The Express.
London, England, 1851-04-11 00:00:00

THE EXPRESS, FRIDAY EVENING, APRIL 11, 1851.

money.
Sir W. MOLESWORTH—No; sot at all.
Mr. HAWES did not wish to misrepresent, but he eve-
taily thought the hon. baronet seemed to anticipate a con-
tingency in which we could not shake off our connexiim
with the colonies, in which we could not separate our com-
mercial interest., and the interests of British subjects here
from British subjects in the colonies, and that if we pursued
the course he recommend el. the time would come when
we should have to answer the question—whether we would
assist them or not in the difficulties in which they were
placed ? and he believed that in such a ease the house would
be inclined to assist them. (Hear, hear.) Now, supposing
for a moment that the course recommended by the hon.
baronet were adopted, what would result? Of course, it
was assumed that then our intercourse with the colonies
would be as large and as beneficial as it was at present ;
but, in assuming that, the hon. baronet had altogether
entered the region of speculation and conjecture. and had
thrown over the light of experience. For, what was our
experience of colonies which were once under the British
crown and were now free? Take the Coiled States of
America. Every British merchant going there had to pass
Areas* a tariff of 25 per cent., whereas in ev ry friendly
port we had a tariff based on free principles. Now, thus
was a very important consideration, because, in an altered
state of circumstances, our trade with many of the colonies
might, to some extent, be interfered with. We should
either hare a diminished trade with them, or there would
be increased taxation on the commerce of this country,
even though we might get rid oh' the expenditure which it
was the object of the hon. baronet to reduce. (Hear.) But,
it was nut oa these grounds alone that he was induced to
oppose the motion. And here be might be per-
mitted perhaps to notice what bad been said about
the Capo of Good Hope. When we took possession of that
colony it consisted of several races, and it extended 400 miles
inland ; and we took it with the obligation, which we could
not shake of, to protect that population. Nor could we
shake off from ourselves the obligation to protect the coloured
population in our other colonies. We had introduced into
them a white population, which bore a small proportion to
the coloured, and we mold not withdraw imperial control
from them consistently with our obligations. As it wm at
the Cape, so it was in every other colony where there we •
coloured native race, and a white population ; and thefts
was as instance in which we could not wholly throw dr
the claims we had contracted when we took pronniOn.

Now, he +Mahal to know what the Inn. lama wneerst
hid
ood
the frontier policy at the Cape to be? Os that point
hon. fri• nd had been sienifieently silent • and, as it was
one of great difficulty, his hon. friend had pursued a very
discreet course in saying nothing about it. Now, it was im-
portant to know what had been the recommendations of
preceding governors at the Cape. He (Mr. Hawes) did not
know a single governor of eminence who ruled that country
who had not recommended a continuance of the policy
hitherto pursued there. It was a policy recommended by
Sir B. LE Urban. He (Mr. 'Lewes) admitted that the sudden
outburst of a war might be considered as proof of the
failure of that policy, but he denied that that would be a
just conclusion. In 1820 there was voteil a large sum of
money to send out emigrants and plant them on the frontier
of the Cape. When the Dutch had the colony the system
of frontier policy was this—to allow the Dutch
on the frontier to create a militia, to declare war on any
tribe at their pleasure, and to exercise all the arts of war, '
however bloody , but that policy England rejected, and
would permit no longer. lt was determined that a military
force should take the place of these volunteers, that the
frontier should be extended from the Great Fish Riverinland,
and that it should be ceded as a neutral colony. Robberies '
and animosities then went on, and they ended in a Kaffir war.
Then Sir Henry Pottinger, Sir Harry Smith, and several
other emineet governors concurred in the policy re-
' sammended by Sir B. D'Urban, namely, that British
Ilaffraria should be placed under British rule, not
impugn any powers or tot shake the prerogatives '
a the native population, but, by mean, of an armed power
e. the spot, to preserve peace and prevent that invasion of
tlas colony which had previously led to devastation and
bloodshed. True, there had been that invasion now which
bad marked every previous Kaffir war. Ile did not deny
that Sir Harry Smith and Colonel Maekinnnn bad
been deceived, but that was owing to their not
being aware that the Kaffim were collecting arms
and ammunition, and meditating a fierce encounter.
