Datasets:

PiC

/

phrase_retrieval

like 5

13957-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=90398

A code duello is a set of rules for a one-on-one combat, or duel. Codes duello regulate dueling and thus help prevent vendettas between families and other social factions. They ensure that non-violent means of reaching agreement be exhausted and that harm be reduced, both by limiting the terms of engagement and by providing medical care. Finally, they ensure that the proceedings have a number of witnesses. The witnesses could assure grieving members of factions of the fairness of the duel, and could help provide testimony if legal authorities become involved. From the Roman Empire to Middle Ages. In Rome, the most famous duel was fought between three Horatii brothers and three Curiatii brothers, respecting precise rules during the 7th century BC. Marc Antony and Octavian also challenged each other to a duel which never came to fruition. The Lombards had dueling rituals too, often controlled by local judges. The Norse sagas give accounts of the rules of dueling in the Viking Age holmganga. The 1409 Flos Duellatorum of Italy is the earliest example of an actual code duello in Europe. Fechtbücher of Hans Talhoffer and other fifteenth century masters give rules for judicial duels and "tournament rules" with varying degrees of detail. From the Renaissance to the 19th century. A morally acceptable duel would start with the challenger issuing a traditional, public, personal grievance, based on an insult, directly to the single person who offended the challenger. The challenged person had the choice of a public apology or other restitution, or choosing the weapons for the duel. The challenger would then propose a place for the "field of honour". The challenged man had to either accept the site or propose an alternative. The location had to be a place where the opponents could duel without being arrested. It was common for the constables to set aside such places and times and spread the information, so "honest people can avoid unpatrolled places." At the field of honour, each side would bring a doctor and seconds. The seconds would try to reconcile the parties by acting as go-betweens to attempt to settle the dispute with an apology or restitution. If reconciliation succeeded, all parties considered the dispute to be honorably settled, and went home. Each side would have at least one second; three was the traditional number. If one party failed to appear, he was considered to be a coward and the appearing party would win by default. The seconds (and sometimes the doctor) would bear witness to the cowardice. The resulting reputation for cowardice would often considerably affect the individual’s standing in society, perhaps even extending to their family also. The sword, with or without a companion weapon, was the customary duelling weapon until around 1800, by which time the custom of wearing the sword in civilian life had largely died out and the pistol had taken its pride of place in both duelling and self-defense. Nevertheless, sword duels continued until the extinction of duelling itself. When using swords, the two parties would start on opposite sides of a square twenty paces wide. Usually the square was marked at the corners with dropped handkerchiefs. Leaving the square was accounted cowardice. The opponents agreed to duel to an agreed condition. While many modern accounts dwell heavily on "first blood" as the condition, manuals of honour from the day universally deride the practice as dishonourable and unmanly. Far more common was a duel until either one party was physically unable to fight or the physician called a halt. While explicit or sustained duels "to the death" were rare, many duels nonetheless resulted in the death of one or both combatants because of the wounds sustained and the limited capacities of doctors of the time to treat such wounds effectively; it was not uncommon for wounded participants to succumb to infection later. When the condition was achieved, the matter was considered settled with the winner proving his point and the loser keeping his reputation for courage. Irish Code Duello. Duelling with firearms grew in popularity in the 18th century, especially with the adoption of the Irish Code Duello, "adopted at the Clonmel Summer Assizes in 1777 for the government of duellists by the gentlemen of County Tipperary, County Galway, County Mayo, County Sligo and County Roscommon, and