The Express.
London, England, 1848-06-30 00:00:00

THE EXPIIEsS, FRIDAY EVENING, JUNE 30, 1848.

mud be convinced that that would be a vain and fruitless
effort. It his hon. friend were to succeed in hie views and
that sugar became dearer in consequence, it would only oc-
casion a fresh struggle and fresh agitatior , which would
place the West Indian body in the worst of all
positions—namely, in the uncertainty as to the amount
of protection that parliament could afford them. (Hear.)
His belief was, that they adopted a sound system when they
said, in the first place, that they would not admit slavery in
any Britt* pousseion, and in the neat place, when they said
that they would not consider the institution of slavery as a
her against the admission of goods the produce of slave
labour. It was said that the act of 1816 emu incansistent
with the acts fur putting au end to slavery but. in his
opinion, the inconsistency was far greater in making a dis-
tinction between sugar and other articles which rote
produced by the labour of slaves, excluding one
and admitting the ethers. (Hero-, hear.) Reg belief was
that these distinctions of tariffs were not the mode by wnich
they could attain the abolition of slavery in the world. He
rather thought if th, y relied on the progress of opinion, on
the impatience that there would be on the part of the
slaves themselves reta'ned in al in Cuba and Bras I,
when they saw the inhabitants of Jamaica and Trinidad,
a .d the neighbouring islands, in a state of freedom, that they
would go on a better basis th tn by giving protection to the
West Indians. Sitting aside the question of slavery in
the United States, of sehir h he was not able to see
any sati.ftctory solution, he did expert that slavery in Cubs
and Brazil would be abolished—abolished all the a toner it
they did not make it a mutter of tariffs and regulations—il
they said, "We have abolished slavery ourselves—we stand
tree from any stain of this kind—we do not inquire into the
institutions of foreign countries—we wish to see freedom pre.
veil—we leave it to its own strength and security, and we
leave to you the time and manner it/ with h you will follow
our example." (Hear, hear.)
Mr. MUNTZ said he had voted for the bill of 1846, be-
cause he understood it was to be a settlement of this ques-
tion. He would now vote against the proem-Won at the
government, because it was an unsettlement of it. (Hear.)
He supported the measure of 1846 on free-trade principles.
There was no doubt the question was one whether they
would have free trade or slavery, tr whether they
woul a give up their colonies lls r filejt ett, govern-
ment proposed a m. snore which was nothing in it-
self. It d- ringed everyrieng arid arranged nathiort. (Itese )
Mr. ANSTEY ruse amidst loud shouts of " Iherrie," and
" Oh, eh." Ile conjured the house to pause before they
voted fur a policy winch might involve the distraction of
seen of Rat most impurtant of our colonies. It was bard
that the West Indies, which for 150 years bad been the
victims of a meat rigid restrictive system, snould now be cast
off and exposed to poverty and ruin, in compliance with the
nets-fangled doctrines of free-trade policy. (Loud cries of
" Divide.") The house divided—
For the original motion
For Sir J. Pakington's amendment
The announcement of the numbers was received with kind
cheers by the ',eutectic:midis.
The house then weat int, committee, Mr. Bernal in the
chair.
A. resolution to the of ct that the duty to be imposed on
foreign sugar from the sth of July 1848 to the sth of July
1819 he 19. 6,1. per cwt.; from thence to July .5, 1850, 18e.
per cwt.; from thence to July 6, 1851, 16, W. per curt.;
and after that elate 15s. per cwt., was then read, and the
Chairman immediately reported progress, the committee to
sit again to-morrow (this day), when the resolution will be
discussed.
Mr. M. CiII3SON intimated that Mr. Bright intended to
propr se hi. amendment. "That it was not expedient to alter
the Sugar Duties Act en 1846 " u a substantive motion.
Mr. WARD obtained leave to bring in a bill to ri lodate,
Inc a time to be limited, the premiums and annuities of the
Naval Medical Stippli modal ',met Socit ty.
IARLIA rENTARY REFORM.
Mr. B. OSBORNE and Mr. MUNTZ having demanded to
know whether the hon. inemb• r for Montrose had any assu.
ranee from the government that his motion would be brouaht
forward on Thursday, and having twice repeated the
question.
Mr. HUME referred to the answer he had given in the
early part of the cvi sting, observing that it would be no
fault of his if the math n did not come on ; and on the
question being r iterated, he accused his hon. friends of act-
ing unfairly towards him, and wishing to mak, him appear
as a traitor to the cause he had espoused, and which he
never would forsake.
Mr. HUDSON (amidst much laughter) called far the
sympathy nt the house in Mr. liume'a behalf, and
Mr. MUNTZ assured his hon. friend that he did not
mean to make any accusation against him,but merely wished
to know the fact, u he and other hon. members had 'teen
brought to town in consequence of the motion having been
fixed for th •t day.
Mr. BROIIIERTON said it was the euty of those hon.
members to be in town attending their parliamentary
duties.
Mr. HUME repeated that he would, if he could, bring on
his motion mitt Thursday.
The house• then, at 10 minutes to 2 o'clock, adjourned.