But that the past policy pursued had not been unsuccessful
was proved, as lie had stated before, in the result, which
was the prevention of those great irruptions into the colony,
with the consequent great loss of life, which had hitherto
attended every difficulty and disturbance at the Cape. His
hon. friend had referred to a despatch of Sir 11. Smith to
Lord Grey, dated the 20th December; but he (Sir W.
' Moleswortli) hart omitted, in making that reference, to call
the attention of the house to one important paragraph in
the despatch in question. Ile (Mr. Hawes) did not accuse
his hon. friend of intentionally misleading the house ; but
it certainly was surprising, considering the inferences which
he attempted to draw from the whole despatch. that so
particular a portion of it, the effect of which was
eatirely to contradict the general assertions of his bon.
friend, should have been overbooked. Writing just before
the outbreak, Sir H. Smith observes in this paragraph,
"Notwithstanding, however, these pacific demonstrations
and professions. I shall retain the troops for a time in
their present position, in order that 1 may institute the
must searching inquiries as to the agitators, and until I am
perfectly satisfied that their removal may be consistent
with the general security." Sunay. this paragraph was
ineeoneileable with the representation of the bun. harocet
that Sir 11. Smith rested in the belief, at this period, that
tranquillity hail been absolutely re-established ? (Hear,
bear.) Ile (Mr. Herres) would not follow his honourable
Mead in bus references to Sir If. Smith's interview. with
I the Kaffir. This, however, he would say, that he did tot
think the time was altogether well chosen -fur the attack. His
hen. friend had proceeded after this in his address to spook
of Natal. lye st ited that we there came into dangerous
contact with fierce and bloody tribes ; and he drew an
alarming picture of the possible eimsequ enrol to this country.
Well, no doubt they were a bold and warlike tribe in and
about that colony ; and at present—this was the re-
sult—that colony was warmly is favour of Sir 11.
Smith. (Ilear, hear.) The colony of Natal, indeed,
with its 100,000 natives under British jurisdiction presented
a remarkable instance- of what might he done by wise and
judicions mast:toe:llene Already the natives of that colony
were affording the best possible demonstrution of their ap-
preciation of the arts of civilisation; they paid their tales
readily, in fact, and he celled the attention of his. hon.
friend behind him to the circumstance, they were in favour
of direct taxation, and paid a house tax, and they promised
in time a handsome little revenue. (A laugh.) His hon.
Ifrieud had also diluted upon the dangers which attended
es at the Orange river settlements; and he stated that the
Boers were constantly being oppressed and persecuted by
the Colnuial-office. (Sir W. Mode worth—" No, no.") His
hon. friend had, at any rate, represented these people as
being the victims of oppression. This meant the oppret-
%ion of the colonial authorities; and, of course. therefore,
was a charge indirectly against the Colonial-office. For once
he (Mr. Hawes) would take the whole blame on the Colonial-
office. (" Hear," and a laugh.) The representation was
that these Boer, were constantly being driven from
place to place ; and that they had no stoner settled down in
one spot than the English government arrived and drove
them still farther into the country. Now, the Bate.: or
Dutch farmers of the Cape, were a very remarkable body
of ne n ; and very peculiar circumstances had first alienated
thou from British jurisdiction. Originally they had the
lower iu their own hands of organising the militia. That
wit, put an end to, and that gave rise to great clioatisfac-
tion. Another of their complaints was with regard to the
abolition of slavery. They contended that the compensa-
tion made to them had not ben adequate, and that, gene-
rally, it was impossible for them to carry on agriculture
without slaves. With the ditetfeetion of the Boers, there-
fore, the Colonial-ottiee had nothing whatever to do. Ile
considered that all the arguments of his honourable
friend as to the inexpediency of extending our terri-
tory, at Orange River and else ehere, were based upon a
totally mistaken view of our actual position. Sir Benjamin
Wl:than hail mule a remarkable prediction. lie advised
the extension of our territorial possessions at the Cape as
the very best security for peace, the object being to enlarge
the frontier line, taking every military precaution; mud he
predicted that the reversal of his policy would lead inevita-
bly to the renewal of a Kaffir war. Having gone
through the points adverted to in the speech of his
lion. friend, and looking at his proposition as a whole
he could only consider it as amounting to this, that, fur the
sake of saving 1,200,0001. a year, we should surrender our
great euluniel empire. His lion. friend would repudiate
that idea; but he would foreire hint (Mr. Hawes) for in-
sisting that there was no other legitimate conclusion to his
arguments. 'the question plainly put by his honourable
friend was whether or nut this colonial empire
, was worth the 1,200,0001. a year. His honour-
able friend referred the house to our exports,
amounting annually to 60,000,000 f., and. on a former mea-
ds., his hon. friend had estimated that we had to pay nine
lanais" to the colonies out of every pound sterling of our
' °sports of British and Irish produce and manufactures.
