1917-01-22

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Mr. SPEAKER read a communication from the Governor General's Secretary an-
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nouncing that His Excellency would proceed to the Senate Chamber at 3 p.m. on this day for the purpose of formally opening the session of the Dominion Parliament.
A message was delivered by Lieut.-Col. Ernest J. Chambers, Gentleman Usher of the Black Rod, as follows:
Mr. Speaker, His Excellency the Governor General desires the immediate attendance of this honourable House in the Chamber of the honourable the Senate.
Accordingly the House went up to the Senate Chamber.
Then the Hon. Edgar N. Rhodes, Speaker-elect, said:
May it please Your Excellency.
The House of Commons have elected me as their Speaker, though I am but little able to fulfil the important duties thus assigned to me. If in the performance of those duties. I should at any time fall into error, I pray that the fault may be imputed to me, and not to the Commons, whose servant I am.
The Honourable the Speaker of the Senate addressing the Honourable the Speaker of the Commons then said:
Mr. Speaker, I am commanded by His Excellency the Governor General to assure you that your words and actions will constantly receive from him the most favourable construction.
Then His Excellency the Governor General was pleased to open Parliament by a Speech from the Throne.
And the House being returned to the Commons Chamber:

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Bill No. 1, respecting the Administration of Oaths of'Office.-Hon. J. D. Hazen.

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Hon. J. D. Hazen moved:
That a special committee be appointed to prepare and report with all convenient speed lists of members to compose the Select Standing Committees of this House under Rule 10; said committee to be composed of Sir Robert Borden, Sir Wilfrid Laurier, Messrs. Reid, Pugsley, Stanfield and Pardee, and that that portion of Rule No. 10 limiting the number of members of the said committee be suspended in relation thereto.
Motion agreed to.

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Joint report of the Librarians of Parliament.-Mr. Speaker.

Mr. SPEAKER:: I have the honour to inform the House that, when the House did attend His Excellency the Governor General this day in the Senate Chamber, His Excellency was pleased to make a speech to both Houses of Parliament. To prevent mistakes I have obtained a copy, which is as follows:
Honourable Gentlemen of the Senate:
Gentlemen of the House of Commons:
I desire on this occasion to express m"y respectful appreciation of the honour conferred on me by the King in appointing me to the distinguished office of Governor General.
I esteem it a high privilege to become closely identified with Canada at the time when she is taking so splendid a part in the world-wide struggle, and I look forward to her ability and capacity to exercise an ever-increasing influence in bringing the war to a victorious conclusion.
When peace is again happily restored I am confident that' the vast resources of the Dominion will'continue to be developed for the lasting benefit of the Empire and in the best interests of liberty and humanity.
Although nearly two and a half years have elapsed since the outbreak of war yet that period has not been more than sufficient for the enormous preparation necessary to enable our Empire to throw its full strength into the struggle.
The events that have transpired since prorogation give convincing testimony of the efficiency of the measures thus taken and bear splendid tribute to the valour and heroism of His Majesty's forces in every theatre of war.
With preparation already so ample and still increasing we may confidently anticipate that the not distant future will bring such success to the allied arms as will assure the full maintenance of the purposes and ideals for which we have engaged in this war.
The Canadian forces dispatched overseas during 1916 numbered more than 165,000 and the aggregate of enlistments in Canada since the outbreak of war is nearly 400.000. In attack as well as in defence the valour, endurance and resourcefulness of the Canadian troops have been conspicuous on every occasion when they have met the enemy, and they have splendidly upheld the highest traditions of their country.
Equally notable and impressive has been the fine spirit of loyalty displayed by the people of this Dominion who have freely dedicated their energies and their material resources to the common defence of our Empire.
Steps have been taken by my advisers for better organization of National Service, and attention has been given to the more thorough utilization of our natural resources. Measures have also been taken in co-operation with the Government of the United Kingdom to facilitate the increased production of munitions in Canada.
The Government of the United Kingdom have invited the First Ministers of the Dominions to attend a series of special and continuous meetings of the War Cabinet (of which for this purpose they will be members) to consider urgent

questions affecting-* the prosecution of the war the possible conditions on which the Allied Nations could assent to its termination, and the problems which would then immediately arise. This invitation has been accepted on behalf of Canada.
The Fiftieth Anniversary of the foundation of this Dominion draws near and brings with it the inspiring memory of all that has been accomplished during the half century in the upbuilding of a united and powerful nation. My advisers believe that, notwithstanding the continuance of the war, there should be an appropriate commemoration of an event so notable in the history of Canada.
The life of the present Parliament will expire in October next, and under existing legislation a dissolution and election would be necessary in the early future. My advisers, however, are of opinion that the wishes of the Canadian people and the, urgent requirements of the war would be best met by avoiding the distraction and confusion consequent upon a general election at so critical a time.
That purpose can only be effected through the medium of legislation by the Parliament of the United Kingdom. A resolution authorizing and requesting the enactment of such legislation as will further extend the life of this Parliament will be presented to you.
Although in some parts of the. Dominion weather conditions affected adversely the excellent prospects of an unusually large harvest, yet taking the country as a whole, the labours of our husbandmen have been abundantly rewarded.
The commercial, industrial and financial stability of the country has been well maintained during the past year. There is every reason to believe that the Dominion will be in a position to meet satisfactorily the readjustment of conditions which must ensue upon the termination of the war.
Important measures designed to aid in meeting these new conditions have 'been in preparation and some of them will be submitted for your consideration.
Gentlemen of the House of Commons:
The accounts for the last and the estimates for the next fiscal year will be submitted to you without delay, and you will be asked to make the necessary financial provision for the effective conduct of the war.
Honourable Gentlemen of the Senate:
Gentlemen of the House of Commons:
The lofty patriotism, the fine courage, and the inflexible purpose which have animated all His Majesty's Dominions in upholding our great cause are in nowise abated. In common with the rest of the Empire the people of this Dominion are firmly resolved that in this war which has entailed so much sacrifice and which we have undertaken for the highest ideals of humanity and civilization our efforts shall be continued and strengthened until they are crowned with an abiding peace.
I commend to your attentive consideration all measures submitted to you for that great purpose, and I pray that the Divine blessing may attend your deliberations.
On motion of Hon. J. D. Hazen, it was ordered that the speech of His Excellency the Governor General to both Houses of
Parliament be taken into consideration on Monday next, and that this order have precedence over all other business except the introduction of Bills until disposed of.



MEMBER INTRODUCED.

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Hon. Albert Edward Kemp, member-elect for the electoral district of East Toronto, by Hon. Sir Thomas White and Hon. J. D. Reid.
On motion of Hon. J. D. Hazen, the House adjourned at 3.45 p.m until Monday next.
Monday, January 22, 1917.

Sir ROBERT BORDEN:: I lay on the
table a copy of the correspondence relating to the Imperial War Conference of 1917. I had intended that this should be laid on the table of the House on Friday, hut finding that that had not been done, I directed that a copy be sent to my right honourable friend who leads the Opposition, and I think he received it.



ROSS RIFLE-CORRESPONDENCE.

Robert Laird Borden: I lay on ,the table a copy of the correspondence relating to the withdrawal of the Ross rifle from the Canadian army corps. It ought to be explained that -the asterisks to be found in the correspondence represents matter which, for -military reasons, and at the express request of the War Office, has been omitted.


Mr. OLIVER:: Is this the report of Sir Douglas Haig that was spoken of at the end of last session of Parliament?


Robert Laird Borden: I do not recall that any report from Sir Douglas Haig was referred to, but all the papers that can be brought down are here. There is a report by Sir Douglas Haig among the papers that aTe now submitted. I am not sure, however, that it ante dates the end of last session.


Mr. PUGSLEY:: - Does my right hon. friend not recall that at the end of last session he informed the House that a very full investigation artd report would be made by Sir Douglas Haig as to the working of the Ross rifle?


Robert Laird Borden: I do not recall that; I was merely explaining to my hon.

friend from Edmonton (Mr. Oliver) that -there is a report by Field Marshal Sir Douglas Haig upon the matter among the papers that have been brought down. I am not sure, however, that it ante dates the end of last session.



REPORTS AND PAPERS.

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Report of the Department of Naval Service for the year ended 31st March, 1916.- Hon. Mr. Hazen.
The Forty-ninth Annual Report of the Fisheries Branch of the Naval Service for the. year ended 31st [DOT] March, 1916-Hon. Mr. Hazen.
Report of the Department of Labour for the year ended 31st March, 1916.-Hon Mr. Crotihers.
Ninth Report of the Registrar of Boards of Conciliation and Investigation of the proceedings under " The Industrial Disputes Investigation Act, 1907," for the year ended March 31, 1916.-Hon. Mr. Crothers.
Annual! Report of the Department of the Interior for the year ended March 31, 1916.- Hon. Mr.v Roche.
Annual Report of the Department of Indian Affairs for the year ended March 31, 1916.-Hon. Mr. Roche.
LIMITATION OF RACING; MEETS.
Mr. WILCOX moved for leave to introduce Bill No. 2, to amend the Criminal Code.
Sir WILFRID LAURIER:: Explain.


Mr. WILCOX:: The object of this Bill is to add a provision to sub-section 2 of Section 235 of the Criminal Code, enacted by Chapter 19 of the Statutes passed in 1910, and assented to on 1st April, 1912. This legislation was intended to deal effectively with the limitation of race meets throughout Canada. The racing men have evaded its spirit by adding different units, thereby obtaining an unlimited number of racing days. The object sought by Parliament after a full investigation, that the limitation should be fourteen days, has thus not been carried out. The amendment will provide that in any town, -city, or county where more than one race track exists the total number of day3 available for racing, on all the tracks shall not exceed the number prescribed by this Act for one race course or race track. With this explanation I would like the House to assent to the first reading, and I shall endeavour to explain the Bill at greater length when we reach the second reading,

Motion agreed to and Bill read the first time.



NATIONAL SERVICE COMMISSION.

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On the Orders of the Day:
Wilfrid Laurier: May I ask the Government if they will bring down the Order in Council creating the National Service Commission, which is mentioned in the speech from -the Throne, and the appointments made .in connection with that Commission.


Robert Laird Borden: Certainly.



MARITIME EXPRESS SERVICE.

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On the Orders of the Day:
William Pugsley: I would invite the attention of the Minister of Railways to a report which appears in the St. John Telegraph of the 20th inst. with reference to the proposed withdrawal of the trains between St. John and Moncton, which make direct connection with the Maritime Express. I may say to my hon. friend that there is no direct connection between St. John and the Ocean Limited, and there has not been for a number of years, the result being that passengers from St. John to Montreal, and also from points between St. John and Moncton to Montreal, have been obliged to wait at Moncton to connect with the Ocean Limited. The same condition has applied to passengers travelling by the Ocean Limited to St. John. But there has always been, as my hon. friend the Minister of Marine and Fisheries knows, a direct connection with the Maritime Express. It is now proposed to take off the train between St. John and Moncton, which makes that direct connection with the Maritime Express. The consequence will be that passengers from St. John and intermediate points who desire to take the Maritime Express will be obliged to wait several hours at Moncton, as shall also the passengers by the Maritime Express who desire to make direct connection with St. John and intermediate points. In my judgment it would be a very great mistake to discontinue that connection. The result will be to place St. John, even more than it has be-en for some years past, in the position of a city on a branch of the Intercolonial railway. It will cause very great inconvenience and the most intense dissatisfaction, and I am greatly surprised that Mr. Gutelius, the general manager of Government railways, should have come to the conclusion to discontinue this service. I sincerely trust that my hon. friend the Minister of Railways and

Canals, will have the matter looked into immediately and give orders to countermand the determination at which Mr. Gutelius appears to have arrived. Mr. Gutelius was interviewed upon the subject by the reporter of the Telegraph, and he admitted that this was the conclusion which had been arrived at. I would also like my hon. friend the Minister of Marine .and Fisheries (Mr. Hazen) to look into the matter 'and give to the Minister of Railways and Canals the information which I know he can give, and which, I am suTe, will satisfy the minister that it is not desirable to take this very backward step as far as it concerns connection between St. John and important points on the north shore of the province, as well as points in the 'province of Quebec. It will prove of very great inconvenience to the people of St John and also, the people on the north shore of the province.


Hon. FRANK COCHRANE (Minister of Railways and Canals):: I will be very glad to look into the matter and report to my hon. friend.



THE GOVERNOR GENERAL'S SPEECH.


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The House proceeded to the consideration of the Speech of His Excellency the Governor General at the opening of the session,
Mr. GORDON CROOKS WILSON (Wentworth) rose to move that an Address be presented to His Excellency the Governor General, offering the humble thanks of this House to His Excellency for the gracious speech which he has been pleased to make to both Houses of Parliament. He said:
Mr. Speaker, in rising to move the address to be presented to His Excellency the Governor General, allow me to thank the Government for the honour conferred upon me. I would have preferred to have listened to some more worthy and capable member, more competent than I am to deal with the subject, at such an important time in our country's and Empire's history, but I accept the honour, not as a personal one, but rather one for the constituency which I have the honour to represent. I, therefore, ask the indulgence of the House while I make a few brief remarks.
Allow me to congratulate you, Mr. Speaker, upon your elevation to the office of first Commoner. Your fitness for the position has been voiced by both the distinguished leaders in this House.
I believe that I am voicing the unanimous sentiment of this Parliament when I express deep regret at the departure from our country of Their Royal Highnesses the Duke and Duchess of Connaught and the Princess Patricia. During the most critical period in the history of our country it was fortunate that we had in our councils His Royal Highness, with his experience, mature judgment and splendid patriotism. We welcome, however, to our country the head of one of the most historic houses in Britain, and believe that in His Excellency 'the Duke of Devonshire we have a worthy successor to our late Governor General. In this connection it is interesting to know that when this Dominion was in the making, about 1865, his father, Lord Edward Cavendish, was for some time a resident of Canada as an officer in the Rifle Brigade, then a part of the British garrison in Canada, and stationed in Hamilton, a part of which city I represent here.
To the Duchess of Devonshire, we bid an especial welcome. She is no stranger to Canada, and we feel that her residence in this country, during the period when her father, that veteran- statesman, Lord Lans-downe, represented the Crown here, has made a bond of union with us that her present residence will enhance. '
The third year of the world's greatest war, and we hope the last, finds Canada's participation of such magnitude and importance as to call forth the admiration of our allies and neutral nations, and even astonishes us, who at the outbreak of hos-' tilities, never dreamed that we possessed the military and financial resources that we have put into the combat. If any member of this parliament- had at that momentous session of August, 1914, expressed the opinion that we would, during the war, enlist an army of 400,000 men, transport 300,000 to Europe, place and maintain in the fighting line four divisions, finance from our own resources the enormous expenditure for the maintenance of this army, create credits for the British Government of $250,000,000, manufacture for the allies a billion dollars of war supplies, he would have been designated a dreamer, or even a stronger term would have been used. But Canada has done this and more. Under the leadership of the Rt. Hon. Prime Minister (Sir Robert Borden), the Canadian people have played, and will continue to play, an effective and glorious part in the great fight against militarism and for the preservation and consolidation of
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the Empire. Let me take this opportunity to pay tribute to the valour of our Canadian troops. They have proven their worth in the desperate fighting on the West Front and shown themselves worthy to fight alongside the veterans of France and England. They have met the much vaunted Prussian Guard and at Ypres, Fes tuber t, St. Eloi, Zillebeke and the Somme, have shown their superiority.
When I heard, Sir, the eloquent tribute of the Prime Minister to the late Colonel Harry Baker, I thought it should not rest there, but that this House should recognize, in a fitting memorial, the fact that he was the first member of the House of Commons, to make the supreme sacrifice in this great struggle.
Coming from the part of Canada that 1 do, I think I am justified in speaking of the courage and sacrifice of our troops, There are ten military districts in Canada and the one from which I come has furnished nearly twenty-five per cent of the enlistments. From my own constituency of Wentworth over 3,000 men have joined the colours and nearly as many more have volunteered but failed to pass the rigid examination. We have paid the price in the loss of scores of our best and bravest, but our people are undaunted and are giving, and will continue to give, in men and money to the utmost of our resources. In my constituency, the county insures the life of every soldier from our county funds, we give four thousand dollars a month from the same source to the patriotic funds and the voluntary contributions exceed even this amount. In addition large sums have been subscribed to the Belgian Relief, the Red Cross Society and Sailors Aid. In a three days' campaign held last week for the city of Hamilton and Wentworth Patriotic Fund the sum of $500,000 was aimed at and about $700,000 raised. The chairman of this Fund received a cheque for $5,000 from a Cleveland firm, accompanied by these words: "We feel sure that most Americans realize that Britain and her Allies are fighting the battle of civilization and it is as much our cause as any one's" -a practical and true expression of the American people.
I cannot let this opportunity pass without paying tribute to the splendid spirit of Canadian womanhood. No greater courage has been shown by our troops in France, than has been shown by their mothers, wives and sisters at home-working, waiting, praying. Their's is the hardest part.