ght eflittfifS.

MAILS.

The mails for New South Wales, Can Dieman'e Land, and New
Zealand will be made up on the evening of the 30th June.
The mails tor the West !:..it of Africa and Madre, will be made
up on the evening of the Seth June.
the malls for hrineli North America, and the Unites] States,
will be mane up at the evening of the Seth June.
Tim West India Mails, excluding Ilertneda, Nassau, Havanna,
Mindere+, New Mies's% Vera Crur, Tampico, and Porto Rico, and
including those for Madeira, Jaeniel, Cartitagen t, Santa Martha,
Chums, Panama, Weal Coaat ol South America, awl St. Juansilei
Nicaragua, wilt he made up on the evening of the Ist July.
The mails for tin• Brasile, the River Kate, Monte Video, Perrtam-
Max% ILihia, Nl:stein% end 'theme Ayres, will be made up on the
evening of the 4th July.
The mails for Vigo, Oporto, Liehon, Madeira, Cadiz, and Gibraltar
will be made up on the morning of the 7th July.
The overland closed mail% rWr Mareeillm, to the Mediterranean,
Egypt, Aden, Ceylon, India, Hong-Kong, am., will be made up on the
evening of the 7th July.
The overland nulls for Gibraltar, Malta, Greece, the lonian Islands,
Egypt, Adel], Ceylon, India, Hong-Rung, and China, rin Southoup
too, will be made upon the morning of the 20th July.

NOTICE TO ADVE!tTISERS.
The number 01 STAMPS issued by the authorities of thy
Stamp-office, during 1847, to the
DAILY NEWS was 3.447.009

This, we believe, is within eight per cent. of the number
.ssued to the Morning Herald, Alorning Chronicle,
.tiorwinq Pose, ALL PUT TOGETHaIt.
In addition to' the above, issued to the DAILY NEWS,
Horning Paper, there were issued for the Event's? Edition,
THE EXPRESS 778.714
Which was more, we believe, than were issued either to
he Globe or Ntand;ret, Evening Papers.

BMW WATER AT LO lON 111111108.
Tele Day—lanrellw.s7 moo. va. O. •ttersowl,
to. paal I. £ftemooo. WO. NM T.