But this was altogether unfair. Our exports merely slid
not represeat our entire colonial trade. The hon. baronet
had not taken into account the shipping, rind had altogether
leg out of his calculation the accumulated profit and capital
involved in the retention of our colonies. Still more
strangely mud unfairly the hon. baronet had omitted to
estimate the value of the intereolonial trade. This fallacy
of his hon. friend might be illustrated by supposing a per-
ms when eale Witting the total expenditure of the Great
Western or North Western Railway to take the results only
between terminus and terminus, leaving out altogether
from his eetintate the amino:es contributed by the inter-
mediate at:items. He (Mr. Ilawto) thought that the house
was nut ',tapered to fallow his hon. friend in the policy ex-
pounded that night. In many of his hon. friend's °Memo-
tisane he quite concurred. to what his hon. friend urged
In respect to economy, no objection whatever could be
token. The present government, perfectly alive to the im-
port:we of this point, had reduced the colonial expenditure
is the utmost possible extent, and this would be clearly
made out by an examinatione of the papers recently in the
bands of hon. member.. Ile thanked his honourable
friend fur the tone and spirit in which he had introduced
the discussion- toac and spirit differing widely from those
is which formerly it was usual to approach the topic; and,
astaitese to meet his hon. friend with equal courtesy, he felt
It his duty to move the "previous question." The hon.
gentleman concluded by moving as an amendment the
"previews question."
Mr. ADDEItLEY had been astonished at hearing the
teem in which the hon. gentleman alluded to the agito
des im tronuesion with the proposed convict establishments
stthe Cape. instead of throwing the blame of recent dis-
affection upon the right shoulders—upon thou! who had
attempted to force the convict establishments upon the
'deny —the hon. gentleman had not hesitated to attribute
the results to the course taken by those who properly
and from the justeet motives had resisted that attempt.
Anything more unfounded than this imputation he (Mr.
Athlerley) had never heard, and he indignantly repudiated
it. This question as to the Cape would, however, probably
be raised by the noble lord (Lord John Russell) later in the
evening, and he would not now deal with it. The proposi-
tion of the hon. baronet was certainly illustrated by the
present circumstances occurring at the Cape ; but it was no
doubt the wish of the house that discussion nn that particu-
lar point should be reserved. Mr. Adderley then combatted
many of the assumptions of danger or loss which Mr. Howes
had deduced from the resolutions before them. Ile reminded
Mr. Hawes that Lord Orey had himself recognised the
principle, that wherever local self-government was con-
ceded to a colony, that the whole of the civil and the greater
portion of the military expenditure of that colony must
some to he borne by this country. He could not see what
use there was in Mr. Hume endeavouring to save pence in
the expenditure at home while we had on the confines of I
Our empire quicksands absorbing every surplus of revenue
springing from the industry of the people. lie did not, how-
ever, support the motion merely on financial grounds ; he sap-
ported it because of the disastrous results flowing from the
policy. which our colonial military expenditure was intended
to maintain. lie contended that the connexion between self-
government and self-defence had been long since admitted is
an axiom of colonial policy. Upon economical principles he
advocated a change which would clear away the quicksands
where our resources were so perpetually swallowed up.
And upon social consideration:, he dwelt at much
kngth upon the deterioration and corruption produced in
the colonies by a system where the chief stimulus to im-
provement and activity was wholly withdrawn from the in-
habitants.
Mr. STANLEY limited his argument to the point spe-
cially raised by the resolution proposed to them, namely,
the amount and condition of the colonial military expentli-
ture. Sir W. Molesworth, he remarked, had himself made
an exception in favour of the strictly military settlements,
and he submitted that the settlement did not lose that
title merely by the circumstance of possessing a high
value in a productive or commercial sense. Thus Ca-
nada was a military province, because it possessed a long
frontier bordered by the United States ; and Jamaica,
as forming u fortress in the highway between Europe and
the Isthmus of Pasama. Referring to the amount of force
employed, he:contrasted the 2,000,000 inhabitants and vast
extent of di versified territory in North America, whose defence
was minuted to about eigbt or nine thousand troops is all.