With us they are all at work-in the patriotic societies, in munition plants, in caring for the wounded and invalided who have returned. Canada's part in the war has been great and glorious, and no factor contributed more to this result than the courageous women of our country.
This country must deal justly and generously with the men, and the dependents of the men, who have fought our fight in this great war. The revised scale of pensions made by a joint committee last session has, I believe, been generally found satisfactory. In the treatment and care of returned soldiers great advances have been made, and the experience gained in the early stages of the war has been utilized to the best advantage. It is a great problem, the care and rehabilitation of those who have suffered. They must be dealt with generously, and fitted for a .return to civil life, educated and instructed for suitable occupations. I understand the Government has prepared a land settlement policy that will give occupation to those who wish to engage in agricultural pursuits, and that they have consulted with the provincial governments to this end. But placing the returned soldier on the land is not alone sufficient. He must be protected and encouraged until his success is assured. These men who have served the Empire have given years of their lives, have sacrificed positions and business, have made such an abrupt break in their usual vocations that they must start life over again. They and the dependents of those who have fallen are the wards of the nation, and as the nation deals with them, so in a great measure, will a strong and enduring patriotic spirit be maintained in this country. Where education to fit men for new occupations is necessary, it must be given to them. There must not now, nor in the years to come, be permitted any case of a man who served and suffered, or the dependent of one who made the supreme sacrifice, being pointed out as an object of charity. This country must keep faith with its defenders.
Speaking for my own district, I can say that we welcomed the steps taken by the Government to secure a national stocktaking of the man power and natural resources of the country. From the splendid reception accorded the Prime Minister in his long tour across the continent advocating this proposal, I feel convinced that all Canada welcomed such an innovation. That it is necessary is evidenced by the action

of the Prime Minister, who, even with the great and pressing problems he must deal with daily, considered it imperative that he should give his earnest advocacy to the scheme. Three weeks after Canada had announced the appointment of a Director of National Service, came a similar announcement frbm Great Britain. War has taught us many lessons, and none more forcibly than the necessity of the mobilization and direction of the man power of the Empire. It was the present Prime Minister of Great Britain who a few weeks after the outbreak of the war gave the slogan, 'Business as usual." No longer do we hear that -cry. The whole business of the Empire now is the winning of the war. England has felt the necessity of the proper direction of her man power to achieve results. Equal to four divisions of the army have been brought back to England from France, because they could serve the great cause at home, better than in the trenches. Men necessary to the production of munitions, equipment, and all that makes for the success of the army, must he kept at the occupations where they can serve best. A national inventory is necessary. In the ultimate analysis, the utilization of the knowledge, skill and science of each individual Canadian, in the avenue of effort for which he is best fitted by training and experience, and the co-ordination of these efforts of our people is the best way to obtain results. The Government is making an inventory of the man power of the Dominion. It is also making an. inventory of our natural resources, and to that end they have appointed Professor MacCal-lum of Toronto University, and associated with him, some of our greatest scientists, to formulate plans how these can best he used for the benefit of the State. We have in Ontario an example of the benefit to the State and to the individual of intelligent development of our resources. Compare the Western Ontario of fifteen years ago with the same district to-day; the wonderful advancement in the industrial and agricultural development can be attributed in a great measure to the intelligent development of our water-powers and the distribution of electric energy. What position -would the manufacturers of Optario be in to-day were it not for the " white coal " of Niagara? In the district from which I come there is to-day a most serious shortage of coal. Some misconceptions may have arisen as to the object of the national inventories
of man power and natural resources, but such is always the case with any innovation. I feel confldenit, ihowevier, that time will justify the wisdom of these policies by the good results that will accrue to the state and to the individual.
I desire to touch briefly on the financial stability of Canada, and here allow me to congratulate the Minister of Finance upon his great success in financing this war. That it has been a pleasant surprise as well as a source of pride to all true Canadians, goes without saying. The confidence of the Finance Minister in „ the Canadian people has been more than reciprocated by the strong approval of the course he has pursued, as expressed in their over-subscribing to the war loans. The war has taught us our financial strength. It would have been a bold man who in 1914 would have prophesied that we would place enormous federal loans in Canada. Previous to the courageous policy of the Finance Minister we looked entirely to London for our financial requirements. Now we meet them at home, and in addition, create enormous credits for the purchase of supplies in Canada by the Imperial Government. To maintain this position we must practice thrift and economy so earnestly advocated by the Finance Minister. Extravagant and unnecessary expenditure will deprive Canada and the Empire of the most potent weapon in winning the war. Canadians are prosperous, and the result of that prosperity should be placed at the tservice of the State. A great Canadian financier has aptly described the situation and its demands on the state and citizen, in these words:
Thrift for the individual is excellent, but just now, that is of minor importance. Thrift for the sake of Canada, thrift for the sake of the Empire, thrift to win the war, should be our cry. We shall not fail for men, difficult as enlistment may be. We shall not fail because of inability to make or procure war supplies. If we fail, it will be because we have wasted on unnecessary things the money that would have won the war. The man or woman who works hard at making shells may take much comfort in helping to win the war, but the man or woman who, in addition, saves a part of the present high wages due to the war and buys a war security, or helps a bank to do so, has helped twice, and the second kind of help is the most vital. The manufacturers of the United States will make war supplies for money. We are doing better only if we supply them on credit.
Nearly fifty years age the first par liament of the Dominion assembled. Ir. it were the statesmen who had brought under one government, Ontario, Quebec, Nova Scotia and New Brunswick. These
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men, Macdonald, Brown, Cartier, Tupper and others whose loyalty, determination, and courage laid the foundation of the present great Dominion, have beetn justified in their work by the growth, solidity and importance of this country. Confederation saw four provinces, with little common interest except loyalty to the Crown, brought into union; a half century has passed and the Canada of 1867 is now a mighty empire, stretching from the Atlantic to the Pacific, one-half of North America, comprising all the British possessions on this continent except Newfoundland. And, Sir, I know I voice the desire of all, when I express the hope that that ancient colony, from union of fighting forces with us in the Empire's cause, will seriously consider complete union in government and thus make British North America one dominion. I believe even in this time of stress the fiftieth anniversary of Confederation should not be allowed to pass without some fitting commemoration of the event. The fathers of Confederation laid the foundation of a vaster country than- they believed possible at the time. Then Canada was a colony of Great Brit-ian; to-day she is a partner in world affairs, whether of peace or of war.
A little oveT fifty years ago representatives from the four provinces met in London to consummate Confederation. Then there were doubts as to the stability of the proposed union; even as to the worth of overseas Dominions to the Empire. What a change in fifty years. Within a few weeks there will be another conference in London, when representatives from the overseas dominions will sit in the councils of the Empire determining the best policy to pursue to win victory in the great world's war, and with that victory, the preservation and strengthening of the bonds of Empire. What imperial or colonial statesmen in 1867 would have even dreamed that within such a brief period the overseas dominions would have won a partnership in the great British Empire? I know that the Prime Minister can assure the representatives of the motherland and of the overseas dominions that Canada is prepared to assume the responsibility of Empire for the future, in the same or even to a greater degree than she has done during the past three years.
Mr. Speaker, permit me to quote the message of the respected leader of the Opposition as given to the public in the recent issue of the official publication of his party and reprinted in the Toronto

Globe of Friday last. The right hon. gentleman says;
Let us here and now sink 'passions, prejudices, vain and idle recriminations. Let us, when criticism is needed, criticise without bitterness, only by appeals to reason, and above all, let us bend all our energies toward ipaking Canada an effective factor in the struggle.
Those, Sir, are the sentiments that have actuated the people of my constituency -since the outbreak of the war, or they could not have given -as freely of their manhood and wealth as they have. They have sunk party passions and prejudices; they have not indulged in vain and idle recriminations; they have -had but one object-the winning of the war. And, Sir, the places where the people have -been guided by these sentiments can easily be ascertained by an examination of the recruiting Teturns and the contributions to the various patriotic funds.
In conclusion, let me express my firm belief in the success of the allied cause. That success is assured; its early realization is dependent upon ourselves and -the citizens of the allied countries. To make 1917 the year of decisive victory we must give freely of our resources, and co-ordinate our efforts to secure the best results. I can -but speak of my own district, but in that part of Canada every one is working in harmony and has but one object- the victory that means a lasting peace. Anything that would tend to divert attention or divide efforts to secure this object would not meet the wishes of my constituents. We aTe united in this object; we will fight our private battles when we have won the victory for which we all are glow striving. We are fighting for national existence; we are fighting against German aggression and militarism; we -are fighting in the interests of humanity and civilization; we are fighting for a just cause; we are fighting for a lasting and abiding peace and until, in the Providence of God, we have secured the same, Nelson's historic message should be our's, namely, " England expects every man will do his duty.
Mr. J. A. DESCARRIES (Jacques-Car-tier) (translation); Mr. Speaker, I beg to second the- motion of my honourable- colleague, the jnemlbe-r for Wentworth (Mr. G. C. Wilson) who has moved that an address be presented to His Excellency the Governor General in reply to the speech delivered -by His Excellency to a joint meeting of the members of the Senate and the House
January 22, 1917
of Commons at the opening of this Parliament.
I wish to congratulate the hon. member on the splendid address to which we have just listened. He has shown himself equal to the task imposed on him both by the importance of the questions with which he had to deal and the solemnity of the occasion on which he addressed the House.
I must, therefore, Mr. Speaker, ask your indulgence and that of the hon. members for my audacity in rising in my turn to speak before this awesome assembly, having as an audience the men in Canada who are best gifted with eloquence and its most distinguished citizens. Mr. Speaker, I cannot enter into an explanation of- the reasons for my approval of the sentiments expressed in the speech from the Throne without first of all referring to the heavy toll taken by the grim reaper from our *midst since last session. Naturally I recall the memory of the late Postmaster General, the hon. Thomas Chase Casgrain. Alas, who could have foreseen when we parted last spring that such a polished gentleman, a politician of great renown, a famous lawyer, a truly patriotic Canadian, a citizen all devoted to his country and the Empire, would depart so soon, stricken down suddenly in his full vigour and the full maturity of his intellect. Let us bow reverently tc the decrees of Providence and find in his life an encouragement ever to tread the path of honour and cultivate a love for all good and noble causes.
Mr. Speaker, the Reaper has snatched other victims from our ranks. The hon. member foT Brome (Mr. Baker) is not in his seat. He has fallen on the field of honour, felled by his country's enemies. I miss also the faces of our distinguished colleagues, the member for London (Mr. Gray) and the member for Stansteiad (Mr. Lovell). These also has death mowed down. For the memory of each of our lamented friends let us give a kind thought, while we also offer to their disconsolate relatives our most heartfelt sympathies.
Mr. Speaker, after mourning over our cherished departed let us turn our thoughts to the living present. I learned with much pleasure that by the unanimous voice of your colleagues you had been appointed to the first Commoner of the land. The distinction is of the highest, but it is well deserved indeed. Your parliamentary record, your gentlemanly bearing, the high standard of your life, your profound knowledge of constitutional law, of which we have had frequent instances during your career as a member of this House and as deputy Speaker, left no alternative to your fellow-members but to appoint you to the presidential chair. Allow me to congratulate you most heartily and ito offer my very best wishes that success may crown your tenure. I am convinced that by your impartial control of debates, your term of office will not only prove honourable but also useful ito this House 'and to. the country at large.
Congratulations and wishes are also due your hon. predecessor, the new Minister of Inland Revenue, the ex-member for Dorchester (Mr. Sevigny); but his duties keep him at present out of the House. I look forward to another occasion to express to him my congratulations and wish to him, a brilliant career in the Government, a career replete with honour to himself and fruitful of good results for his country and particularly for the province- of Quebec of which he becomes officially a representative in the Cabinet.
Mr. Speaker, His Royal Highness, the Duke of Connaught, left Canada after his governorship had expired with the regard and regrets of the whole Canadian people. He won the admiration of all by remaining a truly constitutional representative of the Crown, a statesman imbued with the true spirit of royalty and fully comprehending the ideals of the Canadian subjects of His Majesty. And all regret his departure, because during his stay in this country, hr won not only our respect, but -also our affection and our devotion, which take their source in our steadfast loyalty to the great Empire, which he represented in our midst.
True we have lost an illustrious Governor, but it has been our good fortune to see vice-royalty entrusted to a noble lord, who will not hesitate to follow in the footsteps of his distinguished predecessor. His Excellency the Duke of Devonshire has already won the confidence of the people of this country. I feel convinced that under his wise and enlightened administration, Canada will continue its onward march towards its glorious destiny.
Mr. Speaker, the Address delivered by His Excellency gives some indication of the Government's policy. According to our political constitution, His Excellency's advisers are responsible for every one of his official pronouncements. The speech is therefore expressive of the policy of the Government of which the right hon. Sir R. L. Borden is the head.
[Stage Direction]
Are the suggestions (therein contained wise and desirable? Is the legislation proposed such as to meet the issues with which Canada is confronted today? Has the public treasury been entrusted to' faithful trustees? Has Canada dome its duty in the frightful war in which it has to participate? Has sufficient 'attention been given to the laftermath of the struggle, so that the country's onward march may not be checked? Is Canada prosperous? Is the Government striving to improve existing conditions? Are means being taken to alleviate the burdens which the nation has to bear in the present extraordinary circumstances? To all those questions I answer unhesitatingly in the affirmative. When, Mr. Speaker, were there to be found in this country a Prime Minister and a government which had to face the tremendous difficulties which the present Government has to solve? For two years past Europe has been devastated by the most terrible war which is recorded in history. An emperor, reigning over a domineering people, has risen in his pride, dragging after him other potentates. Without reason, through sheer spirit of conquest, moved by am unbridled ambition, be threw bis horses against Belgium and France, hoping to make an easy prey of those two countries. God was watching over the Franks. From all sides the nations of the the Old World rushed on to the battlefield. Russia, Italy, Japan, Portugal, Montenegro, Serbia, Rumania took up arms and went to meet the invaders.
Well, Mr. Speaker, could the great Empire of which we are part and parcel, could the British Empire whose glorious flag has been unfurled on every sea and every continent, remain neutral in the struggle for the freedom of the world? Casting aside forever old rivalries centuries, old which had prevented her from extending to France the hand of friendship, Great Britain took sides with her southern neighbours. Her soldiers went over to France, and shed their blood alongside the French soldiers and from their united sacrifice has sprung victories which have startled the world and repelled the invader.
England's navy has patrolled the seas, cleared of German ships the highways of trade and bottled the Hun vessels in the Kiel canal. At an enormous cost, England has put under arms an army of 5,000,000 men. To her dominions beyond the seas *she appealed for assistance. Canada has nobly answered the call. Our country has equipped nearly four hundred thousand men, three hundred thousand of whom are