LONDON, FRIDAY, JUNE 30.
LAST night Sir R. Peet. came to the rescue of
ministers in a most ch:racte.istic speech. He com-
menced by a compliment to the astuteness of Lord G.
BENTINCK as chairman of the coffee and sugar plant-
ing committee. lie next declared his inability to
vote for the amendment, because it could not be
shown that it would do the West Indies much more
good than the ministerial proposal. He lamented
that the sugar act of 1845 had not been allowed a
longer trial—expressed great doubts as to the
expediency and justice of admitting slave-grown
sugar—and then reminded the house that he had
voted for its admission. He protested vehe-
mently that he had not done this to avert a minis-
terial crisis. His view, he said, in supporting the
bill of 1846 was to save the West Indians from the
danger of an annually renewed struggle, on an an-
nually renewed sugar bill, by effecting a permanent
settlement of duties. Yet in 1818 Sir ROBERT lends
his aid to disturb this settlement by a measure which
undeniably invites to a renewed struggle next year.
His reasons for his vote are as perplexed and contra-
dictory as any reasons ever assigned by CROMWELL
for any of his actions ; but the drift and aim of the
right hon. baronet are as clearly perceptible as those
of his great prototype through the haze of unmeaning
verbiage which clothes them. He lends his aid
to ministers lest, incurring a defeat, they should
resign before Sir ROBERT 15 prepared to take
their place. And, by sternly reminding ministers
that it is their duty to do all in their power
to alleviate the condition of the West India colonies—
by diverging into episodical dissertations on what he
thinks ought to be and what, if in power, he
would do for thosecolonies—by lavishly expending
on them the whole flood of his agricultural wisdom—
he seeks to awaken in the minds of the West India
interest, regret that the possessor of so much liberality
and so much practical wisdom, should not be in office,
instead of its actual occupants. Inconsequential and
incoherent Sir ROBERT'S speech might be, as a justifi-
cation of his vote ; but as a recommendation of him-
self to office, it was masterly and skilful in the
extreme. How ministers sweated under the load of
his self-seeking patronage !
Sir ROBERT 's reasoning could convince no man, bat
his example moved a sufficient number to throw
themselves into the scale of ministers, and their mea-
sure accordingly passed the first stage of its progress.
It is therefore possible that the majority of 15 which
has enabled it to do this may to-night sanction its pro-
visions in committee, and in that case, on Monday,
as intimated by the CHANCELLOR OF THE BICUE-
(welt, we may expect to have directions issued to
the Commissioners of Customs to levy the new rates
of duty on and after Wednesday.
Should this be the course of events, the consequence
will bo that merchants who, confiding in the decla-
ration made by government only five weeks ago,
that they would make no change in the Sugar Dutiesl
Act of 1846, have ordered large consignments of
sugar, will probably be exposed to suffer consider-
able la& At the very lust they will be mulcted

la. 6d. on every cwt. entered for home consumption.
But, in addition to th is, the difference of duty may render
it unadvisable to take the sugars . oat of bond for a
considerable time, and during the interval they may
suffer depreciation. To this injury the importers will
be exposed, not by a law, but by mere resolutions of the
House of Commons. And the ATTORN EY-GEN EttAL tells
us that fur this injury they can have no redress,because
" before any such issue can be tried, the resolutions
will have become the law of the lard, valid from the
period at which the resolutions were adopted." In
plain English, the pockets of importers, on the faith
of a government pledge, may be picked with impunity
under the protection of an e.r postfacto law.
This is bad enough ; but the injustice will be con-
finet. to a few individuals. Not so limited, however,
will be the maleficent effect of the government mea-
sure on our general commerce. The West Indians are
not contented with it. Next year they will again come
forward to ask for additional concessions. They

will be encouraged to do so by government
having shown themselves afraid to take their stand
upon their own act of 18-16. 'Me government mea-
sure unsettleh the existing arrangement respecting
the auger duties, and settles nothing. Ask either pro-
tectionist or free trader, and though the one will tell
you that protection is a blessing, and the other that
it is a curse, both will agree in saying that incessant
vacillation between the principles of protection and
free trade is worst of all. No one can say what may
be done in parliament with regard to the sugar trade
next session. Legitimate speculation will be para-
lysed by the uncertainty.
The measure will affect our finances as injuriously
as our trade. Mr. Laeoueflene admitted that the mea-
sure must necessarily occasion a falling off in the re-
venue. Ile added, indeed, but did not condescend to
assign any reason for the assumption, that the reduct ion
would be slight and temporary. Neither Mr. LA-
BOUCEIERE nor any one elite can predict •with certainty
what the extent of the inevitable reduction in the
revenue through this measure will be. The sugars
paying the highest rate of duty will, the British sup-
plies not being sufficient for the consumption, rule
prices in the market. The prices thus artificially
heightened, will diminish consumption, and, conse-
quently, the amount of duty paid, while the re-
venue from home sugar will be further reduced by
the reduction of rates and the impossibility of bring-
ing forward an increased supply—the all but certainty
that the supply of British sugars this year will tall
short of what it was last year.
And all the evils inflicted on the community at
home, by the general derangement of the sugar trade,
by losses inflicted on individual sugar merchants, by
the diminution of the annual revenue, while the
finance of the country is seriously embarrassed
without the accession of such an additional element
of disturbance, will be repaid by no advantages to
that interest for the b,nefit of which the measure pro-
lessts to have been introduced. Sir CHARLES WOOD,
M r. Haw es, nay Sir ]toter. Peel, himself, have allshown
that protection confers no benefit on the West ladies ;
and the speaker last-mentioned has shown that the
unsettling of the arrangement of 1846, exposing them
to annual discussions on the late of duty, is the worst
service that could be done them. And 'if what
the protectionists say be true, the measure cannot
save them. The injury that the government reso-
lutions must entail upon many it is easy to point out ;
but who is to be benefited by them, in what
manner and to what extent, no one seems able to con-
jecture. And the leaders of two antagonistic parties—
each eagerly watching to trip lip the
heels of the other —combine their forces to carry this
miserable measure, solely with a view to the loss or
gain of office. It is not the interests of the colonies,
it is not the interests of the empire at issue, that
prom pt their arguments and dictate their measures; but
merely the consideration how specious arguments and
measures more or less plausible, can be turned to
account in tne struggle for place and power.

