The Express.
London, England, 1849-11-24 00:00:00

1819. from do. toAug.3l (Bmontka) 861,000

la this paper, therefore, occupying as they eon-
il assert, the filet place in point of circulation
mong its contemporarits, the proprietors offer to
Al% ,rtisers inertased fecilitits, now for the first time
Arable to them in the London Daily Press. Should
h is ensue any largely iccreased demand upon the
31umos of the parr, the proprietors are prepared to
te..t such demand by the occasional publication,
hout extra charge, of a double number.

h will be recollected that the Convention entered
t • in 1845 between France and England fur the
..ob.ishmect of a cruising squadron on the west coast
Africa, to suppress of the slave trade, will
ortly expire ; aid that either of the contracting
rtes, deaiiirg to term'nsta its engagement, must
nousce such intention to the other at lesst three
r.ths bef rehand. I. is stated that the French
vernment has come to tho determination not to con-
u+ a party to this Convention.
l'he above important statement is to be found in

Annaks de lirmatitht d'illrique' the erg, a of the
i-slaTery party in France; and it is • journal of
hority on such a question.
:be Convention of 1843, it may be remembered,
4 framed as &substitute fir the Conventions of 1831

1833, which exchanged and extended the
4 of mutual search; a right, which public
stun in France, then under the rule of the " No-
on of Peace," would in 1845 no longer endure.
convention of that year. therefore, in form mis-
led, but in substance terminated, that irritating
useless right ; and upon its conclusion instruc-
s were given to the offiaers of our African quad-
.' not to capture, visit, or is any way interfere
vessels of France." In substitution kr the right
each, France by the convention undertook to
r on the western cer.t of Africa 26 steam and
ug vessels of war for suppression purposes; and
tegagement she has faithfully but profitlesaly per-
ed. It WU, however, meant to be an experiment
; for though the convention was intended to last
years, either party hsaved the power of re-
v from it at the expirition of five years.
e fifth year of the convection's durotioa is 1850;
the French repubre, wiser than the French
rchy, intends, it se e•ns, to avail itself of the
at opportunity of getting rid of the obligation of
rg 26 ships of war in olio part of the African
Tire determination, considering the state of its
and the notorious impotency of that tepee-
net to interfere with th, slave trade, cannot, of
,be seriously opposed. It is indeed understood
”rd PeI..3IERSTON would not object to Francs
reducing its African squadron to 12 ships;
what employment on the coast even that force
dit would be difficult to say. However, the
ion to keep 28 ships of war there, thus about
erminated, is the only engagement iu the coa-
tof 1545 of much concern to anyone. Its ter-
nr, however, in form,reviees the conventions of
d 1833.
it now is to be done with the third article of
ner, which runs as follows?
number of shi!s to be invested with this right (of
shell bo fixed each yc rby • special agr^emeat; the
• for each nation neei no: be the same; but in no
ill the number of etuisers of the one nation be more
teas the number of the cruisers of the other.
e is a field for further complication, or for
tz.ble ercupe, whichever the Foreign office
I. Condemned by vote of the chambers of the
chy, what ministers of toe Republic dare give
h owners warrants to exercise the right of
? And if Fronts will on the coast only suf-
y reduce her squadron, it will be a violation of
brention for RoFeanl to have any considerable
here. Let France withdraw her squadron
th-r, and double the number of cruizers which
i I would be entitled to maintain would be—
Ikre, then, is a diplomatic door open by
to retreat with c)l.ours flying from the awkward
in in which our obstinacy, in resisting the
economical, and physical laws of nature, has
.us.
ace, then, has, it would seem, been brought to
inclusion that the slam trade cannot be sup-
d or materially teduced by means of armed sup-
on. Though it is melancholy to think what
F, what mortality, what expense, (not less to
nd alone than twenty-eight millions sterling)
tenco in that system has imposed on the world ;
decant to trace the growth of public opinion of
ionl.cy, its injudicz, and its cruelty. As usual,
hid that veteran reformer, Mr. HUME, first
ie field. So long ago as 1830 he procured a
lithe on t`ei African settlements of Fernando
id Sierra Leone, and one of its resolutions was:
it it is the opinion of this committee, that, though they
~.fined them inquiry into the relative advantages of
rent settlements on the coast of Africa, yet they
sly recommend that in the ensuing session parliament
.1 take into consitent-i>a the very important question,
h.r tile system now full ivied for the prevention of the
tr 4! has secured the o!ject intended.
33 stormy politics of the Reform Bill era arrested
such inquiry; and the country plunged, reek-
of all consequences, into the armed system ; few
expressing doubts, most men shooting applause.
nowover, in 1842, a committee inquired into
African settlements; and again intormation
icht forth scepticism as to the success of the
em; and though it was also restricted from
ring any report on it, spin a committee scattered
',loos cores, again it reported on the relation of
innate commerce to the slave trade in a way that
d, ho s t:e more " perfect" became the system,
more impracticable for good end the more
:us for mischief it (as bad systems always do)
w.
et lat,t, after years of heihation and nibbling
in-
•ct►y with the subject, public opinion out of doors
spelled the House of Commons to refer the entire
'Son of the slave trade to a committee, and for the
. two sessions this committee sat laboriously,
cutely, impartially investigating the matter. The
writhe* contained many of the most conspicuous
vegans of the cruising system ; and their advocacy
t was of the most courageous description. Well,
labours of this committee were, an its printed 'vi-
ce but too heavily proves, enormous; but those
mrs melted in a oondemnation of the system.
rho British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society,
endorsed these recommerdations with its audio-
,. Ire their report for 1849 they declare themselves
visaed
he, tee eupproleion of the fereign Africa' slave-trade le
to be expectel by the mere employment of a naval
e, bet rather its harem are aggravated without its ex-
. left diminished thereby.