already overseas or on the battlefields of Europe. The Old World stands amazed at the valiance of our troops. The echoes of Ypres, Saint-Julien, Festubert, Langemark, Saint-Eloi, .la Somme, Courcelette, Salonica, the Dardanelles are resounding with their glorious deeds. Our boys, our sons, our brothers, some of our colleagues, have proven to the world that on the shores of the St. Lawrence and the Great Lakes, on our western prairies, and in the country of Evangeline, on the borders of the southern republic and amidst the Arctic floes, there lives a young people who remembers- the valorous exploits of Wolfe and Montcalm, who has treasured the ideals of its forebears, whose soul has been moulded after that of the great nations from which it sprung, and who makes it its duty -to do its share in the frightful war which, for the safety of the world and the preservation of the freedom of nations, must have no other issue but victory accomplished iby our motherlands, France and England, with the help of their powerful Allies.
The Government which had to face such tremendous issues and responsibilities, has done its duty nobly and firmly; such has been its grasp of the situation, that political parties disappeared and Parliament, without a dissentient voice, voted with enthusiasm and loyalty to the Empire the necessary moneys to send our volunteers to the front, and the hundred millions of dollars necessary for their maintenance -and equipment.
I therefore wonder, Mr. Speaker, at the discordant echoes which are to he heard to-day in Dorchester, from Liberal quarters, on the eve of the election which is made necessary on account of the death of the late lamented Postmaster 'General. Doubtless we shall hear from the right hon. leader of the Opposition and his party that they disavow the conspiracy of the young politician whose conduct on this occasion is prejudicial to Canada's determination to put forth every possible effort to win the war, when victory requires the whole energy of the country.
Mr. Speaker, the imperious needs .of the struggle have suggested to certain individuals and to certain newspapers the possibility of the Government establishing obligatory military service. .Should I say that the right hon. Prime Minister 'and many of bis colleagues have refused to consider the suggestion and have stated that the Government bad given the subject no thought. I believe, in any case, Mr. Speaker, and I think I am voicing the opinion of the
January 22, 1917
majority of the hon. members in stating that the constitution of the country forbids sending our soldiers to fight outside of Canada, without special legislation being enacted in this House and that no such legislation altering the very basis of our constitution) would be enacted without its being first submitted to the people of Canada. No, Mr. Speaker, there can he no question of conscription. Obligatory enlistment is not needed. The people of Canada have given noble proof of their loyalty. Freely and voluntarily, four hundred thousand men have already answered the oak. If they ane required, one hundred thousand more will follow of their own free will. And thus the Prime Minister will have given to the Empire and the allied nations a royal and magnificent contribution, to restore the peace of the world, which, let us hope, Providence will soon grant to Europe.
Mr. Speaker, it does happen that the very best intentions are misconstrued. The Government, as is referred to in the speech from the Throne, has undertaken to organize the national service with a vigour to put to better use our natural resources. In many quarters, this scheme has been misinterpreted, connecting the proposal with the bugbear of conscription, they concluded that the Government's purpose was to bring about conscription either military or industrial. The Prime Minister, the leader of the Opposition, members of this House, bishops, provincial ministers have raised their voices, they have explained the scheme, and stated that national service had nothing to do with military conscription; that it meant only the organization of labour in all its spheres. Always people will be found who will not harken to logic, or, I daTe say, Mr. Speaker, who, try to find in this proposal a pretext to turn the people against the Government and make petty political capital, as is being done in Dorchester, out of a project whidh, if carried out, will have an immense influence on the future progress and prosperity of Canada; not launching it on the war-path, but along the highroad of commercial, agricultural and industrial development and all the other field? of national energy.
Mr. Sneaker, it is stated in the Address of His Excellency that the prime ministers of the Dominions have been invited to take part in the conferences to be held in England for the purpose of discussing matters connected with the war. The Dominions are honoured thereby. But the honour has been well deserved, if one takes into account their unflinching loyalty and the sacrifices they have made in men and money. The ties that bind us to the mother country have been cemented by the blood of our boys. In the future, our voice will be heard in the Parliament of Nations for the maintenance of peace, because we have paid our full share of human lives to obtain the supreme result.
It may be, Mr. Speaker, that in those conferences our position in the Empire after the war is over will be discussed. The subject is full of anxiety and serious speculation for any Canadian who loves his country and who sees those weighty problems already looming up. I feel convinced that the right non. Prime Minister who presides over Canada's welfare with such tact and firmness, with love for his country and loyalty to the British Empire will approach these great questions with all the prudence that characterizes all his public acts and that he will not allow any change in our status in the 'Empire without the consent of the people of Canada.
His Excellency reminds us that the life of the present Parliament will expire next October. In that case, general elections are in order within a short time. How then could the Prime Minister leave the management of the country's business to go to England to take part in the war conference? Is it reasonable that he should be forced to throw the country into an electoral turmoil while war is raging and his whole attention should be devoted to one single aim, 60 to say: ultimate victory.
There is to be no election in England during the war. Even the ministers recently chosen have been relieved of the obligation of returning before the people to have the selection ratified. I am not surprised then, Sir, of the announcement made by the Government that a resolution will be submitted for authority to ask the Parliament of the United Kingdom to pass an Act for the continuance in office of this Parliament. Moreover, if is but a further extension of the delay we requested last session. No possible change could justify our throwing the country into the confusion of a general election in which political passions play such an important part and which might divert the minds of the people from the great end it is serving .by helping the Empire. I am therefore convinced that this resolution will be unanimously passed by the House; it is of public urgency and necessary for the' safety of Canada and of the Empire.
[Stage Direction]
With His Excellency, we must, Sir, thank Providence for the abundant crop with which Canada has been favoured last season. Our agricultural population has been richly rewarded by its labours. Our generous soil has nothing to refuse to the industrious and intelligent husbandman. Our rural population is happy. They have abundant means as the result of their labours, and our public institutions protect their rights and liberties. Doubtless, as everywhere else, difficulties may arise from time to time. But with good will, public spirit and patriotism, peace must finally reign supreme where intolerance and nefarious ambition sought their ends.
His Excellency told us, Sir, that the financial, commercial and industrial conditions of Canada were of the best. Who could have thought, in fact, that in the very midst of the war, we could show a surplus of about $80,000,000? This has never been 'seen before, in full time of peace and prosperity.
Our trade has expanded in an extraordinary way. Our industrial development has attained undreamt of proportions. All the statistics will doubtless be submitted to us in the course of the debate on the Address.
Have we not there, Sir, an evident proof of the progressive administration of the country's affairs by the present Government. I well know that the political tactics of the opponents of the Government lead them to spread all kinds of accusations among the public. But is there a single one of such charges which has been connected witb a member pi the Cabinet? Inquiries have been held both by committees appointed in this House or chosen from the judiciary. The Government came out unscathed. I ask you, Sir, and I ask. every thinking man free from party bonds, can the political history of Canada show us that at any time, whether in peace pr war, there has been an Administration more economical, more energetic, more prosperous and in better accord with the aspirations of the electors and of the people of Canada.
We shall, therefore, Sir, vote the various estimates for the next fiscal year, knowing well that they will be wisely applied by the Government to promote the welfare and prosperity of the country.
His Excellency has reminded us of the approaching date of the fiftieth anniversary of the birth of our Canadian Confederation, and tells us that notwithstanding the continuance of the war, there should

be an appropriate commemoration of an event so notable in our history.
This cannot but be most agreeable to this House and to the people of Canada. Who could remain indifferent to the splendid showing of our country to-day? Fifty years ago, four provinces sparsely peopled and of meagre .resources existed without .any common bond in the vast territory of British North America. Neva Scotia, New Brunswick, Prince Edward Island, Upper and Lower Canada joined together on the 1st of July, 1867 and formed the Canadian Confederation.
Our country to-day comprises nine provinces extending from the Atlantic to the -Pacific, and from the forty-fifth degree of latitude to the North Pole. This immense territory is peopled -by over 8,000,000 inhabitants, and could give life and happiness to a population of 100,000,000 souls.
With what great enthusiasm shall public gratitude proclaim the hallowed names of the fathers of confederation: of Sir John A. Miacdonald, Sir George Etienne Cartier, Sir Charles Tupper, Sir Etienne Pascal Tache, Six Leonard Tilley, Hon. Darcy McGee and of numerous others who are not so highly renowned, but who.se deeds .and works history will report.
I am then .assured that this hon. House will welcome any measure proposed for the worthy celebration of the fiftieth anniversary o.f Confederation. Our nation shall offer to .the world the spectacle of a united people commemorating the glorious episodes of its history. No race rivalry will cloud the beautiful sky of our land. All Canadians, whether English or French blood flows in their veins, will then clasp hands in friendship, with the resolution to live in peace and harmony forever, in .this country of Canada.
Our land is so vast and its .soil so fruitful, its sun .so warm and its resources so abundant that the sons of its first .settlers, English -and French, may live together without jealousy and antagonism, but with sentiments of sincere fraternity, each offering homage to the Almighty according to his creed and in the language of his ancestors.
The speech from the Throne, Sir, concludes by alluding to the fine courage and the inflexible purpose which have animated all His Majesty's Dominions .in upholding the great cause for which we are fighting with the rest of the Empire.
This proves that the Government is ready to do its duty to the very end. The nation has supported the Administration and shall continue to support it without hesitation.

Is it to be wondered that prior to the war opinions differed on that point? But to-day, with the terrifying sight of nation rushing against nation in appalling battles that ruin the countries, decimate their manhood, and even reduce their population to serfdom; when military despotism aims at enslaving the liberty of nations;, who dare remain indifferent and refuse to answer the call of our mother-countries for assistance? Before taking up arms in self-defence shall we then wait until we are in the fetters of the foe? To run to the aid ol the Empire and France, must we wait until the power of those great countries has been shaken in its very foundations? No, Mr. Speaker, Canada stands unflinching in its determination. Victory alone will put a stop to our endeavours. His Majesty's loyal Opposition deserve our thanks for the support they have given in the past to all our war legislation. Following the example of His Excellency, who concluded his address by praying that the Divine blessing may attend our deliberations, allow me, Mr. Speaker, as I chose, to invoke the God of Hosts, the Divine Protector of Canada, France and the British Empire to bestow on our arms the strength that ensures victory, on Canada the blessing of prosperity and on the Canadian people continued happiness.
Mr. 'Speaker, I take pleasure in seconding the motion of the honourable member for Wentworth, who moved that an address be adopted expressing to His Excellency the Governor General the thanks of this House for his Address at the opening of this session.
Rt.   H@: Mr. Speaker, in the two addresses to which it has been our privilege as well as our pleasure to listen, there was very little to which exception might be taken; and, if there were anything from which I might be tempted to differ, it is not my intention on this occasion to enter into controversy upon it. Occasions of controversy will arise in due course, when the measures of the Government come up for discussion. There was much, very much, in these addresses on which the House will be happy to express commendation and present its congratulations to the two lion, members. Particularly timely and well-conceived were the remarks of my hon. friend from Wentworth (Mr. G. C. Wilson) upon the departure of His Royal Highness the Duke of Connaught. If the hon. gentleman will permit me to say so, I very much admire the tenor of his speech on .that point; what
f>
he said on the subject could not have been better said.
It has often been remarked, but not too often, that Canada has been particularly fortunate in the character of those who have been selected to be the representatives of the royal authority. They have all been men of great eminence, whether eminence by character or eminence by ability, and most of them have been eminent for both ability and character. It is due to those who have occupied that high office to say when they- had fulfilled their term and the time came foT them to sever their connection with us, they carried with them the gratitude, the esteem, the respect of all classes of the community. But, Sir, I think I am within the mark when I say that no Governor General who ever left our shores was followed with so much of the blessings and the affection of the people of Canada as was His Royal Highness the Duke of Connaught. Undoubtedly, the peculiar enthusiasm with which His Royal Highness was received by us when he came to preside over the destinies of Canada was due to the fact that he belonged to the royal family. But if he left the shores of Canada with a more than usual share of the gratitude and respect of the Canadian people, his connection with the royal family was not the only cause-the main cause was his own personal qualities; his devotion to duty; his high sense of honour; his simple, affable manners; and, if I may say so,-and I think I may say so rightly -his straightforward, democratic ways.
And if the whole truth is to toe told, I believe everybody will agree with me that in the impression which he made in Canada he himself was not the sotle factor; a great deal was due also to his gracious consort, a lady who, in her high station, gave, during the time she was with us, an example of those domestic virtues ever dear to the British heart. There had been a rumour prevalent for a long time that when the invitation from high quarters came to His Royal Highness to become Governor General of Canada he hesitated, as his personal interest would' have kept him lin England, and it was understood that he had accepted the office for a period of not more than two years. I do not know to what extent that lumour may be well founded, but it seems to have had some foundation, because, as will be remembered, announcement was made in the session of 1914 that His Royal Highness was to close his connection with the governorship of Canada during that year. On the day of prorogation in the Month of May, 1914, the two Houses



of Parliament presented an address of appreciation for his eminent services during his stay amongst us, and on that occasion he hade an official faTewell to the people of Canada. But before the date set for his departure war broke out, and then, it is understood, at the request of high authorities, he consented to remain for the duration of the war. When the usual term of five years had expired, for reasons unknown to me, and as to which I have no opinion to offer, it was thought preferable to follow the usual course and to appoint a successor to His Royal Highness. " The King is dead, long live the King!" Such was the form , by which, under the old French monarchy, announcement was made to the people of the close of one reign and the beginning of another. In these words we might well express our welcome to the Duke of Devonshire. Following the long line of precedent, the British authorities have sought a Governor Generali of Canada from the most illustrious families of the realm. The Duke of Devonshire has the honour of being the bearer of a name made famous by a long line of statesmen, who, for centuries, and especially in the time of the Stuarts, have been prominently connected with the events which have brought England to the proud position she occupies to-day. The family to which he belongs has in all generations displayed those qualities of firmness, moderation and courage, qualities which certainly afford a splendid augury for the welfare of the Canadian people. It was not our fortune to be acquainted with His Excellency the Duke of Devonshire otherwise than by reputation. We knew of his family, but we did not know him. We are more fortunate in the case of Her Excellency the Duchess of Devonshire. We had known her when she was a young girl in the house of her father, when he occupied Rideau Hall as Governor General of Canada. Again she takes up her residence in Rideau Hall, hut now as the lady of the manor, and she can feel assured that to her we offer a double welcome for the sake of auld lang syne.
It is the misfortune of the Duke of Devon-' shire, our new Governor General, and it is our misfortune that on the occasion when he first opened the session of the Canadian Parliament we should still live under the shadow of the terrible struggle which has been going on now for thirty months, and which is still extending the circle of its baneful activities. It would be beneath our own dignity, it would be unworthy of the place we wish to occupy in this war, if we were to close our eyes to the stern reali-
[Sir Wilfrid Laurier.1
ties, if we were to view the situation in any other than its true light, or to indulge hopes which events might not justify. We must confess that the expectations which the splendid opening of the campaign of 1916 had caused were not realizejl-because the campaign of 1916 did open most splendidly. It opened with the roar of the guns at Verdun, where the Crown Prince of Germany, day after day, week after week, and month after month was launching the flower of the German army against that noble fortress. After six months of this terrible battering he had to 'abandon the contest and withdraw into this own lines, having left on the thi'lls of Verdun no 'ess than 500,000 men.. These figures are appalling in their immensity, but, appalling as they are, there is every reason to believe that by actual computation they would be found to be well within the reality. Then followed the offensive on the river Somme, when the Allied nations of England and France made a dash upon the German trenches and swept the enemy back several miles, with immense losses to the Germans in men and material. On the eastern front the campaign opened by -an attempt of the Austrians to invade Italy. That attempt was easily repulsed. The Austrians were thrown back across the. mountains into Austria, and the Russians in Asia Minor and in the Balkans carried on successful operations almost in the heart of that country. And then came the entrance of Rumania into the contest, an event that (had long been looked for. We had hoped that it would come, and when it came we were inclined to look upon it as portending the 'beginning of the end. But, alas, our expectations in that respect have been sadly disappointed. After a few months fighting Rumania has been invaded and its capital taken; it has1 met the same fate as that of Belgium and Poland. I should add that, on the part of the Allies, the only decisive battle during the campaign of 1916 was tlhe resistance at Verdun, which caused to the enemy a loss of something like 500,000 men and gave- them no compensating advantage-On the other side, it must he admitted that the overrunning of Rumania by the German armies gave them a new prestige, and we know that prestige in war always counts. But, Sir, though this is the case, is there any reason to he discouraged? Is there any reason why we should not -hope? On the contrary, it seems to! me that there are circumstances which	may
lead	us confidently to	expect that
at the end of this year, 1917, we shall see

the beginning of the great victory for which we have been fighting during the last thirty months. What are the reasons for this hope? Sir, there are not a few evidences that the vital forces of the enemy are commencing to give way. Though at this moment, the beginning of the year 1917, Germany is still in possession of Belgium and a sixth part of France, of Serbia, and a large part of Rumania, evidences are percolating through the severe German censorship that Germany is being invaded by two foes more formidable and more dangerous even than soldiers and guns: these foes are famine and exhaustion. The attempt, made only some weeks ago, by the German Government to enter into peace negotiations goes far to justify this expectation. The language of the German Chancellor when he made these overtures of peace was not the same language that we heard in 1914. Arrogant it was, but not the same kind of arrogance that characterized his tone in 1914. To-day we do not hear that the Germans are fighting to dominate the world. To-day their appeal to the people of Germany is that they are fighting for their fatherland; that they are fighting to maintain their existence as a country. Far different language this from that which we heard only thirty months ago. It is evident, however, from the tone of the German Chancellor's overtures, that he still poses as a conqueror. Sir, it is not usual for the victor to be the one to offer peace or to talk peace. Instances, however, have occurred where he who claimed to be the victor saw approaching a new danger perhaps more formidable than the one which he had just overcome. Napoleon is the most striking example of them all. In 1812 Napoleon had invaded Russia. He had carried everything before him. He had reached Moscow, the old capital, the holy city of all the Russias, and from the Kremlin, the palace of the old Czars, he offered a peace to his opponent. What was it that prompted Napoleon, himself an insatiable conqueror, to adopt that course? Was it magnanimity? Was it a sudden horror of shedding blood? No; we know that nothing of that kind ever interfered with Napoleon's plans. The reason was that he saw fast approaching another enemy far more formidable to him than those whom he had just overcome, and that enemy was the Russian winter. The Emperor of Russia refused all overtures. Events proved that Napoleon had been right in his fear, because the Russian winter did what Russian armies
n
had failed to do-indeed, could not have done. The Russian winter simply annihilated the army of Napoleon. Though he continued the great struggle, he never recovered from that blow, which was his first step towards St. Helena.
There is a similarity between the position of Napoleon in 1812 and that of Germany in 1917, in that another enemy has to be faced whose presence has not been anticipated. Last year, speaking upon this subject, I ventured to say that in my humble judgment the only complete victory which had been won up to that time had been won by the British Navy. After the passing of a year I think I can repeat that the only complete victory which is being won in this war is the victory which is being achieved by the British Navy.
When I said so last year, I did not refer to the engagements which had taken place t om time to tune, and in which the British navy had participated so successfully. Neither do I refer this year to the battle of Jutland when the German navy dared to come out from cover, soon again to seek cover in order to avoid the victorious pounding of the fleet of Sir David Beatty. No, what I refer to is the unseen, silent, relentless pressure of the British navy upon the trade and commerce and resources of the enemy. I refer to the silent pressure of the British navy, whose powerful grip is slowly, surely, effectively strangling the vitality of the enemy; and there is every reason to believe that with further efforts on our part, whatever may be its success on land, undoubtedly the German nation must coipe to her knees because of that silent, unseen pressure of the British navy.
The speech from the Throne refers to the offers of peace on the part of the German Government. The Allies have met the offer in the only way it could be met. They have refused to go into conference until they know the terms upon which Germany would negotiate. They went further: They even placed upon the table the terms upon which they are ready to have peace, and by their answer they have shown that they are ready this day, any day, to negotiate for peace, which shall not be simply a truce to be broken again at the option, will, caprice, or ambition of any party, but a peace which shall be founded upon the rights of mankind, upon freedom and justice, and which shall lift humanity and civilization to a still higher level than before the war.
His Excellency in his speech states:

The Canadian forces dispatched . overseas during 191G numbered more than 165,000 and the aggregate of enlistments in Canada since the outbreak of war is nea :ly 400,000.
Then His Excellency says:
In attack as well as in defence the valour, endurance and resourcefulness of the Canadian troops have been conspicuous on every occasion when they have met the enemy, and they have splendidly upheld the highest traditions of their country.
Every word of this is true, and it is very well said. Sir, it is not a vain boast for us to say that the conduct of our young volunteers upon the battlefield has been a cause not only of wonder, but even of surprise. It is a fact well known in history, known by all the experience of wars, that the first shock of battle is always a severe ordeal for young recruits. Old generals, experienced officers, will not place upon young recruits the same reliance that they place upon veterans; but our young Canadian soldiers have shown from the first that they can fight like veterans. Every one knew that they would do well, nobody expected that they would do so well as they did from the very first. They behaved like veteran soldiers who had known nothing else but the life of a soldier, and, as was referred to a moment ago by my honourable friend in moving the address, they have on more than one occasion done things which must fill the hearts of the Canadian people with pride. In some battles they saved the day by their valour; and it is beyond doubt that at St. Julien it was they who barred the way of the Germans who were at the time not far distant from Calais.
Such has been the conduct of our soldiers, but here the question arises: The soldiers have done everything that could be done; they have done as much as we could expect from them. Have the Government, in a like way, risen to the opportunity and to the occasion? Have they accomplished what they should have accomplished? Have they fulfilled the whole duty which we had a right to expect from them? Sir, the answer to this question is found in the correspondence which was exchanged between my right honourable friend, the Prime Minister, and my honourable friend (Sir Sam Hughes) the late Minister of Militia. Whatever may be said to the contrary, I *speak without any passion. If it is said that I am a partisan, I do not deny the impeachment. If anybody will castigate me for that or blame me for that, let him cast the first stone. But, Sir partisans as we
tSir Wilfrid Laurier.]
are, I believe that we are all disposed at this time, under the tremendous responsibility which weighs upon all of us, to be fair, and to give justice to whomsoever justice is due. At all events, that is my intention, and I shall leave myself to the judgment of the House as to whether I prove true to that intention.
In the correspondence that has been exchanged the evidence is irresistible, the evidence is abundant, the evidence is positive and incontrovertible that in the council of the Government there was no unity of thought or of action, but there was jarring and friction from the first to the last moment. The cause of the difference, as exposed in the correspondence between the two ministers, was the control of the Canadian troops when they had reached England. The question was, whether those troops, when they had reached England, should continue to be under the control of the Canadian Government represented by the Minister of Militia, or whether they should be under the control of the British War Office. In other words, the question was whether the control of our troops in England should continue to be Canadian control, or whether it was to he British control. I am sorry to say that upon this question there was not that immediate decision which should have taken place; and this is the first reproach which I have to convey to the Government, that on that occasion, instead of being firm and decisive right away and making a decision either one way or the other, the thing was allowed to drag and drag and become confused until the resignation of the Minister of Militia. As to whether 'it should have been Canadian control as desired by the late Minister of Militia, or whether it should have been British control as desired by others in the Cabinet, I am not here to pass judgment.
I will leave that aside altogether. There may have been and probably there were strong reasons, for one view or the other, but what I assert, and upon this I place myself within the judgment of the House, and of the Canadian people, is that there should have been a decision at once. It should have been a decision for Canadian control, or for British control but there should have been no hesitation upon it. Hesitation is always fatal but hesitation is never so fatal as in war. In the correspondence which I shall refer to in a few moments I shall give chapter and verse. But I wish

to point out that the former Minister of Militia asserted that during the first year he was not in control, that he was hampered and then he says that having submitted for the first year under protest, after great effort, he succeeded in obtaining some control and that then he enacted several important reforms. At all events, the whole matter is very much confused. So confused is it that even on the day which preceded the day of my hon. friend's resignation, there was a controversy upon this point between him and the Prime Minister. The ex-Minister of Militia will pardon me if I say that he does not mince matters as to what he has to say. In a letter which he addressed to the Prime Minister on the first of November last he referred to this complaint again and there he stated that in his administration he had been hampered-hampered by some of his colleagues, and hampered by commissions. My hon. friend on this point as to commissions speaks - in no unqualified language. This is what he says, addressing himself to the Prime Minister:
Permit me to draw your attention to nearly every Commission which has been formed. They look beautiful on paper, but few, if any of them have been anything like perfect in practice. The Hospitals Commission, the Pensions Board and the National Service Commission all seemed lovely when sent out, but every one concerned with them knows of the absurdity therein contained.
That is a judgment in regard to which I think many in this House will not be disposed to differ from my hon. friend the exMinister of Militia, but let that pass. On this occasion he refers again to the fact that ho had not control in Great Britain and the Prime Minister has answered him already when he has said:
So far as I am aware you exercised the same control and direction over the forces in Great Britain during the first year as subsequently.
Then comes the rejoinder of the ex-Minister and it is a rejoinder in which we recognize our friend of old. This is what he writes to the Prime Minister:
Sir Robert, no one knows better than you that this statement is incorrect. This last year, with the full concurrence of the War Office, our management and direction have been given every consideration, and by their re-quest.
There is between the Prime Minister and his colleague an absolute diversity as to the facts.- Which is in the right, and which is in the wrong with regard to them, it is not for me to say, but I repeat that this is a further evidence that during those two
years there was constant jarring and friction and no unity of thought or action. The Minister of Militia was at that time engaged in a close controversy with the Prime Minister and he was threatened with dismissal. But he made a further complaint; he made, then -and there, the complaint that he had been hampered in his administration not only by commissions, but even by his colleagues, and he framed his complaint in these terms:
Further, had I ventured to conduct this force on the basis of formal Orders in Council, the first division would not have left Valcartier yet, and you know yourself how, by technicalities, the second division was held up for four months through little petty haggling on the question of motor trucks.
That is pretty direct and pretty positive but it is immediately followed by another letter of the 9th November which contains another and a still more positive statement:
Moreover

He says, again addressing himself to the Prime Minister:
-it is difficult for me to recall where you have actively supported me in the passage of any Order in Council concerning the upbuilding of the militia when opposed by two members of the Cabinet usually antagonistic to anything proposed by me. As you are aware, it took up four months in the midst of this great war to fight through the principles of purchasing, for the second division, trucks at the lowest wholesale prices instead of allowing large commissions to local agents who would have nothing whatever to do wnth securing the order.
New, Sir, that i-s a pretty serious charge. Here is a charge made by the ex-Minister of Militia that for four months he was prevented from -sending the second division by the interference of some of his colleagues who were fighting over the principle of purchasing at the lowest prices. I recall very well that the atmosphere at one time was highly charged, that there were charges and counter-charges. I have no opinion to offer, I have no right to express an opinion, but we have the evidence of the ex-minister who says that he was hampered for four months at a time when minutes were as precious as hours and weeks and months. He says that he was prevented from sending the troops of which we were in such need on the battle field. I fa-ave only to remark that I have not found in the whole of the correspondence any denial of that statement made by the ex-Minister of Militia.
Now, I come to the main subject. I said a moment ago that the cause of contention

between the Prime Minister and the exMinister of Militia and his colleagues was the question of the control of the Canadian forces in Great Britain. It is due to the ex-Minister of Militia to say that he stated forcibly his views and his complaints upon this matter. On the 18th October last the Prime Minister sent to the ex-Minister of Militia a letter enclosing a draft order in council for the reorganization of the Department of Militia and Defence and the control of the forces in Great Britain. The draft order in council is not included in the correspondence but it is manifest from the context that it was an order which was passed at a subsequent period to create a second portfolio of militia in Great Britain and to have two Ministers of Militia, one residing in Canada and one residing in Great Britain. The ex-minister went at length into the whole subject and took occasion to put his case quite fully before the Prime Minister. I call the special attention of the House to the reasons which he gave for claiming the control of the forces in Great Britain. This is what he says:
From the outset I strongly objected to the fact that practically the entire management of our force, our supplies, our equipment, our transport, etc., had been taken completely out of our hands, and was controlled by the British authorities, we, notwithstanding, paying the bill.
In October, 1914, in Conversation on the subject with the late Earl Kittehener, he pointed out that the Canadian High Commissioner had intimated to him that it was the desire of the Canadian Government that these troops should' be regarded as purely British, and that Canada should have nothing to say in their management while in England or at the front. I drew his attention to Section 177 of the Army Act, and to the spirit and principles of the Constitution, but he again intimated that he understood it was the desire of the Canadian Government that the troops were to be handed over to them absolutely as "British Regulars." To this I objected, and pointed out that I fully believed that our force, under officers of our own selection should, at the front, be under the command of the British Commander-in-Chief, yet the appointment of officers at the front, and the control of everything in connection with the force while in Britain, should be entirely with Canada; but I further stated that I felt in such a great struggle where each was actuated by proper motives, there should be no need of friction.
He goes on,;
I do not know whether the Canadian High Commissioner had the authority of the Canadian Government 'or not; but a day or two later that gentleman, of his own initiative, strongly spoke to me and briefly said:	"You
do not pretend surely to have anything to do with the Canadian soldiers in Britain.'' I suggested that he might be well advised to study not alone the Canadian Military Law,
[Sir Wilfrid Laurier.j
but the British Army Act, as well as comprehend the spirit of the Constitution. I felt then, as I feel today, and as I am pleased to say the entire British Government and War Office officers also realize to-day that our officers and men being in the pay of Canada, Canada should absolutely control them in Canada and in Britain, excepting in so far as securing camping grounds is concerned; and at the front for everything excepting the command and general administration under the command.
He goes on to say:
I had to accept, under protest, for the first year, this management of the Force in Britain. The anomaly of such a state of things is apparent. The Canadian soldier in the trenches must voice his complaint, if any, through the Parliament of Canada and the Minister of Militia and Defence must accept responsibility. How could the Canadian soldier obtain redress through the British House of Commons? Kipling's lines hold good:
*Daughter in her Mother's house, Mistress in her own.'
As well as another standard maxim, 'Taxation implies representation and brings responsibility.'
Sir, let me call the attention.' of the House to this very remarkable letter. The exMinister of Militia says to the Prime Minister that when he went to England for the purpose of looking after the Canadian soldiers, he was told by Lord Kitchener that it was understood that he was not to look after the troops but that they should be handed over and treated like British regulars. He was told also by the High Commissioner that he could not presume to have any control over Canadian troops while they were in England. Is that parliamentary government? Is that constitutional administration? Here is a minister of the Crown told by. one of his colleagues in England that he has no authority when he wants to exercise such authority. What does it mean? It means, as I said a moment ago, that there was no unity of purpose, no unity of thought, no unity of action and, when there is no unity, is it possible to expect efficiency? That is the complaint which I have to make. My right hon. friend, in one of his letters to the Minister of Militia, states that at a tune when all the energies of the Prime Minister should have been absorbed in the war, they were employed in smoothing out ti;ese petty quarrels. Here are his words:
My time and energies, although urgently needed for much more important duties, have been very frequently employed in removing difficulties thus unnecessarily created.
Sir, I can believe that. The Prime Minister had an enormous load upon his shoulders; immense responsibilities to tax his time and energies to the utmost. And

if his time and energy had to be devoted to these petty quarrels, whose fault was it but that of my right hon. friend himself? If he had exercised his proper authority, these petty squabbles would have been avoided, and he would have been free to devote his time and energies to the war.
But there is much more to come. The Minister of Militia and Defence proceeds to give the reason why he insists upon having control. The reason he gives is simply this: that he could administer things better than they were administered in England, and he gives a specific example. Sir, everybody within the sound of my voice is aware that persistent rumours haYe been coming from England, by everyone who has come back from there during the last two years, that the equipment which the Canadian troops took with them to England, and which was purchased in Canada, had to be scrapped as soon as our troops reached England, and cast aside as of no value whatever. You, Sir, have heard that charge. Everyone has heard it. Well, Sir, it was an extraordinary condition of things if it was true. Here we are in the midst of a great war, incurring an enormous expenditure. My hon. friend the Minister of Finance (Sir Thomas White) in his zeal has very properly constituted himself a Peter the Hermit of a Holy Crusade, not only against extravagance, but even against unnecessary expenditure. He has advocated retrenchment on every possible occasion, and he did right; he only did his duty. But while he was preaching economy we have the evidence here, in a letter which I shall quote, that equipment amounting to millions of dollars was cast aside in England as of no value whatever, and all that money was lost. Am I exaggerating? Am I stating a thing which I cannot justify by actual evidence?
5 p.m. I quote from this same letter of the Minister of Militia to the Prime Minister, in reference to the control of the forces, dated the 23rd of October. The Minister of Militia says:
I spoke to you at the time about the rejection of all our stores and supplies of every description, and proved to you that the excuses-[DOT]
Mark the word.
___of the British officers were totally without
foundation. You have my memorandum at ", the time, proving the utter falsity of their bogus excuses regarding our wagons.
Here is the evidence that the Minister of Militia told the Prime Minister what was
being done with our equipment and supplies in England. As soon as they reached there, they were scrapped, thrown on the ash heap, and the Minister of Militia says this was done by British officers without any cause whatever. The Minister of Militia, in using that language took a very great responsibility upon himself. It is no light charge to make against the British officers that, they scrapped all those supplies without any cause whatever. The fact, however, remains that for ten months those supplies continued to be oast aside without the matter being rectified. One of two things is true: either those goods were scrapped or cast aside for cause, or they were cast aside without cause. If they were cast aside for cause, the reflection is upon the Minister of Militia, that he supplied the Canadian troops with unserviceable articles of inferior and unsound quality. If, on the other hand, the Minister of Militia was [DOT]right, and the British officers were wrong, it is for him to show what the truth was. To-day, however, without knowing whether my hon. friend is right, or whether the British officers were right, the fact remains that for ten months the Minister of Militia continued to send overseas contingent after contingent, division after division, armed and equipped in Canada at great cost, and that as soon as those troops arrived in England, all unat equipment was cast aside. For ten months in Canada we continued equipping, and in England the British authorities continued scrapping- This is the condition which we have before us today.
The Minister of Militia stated to the Prime Minister in the same letter that the Pay and Medical services were chaotic, and he added, after Canada had obtained control:
We have reorganized and reformed the Pay and Medical services in Britain and to-day have placed the Force there on a good basis.
As to the Pay service I have nothing to say, as I have found no particulars in the correspondence in regard .to it. As to the Medical Service, I have found nothing more than I have stated, namely, that it was deficient, but we have a good deal of information in the public press upon this subject. I tihink, however, that my hon. friend was well advised -and made an excellent move when he secured for the Medical service of the Canadian troops in England the services of Dr. Bruce of Toronto. Dr. Bruce is one of the eminent men of his

profession in Canada; his name carries *weight wherever it is mentioned; he is known to be a roan pre-eminent amongst [DOT]the most eminent in surgery. In Toronto, moreoyer, he has the reputation of being a man of the highest character and integrity, and the very soul of honour. It is known that Dr. Bruce has made a report in which he has -absolutely justified the charges made by the Minister of Militia; but it is known also that when the Minister of Militia ceased to be in office, a commission was appointed which controverted and denied everything that was affirmed in the report made by Dr- Bruce. Wherever Dr. Bruce bad approved, the commission blamed, and wherever he had blamed the commission approved. We have not those reports; we should have them, and I hope we shall have them during the present session. In their absence it is not for me to pronounce either in favour of Dr. Bruce- or in favour of the commission; but as far as my personal sentiment on the matter is concerned, I must say that, without further evidence, any information which is presented to me signed by Dr. Bruce will bear the character of truth-, from the very fact that it bears the signature of Dr. Bruce.
After reviewing the evidence, not with any malice or passion, I am justified in concluding, as I stated at the beginning, that the Canadian Government have shown themselves throughout lax in the administration of affairs. They have allowed confusion to percolate all through the .service, and it is obvious that without any cohesion and sound direction, and without unity of purpose and unity of action, it is impossible to expect anything like efficiency in the service.
The speech from the Throne refers to thfee things which I will briefly mention. First of all, it refers to the National Service. On this point I am disposed to take some issue with my hon. friend from Wentworth (Mr. Wilson), but I will not discuss the matter to-day. It would not be right, nor would it be doing justice, to undertake to discuss the National Service Commission until we have before us the Order in Council which has created it and the proceedings which have followed its creation. When these are brought down it will be useful to take up the subject.
The speech from the Throne mentions only two measures which are to be brought to our attention during the present session. One is the celebration of the fiftieth anniversary of Confederation; the other is the extension of the term of this Parliament. I

will not say anything about these matters to-day. When matters of policy are mentioned in the speech from the Throne, it is always better to wait to discuss them when they are brought down. AH I can say is that when they are brought down we shall discuss them, as we have done in the past, with absolute impartiality, looking only to the merits of the case.
The third subject which is mentioned is the Imperial Conference, to which the Prime Minister has been invited. At the opening of the House to-day my right hon. friend, the Prime Minister, .stated that it was his intention to lay the papers on the table on Friday, but something intervened to prevent that being done. He also stated that he sent me the papers on Saturday, and I owe him the courtesy to say that I received them. There is nothing new in them.except the answer made by the Government of Canada to the invitation. Although the invitation was published about a month ago, it may be well to recall it to the attention of the House. It is contained in the following despatch of the Colonial Secretary to His Excellency the Governor General:-
I wish to explain that what is contemplated by His Majesty's Government is not a session of the ordinary Imperial Conference, but a special War Conference of the Empire. His Majesty's Government therefore invite your Prime Minister to attend a series of special and continuous meetings of the War Cabinet in order to consider urgent questions affecting prosecution of the war, the possible conditions on which in agreement with our Allies we could assent to its termination, and the problems which will then immediately arise.	i
Your Prime Minister for the purpose of these meetings would be a member of the \Var Cabinet.
In view of the extreme urgency of the subjects of discussion, as well as of their supreme importance, it is hoped- that your Prime Minister may find it possible, in spite of serious inconvenience involved, to attend at an early date-not later than the end of February. While the presence of your Prime Minister himself is earnestly desired by His Majesty's Government, they hope that if he sees insuperable difficulties, he will carefully consider the question of nominating a substitute, as they would1 regard it, as a serious, misfortune if any Dominions were left unrepresented.
As to the character of the conference, the outline seems to be rather hazy, but I offer no comment upon that. I may, however, in passing, offer an observation upon the statement here made:
Your Prime Minister .... would be a member , of the War Cabinet.
There may be a constitutional question as to how the Prime Minister of Canada, who, though a member of the Privy Council, is