From the records of recent parliamentary debates, he proved

that the colonies could not complain of want of attention is
the imperial legislature. Their interests had formed sub-
jeete for frequent discussion, and bad been debated long and
deliberately. Alluding to the special reason, the conflict of
I parties and dissonance of rages, which rendered the govern-
, anent of many colonies a difficult problem, he added a few
facts to prove the rapid development of their population and
production which had occurred coincidently with the existing
policy of administration. Among the ditticulVes resulting
Ileum the principle now laid down for adoption would be
that of distinguishing between local and imperial objects;
while the transference of all military charge to the colonists
would, in fact, give them the power of declaring peace or
war, and be equivalent to an abandonment of our whole
colonial empire.
Mr. COBDEN commented upon the absurdity of treating
colonies as military. stations, because they had extensive
frontiers to defend in case of war, which, should that con-
tingency
occur, could not be defensible for a moment.
The prosperity existing in the dependencies was no result
'Me military expenditure incurred on their account. It
MY asked whether we ought to give up the colonies for
twelve hundred thousand pounds. Ile inquired, in reply,
I Whether the colonists would give up the mother country for
so much money. A just view of the colonial spirit and
character led to the conclusion that they would accept the
alternative offered them, and consent to provide for their
I own defence, if they received is return the freedom of
self-government, raising them to the dignity of ci-
Usenship. The existence of a surplus on this
,year's revenue ought not to make the houses less
' ammo for retrenchment. The surplus was an accident ;
it lad perhaps already melted away, or might collapse at
ay moment through a confluents' intetde or a currency
panic. Nothing would make its safe but a reduction of ex-
penditure. Wu had repudiated the commercial monopoly
once enforced between the colonies and this coustry ; their
trade had been thrown open to other nation, and in some
of them not an acre of ground remained at the disposal of
the public. There was no visible service which the soldiers
hail to perform in provinces like Canada, and the continu-
ance of the expenditure left a suspicion of jobbing and pa-
tronage. Looking upon the question as altogether 'wea-
-1 Mary, he suggested to all parties, especially the agrieultu-
lists, that no relief from taxation was practicable, if the
did not enforce a proposition which would reduce the bulk
a the national outlay. Ile had a very strong impression that
if they reduced the expenditure en the colonies as they
might do, with the growing surplus that might spring from
that, bringing in increased receipts in other directions, the
agricultural interest might get all the remission of taxation
which properly interfered with their industry. Such bad
been the increase of the revenue, and so little had the ea-
pencliture been reduced, that he could see his way to an
abolition of the malt duty, if hon. gentlemen would take a
rational course on this colonial question. (Hear, hear.)
But, moot certainly, if they voted for keepiug up the whole
of this espeutliture, there was nu possibility of getting rid
of ouch an amount of taxation as that; and hon. gentlemen
ought to maks up their minds either to vote for the reduc-
tion in the only practicable way in which it could be made,
or to cease grumbling about their peculiar burdens. (Hear,
hear.) It was childish, cowardly, and disgraceful, to be con-
tinually crying out about the heavy weight of taxation, and
to refuse, when questions of this kind were brought furward,
to take the only possible way of reducing the burden.
lion. gentlemen opposite would be on their trial on this
occasion. If they wished to see any reduction of taxation
let them join the hon. banmet who brought this motion
forward, who was one of themselves, interested like the m
in agricultural pursuits, and who brought the question for-
ward on independent grounds, for it had not come from the
""Mancheder schwa.' (Hear, hear.) If ever there was a
, fair opportunity afforded hon. gentlemen opposite for giving
an honest straightforward vote this important question was
1 the occasion. and he hoped they would embrace et. (Cheers.)
Lord J. RUSSELL said—l quite agree with the hon.
gentleman who has just sat down that this is a most im-
portant question. It is not a question of saving 1,200,0001.,
or 1,590,000/., or even 2,000,00)1. a year. It is not even a
question of the repeal of the malt tax, which the hon. gen-
tleman seemed to think was the mist captivating form in
which he could represent it. (" Hear, hear," and laughter.)