prescribed for general adoption throughout Ireland." The Code consists of 25 rules and several footnotes. Rule 16 gives the choice of weapons to the challenged party, but the use of swords can be avoided if the challenger swears on his honour not to be a swordsman, making it easier and more practical to duel. Typical weapons were cased duelling pistols, tuned for identical appearance, reliability and accuracy. In America, the Irish code eventually supplanted the usual method of brutal hand-to-hand combat and gave the combat a respectable feel. However, since the combatants could not control guns as precisely as swords, gun duels had a greater chance of being fatal. Some duels miscarried because both opponents did not hear or see the starting signal. Agreeing to a signal was helpful. The Irish code banned the custom of deloping, or deliberately discharging one's firearm into the ground (usually well away from the opponent). This custom was used when one or both duellists wished to end a dispute without inflicting bodily harm or appearing cowardly; the Irish code forbade the practice because it often resulted in accidental injury. In 1838 former governor of South Carolina John Lyde Wilson published "The Code of Honor; or Rules for the Government of Principals and Seconds in Dueling". The author later stated that at the time of writing, he had never seen the Irish code. Marquess of Queensberry. Just a few years after it was promulgated, many people wrote rather forcefully that the Irish Code was far too deadly for the necessary business of discovering social positions among the military gentry. Those objecting to the Code Duello included Benjamin Franklin and Queen Victoria in whose day and realm the duel was already nearly extinct. Pugilism had been growing in popularity and technique in Venice since 12th century, and in England since 1615, when a London armsmaster began offering public lessons in fisticuffs to the gentry. After many years, and several attempts by other men to write acceptable rules, John Graham Chambers wrote the "Marquess of Queensberry rules" in 1865. They were published in 1867. He intended them solely for "amateur matches," a thinly veiled reference to bouts of fisticuffs between gentlemen. The authorities began to allow prize matches and amateur boxing under this new rule system when John Sholto Douglas, 9th Marquess of Queensberry endorsed its use. The new rules had a three-minute limit on rounds, required gloves, and forbade grappling and wrestling. The rules prevented permanent mutilation: They did not permit punches to the temples, neck or below the belt. They also forbade kicking, biting and eye gouging. The result was a viscerally satisfying fight with far less actual hazard than either a sword or gunfight. In other words, it became a nearly perfect vehicle for addressing matters of pride and insult. As a practical matter, the legal sport of pugilism replaced duelling for most English gentlemen near this time. Only the involved gentlemen ever needed to know the points of honour at stake. Duelling thereby moved underground and to 'sport' and has stayed there. Southern US code of honor. Southern duels persisted through the 1840s even after duelling in the United States was outlawed. Commonly held on sand bars in rivers where jurisdiction was unclear, they were rarely prosecuted. States such as South Carolina, Tennessee, Texas, Louisiana, and others had their own duelling customs and traditions. Most duels occurred between adult members of the upper classes, but teenage duels and those in the middle-classes also existed. Duels offered the promise of esteem and status, and they also served as a form of scapegoating for unresolved personal problems. Western US code duello. The stereotypical quick draw duel seen in many Western films were, in part, from the traditional code duello of the South brought by Southern emigrants. Duels in the Old West were fought for personal honor, though the quick-draw duels of popular legend were rare. Typical Western duels were a crude form of Southern code duello; they were highly formalized means of solving disputes between gentlemen, with swords or guns, that had their origins in European chivalry. The first known quick-draw duel was conducted by a Southern man named Davis Tutt against Wild Bill Hickok on July 21, 1865. Other more formal duels, like those typical in Europe, were also fought, like the Anderson–McCluskie duel. References. Sources