And they trust—
That her Yak sty's government will small the cruisers
from the coat of Africa, sEd abandon a sebum of osereive
suppression which has been found, in operation, powerless
for good, and productive of many and gnat evils.
Nor was the society at all inoonsistent in coming to
these opinions; fur its object is the extinction of
slavery; and if universally extinguished, the motive
foe the slave-trade will have ceased to exist.
Such is the opinion of the Freach gevernmeat;
such is the opinion of a committee of the British'
Home of Commons ; such is the opinion of the
Eog.'ish Auti•Blavery Society; such, we are entitled
to belt eve, is also popular opinion.

IT is la that when the opinion of Sir ROBERT
pin wee Aone occasion, 'eked respecting the tone
systematically' adopted by the nines on Irish affeirs,
the brief ciaculation uttered by the right
boc baronet sue v " unmingled mischief!" 'The
Theses now returns to this mischief, misrepresents
the state of Ireland, and vilifies her people.
g„ielly, we are
.impreeeed with a profound conviction
that no nation cao be materially helped by the inter-
meddling or direatie n or even by the free generosity
of another. No asomunt of alms will enable a mend
out to support himmi f No amount cf public bene-
faction ever did or ever will enrich a people. Wealth
is the fruit ot work, and the semblance of wealth that
has not grown naturally a od gradually out of work
is like artificial fruit, , ally to create yet de-
void of any germ of rept eduction. Industrially,
we entertain no doubt 'het Ireland's Priml-
parity must be achieved L ' leelaud' u that
of Scotland was achieved no. -Us of the Tweed,
with little help or aid from any ot. her hands than her
own. And we repeat, therefore, what we have
already said, that if the contumely And vituperation
of any portion of our press had nom ore pernicious
tendency than to throw Celtic Jerked' v, ingenuity,
and enterprise back upon itself, we age uld hardly
deem it worthy of particular observation. s
But the kingdoms are (in name at least ' bound
together by the ties of an incorporate union:
at-
calPolit
identity of sentiments and feelings may not be
at-
tunable, but between two communities so cone,. sett°
together, political amity is indispensable to lasts "g
safety and permanent progress. If an empire I,
divided against itself, that empire cannot securely I
stand; and what but division can be expected, if
the organs that are recognised as expressing the sen-
timents and views of the imperial government, are
daily filled with insulting mockery of the weakness
and invectives against the poverty of the weaker
and poorer state? We do not dwell upon the hard-
ship, the injustice, or the meanness of the proceed-
ing ; we are content to argue it on the lower graund
of its impelicy. We put wholly out of sight for the
present the Irish view of the question, or what we
may ix spine it to be. We are desirous of bringing
it to the teat of English interest alone. Is it good
for England's peace, England's power, or England's
parse,
purse, that every tank of our kinsfolk should be
placed every morning under a solar microscope and
its groterque and revolting exsggeratien converted
into an exhibition as di faithful and accurate repre-
sentation of the Celtic race ?

