The Express.
London, England, 1849-10-06 00:00:00

Vie erpreso.

OUTGOING MAILS.
The nails fel Vigo, Oporto, Bisbee, Madeira, Cadis, and
Gibraltar, will be made op on the .ssorsieg et Oat, 8.
The audio, tic ldaresillee, to the Matillemwees. ECIPt,
Ceylon, India, Hous-lout, he. will be made up on Me
evening of October I.
The mile for British North America sad the Baited
States will be made up oa the 'maim of Oet. 12.
The West India Mails, emeludiag Bermuda, Havanna,
Nemo, Hilid•Tell, New Orleans, sad Matadi.,
those ter Madeira, M. laaa•deNiserague, New Granada,
Mai, and Peru, will be made up ea Oct. 17.
The mails ter o:braltar, Malta, &mos, the Imam bi
Egypt, Ceylon, ladle, sad Miss, Ma Southampteall
be made up ea tits mersdag of OM. 20.
The mails kr Madeira, the Nov.
sad Bassos Lyres,
will be made up es the seeming off Nor. 5.

NOM WATER AT LONDON =IDOL
Tule Day—lfrolmo. Ir. sor ARansoa. a R 43•1.
WOMILYIP,Mgainis IL 6 .. ..... .• aftessea. I h. II or

LONDON, SATURDAY, OCTOBER 6.