180-tick maximum

11100-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=43985430

Rev Racing, short for Revolution Racing, is an auto racing team competing at the regional level of NASCAR. Owned by former Dale Earnhardt, Inc. president Max Siegel, the team primarily fields participants in the Drive for Diversity, an initiative to bring more minority and female drivers into the sport. In the ARCA Menards Series East, the team currently fields the No. 2 Toyota Camry part-time for Nicholas Sanchez, the No. 4 Toyota Camry full-time for Chase Cabre, and the No. 6 Toyota Camry full-time for Rubén García Jr.. Rev also fields late model and Legends car entries for various drivers, and the team has fielded entries NASCAR national series winners Kyle Larson, Darrell Wallace Jr., and Daniel Suárez in the past. History. Following the 2008 season, NASCAR cut ties with the Drive for Diversity's managing company Access Marketing & Communications after several reports of teams not receiving adequate funds, drivers not receiving competitive equipment, and limited results on the track. NASCAR proceeded to hire Max Siegel to revamp the program into an academy-like setting. In 2010, Siegel founded Rev Racing to field the drivers in the K&N Pro Series and Weekly Series, and is also responsible for finding sponsorship for the drivers. By the end of 2011, Rev Racing had more than doubled the win total of the previous D4D program, winning a total of eight races in the K&N Pro Series (compared to three wins in the old program, all by Paulie Harraka). 2010. For its inaugural season, Revolution Racing purchased the equipment from Andy Santerre Racing, with Santerre becoming the team's general manager and a crew chief. In its debut season, Rev Racing fielded 10 drivers: four in the K&N Pro Series East, one in the NASCAR K&N Pro Series West, and five in the Whelen All-American Series. Paulie Harraka, in his fifth year in the D4D program, finished 3rd in the K&N West Series standings including a pole and a win in the season opener at All American Speedway. Darrell Wallace, Jr. won rookie of the year in the K&N East Series, with two wins and a third-place points finish. In addition to Wallace being the first African American to win a race in the series, teammate Ryan Gifford became the first black driver to win a pole (at Martinsville Speedway). Gifford would finish 9th in points. 2011. Wallace Jr. continued his success in 2011, winning three races, 3 poles, and finishing second in series points. He and Gifford were joined by Sergio Pena, who won three races in the K&N East Series as well, finishing 5th in points. Overall, the team won half of all the K&N East Series races. 2012. For 2012, the team downsized from ten drivers to six, but added talented driver Kyle Larson to its stable. Larson had the team and D4D's best season to date, winning two races and earning 12 top 10s en route to the K&N East Series Championship. 2013. In 2013, NASCAR Toyota Series driver and Mexico native Daniel Suárez joined the team, running both the Toyota Series in Mexico and the K&N East Series for Rev Racing. Suarez won at Columbus Motor Speedway, and finished 3rd in points with nine top 10s. He moved to the NASCAR Mexico Series – now the NASCAR Toyota Series – in 2010, driving for Telcel Racing; despite running only a partial season, he won the series' Rookie of the Year title. Ryan Gifford won his first race, the Blue Ox 100, on April 27 at Richmond International Raceway. Gifford started 11th and worked his way to the front, beating Brandon Gdovic and Cole Custer on a late-race restart. Gifford would finish 11th in points with four top 5s and six top 10s. 2014. For 2014, Suarez, Pena, and Gifford returned as D4D drivers, while Mackena Bell returned for her 5th season (though not part of D4D). They were joined by rookie K&N East driver Jay Beasley and Whelen All-American drivers Devon Amos and Paige Decker. 2015. Jay Beasley returned to the K&N East Series, joined by Devin Amos. Newcomers to the team included NASCAR Next member Kenzie Ruston, Collin Cabre, Natalie Decker, and Dylan Smith.