*ot a member of the British Parliament, either of the House of Lords or of the House of Commons, can be a member of the War Cabinet. I do not speak of that in any other way than to call the attention of my right hon. friend to it. I doubt not that when he is in England the matter will be carefully considered. The answer sent by the Governor General is in these words:
Paraphrase of a telegram from His Excellency the Governor General to the Colonial Secretary.
Ottawa, Ontario, January 5th, 1917.
My Prime Minister and his colleagues have taken into earnest consideration the very important announcement set forth in your telegram of 25th December which has since been made .public. He and his colleagues concur in the view that it is his duty to attend this Conference without regard to any difHeul-ties here which his absence may occasion With that view Parliament has been summoned for the 18th instant in order that business may be facilitated and advanced as much as possible before his departure. He would greatly appreciate information of a more definite character as to the questions to be considered, especially those touching the prosecution of the war and conditions of peace so far as they have been considered. He would also be grateful for earliest possible information as to latest date to which he may delay his departure for England and as to probable length of proposed series of meetings if that has been considered.
Devonshire.
That ends the correspondence. The desire of my right hon. friend to have some information as to the nature of the conference apparently has not yet been gratified.
The answer given by the Government was the only answer that could be given to such an invitation. The conference being called under such circumstances as those of to-day, and the prime ministers of the several dominions being invited, it follows as a matter of course that the answer sent from Canada must be an affirmative answer. We on this side of the House realize this as to hon. gentlemen opposite. We realize, also, that with the great burden of labour that has been thrown upon the Prime Minister by the war he cannot get away without serious inconvenience to himself, to his colleagues in the Government, and to Parliament. But all these considerations must be set aside, and the only one considered must be that which I have stated. We on this side of the House have every desire, so far as in our power lies, to facilitate the Prime Minister in the trip which he has to undertake. This is the twenty-second day of January. The conference is
to meet at the end of February. If my right hon. friend is to leave in time that he may not be overburdened in Canada or overburdened after he has arrived in England, he must take his departure from Canada at an early day in the month of February. We, therefore, are prepared to say at once to the Government that if they will postpone all other measures of public consideration, we are ready immediately to vote the necessary war credits that may be demanded, and also to grant a vote on account of the ordinary expenditures of the country for the time during which my right hon. friend will be absent from Canada, and to adjourn the House whenever it is convenient over any time that may be necessary to give him ample latitude for his business. I conclude by saying that, though we may differ on many tilings, upon this thing at all events we shall endeavour to meet the views of our friends on the other side, and to offer every possible facility for the carrying on of the Government of His Majesty the King.


Right Hon.   S@: I desire to,join my right hon.
friend (Sir Wilfrid Laurier) in congratulating the mover .and seconder of the Address upon the very admirable speeches which they have made in the discharge of the duty devolving upon them to-day. The hon. member for Wentworth (Mr. G. 0. Wilson) has referred to the departure of His Royal Highness the Duke of Connaught, and it is my desire to associate myself with all that was said by him and by my right hon. friend with respect to the service which His Royal Highness gave to this country and to the Empire as Governor General of Canada. I have said more than once that the life of His Royal Highness has been distinguished by the characteristic of devotion to duty. It is perfectly true that when he assumed the duties of Governor General it was not contemplated that he .should remain here for more than two years. A resolution of both Houses of Parliament was adopted expressing the appreciation of Parliament and the country of the services which he had given up to that time. But before the time arrived which had been set fo,r hie departure war broke out, and, though there were domestic circumstances which made it extremely difficult for him to prolong his stay in Canada, he did remain until he had served the full term of five years. I desire to express my very great appreciation of his counsel, and of his consideration in every way toward myself and

toward the members of the Government, during the period of his service, appreciation also of the keen interest which he took in the welfare of this country, and especially of the services which he was enabled to give to Canada by virtue of his great military knowledge and experience. I associate myself also most heartily with what my right hon. friend has said with regard to the Duchess of Connaught. In every way both she and the Princess Patricia aided and encouraged patriotic work during the progress of the war; and I am sure that their Royal Highnesses left Canada, bearing with them the esteem, the admiration, and th^ respect of the Canadian people. I do not doubt that their memories of their sojourn in Canada will be agreeable as ours are of their stay amongst us in the service of King and Empire.
His Excellency the-Governor General, the Duke of Devonshire, comes of a family invested with great traditions in the service of the Empire, a family that has had a most distinguished record in public affairs for more than two centuries-. There have been many men of great ability and distinction who have -served as Governor General in this country, but no Governor General has come as an inheritor of finer traditions of public service or with a more comprehensive grasp of public questions, as they touch not only this country and the United Kingdom, but the whole Empire, than the Duke of Devonshire. He has already given earnest of the keen interest which he will take in all that concerns this country, its resources, future prosperity and development - and its relation to the greater whole of which it. forms a part. As my right hon. friend has said, the Duchess of Devonshire is the daughter of one who may be justly regarded as among the " Elder Statesmen " of the empire, one who served for a full term as Governor General of Canada; and it has been an especial pleasure, I know, to the people of Canada to welcome her once moTe to this country, in which, indeed, she has shown an intense and abiding interest ever since the early days when she was resident at Kideau Hall.
My hon. friend the member for Wentworth (Mr. G. C. Wilson) -spoke in very eloquent terms of -the services which the womanhood of Canada have given to this country since the war broke out. I join most heartily in that tribute which he has so deservedly paid. We know what a wonderful spirit the womanhood of Canada,, from the Atlantic to the Pacific, have

shown in this war. They have not been backward; they have been to the front in all patriotic work. More than that, they have shown a -magnificent and indomitable spirit in yielding to the service of the country those who are nearest and dearest to them, and in -bearing with fortitude and resignation the sad news which has only too often come of the loss of those who are near and dear.
I should like to express here my deep sympathy with my fellow-members in this House who since prorogation have had tidings of loss and sorrow to them and their families. One consolation there is to them, as to all those who have suffered such bereavement, that these young men have fallen doing their full duty to Canada and to the Empire, -and that their memory will never be forgotten by Canadians of to-day and of the years to come.
My. ho-n. friend the member fjro-m Wentworth spoke also of -the ancient colony of Newfoundland, so near to us and so closely associated with us by ties of kinship, of common interest and of common allegiance. It is a colony which has done its part splendidly in this waT, because there have been no fineT or braver men at the front than those of the Newfoundland contingent. The hon. gentleman has expressed a hope that at some later date it may be possible to embrace within the union of this Confederation that ancient colony. I-t would be inappropriate for me to express any opinion or make any suggestion on that subject beyond this: that the initiative in such a matter, it seems to me, would properly lie with Newfoundland herself. If advances should be made by this Dominion in that Tegard, they might be misunderstood; but it is not inappropriate for me to say that I am voicing the opinion of the Canadian Parliament and people in assuring Newfoundland that if she desires to take the initiative and to come with any proposal, we should in this Parliament and in this country cordially welcome the advance -and give to the proposal our most careful and attentive consideration.
My hon. friend the member for Jacques Cartier (Mr. J. A. Desoarries) whose speech was very eloquent indeed, referred to the splendid efforts which Great Britain has made in this war, -and especially to the work of the navy. I wish to associate myself with what he has so finely and so worthily said in that regard. It is difficult for us in this House -to realize the immensity of the ocean and the tremendous task which has confronted th-e British navy from first to last. Now -and then a raider has got

through; now and then submarines have carried on their barbarous warfare, not only against ships of the Allied nations, but against ships of newtral nations as well. But when we take everything into consideration the highest possible tribute must be paid to Sir John Jellicoe, Sir David Beatty, and the admirals, officers and men of the British navy for all the splendid work that they have accomplished under almost insuperable difficulties ever since this war broke out. The mere guarding of the North Sea itself, the awful vigil in winter as in summer, under all weather conditions, in mist 'and ice and snow, with hidden danger at hand all the time-the hidden danger of the submarine-that task of itself was one that might daunt all but the bravest hearts. In addition to that, they have had the task of keeping the whole ocean free, so that to all intents and purposes the pathways of the ocean have been almost as safe to us as in time of peace-a wonderful tribute to the power of the British navy, and to the valor, heroism and en-, durance of the officers and men who man it.
The same may be said, Mr. Speaker, with regard to the work which Britain has done in organizing her army. You know what the condition was at first: ability-to send overseas 80,000 or 120,000 or 160,000 men to fight the battles of the Empire upon the continent of Europe if occasion should arise. I desire to pause here to pay just tribute to the memory of that mian who organized the army which will yet win victory for Britain and for the allied nations: I mean Lord Kitchener. We deplore his death, which was a great loss not only to his mother country but to all the Allied nations and to the world. He did a great work. To bis standing as a great soldier, as the virtual head of the British army at the time; to his military ability, to his indomitable will, which had been tested on so many occasions, the people of the united Kingdom and of the whole Empire looked in the day of trial, and they did not look in vain. To enlist, to train, to discipline, to arm, to equip that vast army was a task which none of us here could adequately comprehend. He had done a great work when his untimely death occurred, and he would, I believe, have done a still greater work if he had been spared to the Empire.
The work which the British army has accomplished in this war has been referred to by the hon. member for Jacques Cartier. While it is well for us to remember the valour and heroism of our own men, and
the resourcefulness which they have shown at every time of testing or of trial, let us not forget what those splendid men from the United Kingdom have done on the soil of France and Belgium; and let ns not forget the tremendous losses which the population of the United Kingdom has suffered in this war during the past three years, and suffered without Tepining, suffered without for one moment relaxing the indomitable will and the firm resolve with which they entered the war, and which I am sure will he maintained until the end.
My right honourable friend has spoken of some matters to which I will allude in a moment; but the first to which naturally I should direct my attention is the progress of the war during the past year. I am not quite prepared to view the progress of the war during the past twelve months so unfavourably as my right honourable friend would suggest. If we compare the end of 1916 with the end of 1915, I think we shall find that very considerable progress has been made by the allied nations, and that the successes of Germany have, perhaps, been more spectacular than real. I remem-her that at the end of 1915 we had abandoned Gallipoli, and Serbia had been crushed; the outlook was not very good at that time. There has been since a spectacular German success in Rumania, and they are entitled to whatever consolation they may find in that; I think there is good reason for believing that it may be found more spectacular than real. My right hon. friend has referred to the German defeat at Verdun. It can he classed as nothing else-a continuous, persistent effort for five months, with an enormous sacrifice of men, ending in absolute defeat after the magnificent armies of France had won back in three or four days all that the Germans had gained during five months, and won it back at a cost of probably one-twentieth of what the Germans had expended in winning it in the first instance. That was followed by the magnificent Russian success, which involved the capture of no less than 500,000 prisoners from the enemy, and probably a total loss of one and a half million men. Since then we know that the British and French have demonstrated in the battle of the Somme their ability to break the German line when it becomes worth while to do so. From what we have learned from the press-I speak from no official information on the subject-there can be no doubt that if two {pore weeks of fine weather had

been vouchsafed last autumn to Sir Douglas Haig, the results of the fighting on the Somme would have been very much greater than they proved to be.
But, it seems to me, there is something more than that to encourage us. Let me pause, however, to say that, while I speak with no official information on this subject, I am only giving my own impression to the House as it is derived from the public press. Military experts of neutral nations hold the view very strongly that, at the end of 1916, Germany was not only relatively worse off than she was twelve months before, but actually worse off, so far as the man power of the contending nations is concerned. An apparently very capable man-I do not kno w his name-who is -spoken of as a great military expert, has reviewed the situation very carefully and thoroughly, in an article which I recently read. He gives as the net result of the fighting during the past year an advantage to the Allies of no less than 700,000 men in estimating the casualties on the one side and the other. Remember that the man power of the allied nations is vastly greater than that of the nations with which we are contending. An actual advantage of 700,000 men, means a relative advantage very much greater. It happened that weather conditions on the Somme were not favourable at the end of the year. It happened that in the battle of Jutland two more hours of daylight were needed. If these two more hours of daylight had been vouchsafed to Jellicoe and Beatty, can any one doubt that the German navy would have been crushed? Can any of .us doubt that if two or three more weeks of good weather had been given to General Sir Douglas Haig and to the French generals, much greater results than those obtained would have been recorded?
In speaking of the effort of the allied nations, I desire also to add my tiibute to the successes which have been won by Italy.
I have already spoken of Russia. They are all putting, forth great efforts, and it becomes us, as part of an empire which is involved in this struggle, to do our part. And so it is proper for me to review, as I will review in a moment, what we have done in this country since the outbreak of war. My right honourable friend in a very eloquent letter which he recently adressed to the press, through a publication which he controls, used this language.
Reviewing all that has been accomplished during the last thirty months, k is no vain 
national boast that the Canadian people have far exceeded the expectations laid down at the outset.
I think that is a very fair estimate of the situation, and I am thankful that my right hon. friend takes so reasonable a view. We have accomplished a great task in this country, and I give my hon.. friend, the late Minister of Militia and Defence (Sir Sam Hughes) all possible credit for his work. He did a great work in assembling on Valcartier Plains .and dispatching overseas .about 33,000 men within the first six weeks of the war. We thought, and rightly thought, that this was a great thing for a country like ours, quite unprepared for war on a great scale. To-day the casualties in-the Canadian Expeditionary Forces number over 70,000, -or more than double the number of men that were then gathered together to fight the battles of the Empire. What are our enlistments to-day, and how many men have the citizens of Canada supplied for the purpose of aiding the allied armies to-achieve the victory for which we all hope-The enlistments in the Canadian Expedi- [DOT] tionary Forces up till to-day number 392,647. Besides that, we have called out of the Active Militia 9,052 men who are now -serving under arms, .and we have -a permanent Force in Canada numbering 2,470 men, making a total of 404,169. In addition to that, w-e have enlisted from the citizens of Canada in the Canadian naval service 3,310 men, making a total of 407,479. We have done more than that; we have provided for the British Naval Service 1,600 men, w-e have provided for the Imperial Mechanical Transport 1,200 men and for munition works in Great Britain at least 3,000 men. One thousand six hundred went over through the cooperation of the Department of Labour with Mr. Barnes, now a member of the British Government, and other gentlemen who visited Canada about eighteen months ago. If you add these three items together you have 5,800, which, being added to the previous total, makes 413,279.
But that does not tell the whole tale of what the manhood of Canad-a has furnished in this war. I -applied to the Department of Militia and Defence for -a statement of the number of British reservists in Canada who joined the British colours at the commencement of the war. The number given by the Department of Militia and Defence is 2,750, but I am told by -those who ought to be in a position to know that this is very much less than the actual number. I -am told -that very many more than 2,750 British reservists in this country joined the British