Tunis is not a calm new a theme, nor a claim
ever started, more just, mop logical, =mortal's
or more imperative. then tie equalisation atma-
Won of electoral rights; and yet we know of sue
more ungrateful to take up, or so unlikely to Mile
either the eloquence of the orator or the attention of
the listener. For why ? The question is altogether
too plain, the reasons too powerful, the conclu-
elms toe self-evident. The injustice with which
the franchise is distributed, the distinction and pre-
ference which it shows to one man above another, to
one class above another, in numberless instances with-
out a shadow of right, use, or even advantage to thaw
preferred, is something:so crying, so absurd, that ems
if snob a system was attended with no prectical injus.
rise, no dangerous political effect, no formidable dia-
minatint, it ought to be instantly remedied and trot
aright, were it but for the sake of rendering the basis,
on which our entire political fabric rests, on a level
re in common justice, fairness, and right.
Piltale wont to be very severe and very contemp-
tuous on the subject of the charters and the electoral
systems which despotic princes think fit to octroy, or
condescendingly grant to their subjects. But what
would we say, or what would the rational world of
Europe think, if his Majesty of Palmas, or Count
Preawriazwatino, or the Czar, were to give • sew
stitution, the chief conditions of which were, that
the landed population should monopolise five-sixths
of the representation ? If kings were to ordain
that the franchise should be distributed in the inverse
ratio of the density of population, the accumulation of
wealth, theexpanse of ideas and education • if they were
to decree that large domains, with a serf and utterly
dependent population scattered over them, should be
amply' endowed with representatives, these serfs
forbidden even to pretend to an independent vote by
the right of their lord to watch and to know the vote
they gave, their tenure of land being dependent on the
will of him who overlooked them ; if the small towns
and villages, which were merely adjuncts of this
agricultural pounlation, and us dependent on
the very !serfs as the lords of that land
and population, were, moreover, to be endowed
with an overwhelming majority of representatives,
whilst those places in which capital and industry and
ntelligenos bad cone lomerated, one half the civic popu-
lation in number, but all the spirit and talent and
wealth of the civic population in quality—if these
were to be indulged with merely a few representa-
tives, to afford, perhaps, some expression of opinion,
bet no importance, much less preponderance of vote:
—why,. if HATNAU orMANTRUPFEL or any
inconceivable and unpronounceable minister of
Rs, were to propose anon a charter and
such an electoral system for even the benighted
regions of the east, all Europe would stigma-
tise the juggling with derision. The Emperor of
AUSTRIA would be hooted for such an insult to the
people. The King of PRUSSIA would be pelted with
a shower of mad that his 500,000 bayonets could not
ward off, and people of even moderate and calm
opinions would furbish their mnsquets, as the only
final remedy and reply to such outrage upon common
freedom and 0111 Mon rights.
Yet such is the sem of England at this very day ;
of England, which sts to be at the head of civilisa-
tion and free government, but which in this great and
fundamental question of electoral law, and the basis
of political rights, is at the very tail, perpetuating
one of the m set disgraceful complications of jugglery,
injustice, corruption, and abuse, which history could
record, or imagination conceive.
Take the twelve members returned by the clod-
hoppers or their dependents mentioned by Mr. HUME,
and counterbalance them by the twelve members
returned from a million and a half of the most
wealthy and intelligent of the civic population—
Sixteen of our largest boroughs (said Sir Joshua Wellesley)
1ne.141 London and the seven suburban bo-nughs, with
Li , limuthestter, Birmingham, Bristol, Wolverhamp-
ton, alfoed, Leeds, end Sheffield, contain one-half of the
borough population of the kin/dont, and yet return only
33 members to the House of Comm ms, whilst the other
moiety mums 290 members. (Hear, heir.) There are 30
boroughs eostainiag lees than 300 elective each, several with
leis than 200; there are 63 with lens than 400 ; and 81 wit"
telethon SOS electors in each ; whilst large and populous dis-
tricts, containing thoussads of house, of the annual vales
of 104 and upwards, are totally unrepresented, save through
their county members. Eighty six members are sent to
the House of Commons by a leesaggregate number of
electors than are contained in the Tower Hamlets, who
send Only two members—one of whom, however, my hoa.
friend Mr. Thompson, is a host in himself. ( Hear, hear.)
Sixty-nine of our boroughs are virtually beyond the power
of copular influence, almost as much so as were Elation
or popular
&rasa. (Renewed cries of " Shame !") The
county repro mutation, like county meetings, or the show
of heads on the day of norainttion, is little better than a
mockery, being for the moot pert under the cowed of a few
whip or tory landowners, whom combined will, as far se the
sesualtuenekie are concerned, is law. (A voice—" That's
true.") When their interests matron be made to coalesce,
the tenant farmers are complimented by a voting paper, cob-
galaiba the mass of rho blue or reel candidate, and sot
seswinply, haimp_subsequently driven to the hustings like
sheep to the (' It is se.") Bach is our system of
M 'static& to population ; if we examine it
2trateeptatile popery, we shall find the same preponde-
radio poem in the Mob of the governing few. One half
*enema vales el property in England is represented by
nibs seeelies sad see- kindred and silty. one members. The
other half by thirty-see counties, and three hundred and tea
munkeee. again. use half of the members of the House of
COMBOS' repentant peeper to the annual vales of six mil-
lions two hundred theesaad pounds ; the other kelt represent
seventy sight antis= of yearly value. If we ampere a
large berserk with r meaty. both as reassets peculation and
preperty, the MIA Inequality exists. Li=i, for instance,
'intakes these to tow hundred thousand is assessed to
upwards of a minks sad a half to the pear's rote, end re-
turns tee mentiorre te parliament, whil.t Bueltin:th
with erne Isomired and seventy. thousand of population,
assamoi ker half the amount of Liverpool, sends eleven mem-
bers forewent her interest.
One amid think that so plain a tale would be
s italundleient to sweep objections before it, and
away those opponents of reform that were de-
termined to defy conviction. But that class, which
has se long.held the monopoly of political influence and
direstioa, is, naturally enough, inclined to keep iti
The Reform Bill of 1832 was simply the result of a
schism In that predominant clam, a civil war between
the York end Lancaster of the aristocracy, in which
the weakest party hoped, by the aid of the popular
element, to establish, not pmular influent*, bat
their own fractional predominance.- But why has
ref 'tin failed P Beams" the whip wanted to scotch
the Wrier, but not kill them; to make use of the
=, not to give them power; using them as a
, which in their hinds could mow down all
before it, but which the whigs hung up as soon as
they bad got in their crop. But the two aristocratical
parties which warred in 1832 have come to a matured
understanding by this time. The events of 1848 have
frightened both, and they bold together, playing into
each other's hands, the more adroitly and success-
fully duping the people, by the juggle of one party
sitting to the right of the Brasasit in parliament., the
other to the left. They get up debates, indeed, for
form sake,and squabble about the Cape of flood Hope
or Vancouver's Island. They are tierce enemies
when the interests of the antipodes are to be dis-
missed, but on questions affecting the liberties or the
burdens of Englishmen—upon these all are agreed,
county and small borough members, except where
large, enlightened. and industrial communities have
returned members in the popular interest.
It is for the inhabitants of such important towns
as Norwich to say whether this jugglery shall con-
tinue. And Norwich especially is to be looked to,
as calculated to give a most important and impar-
tial judgment in the matter. In the midst of an
agricultural county, yet with all the tradition, and
instinct, and exper mace, of manufacturing industry and
trade, both ire struggling elements ere there in prc-
ellielh The natural result of such a struggle in the
*ldes time was a compromise between toryism and
liberalism in the choice of an enlightened whig. But