although apart from

9863-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=25457473

Cigarette smoking has serious health effects. In the "General health effects" and the "Unique gender differences and health effects for women" sections, this article gives specific statistics on the health effects on women and in general. In regard to the future, smoking levels for all genders continue to decline in the developed world and increase in the developing world. Countries and regions. Gaza. Religious bans on female smoking. In 2010 the Hamas-led Islamist government of Gaza imposed a ban on women smoking the popular nargilas in public. A spokesman for the Interior Ministry explained that "It is inappropriate for a woman to sit cross-legged and smoke in public. It harms the image of our people." The ban was soon lifted and women returned to smoking in popular venues like the cafe of Gaza's Crazy Water Park. The park was burned down by masked men in September 2010, after being closed by the Hamas. The Committee for the Propagation of Virtue and the Prevention of Vice (Gaza Strip) has arrested women for smoking in public. Japan. In Edo period or earlier than it, tobacco had come to Japan. were the main smokers among Japanese women by the early 19th century. United States. The cigarette industry began a propaganda campaign geared toward women beginning in the 1920s in the United States. These campaigns became more aggressive as time has progressed and marketing in general became more prominent. The practice of marketing aimed exclusively at women has continued into the present day and has now expanded globally. With gender-targeted marketing, including packaging and slogans "(especially "slimmer" and "lighter" cigarettes)", and promotion of women smoking in movies and popular TV shows, the tobacco industry was able to increase the percent of women smoking. In the 1980s, tobacco industries were made to have the surgeon general's warning printed on each packaging of the tobacco products. This slowed the rate of women smoking but later it slightly increased after the advertisements started to look more present day and have more appealing packaging, that appealed to the younger generation. In more recent times, cigarette smoking has been banned from public places and this has decreased smoking rates in the United States. Pre-1920s. In 1908, the New York City Board of Aldermen unanimously passed an ordinance that prohibited smoking by women in public. There were many other such laws and rules. In 1911, the Sherman Anti-Trust Act divided the American Tobacco Trust into several different companies, making market share critical to each company's survival. The resulting competition spurred innovations in both product and marketing, and eventually progressed to the idea of brands. By 1915, Reynolds' Camel had become the first truly national brand. Soon to follow were Liggett & Myers’ Chesterfield and the American Tobacco Company's Lucky Strike. These brands were modern and appealed to the modern sensibilities that were taking over the people of the United States at the time. 1920s–1940s. In the early part of the 20th century, the anti-tobacco movement was aimed primarily at women and children. Smoking was considered a dirty habit and smoking by women was seriously frowned upon by society. As the century progressed so did women's desire for equality. The suffrage movement gave many women a sense of entitlement and freedom and the tobacco industry took advantage of the marketing opportunity. Tobacco companies began marketing cigarettes to appeal to women during the burgeoning women's movement of the 1920s. "Torches of Freedom" was a phrase used to encourage women's smoking by exploiting women's aspirations for a better life during the early twentieth century first-wave feminism in the United States. Cigarettes were described as symbols of emancipation and equality with men. The term was first used by psychoanalyst A. A. Brill when describing the natural desire for women to smoke and was used by Edward Bernays to encourage women to smoke in public despite social taboos. The American Tobacco Company began targeting women with its ads for Lucky Strikes. Lucky Strike sought to give women the reasons they should be smoking Luckies. They employed ads featuring prominent women, such as Amelia Earhart, and appealed to the vanity of women by promising slimming effects. Most of the ads also conveyed a carefree and confident image of women that would appeal to the modern woman of the 1920s. The ads grew more extravagant with paid celebrity testimonials and far-reaching claims of how Lucky Strikes could improve your life. Their most aggressive campaign directly challenged the candy industry by urging women to "reach for a Lucky instead of a sweet". These aggressive campaigns paid off making Lucky Strike the most smoked brand within a decade. Other companies followed the successful ad campaigns of the American Tobacco Company with their own versions. The Phillip Morris Company introduced Marlboro cigarettes in 1925. Marlboros were advertised as being as "mild as May" and featured elegant ivory tips that appealed to women. Other brands offered similar ads appealing to a woman's sense of beauty and style and made cigarettes an alluring part of many women's lives. The ads linking vanity and beauty were quite women specific and did exactly what they were supposed to do. Fear of weight gain remains a chief reason women continue to smoke. The ad campaigns successfully promoted cigarettes as a product