forces at the commencement of the war, but I take the figure as it has been given to me. I made application to the Department of the Naval Service for the number of British naval reservists who returned to serve in the Navy, and the figure given is about
1,000.	For the purpose of getting the best information on the subject, I have asked the consuls, as to natives of allied countries Who were subject to military service and who have left Canada to join the colours of their respective countries. The numbers that have been given to me are as follows:
French Reservists	 5,000
Russian	"	
7,500Italian	"	
5,000
If you add these to the total whcih I have already given, it will be found that out of the manhood of Canada not less than 434,529 men have joined the Canadian colours, the British colours, or the colours of the Allied nations.
Now, some infoomation is due to* the House in Tegard to the Overseas Fo-rces and how they are disposed of. The Canadian forces which have been actually sent overseas up to the 31st December number 280,562. We have sent also, as mentioned, to the British Islands 1,600 for the Naval Service, 1,200 for the Mechanical Transport,
3,000	for munition works, British Army and Naval reservists, 3,750, and Allied reservists, 17,500, making a total of 307,612 who have actually gone overseas, If you add to that the number of men who have enlisted in the Canadian Naval Service and who are not within this country at the present time, but who are serving in the navy, the number being 3,310, you have 310,922 as the number of men who have actually left this country to do service in one way or another for our cause- At present there are training in Canada 48,312 men. There are on guard duty 9,052 men, and there are of the Permanent Force 2,470, making a total of 59,834 men in Canada.
It may also be of interest to the House to know something as to the casualties, the number of which I have already given. The statement is as follows:
Killed in action	 10,854
Died of wounds	 4,010
Died o.f sickness	 494
Presumed dead	 1,108
Wounded	 48,454
Missing	 2,970
Prisoners of war	 2,373
Total	 70,263
Now, a word as to those who are actually at the front, or who have been at the front since the commencement of the war. There
are now at the front, in France and the Mediterranean, about 110,000 men, nearly all of whom are in France and Belgium. There are at present under orders to pro eeed to France nearly 10,000 men.
Then there are other items which to some extent are explanatory of the discrepancy between the number of men enlisted and the number of men who are at 'he front. There are in England, in Forestry and Railway construction battalions and reinforcements, 3,998 men, and in the Pay and Records offices 2,752. In miscellaneous services, such as Headquarters Staff, veterinary, postal services, etc., there are engaged 1,947 men; medical, ordnance stores and Army Service Corps, 8,686. These items make up total of 17,383. Casualties who are at present unfit to rejoin number 39,559. The total number who have *seen service in France or in the Near East is a little over 175,000 men. This information, I give as I have gathered it from the various departments of the Government here, and also through communication with the Minister of the Overseas Military Forces.
The Forces which we despatched overseas in 1916 comprised more than 165,000 men. Comparisons are not always useful, but that force, despatched in that one year, numbered seven times the British force under Wellington at Waterloo. We have sent overseas a force greater by 120,000 than the largest British expeditionary force proposed by the War Office before war actually broke out; that is, the force we have sent overseas is 120,000 greater than the force which the War Office thought itself capable of sending across the Channel for service on the Continent in case a war should break out in which Britain must take part. Our enlisted force is about double the British military establishment before the war, and it is greater than the British force that was engaged in the South African war.
I dwelt a moment ago on the tremendous organization necessary in Great Britain for her very large forces, and the effort was equally great for us, perhaps greater, because we had not the military organization Great Britain possessed, nor had we in the same proportion men available for training purposes. The enlistment, the training, the disciplining, the clothing, and equipping of our forces have entailed enormous labours on those responsible. The provision of arms and ammunition, the creation of lines of communication units and atnmunition and supply columns, trans-

port, commissariat, medical service, hospitals of all kinds, the enlargement to an unprecedented degree of the Pay and Records Office-all this entailed great organization. We must also take into account the enormous area over which this enlistment has taken place, and the enormous distance over which our troops have to be transported. Those enlisted in Canada have to be sent across the ocean to France, Belgium, Greece, Egypt, or wherever they may be engaged, and the transportation across the Atlantic has of itself been a tremendous task The Canadian forces of more than 400,000 men are scattered to-day over half this continent, and in Great Britain, France, Belgium, Greece and Egypt.
The reorganization of the Quartermaster's Department, provision of field ambulances, dressing stations, stationary hospitals, base hospitals, and the organization of the commissariat on an unprecedented scale, all this involved unceasing attention and effort.
I might give illustrations which indicate what has been done in other directions. Thirteen field .ambulances and seven genera] hospitals are now on the Continent of Europe, and nine stationary hospitals with the Canadian forces overseas, besides sanitary sections, and depots for medical supplies and laboratories. Then we have had to undertake, and lately on an increasing scale, the care of men returned from Great Britain who were wounded in the tremendous fighting on the Somme. As every one knows, the casualties on our side in that battle were enormous, and the casualties in the enemy ranks were still greater, as with good reason it is believed. It has been found necessary to bring back to Canada as many of our men as possible in order that they may have .active treatment in our own hospitals. The hospitals in Great Britain are cleared to that extent. I have asked the Military Hospitals Commission for some information on this subject, which I shall communicate to the House as the magnitude of this work is not generally understood in this country. My hon. friend the exMinister of Militia and Defence (Sir Sam Hughes) referred to the Military Hospitals Commission in the correspondence, and my right hon. friend (Sir Wilfrid Laurier) alluded to it also, as a commission which had been a failure, and had not accomplished much. As a matter of fact, the Military Hospitals Commission was constituted by my hon. friend the ex-Minister of Militia and Defence himself. It was not through the initiative of any other member of the
(Sir Robert Borden.]
Government that that Commission was constituted in the first instance, and I cannot understand why my hon. friend should have alluded to it in that way.


Sir SAM HUGHES:: I am not aware that I have ever said the Commission was a failure. What I stated w.as that the constitution of the Commission could be greatly improved, and I think the Prime Minister will agree with me that it should he.


Robert Laird Borden: Perhaps I may have misunderstood my hon. friend's allusion in the correspondence. I am glad he thinks the commission is doing a great work. I entirely agree with him in that. There are four classes of patients dealt with by the commission in hospitals and convalescent homes in various parts of the country; (1) treatment of active cases; (2) convalescents; (3) men suffering from tuberculosis; (4) special purposes, such as shellshock, rheumatism, etc. The commission has under operation or under construction for the above purposes the following institutions: Number of hospitals or homes for class (1) 16, with accommodation available now or in the near future for 2,600 men; for class (2) 27 institutions, with accommodation now or in the near future for 4,700; for class (3), 18 institutions, with accommodation now or in the near future for 900; for class (4), 4 institutions, with accommodation now or in the near future for 200. The numbers which I have given correspond to the classes I mentioned a moment ago. The number of men who have passed through the hands of the commission to date is approximately 9,500. There are now 2,211 patients in the various institutions, and 1,004 out-patients receiving medical attention in connection with these institutions. The commission has established at Toronto an artificial limb factory, and all men returning from the front requiring artificial limbs are now sent direct to this institution.
A large number of buildings have been placed freely at the disposal of the commission by their owners. In other cases a rental has been asked covering only their interest charges. Owing to the regent fighting on the Somme the commission has been obliged to arrange for a considerable increase in the hospital accommodation in Canada. This has entailed also certain capital outlays. Had this not been undertaken it would have been necessary to build further hospitals in England. The commission now has in sight sufficient aceom-

modation for all who are likely to be sent to Canada for some time to come.
The commission is also engaged in providing vocational training and instruction in the convalescent hospitals, and special training for men whose disabilities prevent their return to their previous occupations. Such subjects as freehand and mechanical drawing, market gardening, automobile engineering, typewriting, accountancy, poultry and bee farming are taught.
In conjunction with the Department of Militia and Defence the commission is administering a command known as the Military Hospitals Commission Command, into which are drafted all returned invalids, and men in Canada who require convalescent treatment.
Each province has established a commission for the purpose of assisting men at their discharge to obtain employment. The Military Hospitals Commission co-operates with the provinces in this respect in the furnishing of information, and acts as a general clearing house.
The work of the commission is only in its infancy, but the way in which the problem has been handled augurs well for the future.
I desire to pay my tribute to the provincial governments which have co-operated with us in the most cordial spirit and have aided in every way within their power in carrying on the work.
At six o'clock, the House took recess.
After Recess.
The House resumed at eight o'clock.


Robert Laird Borden: I -was speaking of the great organization necessary in connection with so large a force as that which Canada is maintaining in this war. I omitted, a reference to the Canadian Dental Service which, as I am informed by the officers of the Department of Militia and Defence, has made it possible for about fifty thousand Canadians to pass the examination and to enter military service who otherwise might have been unable-probably would have been unable-to do so. Canada was one of the first countries in the world to establish this service, and the results which have been obtained are eminently satisfactory in every way.
If I may be permitted to allude to some other departments of the Government upon which unusual burdens have been cast in this war, I would mention the Naval Service. The coast defence of this country has been largely under the control of that department. It is perfectly true that in the early months of the war, when we consulted the British Government, we wer asked to concentrate our efforts upon military organization and to leave the question of naval defence to the Admiralty. Nevertheless, it has been necessary to establish patrols, and a number of patrol boats have been secured by the department; I should not Ibe surprised if such efforts must engage their attention still more in the future. That department has had charge of the closing and guarding of our harbours and of the censorship of wireless stations. Upon that department also has devolved the duty of establishing and maintaining naval bases upon a war footing on both coasts, which bases have been utilized not only for the ships of the British Navy but for the ships of allied navies as well. The training of the officers and men who have enlisted has also been a matter of serious import for the Minister and officers of that department. They have kept in constant touch with the Admiralty in these matters. Further, the Minister of Naval Service has beep chairman of the sub-committee of Council which has had charge of arrangements respecting the Admiralty transport. I shall speak of that more later on, as in that connection highly important duties have been imposed upon the Minister of the Naval Service.
It would be undesirable for me to omit allusion to the fact that the production of munitions in this war is quite as important as the enlistment of men. I have said before, and now repeat, that this is a war in which applied science and applied mechanics play a part as important as the armies themselves. It has been, recently stated by the chairman of the Imperial Munitions Board, and I have no doubt that the .statement is correct, that Canada is to-day producing more munitions of war than any country produced before the war, with the single exception of Germany. To give an idea of the magnitude that these operations have assumed, I am informed by the chairman of the Imperial Munitions Board that the workmen and inspectors engaged in these operations at the present time number more than 304,000; that there are 630 factories, chemical plants and loading stations which are producing or otherwise dealing with munitions; and that the orders, including the expenditure for an aeroplane factory which is in progress, and including also the anticipated orders for aeroplanes, exceed $700,000,000. It is a very gratifying thing to the people

of this country, and I know to the gentlemen of this House, to know that $250,000, 000 has been provided in Canada for the purpose of enabling this work to be done. Of this sum, $100,000,000 has been provided by the banks of Canada. I desire to pay a tribute of appreciation to the banks for their splendid co-operation in making that provision, and in other matters connected with the carrying on of the war. The balance, $150,000,000 has been provided by the Government of Canada, and it is anticipated that arrangements can be made which will enable the Government of Canada to provide further large sums for this purpose in the future. If we are to have munitions produced on a great scale in Canada, we must make some provision ourselves to assist the British Government in financing those arrangements. There has been the most hearty co-operation between the Government of Canada and the Government of the United Kingdom for this purpose, and that co-operation will continue to the end.
The .production of copper, zinc and lead has been encouraged through the production of munitions, and important tonnage has been created. All the cartridge oases and fuses are being manufactured in Canada today, I understand. One very gratifying feature, which gave me some surprise considering the enormous extent of the orders, is that ninety per cent of the steel necessary for this purpose in the year 1917 will be produed in Canada. That is a great tribute to the management of the steel industries of Canada, because it is obvious to all the members of this House that the requirements of steel for the production of so enormous a quantity of munitions must be very great indeed and far beyond what would have been possible in this country under ordinary conditions.
The production of gun cotton and of the necessary acids for the manufacture of nitrocellulose powdeT, acetone, and many other important articles requisite for munitions, including tri-nitro-toluol, has been firmly established- I could speak iat great length on what has been accomplished in the production of munitions in this country, but the subject 'has been very fully dealt with by the chairman of the Imperial Munitions Board in recent utterances.
Another very important matter which the department of the Government have dealt with is the execution of vast orders from the British and Allied Governments, and from the Governments of New Zealand

and South Africa. I have not an exact statement of the amount to which those orders have run; certainly it is not less that $150,000,000, and probably well up to $200,000,000. The departments which have been charged with the execution of these orders are the Department of Militia ana Defence, the Department of Trade and Commerce -and the Department of Agriculture. Remember, Mr. Speaker, if you please, that the execution of even a million' dollar order, involving contracts with, perhaps, 40, 50 or 100 people all over this country, -and involving -also inspection of articles produced and arangements for their transportation-all this imposes-an enormous amount of administrative and executive work upon any department of the Government that undertakes it. Consider also the enormous variety of articles which have been purchased in this, way: army blankets, artillery harness, gun carriages, limbers, railway oars, saddlery, knitted goods, wheat, flour, o-ats, bay, and supplies of all kinds. When lion, gentlemen realize that those orders run into $150,000,000 or $200,000,000 and that they involve a very large organization, constant supervision and frequent negotiations with the governments for whom the various departments are -acting, they will understand that -all this has entailed .an enormous amount of labour and responsibility upon the departments that have been actively concerned.
I should allude also to the work of the War Purchasing Commission. It was established, as hon. gentlemen know, in May, 1915, for the purpose of purchasing in the most effective way and with the least opportunity for waste or maladministration all supplies required by any department of the Government in connection with or for the purpose of the war. Nearly every department of the Government has purchased supplies in that way: the Department of Militia and Defence and the Department of Naval Service are naturally the two principal departments-but the Department of Justice in connection with internment operations, and other departments of the Government from time to time apply to the commission as they may require articles which are properly chargeable against the war appropriation. The War Purchasing Commission makes these purchases by tender and contract, unless in exceptional cases, for reasons stated in writing. Some time ago its purchases had aggregated more than $80,000,000. I do not know what they would amount to at the present time-con-

siderably in excess of that figure. A great organization has been created and the business has, as I believe, been conducted with very great efficiency. The grateful thanks of this country are due to the three gentlemen who, without any remuneration and purely as a duty of public service, have devoted their time and their energies for almost two years, to carrying on the work of that commission.
Another subject has engaged the attention of the Government. Two years ago we took up with the Admiralty the very important question of transportation. We all remember how great the difficulties were at the time. It seemed to me that the best course would be to despatch a gentleman of great experience in these matters to Great Britain and endeavour to have him come to arrangements with the Admiralty by which the problem of transportation might be -dealt with in a systematic and effective way. The Canadian Pacific Railway Company, a corporation which has rendered great service to the Government of the United Kingdom as well as to this Government in matters connected with the war, freely and voluntarily placed at the disposal of the Government the services of Mr. A. H. Harris. Without effective organization of some kind, matters were bound to get into the most extreme confusion. There was the question of transporting supplies and munitions for the British Government, as well as for the Allied Governments, and connected with all this was the question of transporting the general products of the country which were to find a market on the other side of the ocean. The organization was begun in -a very small way-I think with ten or twelve ships in the first instance. That was twb years ago; the organization now includes seventy-five ocean steamers under the able and efficient direction of Mr. A. H. Harris as Canadian director of overseas transports. The organization handles 2,250,000 tons per year and the traffic is constantly increasing. The organization is carried on under a committee of the Privy Council over which the Minister of Nav-al Service presides.
I know that hon. gentlemen of this House will realize that very unusual responsibilities and burdens have been imposed upon the Minister of Finance and his officers during this war. He will no doubt, at a later date, speak more fully on that subject than it would be possible for me to do tonight. For two years he has maintained the finances of Canada without resorting to the British market, which has thus been left
free to sustain the burdens imposed by the enormous British war expenditure and the requirements of the Allies. I do not believe that any one of us would have believed two and a half years ago that it would be possible for Canada to accomplish the task which has been accomplished under the direction of the Minister of Finance in that respect. The two loans placed in Canada have attained an unprecedented success, the one for $50,000,000 bringing out $110,000,000, and the further loan of $100,000,000 being more than doubly subscribed. Not only has the minister been enabled to leave the British market free for the enormous requirements of the British and the Allied Governments, but he has out of the loans which he has effected in Canada put no less than $150,000,000 at the disposal of the British Government for the purpose of paying for the munitions produced in this country. As I have said, that effort will be continued by him in 'the future.	[DOT]
Hon. gentlemen of the House will remember that at the commencement of this war we were faced with very grave conditions indeed in Canada.	-
I do not think that those of my colleagues who were in Ottawa on the first, second and third days of August, 1914, will ever forget the tremendous importance of the problems with which we were faced and the very great responsibilities which we had to assume at that time.
The people of Canada were beginning to think of drawing their money out of the banks in gold. We were threatened with a condition that might have produced a panic which would have paralysed) the energies of Canada in this war. Without any legal power, without any legal sanction to do it, we were obliged to take measures which were afterwards ratified by Parliament. We were obliged to prevent the exportation and hoarding of gold. We were obliged to make bank notes good legal tender. We were obliged to provide that Dominion notes need not be redeemed in gold. These measures were accepted unhesitatingly by the country. No one except those who underwent the responsibilities of that time can properly estimate what might have been the loss to this country if those measures had not been taken.
Then we were faced almost immediately afterwards with another very serious problem. I would like the House and the country to realize for a moment what the conditions were at that time. The revenues of this country had shrunk-I do not know by what percentage-'-but they had shrunk