FROM our report of last night's proceedings in par-
liament, and front a letter addressed to us by Mr.
Hume, which appears in another column, it will be
seen that the hon. member for Montrose has felt it
necessary to postpone the resumption of the adjourned
debate on his reform motion. We will not affect to
conceal our conviction that these repeated adjourn-
ments are likely to impair the effect both of the mo-
tion and the debate; but we are willing to believe
that tle y have been unavoidable. We avail ourselves
of the delay to enter somewhat more at large into an
exposition of the importance of supporting the motion
as a whole, and of insisting most strenuously upon
that point which some affect to consider the most
assailable—the equalisation of electoral districts.
Complaint is made by those who, though fa-
vourable to some of the four points comprised
in the motion, may not be so to others, that
by conjoining them they are placed in the disagree-
able dilemma of either pledging themselves to those to
which they are opposed, by voting for those of which
they are in favour, er of opposing those which they
desire to promote, by voting against those which they
consider as exceptionable. From this embarrassment
they urge that they would be relieved by taking
a distinct vote on each separate proposition.
If such relief could be administered at little
cost, it would be ungracious to withhold it. But it
can only be administered at a sacrifice at which Mr.
II t. and those who abet him cannot possibly concede
it. The propositions are distinct, but they are not in-
depenlent. They are part and parcel of one great
scheme, the success of which would be compromised
by the mutilation of the machinery by which it is pro-
posed to be carried oaf. Those who are in favour of
reform, to anything like an adequate extent, will not
seek to dissever them. Those who are lukewarm, or
who merely affect a sympathy with the movement,
may profit by their conjunction. But the leaders of
the movement owe it to the cause which they have
espoused to keep them indissolubly united. if they
do otherwise, and afterwards attain their object, they
themselves will have infused into their own measure
the elements of discomfiture and defeat.
Let the public out of doors never lose sight of the
fact that what they are now aspiring at is as full and
as perfect a system of representation as can be et
leeted. There can be no such system of representa-
tion until both Perrone and interests are adequately
represented. l'hose who are only ready to aid in
promoting the full and fair representation of either,
no matter which, are either egregiously mistaken in
their views, or manifestly insincere in their profes-
sions. By the enlargement of the franchise, per-
sons might be represented to the fullest extent,
at the same time that, by the distribution of the re-
presentation, all other interests might be sacrificed to
one. It is obvious, then, that the sincere household
or universal suffragist cannot be indifferent to the
proposition of the electoral districts, because, unac-
companied by it, the extension of the suffrage would
be but a partial measure of reform. Again, by an
equitable representative distribution, all the great in-
termits of the country may be adequately represented,
whilst persons are but partially so. But to fulfil the
conditions to a perfect representation, it is as neces-
sary that the suffrage should be extended as that the
representation should be re-apportioned. Those, there-
fore, who are for such re-apportionment, with a view
to a perfect representation, cannot stop short of an ex-
tension of the suffrage.
These are the two chief features in the scheme, to
which the other points, although important in them-
selves, are undoubtedly subsidiary. With the moat
extended suffrage and the most equitable distribution
of representatives, the system would be manifestly
incomplete unless every practicable means were
tried to secure the purity of election. To do so, it
is not only necessary to increase the electoral
body, and enlarge the electoral districts—the
electors must also be protected from intimidation,
and put as much as possible beyond the reach of
temptation. For attaining this object the ballot
seems to offer the only effectual means. Those then
who are in favour of the other two points cannot rea-
sonably object to that which is indispensable to their
successful operation. And further, as even with these
three points attained, the proper relationship between
the representative and constituent bodies might be
disturbed by too long a duration of parliament, the
remedy for this last evil is the more certainly frequent
appeal to the constituent body, which ie the
object aimed at by the proposition of trien-
nial parliaments. Either then the people must
make up their minds to content themselves
with a sham measure of reform, or resolve not
to sacrifice any of the points which are essential to
the attainment of a thorough one. If the latter be
their determination, they may well look with distrust
upon the soi-disant liberal, who would peril the whole
scheme by seeking to disintegrate it.
Lord N en e'er misinterprets the object of the motion.
lie sees no particular objections to any of the p
tins, with Uie a:option of that effecting 00=1