We have asked whether this diurnal series of poli-
tical caricatures is merely a spontaneous expedo-nt,
resorted to in simple recklessness during the dull
season? We greatly fear that it is not. Every year,
about the time when, as the uninitiated suppose,
punis'erial wits begin preparing for the coming ses-
sion of parNament, some peculiar theme of obloquy
and ridicule is put in standing type by the confiden-
tial press of the Treasury and Home-office; and dia-
tribes are given so many times a week to an admiring
public, sgainst the universal love of the Celts for filth,
disorder, ignorance, or bloodebed,—as the case may
be. Coming events cast tneir shadows before, and
ministerial bills are prefaced in the Tunes. When
projects of coercion were upon the cabinet anvil, a
'sensation of blind and undiscerning horror was to be
gat up before hand ; and accordiogly, every true, or
false, or doubtful, narrative of agrarian madness was
told over and over again, and every epithet of indig-
nation exhausted in the preliminary prccess of get-
ti, g up the steam for • new cut-and-thrust statute
of pains and !sensitive. In like manner, when it was
apprehended that some government makc-believe of
a measure reforming the existing law of land tenure
must be introduced, an introductory movi went was
performed by our contemporary for the porpoise of
confusing people's notions of the specific difference be-
tween English and Irish tetancier, and to get up an
impression that all Irish tenants were such inveterate
rogues and ragamuffins that in reality the less
legal encouragement or protection they had the better.
In both instances the too obvious purpose was ap-
parently gained. Coercion was carried in both
Lougee of parliament by large majorities', and the
feeble and faltering pretence of a " Compensation
for Improvements" Bill was suffered to fall to the
ground.
What may be afoot just now we venture not to
surmise. Considering the miserable failure of each in
tern of the TREVELTAN nostrums, we should almost
hope that no new specimen of economic quackery may
be presented this session. Enough of money has
been squandered, and enough of human life has
beta lost in bureaucratic experiments. After the
experience of last session it is vain to expect
any amendment of the poor law founded upon
principles of common sense or ordinary humanity ;
and as providence has not this year decreed that the
peasantry should again be decimated by want of
their usual food, perhaps it would be worth abating
for • little the knightly impatience for further depo-
pulation. Who knows but some new pestilence or
blight may come next year, that will save official
time and trouble?

Annul,. is foe the peeseat • peculiar and
deserved object of detestation with the British public.
The treachery and folly of it court, which betrayed
and provoked both Viennese and Hungarians into re-
bellion, in order afterwards to extinguish it, as well al
freedom, in blood ; the bombardments, h-ngings, and
women floggings of its generals, the vile official
calumnies of its press, the prostration of the empire
before the Czar of Howie, its jealousy of German
unity, and abhorrence of German freedom—all these
have accumulated against Austria in th;s country a
horror, but too truly and forcibly expressed at the
great Newcastle meeting of Monday last.
We are well aware, however, that there is noivilian
party in Austria disgusted with murder and blood-
shed, anxious to shake off the brute ascendancy of
military chiefs, and eager to establish constitutional
liberties and rule. There are some statesmen is
'this .sentry, moreover, who put faith in the power of
Amulet& to re-become an empire, and to act
IMO more u a counterpoise to Russia in the future
I &elms and desecration of Eastern Europe. We
Mast confess in nowise to share these hopes, The
Austrian empire appears to us incepable of Wars
held together, except by the bond of military
despotism, and by a rigorous policy, opposed to the
freedom, the interest, and the mutineer' of the
various provinces of which it is composed. The more
that Europe advances, the more, we think, Uri force
of its states must depend oa popular adhesion.
We cannot but think, therefore, that the progresa of
each year will be to weaken Austria, and to strengthen
its great rivals, who stead on a more milieu).
bags. For oar part we should like to have seen a
Germany arias to be the great guardian of the inde-
pendence of central and south-eastern Europe. And
as to Austria, or the Austrian dynasty and court, it
may mar a Germany. but cannot make it. It may,
by military effort and menace, drag bask the country
to the fragmentary, the despotic and retrograde state
of the last century ; but it cannot lead a hand to re-
constituting Germany in the spirit of this. The efforts,
therefore, of even the most enlightened of the Austrian
statesmen, strike as powerless and deceptive, and
as capable of making no salutary provision for the
future exigencies of the great society of Europe.
But what is the premed aim and offer of the Austrian
cabinet ? Germany is at present divided into three
commercial zones—the north-west, whose principle is
low duties and free-trade ; the Austrian, which is
downright prohibitioa ; and the Zollverein lying be-
tween both in position and principle, and
levying upon its principal imports about one-
half of what the tariff of Austria exacta.
lim avowed aim of Prussia is to absorb the north-
western states with their ports into the Zollverein
lowering the Prussian tariff greatly to mtet the Haw:
venting and Mecklenbergera. The offer of Austria 1
is to lower its duties gradually during an interval et
years, ID as to come nearer to the tariff of the Z3llver
rein, but at the same time it demands the raising of
the Zollverein tariff to meet it. Which of these
movements is England to prefer P which of them