it ear dayi a Whig may mean wails. It may I
mean the Lord Jour( Itossau. of the Reform Bill,
or of the Test and Corporation Acta, or it may mean
the Lord Joax of the Balmoral letter. And few
oonstituencies will henceforth be contented either with
Janus repsesentationor Janus politics.
The true touchstone is reform, suffrage commensu-
rate with rating, the ballot, a fair distribution of the '
suffrage amongst districts, and frequent perliernente.
Whoever is not for these, is for aristocrat° privilege
and rel., and is a foe to the plainest principled of jos-
tice,soonomy, and social order. The opponents of
these reforms have not one plain and fair argument
to urge against them. The sale plea with the timid
consists of the danger of change; find to this we
would set off the still greater danger of remaining
statioeary. The plea with which they meet
the movement piety simply that the public
is Mamma LI!!!„ Omsk/wady sontsstvi--the
the middle classes are sat to be taxed and to be
quiet, and to be poorly and partially represented, as
they are. Now to this argument no one can reply
but the public itself, and the industrious classes, who
are challenged to speak out; even out of their silence
and their quietude is forged the very sceptre which
the aristocracy wield, and the fetters which they
daily forge and fasten on society.
A great difficulty with the industrious classes, how-
ever, used to be, how they could make known their
opinion and desires without creating disturbance, and
alarming the very interests which they sought to
enlist. That difficulty, however, no longer exists.
Through all the kingdom have sprung up and been
organised societies for parliamentary and financial
reform. They are open to all, and are affiliated with
the London Society, which owes its origin to the spi-
rit, real, and talents of Bir JOSHUA WALMSLEY. But of
London reformers we may be sure. There their efforts
need notbe enormous. Neither do the great manu-
facturing towns ?noire more efforts to collect or
to represent their opinion. But in the scattered and
hirer foci of civic interests, and opinions, kept down
as they are by superincombent influence, moral exer-
tion is required, and a labour of emancipation has to
be undertaken. We are glad to see this task so
well begun in Norwich ; at d we trust that it will be
taken up and carried on simultaneously in all the im-
portant provincial centres throughout the kingdom.

SEVERAL mills in Lancashire have within the last
ten days been closed, and many are preparing to
work short time. It is chiefly of those engaged in
spinuieg the coarser kinds of yarn that this is true.
The value added by their operations to the raw mate-
rial is comparatively small, and the margin for profit
is proportionately limited. When cotton, therefore,
rises materially in. price, or is expected to prove
scarce for any lengthened period, these are the first
to feel the pressure, and the promptest to take self-
detensive measures against the danger of working at
a loss instead of a gain. Heavily laden ships are the
most liable to suffer in a storm, and the soonest
compelled to lighten cargo when they find it
coming on.
Bur it will be well if other branches of textile
industry do not likewise suffer from the same cause
ere winter closes in. The cotton crop is likely to fall
short this season in America of what it was last year.
Of the actual amount of the yield it is still too soon
to speak confidently. Some weeks may yet elapse
ere we know precisely how many bales the anxiously
watched and counted shrubs will supply ; but the
only question is as to the extent of the de-
ficiency. That there will be a deficiency, greater
or less in quantity and quality, as con-
trutei with the crop of last year, nobody seems
to doubt. Fluctuations in the produce of cotton are
as inevitable as in that of other species of culture, and
the only means of equtteing, or at least adjusting in
some degree the available supply, is obviously by a
resort to tke same expedient which we have lately
learned the wisdom of adopting with respect to food.
Variations in agricultural produce, and consequently
in commercial price, labourers' wages, and capitalists'
profit, are necessarily in the direct ratio of
the contracted superficies devoted to that par-
ticular kind of cultivation. As we enlarge
the area, and multiply the regions whence
we look for supplies, shether of corn or cotton, the
fluctuations become less perceptible as the varia-
tions of yield counterpoise each other. But our pre-
sent supply of the main staple of our industrial life
may be said to be practically drawn altogether from
one country, and the consequence is, that upon the
casualties of the season in that particular territory
the welfare or impoverishment of millions of our people
are annually suspended as upon the gambling chances
of a die.