But it is in fact • question whether the tendency of our
policy should be towards the maintenance or the dissolution
of the empire. That is the mode in which I think the
lion. gentleman should have put it. With regard
to Canada, if you say you will have no military expenditure
on sconmt of Canada, that you will nut defend Canada in
time of war —there is a country of the same race bordering
on Canada to which 1 think, in such a ease, they may natu-
rally recur fur protection. (Hear, hear.) But it may be
said that Canada is of sufficient strength and importance,
and has sufficient possessions, to fraud 3 separate and in-
dependent state of her own. But that is not the tare with
regard to many of the colonies—Jamaica, fur instance.
Jamaica will never expect to exist asseparate state. But
the other day a publication by an American gentleman,
who hail visited Jamaica, predicted that in some 20 years
Jamaica must belong to the United States. But, if you
were to adopt a policy of this kind, that change would take
place, not in 20 years, but within two years. (Hear, hear.)
It is impossible to believe that the people of Jamaica, if
they see all the garrisons taken away, and if you deny
them protection, would not recur to some strong
state which would give them that protection ; and
that state would naturally be the United States. (Hear.)
It is the same thing with regard to other colonies which in
the course of former wars you have taken from other
powers. (Hear, hear.) The Cape of Good Hope, for in-
stance, which is in great part inhabited by the Dutch. If
you abandon the inhabitants of that colony, and leave them
to Imbued to the incursions, the dangers, the desolations,
the inroads, and the massacres that might follow, what
would be fairer than that they should apply to the Nes
theilande, and seek again to attach themselves to Holland,
accepting that protection which a colony has a right to ask
in return for their fidelity? (Hear, hear.) Trini-
dad, in the same way, might seek to attach
itself to Spain, and the Mauritius to France ;
so that in a few years you would have dis-
solved that colonial empire, which has cost the wisdom
of our greatest statesmen, as well as the valour of our most
gallant sailors and soldier. to build up in former wars.
(Hear, hear.) My hon. friend who made this motion, as
well as other gentlemen who take a similar view, speak as
if there was to be a perpetual peace, ad, and, as if by the
calamity of war the existing order of things was not to be
interrupted. But we must never lose sight of that danger.
(Hear, hear.) We must recollect that by some unforeseen
turn of events, hostilities might be brought in view, by
which perhaps, we may be engaged in hostilities with some
other power of Europe. (hear, hear.) What would he the
effect with regard to trade? It might be all very well
in time of peace ; but war once commenced
these colonies would afford excellent situations for hostile
ships and privateers ; and you would find your trade and
commerce quickly cut up and destroyed by means of those
colonies, at present loyal and attached, but then certain to
be the resort of your most inveterate and implacable
enemies. Sir, I confess lam at times much discouraged
and disheartened by the language held in this house by hon.
, gentlemen of various parties, and perhaps similar language
is indulged in outside doors. (Hear, hear.) It seems to
one that after the cost to which we have gone in the course
s( centuries, from the time when the fleet of Oliver Crom-
well took Jamaica, down to the close of the last war, to
meet this great empire, that there really are persons, who
—timing the extent of our possessions, as well as the force of
our fleets and armies, together with our revenue
le maintain them—still decry this extent of possessions
as an evil and a calamity. (I eier, hear.) Sir, it is clear, it
Is evident, if these plans were carried into effect in the
manner proposed—it is evident, I repeat, it would not be
many years that you could retain your position or reputa-
tion in the world. (Hear, hear.) For, no sooner was it
known that you were ready to give up your colonies, than
you would find that foreign powers, with little cause of
uarrel, would not be lung in finding sufficient causes.
(Hear, hear.) You must not conceal from yourselves that
—although we entertain kindly feelings towards all foreign
nations—the great space which we occupy in the world, and
which we have attained to by our conquests and achievements,
is an object of envy to other states ; and immediately they
saw you disposed to shrink from your limits of empire,
sad narrow your space, thsugh not narrowed in the spirit
that maintains them, or checked in that expansion of soul
that animates this mighty empire, you would see that envy
spring up into a war of aggression, and perhaps of incalcu-
lable duration. (Hear, hear.) In what state would you
And yourselves then with regard to these colonies ? You
would posse: we neither the assistance nor the sympathy of
the colonies; whilst, as regards the debt incurred on their
behalf you would still have to pay the interest—and thus,
with a diminished empire, you would have to con-
tinue to pay aby no means diminished debt. (Hear, hear.)