enormously immediately after the outbreak of the war. Trade was almost paralysed; importation almost stopped, and exportation as well, and in the midst of that we found ourselves confronted with a very serious condition in a very large district in western Canada, in the provinces, of Saskatchewan and Alberta, a district much larger than some of the other provinces of Canada. There was this condition confronting us: the revenues of the country, as my honourable friend the Minister of Finance graphically described them, were shot to pieces on the one hand, and on the other hand there was the need for some assistance to the people in that drought-stricken district. We had the alternative, to display a lack of courage and to say that, confronted by a war such as was upon us, with shrunken revenues, it would be impossible for the Government to. do anything, or, to attack the problem in a courageous way and do what we could to relieve the situation. We determined to relieve the situation and we spent $12,000,000 in providing supplies for the people, fodder for their cattle, and seed grain. I believe that seven and a half million dollars' worth of seed grain went into that district in the following spring. It required some courage to do that, and I venture to. s.ay that this expenditure of $12,000,000 so made by the Government has brought in at least $100,000,000 of wealth and has maintained a happy, prosperous, confident population in a district which otherwise would have been partially depopulated; and I believe that practically every dollar of that money will he paid back. It was not handed out as' a gift; it wias handed out as a loan by this parliament. Gentlemen from the West who are not affiliated with the party to which I belong have concurred with me that probably one hundred million dollars' worth of production had resulted from the action of the Government on that occasion. I am not speaking of this in any boastful way; we did it because it was our duty to do it, and if we had lacked' the courage to undertake it at that time we would not have been fit for the positions we hold. I have spoken of its direct benefit to the country, and indirectly it has. .been of enormous, advantage, because of the splendid production in that very district not only last year, but this year as well. Confidence has bean re-established. Conditions such as occurred in 1914 are of very infrequent occurrence, and the people of that district may con-
tinue in their work of progress and development without undue apprehension.
There is another consideration which I would like to impress upon the House and the country. The commercial and financial stability of Canada during the past two years have been maintained to an extent which was not anticipated by the most optimistic among us two and a half years ago. That has been largely due to two considerations: first, to the abundant crops of the first year, and the high prices obtained therefor, and- the still higher .prices realized for the less abundant crop of the past year. It is due also to the vast orders for munitions and supplies of various kinds which have come to Canada as a land of great production, and of great possibilities. Without wearying the House with figures, let me allude to the conditions which we find at the close of 1916. The total trade of the country for the twelve months ending 31st December, 1916,-I am including coin and bullion-was as follows: imports, $766,733,991; exports, $1,091,706,403, or a total trade for Canada of $1,850,440,394. I do not wish to be understood as attaching too much importance to these figures. I realize, of course, that a considerable proportion of this amount is due to the higher prices which have been obtained. I realize that a considerable amount of it is due to the production of munitions of war which we cannot expect to continue after the war is over. But even with all these qualifications, it is a remarkable result. I remember when I had been in this House for, I think, four years, in 1900 or 1901, the late Sir Richard Cartwright spoke proudly of the fact that the total trade of this country was approaching the four hundred million mark. I remember precisely his expression -the four hundred million mark. The total trade of this country to-day is approaching the two thousand million mark, and it is very likely that by the 31st of March next it will reach that figure, because I observe that during the first nine months of the present fiscal year, that is the nine months beginning on the 1st day of April and ending on the 31st December last, the total trade of Canada was $1,464,503,766, embracing: imports, $602,873,953, and exports $861,629,813. It is a gratifying feature that the exports of Canada have shown a very large increase over the imports.
For the twelve months ended December 31, 1916, the excess of exports over imports was about $325,000,000, and for the nine months of that period ending December 31, 1916, it was $259,000,000. It will be observed, and it is worthy of note, that the exporta-

tion of Canadian products during the first nine months of the present fiscal year exceeded by $300,000,000 the total trade of this country ten years ago. That is a remarkable fact. It indicates that under war conditions the stability and production of the country have been maintained. It is a tribute to the productive power of this country, the industry, activity and enterprise of the people and their ability to take advantage of their opportunities for production.
Now, there are some other departments of the Government that have had unusual duties to perform as well. The Minister of Justice has taken charge of the internment of alien enemies, and he has established camps in various parts of the country. He and the officers of his department have been charged with enforcing the regulations respecting the possession of arms by persons of enemy nationality who are resident in Canada. At the internment camps, which have been established in different parts of the country, work has been provided and from time to time, as labour conditions seemed to render it necessary, aliens, whose character and conduct had been unexceptionable, and who were of good will, have been permitted to engage in the ordinary activities of the country and to earn their own livelihood. In connection with that, I should observe that two camps which I had the opportunity of seeing during my recent tour in aid of National Service, one situated [DOT] in the northern part of the province of Quebec and the other in the northern part of the province of Ontario, are, as I understand, to be utilized as experimental and demonstration farms, and that the district where they are situate is of a character to indicate that settlement on a considerable scale may be expected there when once it has been shown, as it will be shown by these demonstration farms, that the opportunities for profitable agriculture are very advantageous.
The Royal Northwest Mounted Police have had very important, and somewhat unusual, duties to perform in connection with the war. I do not think too much credit can be given for the good work which that force has done. They have had to use tact and firmness, and the results in certain communities in western Canada, where one might expect some unrest, have been on the whole all that could be expected or even desired.
The Department of Customs has been charged with the recommendation and
enforcement of regulations respecting the exportation of articles useful in connection with the war. An enormous amount of responsibility has been imposed on the Government, and chiefly upon the Minister of Customs and his officials, in this respect. There is scarcely a day, and certainly not a week, in which some subject in this connection has not to be taken up. The object, of course, is -to restrict to allied countries the exportation of articles which may be of use to the enemy in connection with the war, and to restrict as much as possible the exportation of these articles under any conditions in which they might become of use to the enemy. In the same way questions have sometimes come up with respect to the importation of articles which were of enemy origin in the first instance, hut which are absolutely necessary for the maintenance of some Canadian industry essential to the war. All these questions have had to be carefully considered. We have had to take a great many of them up with the British Government, and in all cases the course which we have taken has been in full co-operation with, and has received the approval of, the British Government.
The withdrawal of a very large number of men from industrial activities has sometimes created difficult conditions in regard to labour, its employment and remuneration. I think a very just tribute should be paid to the labour men of Canada in connection with their attitude in such matters. There has been very little industrial disturbance considering the amount which has taken place in some other countries. The Minister of Labour has had unusually severe responsibilities imposed upon him. The Minister of Public Works has ably cooperated on many occasions with the Minister of Labour and has fully shared these responsibilities. The Minister of Labour has also been charged with duties under the provisions of the law which forbid combination to raise prices and the hoarding of commodities for the like purpose. As far Ss I understand the situation, these two elements are the only ones which the Government can effectually deal with, as conditions created by the war cannot, .of course, be controlled by any governmental action.
Then, in common with all the railway systems of the country, the Canadian Government Railways have.. had to undertake the vastly increased business created by war conditions. They have transported
300,000	soldiers in Canada since the war broke out, and they have done that without any accident.


Samuel Hughes: Far more than that.


Robert Laird Borden: My hon. friend the late Minister of Militia and Defence thinks that the estimate that I have given of the number of soldiers transported is too low. I have taken this from some source- I cannot quite remember what. Hospital trains have been established on the Intercolonial Railway for wounded soldiers in connection with the Military Hospitals Commission. The Canadian Government railways have 'Carried more than 250,000 tons of munitions and war stores to St. John and Halifax, and the equipment at St. John and Halifax has been very greatly improved to render possible the handling of the increased monthly tonnage. They have undertaken during the winter months to carry
60,000	tons a month to one port and 20,000 to the other.


Francis Cochrane: A hundred thousand.


Robert Laird Borden: The tonnage which they have undertaken to transport to the ports of Halifax and St. John during the winter is 100,000 tons per month. It has been necessary to make extensions in the yards and various other improvements at the terminals and at other points and the three new berths at Halifax have been assigned to Canadian overseas transport and will be fully occupied.
Now, I could speak of the work which has been performed, and is being performed, by every department of the Government. I should not omit to mention that which has been undertaken by the Minister of Trade and Commerce. He has made successful efforts for the use of articles for which there was no ready market. He has undertaken a work of research preparatory to the conditions which will confront us when the war is concluded. He has sent officers specially trained for the purpose into some countries where we might expect to find wider markets in the future, and he has occupied himself generally in the task of inducing the producers of Canada to take into account the conditions which will confront this country when peace shall have been concluded.
I would like to impress upon hon. gentlemen in this House the importance of our realizing those conditions. I shall not speak fully upon this subject to-night. It is possible that some opportunity may come later on when it will be proper to give it more consideration. We shall have to consider the demobilization of 400,000 or 500,000 men and their absorption into the national activities of this country. Do hon. gentle-

men realize what the task of demobilizing such a force will mean? Do they realize what a task it will be to transport these men across the Atlantic? If we bring them across the Atlantic at the rate of a thousand *a day, if a steamer sails every day, accommodating a thousand of these men, it will take more than a year to bring them back to Canada. Further than that, it would be a very difficult task to absorb them into their former activities in this country if we attempted it at a much greater rate than that.
Then there is the importance of considering the very large number of men at present engaged in the production of munitions in Canada. As I have already said, they number more than 300,000 men. We have the further problem before us of such immigration as may come to this country from Great Britain when the war is ended. It has been the experience, I believe, after former wars, that men have a tendency to go to a new country 'with the idea of having a different life, a newer life, an outdoor life and so it may be after this war. No one can predict with certainty; but we may have considerable immigration from the British Isles. Undoubtedly the British Government will desire to retain its people in the United Kingdom, and will make every reasonable provision and offer every reasonable inducement to that end. We must not attempt unduly to interfere with such a policy. But the British Government have another policy, which will commend itself to us; and it is this: if there is to be emigration from the British Islands, it should be the duty of the Government of the Mother Country and of the Governments of the overseas dominions to cooperate, so that this emigration may be to a country under our Flag, to one of the overseas dominions of the Empire. We have offered to co-operate, and we shall co-operate, with the British Government for that purpose. We shall also co-operate, and we have offered to co-operate, with the provincial governments of Canada for that purpose. There was a recent conference between the Federal Government and the provincial governments at which these matters were under consideration. The most important purpose that we can have before us with regard to British immigrants as well as our own soldiers returning from the front is that as many as possible of them should settle on the land. It will be the duty of the Dominion Government and of the provincial governments- and I know that they realize this duty-to offer such

assistance and such inducements as will make the settlement of these men upon the land a success. That is one of the subjects which I hope to have an opportunity of discussing when I visit Great Britain this winter. I know that any measures which may be taken by the Federal Government for that purpose will have the hearty co-operation, as to purpose at least, of all hon. gentlemen in this House. We may differ as to details and as to methods, but I know there is no one on either side of the House who would not heartily join with the Government in any well devised effort to accomplish such a result.
I shall come in a moment to some of the more direct observations of the right hon. gentleman who leads the Opposition, but before doing so, I shall say a word with reference to the paragraph in His Excellency's speech respecting the extension of the Parliamentary term during the period of the war. I do not purpose to argue that question to-night; it would be undesirable that 1 should do so after what has fallen from my right hon. friend (Sir Wilfrid Laurier). I simply desire to put my view in a very few words. I stated the reasons for the proposal last year, and as far as my comprehension goes, the reasons which I then advanced are equally cogent to-day. I stated to the House at that time the view which had been taken by the press of the country, the view which had been expressed by certain hon. gentlemen on the other side of the House, the view which had been expressed in very cogent terms indeed by my right hon. friend the leader of the Opposition, when he emphasized the very great undesirability of having an election during the progress of the war. He went so far, if I remember his language correctly, as to say that while he did not have the greatest possible confidence in the Government of the day he never intended to open the portals of office with a bloody key. Well, the casualties and the perils to-day are not such as to make that observation any less cogent now than it was then. I should like to express one thought I did not express last year, and have hon. gentlemen on both sides of the House take it into account, and it is this: I was at the front in the summer of 1915. Before a general election can take place we shall have perhaps 200,000 or 250,000 or 300,000 men in France. I know something of the conditions at the front, and I venture to put this thought before the House and the
country: the men at the front will be not only practically, but actually, disfranchised if an election does take place in this country while they are in the trenches. That is my conviction. I say they would be actually disfranchised because, although I render every tribute to my hon. friend the Minister of Justice (Mr. Doherty) and the committee which had in hand the preparation of the Soldiers Voting Act of 1915, I am not disposed to think that the arrangements made in that Act or in any other act that could be devised aTe such as to enable those men to vote, or at least any considerable number of them. You cannot predict what conditions may exist. Suppose an election came on in this country when the fiercest drive of the war was taking place. Do you imagine that the paymasters of those regiments and their commanding officers could busy themselves with handing out ballots to men whose souls were engrossed and whose lives were at stake in the enterprise in which they were engaged? There is something more than that. These men at the front have it not in their disposition-	[DOT]


Some hon. MEMBERS:: Oh, oh.


Robert Laird Borden: I say that those men at the front have it not in their heart or their soul to consider matters of party controversy under the conditions with which they are there confronted. I believe those men would want to put aside any one who came to talk to them about political issues or partisan controversy, under conditions of life or of death, of victory or of defeat such as confront them in the trenches or while making a drive to bring this war to an end. Further than that, there may be perhaps a hundred thousand men not in France. You might be able to have some of those men vote for Government or for Opposition, not for a candidate, as provided in the Act alluded to; but do you imagine" that those men who are putting their lives to the supreme test in going overseas to fight for their country, will be greatly interested in political issues, or that they will desire to hear political speeches, or that they will welcome the distribution of partisan literature? I am not saying whether or not these considerations should determine the issue, but I do say that they are considerations that must be taken into account by every member of this parliament when upon him the responsibility falls as to whether or not there shall be a general election during this war, and I leave it at that.

My right lion, fiiend has not spoken of the proposal that we should celebrate in Canada the anniversary^ of a half century of Confederation. I do not propose, nor do I think any member of this House would propose that there should be <any spectacular celebration or any considerable expenditure of public money. The celebration should be a grave and serious one, having regard to the great trial through which Canada and the Empire is passing; but it seems to me that it is too notable an event to be permitted to pass without adequate commemoration. When we think of all that has been accomplished in this country in the past fifty years, we have reason to be proud, and to be grateful, and to be humble as well: proud of what' has been accomplished; grateful for the magnificent heritage with which Providence has endowed us, and humble because of the very great responsibility that the vastness of that heritage and our duty towards it bestow upon us. And so we should approach the celebration of this anniversary in a reverent spirit. The four scattered, disconnected, disunited provinces have become a mighty nation which has thrown into this war a spirit and an effort that have invested Canada with a new dignity before the world. The fiftieth anniversary of our national life will arrive while we are passing through events, the greatness of wihich surpasses the most vivid imagination. Those events have already profoundly influenced the spirit of our people. They are continuing so to influence it. We begin to realize, perhaps as never before, that, notwithstanding all our resources, notwithstanding all our material development, notwithstanding all our production and all our wealth, we may be weighed in the balance and found wanting if .the character and ideals of the people are not maintained.. So I say, it is with a grave and reverent, but with a firm and steadfast spirit that Canada should approach the celebration of her fiftieth anniversary.
I come now in the way of criticism to some of the observations in which my right hon-friend the leader of the Opposition has indulged this afternoon. He is 9 p-m. sure the soldiers have done well;
he is not so sure the Government has done well. I understand he expressed himisalf elsewhere in even .stronger terms than that, because I think that, at least at one meeting in which he was assisting in proposals for recruiting, he began his observations by emphasizing his lack of confidence in the Government. I do not think r Sir Robert Borden. 1
that is a very inspiring topic to enlarge upon at a recriiiting meeting, nor do I think a recruiting meeting would be inspired by emphasizing the fact that Great Britain had not come to the aid of France in 1870. We all, however, have our ideas, on such matters, and the course taken by my right hon. friend in that regard seemed to commend itself to him. He doubts whether the Government has done well, and he observes that the answer is to be found in certain correspondence that has been made .public. He declares that there has been lack of unity and continual jarring and disputing, and he .arrives at the conclusion that the interest of the country and the prosecution of the war have suffered materially through that fact. My right hon. friend has had some experience and he can speak with .authority on the subject, because we recollect tnat one of the most prominent colleagues in his own cabinet used to declare publicly, speaking of himself and his colleagues, that they fought like blazes. My right hon, friend is not unaware, of the fact that in any cabinet, however constituted, there may be differences of opinion, and that there must be differences of temperament. He seems to find a considerable amount of fault with myself as .head of the Government, because be arrives at the conclusion that I have not enough firmness or enough decision. In the course of my public life I have seen some instances which might prevent my right hon. friend from putting his head in the air and talking in that somewhat boastful way, because he evidently intended to institute a comparison between the weakness and lack of decision in the present head of the Government and the firmness and decision which prevailed while he was at the head of the Government. In 1902 I observed in the House of Commons a spectacle which I never saw- before, nor do I think that any one else ever saw the like; and that was when his most important colleague in the Government arose in his place in Parliament and openly flouted him to his face, taunting him with his failure to implement his pledges with regard to free trade. The colleague to whom I allude was Sir Richard Cartwright, and if any one doubts it, let him turn to the Hansard of 1902 and observe the statement which Sir Richard Cartwright made on that occasion, My right hon. friend speaks of firmness and decision and the lack of it at present. I did not observe that there was any great firmness or decision on the part of my"right hon. friend when it became a ques-

tion as to what Canada should do to aid the Empire in the South African war. The first pronouncement of my right hon. friend was' that not a man nor a gun should go.


An hon. MEMBER:: And not a dollar
spent.


Robert Laird Borden: Practically that.
I will not say that is the language, but it was an announcement to the country which produced such an outburst that my right hon. friend, notwithstanding his firmness and decision, came to the conclusion that men should go, and men did go to the extent in two years of about five thousand, the British Government being called upon to undertake their maintenance and support after they left the shores of Canada. That did not end the matter. There were two factions, and the other faction becoming restless under those conditions, my right hon. friend was obliged, in order to placate it, to pass am order in council -that this should not be construed as a precedent that Canada was to take any part in the future wars of the Empire. And having said that no men should go, and then afterwards having consented that some men should go' provided that Great Britain undertook to maintain them after they left our shores, and *thereafter having declared by order in council that this should not be regarded as a precedent, my right hon. friend seems to think that on that occasion he gave an illustration of what firmness and decision should be.
When this war broke oiit, and before my colleagues had assembled in Ottawa, I took upon myself the responsibility of saying to the British Government that Canada would stand in this war to the end with the British' Empire. That was my decision then; and I was ready to stand or fall by it, I am ready to stand or fall by it to-day.
I do not want to waste very much time over the question of who has the most firmness or the most decision, but I am perfectly willing to compare records with my right hon. friend in that regard. The order in council was passed, as I have said, that it should not bt, a precedent. Well, I am bound to ,say, it was not a precedent for mie. I took the ground that Canada would not only throw herself into this struggle to the full extent of her energies in support of the Empire and of all that the Empire means to the world, but that we should maintain our men at the front and thus bear our share-that Canada would keep up her own expeditionary force. My hon. friend from South Renfrew (Mr. Graham)
was good enough to pay his respects to me also on this subject and to allude to the head of the Government as a very weak and undecided person; and to explain that if the leader of the Opposition had been in my place he would have called up the Minister of Militia and Defence on the telephone .and dismissed him.