possessing specific qualities including equality, autonomy, glamour, and beauty. In 1929 Edward Bernays decided to pay women to smoke their "torches of freedom" as they walked in the Easter Sunday Parade in New York. This was a shock because until that time, women were only permitted to smoke in certain places such as in the privacy of their own homes. He was very careful when picking women to march because, "while they should be good looking, they should not look too model-y"; and he hired his own photographers to make sure that good pictures were taken and then published around the world. Ruth Hale called for women to join in the march saying, "Women! Light another torch of freedom! Fight another sex taboo!" In 1934, Edward Bernays was asked to deal with women's apparent reluctance to buy Lucky Strikes because their green and red package clashed with standard female fashions. When Bernays suggested changing the package to a neutral color, George Washington Hill, head of the American Tobacco Company, refused, saying that he had already spent millions advertising the package. Bernays then endeavored to make green a fashionable color. The centerpiece of his efforts was the Green Ball, a social event at the Waldorf Astoria, hosted by Narcissa Cox Vanderlip. The pretext for the ball and its unnamed underwriter was that proceeds would go to charity. Famous society women would attend wearing green dresses. Manufacturers and retailers of clothing and accessories were advised of the excitement growing around the color green. Intellectuals were enlisted to give highbrow talks on the theme of green. Before the ball had actually taken place, newspapers and magazines (encouraged in various ways by Bernays's office) had latched on to the idea that green was all the rage. In a content analysis of North American and British editions of "Vogue", Cheryl Krasnick Warsh and Penny Tinkler trace representations of women smokers from the 1920s through the 1960s, concluding that the magazine "located the cigarette within the culture of the feminine elite," associating it with "the constellation of behaviours and appearances presented as desirable characteristics of elitism, through the themes of lifestyle, 'the look', and feminine confidence". 1950s–1970s. The late 1950s and early 1960s brought about a new onslaught of cigarette brands. Each new brand of cigarette introduced during this time advertised its unique benefits. The major new innovation in tobacco marketing was the filtered cigarette. Filters made cigarettes less harsh to smoke and offered the appearance of removing potentially harmful particles. The 1950s began the rebranding of Marlboros from an elite cigarette to an everyman's cigarette and also saw the introduction of strong Marlboro men, such as athletes, and more famously cowboys. This change in Marlboro branding meant Philip Morris was lacking a cigarette aimed at women. The 1950s also began a boom in advertising for tobacco companies. Ads featuring prominent movie and television stars became commonplace and tobacco companies also began sponsoring television shows, game shows, and other widespread media. One of the most popular was Philip Morris's sponsorship of the "I Love Lucy" show. The opener featured the two stars of the show with a giant pack of Philip Morris cigarettes. The show "Your Hit Parade" was proudly sponsored by American Tobacco's Lucky Strike brand. In 1965, it was reported that 33.9% of women were smoking. Virginia Slims came on the market in 1968, and used the catch phrase "You’ve come a long way baby." This was the first cigarette to be marketed solely as a woman's cigarette. The cigarettes were longer, slimmer, and overall more elegant and feminine. The ads depicted photos of glamorous women set against photos of women doing mundane tasks such as laundry or housework. 1970 saw the release of Liggett & Myers Tobacco Company's entry into women specific cigarettes, Eve. Eve cigarettes were decidedly more feminine than Virginia Slims. Eve featured flowers or other feminine motifs on both the packaging and the cigarette themselves. The 1970s ushered in the end of television advertising and the beginning of print ads carrying health warnings regarding the dangers of smoking. The 1970s also brought nearly annual reports from the Surgeon General's office regarding the health consequences of smoking. In 1970, a reported 31.5% of women were smokers. Tobacco companies were barred from advertising on television, but smartly moved the market focus to sponsoring sporting and entertainment events. In 1973, a widely publicized tennis match dubbed "The Battle of the Sexes" featured Billie Jean King, a long-time spokesperson for Virginia Slims, bedecked in the brand's sequins and colors. American was tennis wild in the 1970s and Billie Jean King was a superstar. Virginia Slims sponsored the Women's Tennis Association Tour for close to twenty years. The 1970s ended with filtered cigarettes almost completely overtaking the market. 1980s-2010s. The 1980s began with the first Surgeon General's Report on the Health Consequences of Smoking for Women. This report—published nearly 15 years after the original —came nearly sixty years after tobacco companies began marketing their products to women. The smoking rate of women in 1980 was at 29.3%. In 1987, Brown & Williamson introduced the Capri cigarette, which following suit with other feminine cigarettes was a long, slim, elegant cigarette geared toward feminine hands. 