Now I must ray there would result a loss of reputation,
which, even if this house were disposed to suffer, the people
of England would not hear with. (Hear, hear.) Because
you must recollect in former times colonies were formed in
North America, for instance, which, whilst infant settle-
ments, were sometimes subject to hostile incursions. (Hear,
hear.) Whole villages were destroyed, and the people were
murdered, yet in a short time the settlements were rapidly
restored and the villages rebuilt. But, in these times the
sews of these calamities did not arrive here, perhaps, until
two or three years after their occurrence, so un-
frequent and dilatory was the mole of CUMMUIIiGh
don and then, when the news did arrive, after such a lapse
of time, it caused little or no sensation. (Hear, hear.) But
if you heard now that a number of English settlers whom
we had sent in 1619 to the Cape, had been attacked, and
the greater part murdered; that the villages they inha-
bited and the farms they cultivated were in the possession
of murderous savages, what would be your feelings.
(Hear, hear.) If you purpose to abandon your settlements
on the coasa of Africa, and to withdraw your squadron,
and if you were told that again the inhumanities of the
slave trade were becoming rife and general—if all these
things were heard I believe the intelligence would fire
with indignation the people of this empire, and that
they would cry out "whatever be tee coat, whetner
one or two millions, or twice as much, let not ,
our countrymen be destroyed in those colonies, whi-
ther they went on the promise of your protec-
tion." (Hear, hear.) Therefore, sir, putting aside the
question of empire and power, the honour and reputation
of this country would so greatly suffer that you would mot
be able to maintain it. (Hear, hear.) Now, with regard
to the motion of the hon. baronet as to the return fur the
if.s of military protection that would follow on the be-
stowed of a free constitution—l think the argument used
by my hon. friend the Under Secretary for the Colonies
(Mr. Hawes) is unanswerable. (Hear, hear.) In Jamaica
you have a free represeatative constitution. The assembly in
Jamaica takes to itself more power than does this House of
Commons; therefore, it would be impossible to give them
to equivalent in free constitutions, because a more popular
assembly than they now porsese you cannot give them.
(Hear, hear.) In Trinidad you have 400 men ; but if you
were to give them representative iratitutions—as I said last
year, in quoting the opinion of the governor of Trinidad,
Lord Harris, there is such a number of races composing the

population—there would follow a war of races ; and, in-
stead of the 400 men being diminished, you would require
that they should be augmented. (Hear, hear.) This ques-
tion of difference of races in our colonies is one of great im-
portance that never should be lost eight of. We have, in
these colonies, French, Spanish, German, Butch, to say
nothing of the aboriginal and savage tribes of
New Zealand and Kaffrarie. (Hear, hear.) There is learel)
a race of man that we have not in our dominions; and,
therefore, the taking away of military protection in many
cases would be to give to one of those races a preponderanee
by which would be introduced fatal and lasting dissensions.
(Hear, hear.) There is even in Canada one danger which
he overlooked. The hon. baronet said "he would in the
ease. of all colonies leave them to provide for their own
internal tranquillity, occasionally sending to them a
subsidy to maintain their power and preserve that
tranquillity." I am sure the honourable baronet
must have observed that the danger in Canada arose from
the colony being divided between the British and French
races. The latter, having a majority in the Assembly of two-
thirds or three-fourths, were bent on separating from this
country and establishing a French Canadian republic;
but the English resisted that attempt, and en insurrection
took place. Now, when that insurrection took plate by
means of your military force, you were enabled, under the
direction of Sir W. Cobham, to crush it and maintain your
authority. (Bear, hear.) But ieeinstead of being able to
face that insurrection with a few regiments of military, you
had to rely on an English militia, 1 believe the contention
would have been longer, and the animosity far greater.
(Hear, hear.) Whilst, therefore, I cannot assent to this
motion, I cannot but admire the able speech of the hon.
baronet who introduced it ;—(cries of " hear, hear")—
because it proved that he had well studied the subject,
and brought it forward in an able and excellent
manner. (Hear, hear.) I could agree with him
it lie said that, instead of altogether withdrawieg our mili-
tary forces from a certain elms of our colonies, he had
said there were some of them in which our military garri-
sons were too great, and in which the people themselves
might furnish a eutticient militia to maintain internal tran-
quillity. (Hear, hear.) Most hon. members had seen the
despatches of Earl Grey, in reference to New South
Wales, as well as others referring to the government of
Canada. Both despatches go on the principle that the
colonies ought to contribute in • great part to their
military defence, and that the amount of force kept
up some years since need not now be continued
to the same extent. (Hear, hear.) I have no doubt that,
by making these reductions—very proper reductions—the
object of economy will in the end be largely attained. But,
sir, that must be done with great caution. (Hear, hear.)
