peewee were peanut.
Askant Magendie, Seq., the present rof the
Castle and president el the dab, took the Mao. There were
prestat on his right, Lord Headley, Sir John Trull, Bert.,
and ea the left Mr. Disraeli, Major Beredord, M.P., Sir F.
Simpkinson, Bart., sko.
Various loyal and other toasts having been drunk,
The CHAIRMAN begged to give them the health of their
dittirtguisked guest Benjamin Disraeli, Esq.
- - - - - • -

- _
Kr. DUMAS L/ was ruslood with loud cheery. After
&Wing to the repeal of the cern laws, he mid, I fought as
hard as I could—l fought as hard as most did—in defence of
those laws which have been reputed. I don't bate one inch
of the opinions which on that ecessioa I expressed. I don't
bate one inch of confidence in the facts which I then
brought forward, of which time has sine. proved the accu-
racy. I don't bate one inch of say confldenee in the truths
of the arguments which I then brought forward. lam pre-
pared at all times, and under all circumstance, to maintain
and to advance those great principles of industrial polity
which the protection party upheld in parliament in the great
struggle of 1846. But I lad that various dusts of the agri•
cultural body are suffering. I know that the present paellas
runt will not revert to the ancient policy, the repeal and the
atragetion of which I opposed, and still deeply deplore—l
know that the present parliament may exist for our years at
least longer yet. and therefore I may I would aot be you
friead—l would not be, what I trust I am, both from senti-
ment and oonvictioa, devoted to
.your interests, if I did not
'eaten • suggestion, in the Interim, which I think may
ameliorate your position and advance your fortunes. I say,
then, without giving sponge iota of the priccipies which I
have always advocated—l say it is wise and expedient, and
most necessary in the present critical position of the agricul-
tural body, that we should look about us and see whether
there are not certain measures which we might aduthletsmit
perhaps pass, that would have a beneficial inflame on you
prosperity. Allusion has bees made to a motion which I
brought forward last year. I celled the attention of the
House of Commons and of the country to the fact that the
real property of England is subject to peculiar burdens and
severe taxation, from which other property is exempt, I did
not call attention to this subject, or suggest what I thought
would be • remedy, under the idea that that would be any
alleviation of a loss of protectionist policy ; but I said, you
have deprived us of our righte—yon have deprived us of that
which both in policy and injustice you were bound to secure
to us—and I must, in our present forlorn condition, look
round me and see whether on your own promisee and prin-
ciples I cannot find some remedy for that condition to which
your policy has brought us. I do not tell
_you, gentlevnee.l
that if I succeed—and wi.h your assistance I am confident I
shall succeed—l do not tell you that that would be any cow
pensation for the laws which you have lost, but I ask you, ee
sensible and practicable men, whether you would Mass to'
accept remedial measures because you have been deprived of '
advantages which you think superior to them ? I knew
nothing more easy than to tell the farmers of England that the
sure way for them to cope with the difficulties which they
may encounter is to have recourse to the commercial prin-
ciple. But, in the first place, I don't quite clearly under-
stand what the commercial prineiple is. I sat for forty days
on a committee of the !louse of Commons, to inquire into
the severe distress of the :laden in 1847. On that committee
there was a majority of freeetradene—we differed on many
pants; but there was one point on which we were all agreed,
and that was, that the distress was caused on that oteasien
by the over-speculation of commercial men. (Cheers.) Now,
really, it the qommercial principle is a principle of over.
speculation, skit is not • principle the application of which to
ogriculture would produce the benefit we all desire. (Cheers.)
Then we were all told, mixed up with the most sarcastic
account, of our crops and culture, we were told to look
for the application of the commercial principle to the maga-
ficent results exemplified in railways; but it now turns out
that the commercial principle, as shown in those enterprises
which were held up as models of management, of energy,
and skill, for the benefit of the agricultural Itody—it
tunas out that the commercial principle, as applied to
them, consists in the payment of dividends out of capital. I
ask, is the commercial principle, as applied to land, to consist
in the payment of rents out of capital ? (Cheers and
laughter.) Well, then, finding these results, lam obliged
to plod on in my own way, and till I can obtain for you that
which I believe you are entitled to, and which you can only
obtain by energy and enterprise—energy and enterprise
in d rioted • very different way and to a very different re-
sult from what the free-traders imagine—till that moment
strive. I must, so long as I have the honour to sit in the
House of Commoas, representing the agricultural interest,
see if I cannot obtain an alleviation of your position in some
degree. Now, gentlemen, lam at the present moment for
prettied measurer and for immediate exertion. I want the
various clean that form the dint agricultural body—land-
lords, cultivators, occupiers, and labourers--I want *nil all
to join together within the few months that have to elapse
before parliament meets, to decide on the line of policy
which they think ought to bo pursued and pro
wonted by the leglatemie of the muggy, and by
their petitions, and by all coanitutional methods, and
by their influence on their representatives, I with that when
parliament meets parliament should understand that the
grand agricultural interest of England comprehends its
position ,• and not only comprehends its position, but, to •
certain degree, the remedies which that position requires.
