The Express.
London, England, 1853-08-10 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.

HOUSE OF LORDS.—TvE4DAY, Acorn 9.
The LOAD Cuorwiwt.ox wok his ..at at 3 o'clock
PETITIONS PRESE TD NE.
.

BALLAST BIATIIIS.—By the Bist.up of LONDON, from
• eleippraaa is the Tower II onlvtr, praplig that the bella-t
he might be placed under the management ni ILO
Triaity Board.
UNIoN RAILWAY RILL —By Lord OVER.
BTON E and Lord BEAL:MONT from several places
against 0.,* tail.
PRIVATE BILLS.

Lord ILEDESDifini—...-4:1 tiUtii; older which pre-
vented any bill being read a second time after the 12th of
July morlit be relined in favour of the unly three bills that
were not intruiltsced in time, in ci.nsequenee of unusual de-
lay in ti.e House of Commons.
Lord 51ANLEY of ALDERLEY concurred, and the
mutton was agrees! to.
EASIERN UNION RAILWAY BILL.
The Earl of DONOUUHMORE Dined the second read-
ing of th n bill, and stated that its object was to Carty out
an agreement which had been originally sought by the
preference shareholders from the simple contract credi:ors;
and they now came before their lorilahips to oppose the bill.
The bill hail been carefully esamined by a committee of the
other houveuf parliament, who bad unanimously reported
is favour of it. He hoped, therefore, that their lordships
would allow it to be read a second tiro', in order that it
!sight go to a select committee.
Lord BEAUMONT ear, d nothing about the details of
the measure, but be obi to its principle, because it
proposed to take away (ruin persons, without their consent,
property which had been guaranteed to them by an act of
parliament. Osaranteed shares were always dealt with as
safe propi-ey, because they were secured by act of parlia-
ment ; and if they adopted this bill they would break down
the it bultriif that principle. lie should move the second
reading the bill that slay three months.
Their lordships divided :
Contents
Nun-contests l4-17
The bill was accordingly read a second time.
BUSINESS OF THE HOUSE.—THE NAVAL
REVIEW:
- - _ _