is it to abet P What Aorria proposes is no really
effective abatement of the protection system for
her own states, whilst she insists on the Zullverein
becoming equally prohibitive. And we need not say
how any segmentation of the present duties is Prue-
, elk with a perseverance in the system of levying dus-
tier by weight, which Austria also insist. oa—we
leave Baglish merchants and manufacturers to judge
whether this would not be a complete closing of the
German market Moreurer, we mustmake up our mind
that if Austria and Prussia join in one great German
prohibitive union, the states of the north-west could
not resist so formidable and compact a power. And
the result of the fine scheme promised by the Timm
would be simply the loss of the four millions of ex-
ports which we mend to Germany.
The greatest point that can be gained foe free
trade is to yet fora certain number of years a large
population in possession of it. After such experience
no person could ravish it from them, as no power
could now ravish it from the people of Hanover and
Mecklenburg, it they were numerous and powerful
enough to make their will respected. By the union
of these states with the Zollverein on the principle of
a considerab'e diminution of duty, say to from 10 to
16 per cent ad valorem' the entire of north and
central Germany would be accustomed and broken in
to free trade and cheapness, in a way that no German
union durst afterward, infringe. At present in the
assembly of the Z llverein the free trade votes
of the population on the Baltio are nullified by
the prohibitionist votes of the south, so that the entire
Union is to us unfavourable and illiberaL
Add the vote of Aestra, and it would be-
come immeasurably more so. Whereas, take off
the votes and the influence of the South German
states, and we should have the entire north and west
of Germany in one idea and alliance, commercial and
political.
But inependent of free trade and protection, and
their mutual struggles, a German Zollverein, includ-
ing Austria, as the latter country proposes, and as the
Times recommends, would be as impracticable as un-
fair. According to the law of the Z illverein, the
products of the customs are distributed in the

ratio of the population. Thus the frugal and
amall•consuming countries of the south derive
as much revenue per head from the general
eceipts, as the large-conauming countries of the
north. Hitherto Prussia has made this sacrifice
t o ,navaria and Wurtemburg for the sake of having
th in the Zollcerein—a sacrifice estimated at several
miLtioLis of dollars a year. But Prussia could not
make ' so& sacrifices to Austria. She could sot take
in Ceveta and Carinthian§ as well as Bavarians, for 1
the res would be that the north Germans would
be drink dear coffee, wearing dear apparel, and
paying kift duties, in order to fill the coff,rs of fbe
Austrians. :"0 this Prussia must, in justice as well as
rivalry, demur.
For these sea lons, however approving the recom-
mendation of Au striae statesmen to reduce their own
tariff, we cannot c snsider their offers to Germany or
to the Prussian Z Averein as sh.cere. We regard it
merely u a politic* 1 move, a strategic manoeuvre,
against the progres of German unity about to be
essayed at Erfurt. IVe put fir more trust in the
commercial and politic al liberalism of the north than
in the undisguised deep otism, bigotry, and protection-
ism of the south. And we therefore should desire
to have the centre of infi aence and source of impulsion
in Germany established c 'a far north, as is compatible
with the unity and sympi ttby of Germans.