(Hear, hear.) Now, gentlemen, I will not dwell much on a
subject upon which it has often been my lot to speak, both
in the House 01 Commons and out of it. But it is necessary
to repeat truth when truth is not acknowledged ; and it is
only by its repetition that you can get bodies of men to be
convinced of the truth, and to act in • way that truth MAIN
to be theory, and becomes fact. Now, I have mentioned
over and over again this circumstance—an anomaly in the
history of this country—that the real property of this comae
try, besides contributing to the general and imperial revenue I
of the state, has also to raise a revenue peculiar to itself.
The real property, which, according to the last official rating
does not count beyond one quarter of the general income of
the country, but which, wader no circumstances, can be
placed at higher than one-third, not only contributes its
proportion to the 60 millions or nous which forms the gene-
ral revenue, but is also called on to raise another revenue to
the amount of 12 millions sterling, for purposes, although
the taxation is local, of essentially a public character. (Hear,
hear.) Gentlemen. I say that that great anomaly never
would have been passed over and endured, had it not been
for the existence of those laws which have been repealed
with respect to the cultivation of the land in England. Now
let us try this case in a way that I believe I hove not yet put
it, bat it is • very simple and a very striking one. Sup-
posing that the real property, which is taxed to the
amount of twelve millions a-year for national purposes, I
ought to contribute to the amount of one-third—and if
it were not that I always endeavour to avoid ever-colouriog
my ease, I might fairly, for the argument, take it at one
quarter—but let us take it at one-third; and this, gentle-
men, may be wearisome, but I must dwell on it for a mo-
meat, because it is of the utmost importance that the
matter should be clearly laid before you. Now suppose that
this twelve millions a year paid by real property is reckoned
for the whole period since the pesos of thirty-three years
ago, deducting the four millions per annum which the real
property ought, in its fair proportion, to have contributed to
the general interests of the cenainunity, it will show that
nearly three hundred millions more has been paid by
real property than it ought to have done. Why gentle-
men, is it possible that real property, which leas been
held up almost to public scorn for its rapacity for
the last few year, should have contributed linos the
peace to the general interests of the community warty
three hundred millions, which, according to every principle of
justice. it ought not to have been called on to contribute ?
that this should be the property—the great proportion and
most important proportion of which, namely, the land of
England, has been held up to public inftnatiou as the
interest and property that has obtained such unfair advan- I
tagm over the general body of the people? (Hear, hear.)
Why, that fact alone is a fair basis for petitioning parliament
for relief. For the last thirty-three years, since the peace—
and I don't wish to go farther back—l don't wish to push
the painful investigation farther than that—the real pro-
perty of England has been pillaged and plundered to the
amount of nine millions a year. And the moment that,
tortured by the legislature which has deprived you of the
only circumstances that perml'ted you to endure such an
intolerable injustice, you torn round and say, "Really we
can no longer afford it," you bear of nothing but a rapt-
ethos aristocracy, and you are held up to public scorn and
indignation. (Cheers.) Now, gentlemen, that is the first
measure that I counsel the land, the most important portion
of reel property, and hitherto considered its representative
—at any rate the most important portion of real property—
that is the first measure that I counsel you to take.
I gambol you to go to the legislature and demand
an equality of burdens ; to petition that you shall no longer
be called on to contribute twelve millions a year, when you
ought only to contribute three or four. That is a demand
founded upon a principle of justice. I never yet met any
human being who ceuld for a moms% impugn that
principle. Bat Ido not for a moment imagine—l Save never
for an instant pretended—that an equitable adjwitment of
the burdens realise to real property cea remedy the
frightful position in which you find yourselves, or theme'
more meaning ration that is yawning beneath yeer
(Hear, hear.) It is necessary, gentlemen, to have 1•001111111
to measures of a much mere otheiderable sad stthatringenslush' t ter
mater. If I told you that it is neceesary we
recur to protection, I dare say you will give me some noisy
spent in this ancient castle,
mii/ht long be remembered for convivial succen and serial
youran d perhaps,
applause, vae74 'War.
ereveidng, cheers; I might sit down amidst
ungratulation ; but I want to know whether, when you man
weeny to moralise upon it on the morrow, you might not
my, ri Whet use was there in Mr. Disraeli's coming into
Emu ? We are aware of his sympathy with us: perhaps (los
holdsay) we have coniiienoe in his good intendthe." Met
in ing counsel together to-day we can moles upon seem
course that may have the effect which we hops upon public
opinion; which may change the principles of the legislature;
which rosy alter for the hotter the condition in which you
find yourselves. Now we hear a great deal in the present
day of the burden of tax ition. It is the general subj et :
everybody suffers end everybody seeks relief from a projected
diminution of the public burdens. We have been rued on
the principles of political ecinomy more or less for a quarter
of • century- We are subject, at this moment, to a tau
lion diminished almost every year. Bit the frui.s of
political econom are these : that with au increased popu-
lation, a diminishedy taxation es, we are told, insufferable.
Now, when we come to the questhn of the dimieution of
taxation, I have always felt that the first point was to
equalise the burdens; because if you diminish burdens that
are riot previously equalised you may only perpetuate an in-

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