In reply to a questiouft;intru Earl of DONist'ollXolll,
The Earl of ABERDEEN was understood to say that it
was not considered necessary that the house should meet on
Wednesday, and as the business for Thursday was only of
the oritioory character, and was not lik ly to occupy much
time or occasion discussion it was not proposed to adjourn
over that day.
LANDLORD AND TENANT (IRELAND) BILL.
The Duke of NEWCASI LE, in moving the second
ressdiag of this bill, said he believed he should best consult
that large portion of their lordships who were connected
by birth or by property with Ireland if in asking their
lordship' assent to the three bills which stood first on the
paper in reference to the relations of landlord and tenant,
he treated them as pertaining to one and the same sub-
ject, end discussed thcoi together. With regard to the
Landlord and Tenant 80l and thejenants' Improvement
Conspeusation Bill, they were to a great extent of a similar
character, and as the other bill (the Leasing Powers Bill)
dealt also with the Nine subject, it would tend to simplify
the discussion and enable them to arrive at a more perfect
taderstandir st of their nature and object if he took them
together. (ilear, hese) But before covering Oro the
consideration of the bills themselves, he would allude
shortly to their origin. Within the last few days an
attempt had been snails to persuade the public
that there was something of • communistic principle in
time me 4.1.1Te11. and that they involved confiscation of pro
party. He could only soy, that for himself, as well as for
say other member of the government to which he had the
honour to belong, that if there could be even the slightest
suspicion that such a character attached to them, they
would be the very last persons to give them their coons
tifeauce. (Hear, boar) But how had these bills ori-
ginated ? Ile hail seen it stated that morning that they
had been brought in bye coslition cabinet Oa. the repre-
sentation of certain Irish members of the other house, who
were represented 04 powering estraorilinary influence
with the ouvernment. S. far from that being the case,
these measures dated so far beck as November last, when
they mete introduced, not by a coalition cabinet, but by the
right hon. and learned gentleman who filled the office of
Attorney.lieneral for Ireland under Lord Derby, and upon
the responsibility of • conservative government--(hear,
hear)—of tbs• government which procloiesei itself as a
body antagonistic to the slightest advance of that very
democratic clement which was now supposed to be
eteneentrated in these bills. (Hear.) They were told last
sight by the noble earl opposite, that the bills
as they now came up to their lordships were
net the tams bills that had been introduced by
the right hon. and learned gentleman and the government
of which he was a member. lie confessed he had
bees rigNsi astonished than he was when he heard that
statement from the noble earl, for he could show that the
bills were not only the same in every parliamentary and re-
cognised senor, but that trey were the same in all their va-
rious features and principal enactments, and that no change
in them bad been made of so extensive a character as
usually took place in measures of this kind in passing
through parliament. It was impossible, therefore, for any
man who supported the bills is November last to repudiate
them now on the ground that they were not the same.
However highly he valued a settlement of this ques-
tion, as essential to the peace and welfare of Ireland,
he believed no settlement would be satisfactory which did
not preserve the rights of property, in all its aspects and
particular* inviolate. (Cheers.) Nothing was more cal-
culated to retard the social improvement, and the
progress of civilisation in any country, than otos-
runes which could possibly have the tendency of
Impairing in any way the rights of property. This brought
him to the consideration of the sentence so often quoted
that " property has its duties as well as its rights," but,
unfortunately in Ireland the duties and the rights did not
lerain to the same individual. It might be said that any
gislation on the subject of the relations between landlord
sad tenant was an interference with the doctrines of free
trade. lie did not adopt that position, but he said that
they were not in that position in which they could decide
that they would not legislate. Let him call to mind what
had been done in successive generations in reference to the
relations of landlord and tenant, not is Ireland merely, hut
in this country also. Why, the bills to which he was now
falling attention showed to what extent that interference
had geue. The schedule of ono of those bills referred
Is nearly GO distinct sets, which it was here proposed to re- '
peal, and he was assured that upwards of 200 acts were
more or less concerned or referred toin the provisionsof these
three bills; and from the reign of Edward IV. down to the
present time the statute book teemed with legislation on
this subject. It was impossible, then, to maintain the doc-
trine of free trade as between landlord and tenant at this
moment unless they erased all these various acts altogether
from the statute book, and that they could not do without
interfering with the law of entail, which he looked upon ma
a veluab!ir ingredient of the social system of this country.
(Hear, hear.) Looking at the gradually increasing wealth
of all classes, and the growing population, he maintained
that if they wished to uphold the iaw of entail it was neces-
sary to pus, he would not say these particular bills, but
measures having the same object, and that by passing laws
foe settling the relations of landlord and tenant they would
is effect be strengthening the law of entail. (Hear, hear.)
It might be true that the value of property in Ireland had
at this moment increued, and was increasing, and that the
social condition of the people was improving in the mme
ratio, and he might be told, perhaps, that there was not that
cry for the measure as there was some time ago. But
might it not be that the spirit in which the question had
bees taken up in the other house, and the anxiety which
had been shown by parliament and by the government to
arrive at a astidactory settlement had to some extent owe-
sioaed the abatement of that cry ? But even if that were
not the cam, the absence of agitation was in his view an
argument is favour sad not against legislation. After re-
hrring to the leading provisions of the bill, his grass
issaeladed :—He thought, that noble lords opposite
would be acting unwisely, and in the same manner
that they did some years ago with reference to protection,
U they rejected these bills. (Ironical cries of " hear, hear.")
He had submitted any measure to that or the other
home of parliament with a more sincere conviction
that it was their bounden duty, without reference to party
—(" Hear. hear," ironically., from the Earl of Shaftesbury.)
The noble earl cheered asif thought there was some party
feeling on that (the ministerial) side of the house. He
Gould assure him that in proposing this measure the go-
vernment sought nothing but the welfare of Ireland. If
it pulsed whom would be the credit? (lieu, hear.) He
said at once it would be the right hon. gentleman's (Mr.
Napier's), and justly so. If it did not pass on whom would
rest the reproach ? On tffe present government, who had
at that period of the session endeavoured to bring about •
settlement of this difficult question. What room was there
for party motives when honour was done to one who did
honour to noble lords opposite when they were
In °Nee, and whom they were anxious to discard
now that Matted their purpose. (Ministerial cheers.) Re-
torting upon dlll noble earl the charge of being actuated by
party Illotivess It would conclude, as he was about to do
when intervener/. with an earnest appeal to their lordships
to pass the wad scailicg, not with the view of panne the
whole of the emnellnemie into effeet, bat with the view of
giving the mennee *stair countersuen which it certainly
deserved at *dr lam& (Hear, hear.)
The Marquise, CLANRICARDE said if he wanted a
proof of the &tram of passing thew bills, he should find it
in the speech of the noble duke, who, while he bad addressed
their lordships but a very short time on the detailaof the bill,
had endeavoured, in the litter part of his speech, to make
the question • personal one in relation to noble lords oppo-
site—(bear, Mar)—taking them with their party antics*.
dents, no matter at what sacrifice to Ireland, so that the
purpose, of the moment were served. (Cheers.) Then
was no necessity to introduce a single word about proteo-
tion or any other party question. The noble duke himself
said the question had no reference to paty. Than why did
he introits*, party subjects ? (Hear, hear.) Why this
appeal ad Anaesseirse, instead of the 0/9117014414M ad rem,
U the object were not to turn away their t lord-
ships' minds from the consideration of the measure,
and to obtain votes by an appeal to party feelings? (Cheers./
Notwithstanding what bad passed, he would recommen
the noble earl (Malessabary) to allow the bills to be read •
second time, but only with • view to their being referred to
a select committee, in order that they might be well con-
@Mend, and introduced early next amino. The reasoa-
ableous of delay was obvious. Their lordships had now
been siting ten months; ant it was within ten days of the
claw of such • session that they were asked to pass three of
the most important measures veer proposed with reference
to the internal audition of Inland. (Hear, hear.) He
declared that these bills would be productive of
endless litigaeisand coufasion—indeed, it was well known