It is quite true that in America the cultivation of
cotton has, of recent `►ars, made considerableprogreso:
as the subjoined table serves to show. the crop
yielded in—
Yews. Asks.
1011
1104
MSS .......................
1636 ... • 1,422,930
1637/
1,360,533
11136
1640
1611
1642
..... ........ 2,379,875
1813
1844
1645 .„ 2,100,537
2,317,441
1643 ••••••••••••••••• 2,7v7,000
Thus we perceive a large augmentation of the an-
nual yield, though chequered at every period of three
or four years by partial failures. We attach little
importance to the ingenious calculations that have
been made of the supposed cycles of abundance and
intervening reasons of scarcity. No rule can be relied
upon where the daily bread of multitudes is directly
at stake which approaches no nearer to uniformity
than that which the foregoing :figures sustain. The
competition of diverse soils and dissimilar climates
would afford us better guarantees of safety ; nor are
we disposed is credit the pretentious promises that are
founded upon any other basis.
Meanwhile the certain and startling fact merits
the deepest consideration that the increased demand
has, daring the period we have named far exceeded
the increased supply. Twenty years ago there were
retained for home consumption in the United King-
dom 208,987,000 lbs. of cotton wool. Ten years me
there were retained 672,000,000 lbs. During the
last ten years the increase has been less rapid, being
not more than that which the following table
indicates :
1839

~ 1,044,000 bales.
1640 ...1,883,000 „
1641
1842
1643
1844
1843
1846
1847
1646 1,503,000 ~

Yet even this rate of progression, it is clear, La out-
strips the rats of extended cultivation which the
capital and labour of America afford. And were
it not for the supplementary suppliesdravrn from other
quarters, there can be little doubt that ere this the
evily of an inadequate market for the raw material
would have been mach more severely felt than they
have yet. been.
Nor is this all. The consumption of America
herself begins to form an important item
in the general calculation. In 1832 but 173,000
bales were retained for domestic consumption
in the United States ; whereas there were last year
retained 600,000 bales, or one-filth of the entire crop
of 1848. Supposing the American demand to proceed
during the next few years at anything like this rate,
it is manifest that one of two things must happen—.
either our cotton manufacture must become factitiously
contracted within dimensions wholly irrespective of
its natural capabilities, or the wants of the world; or
new and additional ootton-fields must be found
whence the raw material may in future be derived.
We have left wholly out of view the manifold and
serious considerations which physical or social ca-
lamities may at any moment entail. 'These in them-
selves would amply suffice to fill the mind of any
fore houghtful eta amen with solicitude lest at some
unexpected juncture the means of popular subsistence
in Lancashire should suddenly be cut off as we have
seen that of Connaught by an inscrutable decree. And
there is more than enough in the political institutions
of the cotton-growing states of the American cold,
deracy, and in the hostility entertained towards those
peculiar institutions by their northern brethren, to
cast over the spirit of the most sanguine or credulouy
misgivings as to the security of a crop, every fibre of
which is raised by the labour of slave..
An inexhaus ible auxiliary field lies fallow within
the range of our own empire. India, the native land
of the cotton plant, longs to be permitted once again

The following are the importation of corn daring
the past month and for the eight month, of this year,
together with corresponding tables for 1818 :

Mann ended SW IlgBt Months ended.
9ep6. Bth Sept.
AZITCLZIL
1848. 1849., ,-
1843. 1849.
, Wheat gra 181,077 379,151 967,985 2,791,873
Harley „ 104,184 137,038 464,090 956,857
Oata „ 165,226 161,522 513,565 781,964
Rye " 613 44,133 4,862 106,330
Pei 10,813 21,448 55,629 114,386
Brum "„ 32,384 21,870 340,543 369,663
indiau earn, or assize 105,002 203,297 873,946 1,732,744
Wheanneslor fieez 06 88,096 320,973 474,020 2,449,976
Oatmeal
Rye meal .
Indian torn meal " 5,431 6,366 167,150 95,148