It must be done gradually, and from time to time, accord-
iug to the circumstances of the colony to which you apply
the rule. (Hear, hear.) And, sir, one of the main faults
of the resolution of the lion. baronet is that, having from
3:1 to 40 colonies, inhabited by different raves, and diffe-
rently circumstanced, it pro awes, nevertheless, to apply
the same rule to the whole, and without making
this obvious difference—(hear, hear)—that. with regard
to Canada, that which you can do now it would have been
madness to do 10 years ago—(hear, hear)—whilst with re-
gard to other colonies, that which you cannot do now you
may be able to do some 10 years hence. (Hear, hear.) Sir,
these are questions in which the house had better not lay
down any general rule. (Hear, hear.) They must be de-
cided from time to time, but always under the supervision
and control of this house. (Hear, hear.) I trust, sir,
when I say under the supervision and control of this
house, that that supervision and control will be always
exercised with a view to maintain and defend the possessions
of the crown, to defend the integrity of this mighty empire,
and not with any view merely to diminish expenditure.
(" Hear, hear," and cheers.)
On the motion of Mr. Hine, the debate was adjourned
to Tuesday next.
SCOTCII UNIVERSITIES.
Mr. COWAN moved for leave to bring in a bill to regu-
late admission to the lay or secular chairs of the Universities
of Scotland. The hon. member said his object was simply
to have the bill printed, in order that it might be considered
by the general :issenibly at its approaching session.
Sir 0. CLERK opposed the motion, on the ground that
ib adoption would he au affirmation of the principle of the
After a few words from Sir R. Isotts, Lord J. Ressr.T.L,
and Mr. F. Maffe, the motion was postponed till May.
On the motion of Mr. MELLisus, the following return
was ordered :—Return of the nature and amount of each
fee authorised to be received by the several officers of the
Court of Chancery, and paid by them into the Bank of
England to the credit of the Suitors' Fee Fund ; distin-
guishing, so far as may be possible, the amount paid into
the fee fund in respect of each fee, from the 21th day of
November, 1849, to the 24th clay of November, Its)0.
PROPERTY TAX BILL.
The second reading of the Property Tax Bill was post-
poned until Monday next.
The other orders of the day were then disposed of, and
the house adjourned at fire minutes past one o'clock.

Sir E. N. Buxton paired in favour of the removal of
Smithfield-market with Mr. M'Cullagh against.
Colonel Lloyd Watkins has paired off with Mr, James
Farm from the Bth of April till after the Easter recess.

ne Cottrt.

Her Majesty the Queen and Prince Albert, ac-
companied by their royal highnesses the Princess Royal
and the Princess Alice, visited the British Museum yester-
day afternoon. ller Majesty and his Royal Highness were
attended by the Marchioness of Douro, Colonel Buckley,
and Lieut.- Colonel lion. Alexander Gordon.
The Duchess of Kent visited the Queen yesterday.
Prince Albert, attended by Lieut.-Culonel Hon. A. Gor-
don, rude out on horseback yesterday morning.
The Prince of Wales. Prince Alfre t, and the younger
members of the Royal Family, took their usual pony and
walking exercise yesterday in the garden of Buckingham

Palace'
The Royal dinner party yesterday at Buckingham Palace
included the Duchess of Kent, the Marquis and Marchioness
of Breadalbane, Lady Funny Howard, Baroness de Speth,
the Earl of Aberdeen, Viscount Itawarden, Lord and Lady
Colborne, and Lord Edward 'toward.
A deputation in the case of liarwood and Jones, under
sentence of death in llorsemonger-lane Gaul, had an inter-
view
with Sir George Grey yesterday at the Home'-attire.
The deputation consisted of Mr. William Ewart, M.l'., Mr.
Charles Gilpin, Mt. A. Dymond, and Mr. Thomas Beggs.