bution of the representation. The extension of the
suffrage would, he contends, of itself suffice
to secure to the people all that they can
reasonably aspire to. He cannot conceive why,
if the electoral body receive a large accession
of educated and intelligent voters, the town of Ayles-
bury, with its hundreds, should not return a member
to parliament as capable of representing the whole of
England as any electotal district could do were the
districts more equally apportioned. He might have
gone a little further, and contended that Aylesbury,
without its hundreds, could have done the eame—a
mode of reasoning which would go to justify the
equality of Bridgenorth with Manchester in the legis-
lature ; and, in short, every inequality which deforms
and brings into ridicule our representative system.
But what is there to prevent an electoral district
from returning, as well as Aylesbury, a
member who would represent the whole coun-
try? His lordship seems to be haunted
with the idea that the more equal apportionment of
members to population would necessarily tend to a
system of local representation, which would convert
each member simply into a deputy of his own locality,
without reference to the general interests. To argue
that this would not be so would be to invest with
unnecessary importance a supposition which is in
itself ridiculous. With respect to the general inter-
ests, the representative of the district would be as free
to act as that of the borough or the county is under
the present system. And if with an extended suffrage
the representative of a district would be quite as free
to act in this respect as would that of Aylesbury,
what pos-ible objection can the noble lord entertain
to the one any more than to the other? It none, be
cannot reasonably stop short of the four points—in
other words, of the whole of Mr. Hutt e's motion.
Little as there is creditable to his lordship in the
letter alluded to, there is something in it very instruc-
tive to the public. Lord NUGENT is not swallowing
the camel and straining at the gnat, but the reverse.
lie is clear-sighted enough to perceive that the whole
pith of the movement hes in the single point to which
he takes exception. But for that point an inconvenient
clamour might be appeased, without much distur-
bance to the political status tile,. That point
alone involves in itself a change of stupen-
dous importance. If the aristocracy could get
rid of it, they know and feel that they would ex-
tract from the movement its sting. Hence it is that
Lord NUGENT, liberally inclined though he be,shrinks
with the inherent instincts of his class front a proposi-
tion which is pregnant with a political revolution. ,
Hence it is that he blames Mr. IIeME for conjoining
that proposition with others, to which he cannot and
does not object. And if such objections come from
such a quarter, what are we to expect from the repre-
sentatives of undiluted and consistent toryism ? But
it needed not Lord NUGENT's letter to expose to us
on this head the sentiments of the aristocracy, or to
let us into the secret of their kers. It was
already sufficiently obvious that it was upon
this point that the reformers of the coun-
try would have to concentrate their principal
force. It is a better test than all the others put toge-
ther of the sincerity of those who professedly adhere
to the movement.
Mr. HUME has done well in keeping his resolution
entire, instead of dislocating its separate members, so
that some honourable gentlemen might choose between
them. The vote upon the entire and undivided propo-
sition will distinguish between those who are for real
and those who are for merely nominal reform. The cry
to have each of the four points of the motion voted on
separately, is raised by those who are not unwilling
to ingratiate themselves with the people, by conced-
ing extension of the suffrage, so long as by retaining
the unequal distribution of the electors amon: the
constituencies, they can enable the ariseicracy to
render this extension illusory and of no avail.