Mr. GRAHAM:: No.


Robert Laird Borden: Well, something very much of that kind.


George Perry Graham: I said he would have
called the Minister of Militia and Defence to the office, and if he could not give a reasonable explanation, would have dismissed him.


Robert Laird Borden: My hon. friend (Mr. Graham) must realize that the leader
of his Government may perhaps have treated him in one way while he treated more important colleagues in another way. He did not deal with Sir Richard Cartwright, nor Sir Oliver Mowat, nor Sir Henri Joly, nor the Hon. W. S. Fielding, in that way. If my hon. friend is speaking from experience, none of us has reason to doubt his word. " No unity of thought or action " says the right hon. gentleman. I do not think there has been less unity of thought or action in this Administration than there was in that over which my right hon. friend presided. I want to tell him that so far as I am concerned, I 'have been loyal to every one of my colleagues, and every one of my colleagues, so far as I know and as I most thoroughly and sincerely believe, has been loyal to me. So far as the late Minister of Militia and Defence is concerned, I gave him my loyal support, I gave him, I believe, as free a hand in connection with the conduct of the war as any other minister ever had or as. any could desire. I supported him in every possible way. And if he is under an impression to the contrary, 'he is under a wrong impression.
The criticism to which the leader of the Opposition addressed himself was that there was no immediate decision as to Canadian or British Control. Control of what? Our men at the front are under a British officer, Sir Douglas Haig. They are immediately under Sir Julian Byng. So far as control and direction of them as a military body is concerned, they must, of course, be under the same control and direction as the Test of the British forces. So far as promotions and appointments at the front are concerned, these should necessarily come with the sanction, approval, and

recommendation of the higher officers in command. It would be a dangerous and unfortunate course for this Government to undertake by interference in such matters to hamper or impede military operations.


Mr. MACDONALD:: What about our forces while in Great Britain?


Robert Laird Borden: As I understand it, the control there has been maintained in Canada. The difficulty of the late Minister of Militia and Defence, so far as I remember, was owing to an order in council, which, it appeared, had not been brought to his attention and by which the Canadian officer commanding in England had greater powers than the Minister of Militia and Defence thought reasonable. When he brought the subject to the attention of Council, an order in council was passed amending it, and the order in council so passed remained in force up to the time he went out of office.


Samuel Hughes: And also in France. Under the order in council that was rescinded, the officer commanding in France, General Alderson, had absolute authority.


Robert Laird Borden: I do not propose to enter into a discussion as to whether he was right or wrong. There was an order in council to which the late Minister of Militia and Defence took exception, thinking that he should have more control, and it was amended upon his initiative and recommendation so as to give him increased control over appointments both in Great Britain and in France.
Now, I desire to say a word as to equipment. In the early months of the war, a difficulty naturally arose because the transport and equipment were not of precisely the same type as those in Great Britain as I understand it-and, of course, I speak without the intimate knowledge of such matters po.sses.sed by the officers of the department, and, doubtless, by my hon. friend, the late Minister of Militia and Defence. It is important for an army a? the front to have a uniform standard of equipment, transport, and everything else. Otherwise, it is necessary to have supplies of the different types of transport and equipment in the ordnance stores behind the front, and this is a hindrance to military operations. I believe that some equipment supplied was left when the first Canadian contingent departed for France. I have spoken of that in this House before.

I discussed, the matter with General Carson when I was in England last year. He told me that the equipment was left because it was not of the same type as the British equipment and they .did not desire to have two types. He took what seemed a proper and reasonable course. He called a board, on which both Canada and Great Britain were represented, for the purpose of inquiring whether this equipment had been left because it was not a good equipment or because it was not uniform with the other. He told me that the board declared that it was good equipment. And it was taken over and used in the British Islands, and Canada received full credit for the value of it. It is most desirable, if the troops from Canada and from the rest of the Empire are to fight side by side, that all equipment and transport should be standardized, for it is obvious that otherwise operations cannot be carried on so effectively. It might have been better if that matter had been taken into consideration. before the war. It was not taken into consideration under the administration of my right hon. friend. I am not saying that by way of reproach, because I suppose no one could have anticipated war upon so tremendous a scale in which Canada would be called upon to take so great a part.
I believe that not only with respect to equipment but with respect to arms, guns and ammunition' as well as the Mother Country and the great dominions of the Empire ought to confer and co-operate and select uniform types, and that these types ought to be produced not only in the United Kingdom but in every one of the great dominions of the Empire. I hope also that a rifle to be called the Imperial service rifle may be adopted by the Mother Country and each of the great dominions after necessary expert examination and after consultation between the military authorities of Great Britain and the overseas dominions, so that in the future, in case the need for participation in war should arise, we should not have occasion to discuss differences in arms, transport, equipment or any other matter.
My right hon. friend read some portions of this correspondence; I shall not allude to that very much further. He referred to some remarks with regard to the Military Hospitals Commission, the Pensions Commission and the National Service Commission which had been made by my hon. friend the late Minister of Militia and Defence. So far as the Military Hospitals Commission is concerned, I do not think

there is any absurdity connected with that. As I have already pointed out, it was established upon the initiative of the exminister himself. If there is any absurdity connected with the Pensions Commission, it is an absurdity that must be visited upon the whole House of Commons, because that Pensions Commission was appointed upon the report of a committee of this House, unanimously affirmed by the vote of this House. As to the National Service Commission, at the time the observations were -made it had not really gone into operation at all. My right hon. friend states that he desires to discuss that commission on some other occasion. I shall be very happy to have him do so and to go into the matter fully then.
With respect to the alleged interference of the Canadian High Commissioner in military affairs, I am not aware of any such interference. I have telegraphed him from time to time asking him to get into communication with the War Office in respect of matters that required the co-operation of the two governments, and whenever I have asked him to do this he has done it. Outside of that, I am not aware that he has personally interfered at all. So far as Lord Kitchener's opinion is concerned, I note what my hon. friend read from the correspondence, but certainly I can say that in my interview with Lord Kitchener in 1915 he never expressed any such opinion to me.


Samuel Hughes: The date to which reference was made was in October, 1914, when Lord Kitchener expressed himself as of the opinion that these troops were British regulars. Will the First Minister not say that I informed him immediately on my return to Canada on that subject?


Robert Laird Borden: I have no recollection of it.


Samuel Hughes: Of my telling the right hon. gentleman what Lord Kitchener and the High Commissioner-


Robert Laird Borden: I really have no recollection of it. I do not say it did not occur; I really have no recollection of it. I am only saying that in his consultation with me Lord Kitchener did not express any such opinion, nor did I find on the part of the War Office or on the part of any of the officials over there any desire to override Canada or Canadian interests. I can say that most sincerely; I have never discovered on the part of the British Government, the British War Office or any of the officials with whom I came in touch over there a
disposition to override or to disregard Canadian interests.


Samuel Hughes: May I ask another question?


Robert Laird Borden: Certainly.


Samuel Hughes: Has the First Minister a recollection of an objection being made to Colonel Steele, now General Steele, commanding the Second Division?


Robert Laird Borden: I have a recollection of a question being raised as to whether his years were not so advanced that he could not stand the work at the front, and I have a recollection also that my hon. friend concurred in that view.


Samuel Hughes: If the right hon. First Minister wants me to give an explanation, I can do it, but not now.


Robert Laird Borden: My hon. friend will have to make, of course, any explanation he may see fit. I certainly understood him at the time to concur in that view.


Samuel Hughes: The correspondence will show it.


Robert Laird Borden: I do not know what the correspondence shows; I have not looked at it. It is certainly my recollection that my hon. friend concurred in that view. Every one realizes the great ability and the splendid record of General Steele as a soldier. The only question raised to me from first to last, so far as I remember, was as to whether his years were not so advanced that it would be putting too much upon him to entrust him with the command which has been alluded to.


Samuel Hughes: Perhaps it would be just as well if I should set it right now. At the time Colonel Steele was selected to command the Second Division positive objection were made to him that he was unfit- whether it was the question of his age or not. After he had a severe fall from his horse 'and had one shoulder broken, and after another injury at Shorncliffe, when the question of going over with the division was up, that was the time I agreed that General Steele was not physically fitted to go. Up to that time I had maintained that he was qualified to go.


Robert Laird Borden: I did not charge my mind with these details. The distinct impression I had was that when the time came to appoint an officer in command of that division my -hon. friend the late Minister of Militia and Defence concurred in the

view that it would not be prudent or fair to General Steele to ask him to accept that command.
With regard to British officers scrapping equipment merely for the reason that it was Canadian, not British, I am not disposed to think that anything of the kind could have taken place. I believe that if any of our equipment was put to one side it was for the reason that uniformity in equipment was necessary at the front. If any incidents of a contrary nature ever occurred I cannot recall them at the moment. So far as I am concerned, there has not been in the past, nor will there be in the future any failure to uphold Canadian interests in every respect in connection with this war. On the other hand, I do not propose, I have not proposed in the past, and I do not propose in the future to set up my judgment or the judgment of this Government against the opinion of military experts who may say that it is necessary- that the type of equipment, of transport, or of anything else necessary in this war ought to be uniform and that the war cannot be carried on effectively unless it is uniform. If the military authorities, men of experience and good judgment in that regard, reach that conclusion, certainly I do not purpose setting up my judgment against it. Subject to that, I am sure that the members of this House and the people of this country may be satisfied that all Canadian interests in this war will be thoroughly upheld by those who are responsible for the administration of affairs to-day.


Edward Mortimer Macdonald: I am very much interested, apart from the question of difference between the late hon. Minister of Militia and the right hon. gentleman, in knowing exactly, in the interests of the men overseas, who are the controlling forces today with regard to promotions, appointments and other matters affecting the men overseas in Great Britain before they go across to France.


Robert Laird Borden: So far as I understand, the recommendations would come in the ordinary way from the commanding officers, and the overseas minister would recommend them to the Governor in Council, and they would be gazetted accordingly.


Edward Mortimer Macdonald: Then Sir George
Perley has control?


Robert Laird Borden: He would receive the recommendation of his officers, and make his recommendations to the Governor in Council; that is as I understand it.


Edward Mortimer Macdonald: Then the Canadian
Minister of Militia has nothing to do with it; it is directed entirely by Sir George Perley?	-


Robert Laird Borden: It would be dealt with by Sir George Perley because the forces over there are under his direction, and he has the same duties in regard to them as the Minister of Militia has in regard to the forces in Canada. There is, of course, wherever necessary, consultation and co-operation.
My right hon. friend has spoken of the war conference, and he has suggested a possible constitutional difficulty- I am bound to say that I do not know precisely what that can be. The War Cabinet, I suppose, could call to their conference any member of the Privy Council- The British Cabinet has called members of the Privy Council who are not members of the Government to their deliberations. I believe there was a precedent for that many years ago. There was a precedent for it in 1915. There was a precedent for it in 1916. I attended a meeting of the British Cabinet in 1915. Mr. Hughes of Australia attended several meetings, I believe, in 1916, and the fact that the present British Cabinet is a small Cabinet, a so-called War Cabinet, does not in any way raise a constitutional difficulty. My right bon- friend has alluded to the wide scope of the conference, to the wide scope of the subjects which are to be discussed at the conference; and certainly they have an exceedingly wide scope. It is for that reason that I sent the telegram which my right hon. friend has read. The subjects to be discussed are: first, urgent questions relating to the prosecution of the war; second, the conditions upon which the allied governments may assent to its termination; and thirdly, the problems which will then immediately arise. There really seems to be little left out of it; the prosecution of the war, the terms upon which peace may be made, and the problems that will then immediately arise. Because the scope was so comprehensive I asked for more information. It has not yet arrived. If it should be of a character that may properly be laid on the table of the House, I shall have no hesitation whatever in acquainting the House with its purport.
My right honourable friend has alluded to the arrangements that may be made in connection with my visit. It is difficult to say at the moment just what the best arrangement might be. On the one hand, I should not desire, if it could be avoided, to

put the members of this House to the inconvenience of a summer session. On the other hand, I thoroughly appreciate the spirit which my right, hon. friend has shown in making the suggestion which he has been good enough to lay before me, and I thank him very sincerely for it. I think it is a very considerate proposal on his part, and he may be sure that I shall take it into account, and consult with him respecting it. It seems to me that there can be no reasonable objection to it, but, on the spur of the moment, I cannot speak very definitely in that regard, and I should require to consult my colleagues with reference to it. It is perhaps desirable during an important session such as this, when measures of a very grave nature are to be proposed, that. the Prime Minister of the country should be present while these matters are under discussion. Without desiring to attach any undue importance to my presence here, I believe that honourable gentlemen will see some force in- the suggestion which my right hon. friend has made. On the other hand, I do not see that it would be at all proper for me to refuse the call to attend this conference. How useful it may be, remains to be determined in the future; but the call having come, I feel that one in my position must obey it without a moment's hesitation, putting aside all other considerations. And so it may be that the members of this House will have to be put to some inconvenience. I am sure that, if that inconvenience should arise, they will not take it into great ac- count, considering the hardships, the sacrifices that are being made by hundreds of thousands of our own countrymen in the effort to win this war.
With respect to the questions that are to be discussed, it is apparent to my right honourable friend, as it must be to all the members of this House, that I cannot give much information as to the determinations which may be reached. With regard to the prosecution of the war, I can give the conference this firm assurance:	that the
people of this country are united in their determination to throw all their efforts into the war, and to bring it to that conclusion which alone can bring about a lasting peace.
As to the conditions of peace, the second subject mentioned, my right hon. friend has expressed his opinion with regard to their general character. I am satisfied, and I think the people of this country will be satisfied, to abide by the conclusion
which has already been announced by the British Government, that peace will only be granted upon the condition of reparation for the past and guarantees for the _ future. It is quite impossible for those responsible for this war 'to make reparation in the highest or fullest sense. Of course, they cannot make reparation to the allied nations, nor indeed to their own people, for all the lives that have been lost, for all the blood that has been shed in their attempt to dominate the world. More than that, I do not suppose that it would be possible for the resources even of the great German nation to make reparation for all the material injury that has been caused in this war. I do not believe that that would be possible; but certain reparation must come. It must come to those people in Belgium who have seen their whole country desolated and devastated. It must come to those people in Belgium who by the hundred thousand have been dragged from their homes into practical slavery under conditions that have shocked the conscience of the whole world and are arousing the most intense feeling among neutral nations to-day. They must make reparation to Serbia. They must make reparation to those countries that they have devastated and desolated, and so far as may be possible-I do not say how far this may be possible-they ought to make reparation for the material losses suffered by those countries whose territory has not been invaded.
First there must be reparation for the past and then guarantees for the future. I absolutely agree with what my right hon. friend said this afternoon, and what 1, myself have said more than once, that all the sacrifices that we have made, all the blood that has been shed, all the treasure that has been poured out, would not only be in vain but would be absolutely worse than useless, if we did not bring about a peace with such guarantees as will ensure the world against any such aggression in the future. I say more than that. I say that not only the allied nations but all the neutral nations of the world are profoundly and deeply interested in the conclusion of a peace such as that. You cannot carry on a war under modern conditions which does not touch the whole world. Modern means of communication have brought the whole world together and no nation, no continent, can in future be a hermit. A great world devastating war like this is bound to affect profoundly not only the countries that are engaged in it but neutral nations as well. Therefore, it is to the absolute interest of
- COMMONS
all the neutral nations of the world that, we do not consent to a truce tout consent only to' a peace which) shall he lasting and permanent and which shall be safeguarded by effective guarantees.
That is the only kind of peace that will be -of use to the world, to civilization, to humanity. I have spoken of the interests of the allied nations, I have spoken of the interests of the neutral nations, I will go farther than that, and say that no peace would be of any advantage to Germany herself unless it was a peace of that character and secured by such guarantees. In the interest of the whole world, it is essential that this peace shall be upon an absolutely permanent foundation and that aiT assurance shall be given not only to the allied nations but to all neutral nations, to humanity and to civilization itself that such attempts at aggression and world domination shall not be renewed in the future. If I go from you with any mandate, I believe I go from you with that mandate to the British Islands and to the allied nations.
We heard only the other day of a suggestion by Germany that there should be a round table conference at the Hague to bring the war to a conclusion, without any proposals as to terms to be discussed, without any proposition whatever except that there should be a conference. Sir Edward Grey pleaded, almost begged for a conference before this war broke out. What was the answer? You know the answer that was given by the German Emperor. The like answer that was given by the Austrian government. No discussion, said -the spokesman of the Austrian Government to the British Ambassador at Vienna, could be accepted on the basis of the Serbian note, a note which had humiliated Serbia to a greater extent than any civilized, self-respecting nation had ever been humiliated before, a note which involved the acceptance of terms of a most astonishing character. What was the answer?
No discussion could be accepted on the basis of the Serbian note; war would be declared to-day; and that the well-known pacific character of the Emperor, as well as his own