The Rev. Charles Bering, Mr. Samuel Gregson, and the
Rev. E. Scobell had an interview with Lord Seymour
yesterday at the office of her Majesty's commmissioners of
woods and forests in Whitehall-place.
The Lord Chancellor will receive the judges. Queen's
counsel, and other law officers at his residence in Eaton-
square, at 12 o'clock on Tuesday next, the first day of
Easter Term. His lordship will afterwards proceed to his
court at Westminrer.
The °trued University Commission met yesterday, at
the official residence of the First Lord of the Treasury,
in Downing-street. There were present, the Bishop of Nor-
wich, the Bean of Carlisle, the Master of l'embroke, the
Rev. It. G. Liddell, J. L. Dampier, Esq., the Rev. l'rofes-
sor Powell, the Rev. 0. 11. S. Johnson, and the Rev. A. P.
Stanley (secretary).
A deputation respecting the Lincolnshire estuary, con-
sisting of Mr. Childers, M. P., Messrs. l'ryme and
Fryer (directors), Sir John Rennie and Mr. Yates Free-
body (engineers), and Mr. W. Roy (solicitor), had an in-
terview yesterday with Lord Seymour.
Mr. John Wool, chairman of the Board of Inland
Revenue, had an interview with the Chancellor of the
Exchequer yesterday. Sir Thomas Fremantle, chairman
of the Customs, had also an interview with the right hon.
baronet yesterday, at his official residence, in Downing-
street.
A deputation of solicitors connected with railways in Ire-
land, consisting of Sir Mathew Barrington, Bart., Mr. John
A. Radcliffe, Mr. P. D. Jeffries, and Mr. Richard D. Kane,
had an interview with the railway commissioners yesterday
• .

at their office in the Board of Trade.
Dr. Bentley and Dr. Peacock had an interview yesterday
with Lord Seymour at the office of the Woods and Furtsts.

His Excellency Mr. Clemson. ex American minigter
at Brussels, with his lady and family, arrived here yester-
day morning by the Antwerpen steamer, Capt. Jackson.

EAST INDIA HOLSE.—Yesterday a court of direc-
tors was held at the East India House, when the new
directors elected on Wednesday last, viz., John Cotton,
Esq., John Lock, Eso., Charles Mills, Esq., William Henry
Clucheley Plowden, 'Esq., M.P., Henry Shank, Esq., and
Henry St. George Tucker, Esq., took the oath and their
meats John Shepherd, Esq., was chosen chairman, and Sir
James Weir Hogg, Bart., M.P., deputy chairman for the
year ensuing.
ROYAL COLLEGE OP SERGEONS.—At a meeting of
the council yesterday arternoon the following members who
had passed the necessary examinations on Monday and
Wednesday last were admitted Fellows of the College :
Mears. J. C. Ottaway,Dover ; J. H. Butler, Bengal Army,
W. It. H. Barker, Waatage ; J. Alexander, London ; and
W. Adams, Sew Broad-street.
LONDON HOSPlTAL,—Yeaterday the anniversary
festival in aid of the fends of this admirable institution was
held at the London Tavern, Sir E. N. Buxton, Bart.,
M.P., was announced ix president on the occasion, but in
his absence the chair was taken by R. Hanbury, Esq., one
of the vice-presidents. He was supported by several of the
governors of the charity, and about one hundred and thirty
gentlemen sat down tZ dinner. The customary leading
toasts having been duly honoured, the chairman, in proposing
the toast of the eveniag, eloquently set forth the claims
open public support possessed by the institution which they
' had,pssembled to sustain. He pointed out the necessity
which existed for such an establishment in the locality
where it was placed. H' appealed to the returns of the
medical officers, for the purpose of showing that the compe-
-1 nitre mortality in its wards was less than in those of
other hospitals, and he referred to the rules by
which the admission of patients is governed for the purpose
of proving that it is in reality a free hospital. The total
Inumber of patients relieved during the past year was
20:297, and in the year previously 211,906. Ile also called
' attention to the fact, that, although the number of cases
dealt with is the institution had gone on increasing pro-
gressively since the year 1840, the amount of funds derived
trim public sympathy bad remained nearly stationary, and
he concluded with an earnest appeal to the patrons of the
charity to make up by liberal contributions the deficiency
which existed in the funds. This appeal was promptly
responded to, and the secretary in the course of the evening
I mounted a goodly list of subscriptions.