1990 saw the women's smoking rate at 22.8%, continuing its slow decline. The Virginia Slims tennis tour came to an end in 1994, after 23 successful years. This was just one of many broad spectrum advertising methods that ended in the 1980s and 1990s as public sentiments regarding smoking began their shift. The 1990s were marked by continued restrictions on smoking in public and workplaces. The late 1980s and 1990s were also marked by increased marketing to teenagers and young adults. Many of the same marketing strategies used with women were used with this target group. By 1998, the women's smoking rate had dropped to 22%. 1998 also marked the year of the Master Settlement Agreement. The beginning of the 21st century saw women smoking at a rate of 22.8%, which was a slight increase compared to the previous decade. Advertising and marketing remained static after the 1998 Settlement Agreement. Advertising campaigns looked to present more modern and cutting-edge packaging and language, appealing to a younger and hipper demographic. In 2001, the most recent Surgeon General's Report in regards to women and smoking was released. RJ Reynolds entered the women's market in 2007, with its Camel No. 9 cigarette. The packaging is very contemporary in feel, and very feminine at the same time. It features pink edging as a distinct contrast on the black packaging and the interior of the package is lined in pink foil. The cigarettes are sold in light and menthol light varieties, with the latter featuring a teal highlight and foil, instead of the pink of the regular lights. The first decade of this century has also been marked by mass smoking regulations. A multitude of cities, municipalities, and states passed legislations prohibiting smoking in public places, such as bars, restaurants, and an assortment of other public venues. This is a growing phenomenon, which aided in reducing smoking rates in the United States. The overall smoking rate in the United States dropped from approximately 46% in 1950 to approximately 21% in 2004. Smoking rates continued to slowly decline throughout the 2000s and 2010s. By 2017 the percentage of current smokers had fallen to 14.0% and the proportion of ex-smokers increased, these rates remained at a stand-still throughout the end of the decade. Compared to their male peers women were significantly less likely smoke; while 15.3% of men still smoked, only 12.7% of women were current smokers. General health effects. According to the Center for Disease Control and Prevention, cigarette smoking is the leading cause of preventable death in the United States and produces substantial health-related economic costs to society. During the time between 1995 and 1999, smoking resulted in approximately 440,000 premature deaths per year and about $157 billion in "health-related economic losses". Smoking has been known to increase to the risks of, and has been linked to, a plethora of adverse health effects. For instance, "Cigarette smoking accounts for about one-third of all cancers, including 90 percent of lung cancer cases. [Smoking also] causes lung diseases such as chronic bronchitis and emphysema, [it] increase the risk of heart disease, including stroke, heart attack, vascular disease, and aneurysm." According to the Surgeon General's Report of 2004, titled "The Health Consequences of Smoking", other consequences of smoking include increased risk of cataracts, lowered levels of antioxidants, especially vitamin C, heightened inflammation, and periodontitis. Unique gender differences and health effects for women. In the United States, although general rates of smoking are declining – "24.1% in 1998 to 20.6% in 2008", and there are higher rates among men – the gendered health consequences illustrate that women are at a greater disadvantage. "In 2008, smoking prevalence was higher among men (23%) than women (18.3%)", however that gender gap appears to be narrowing. Prior to recent increasing smoking rates, women usually experienced different effects of smoking compared to men. For instance, a decrease in lifetime expectancy is greater for female smokers when compared to male smokers. On average, while an adult male loses 13.2 years due to smoking, an adult female smoker loses 14.5 years of life. This decreased life expectancy for male smokers mirrors the gender differences in life expectancy overall. However, when it comes to smokers in particular, males tend to smoke more heavily than women do. Yet still women continue to show more deleterious results. As it has been previously mentioned, smoking is attributable to the majority of lung cancer cases. Over the years lung cancer mortality has dramatically increased among women. "In 1987, lung cancer surpassed breast cancer to become the leading cause of cancer death among U.S. women." Smoking now accounts for 80% of lung cancer deaths specifically among women. Although, there has been a more pronounced campaign to raise funds for breast cancer research and a possible cure, more women are dying from lung cancer. Research also continues to question whether women tend to be more susceptible to lung cancer, regardless of similar exposure as their male counterparts. However, making a definitive answer has been difficult, thus the issue remains controversial. In looking at other aspects of the respiratory system, Chronic obstructive pulmonary disease (COPD) is another major issue among women who smoke. The risk of having COPD is increased with amount and duration and smoking accounts for 90 percent of COPD mortalities. The effects of smoking on women's cardiovascular health begin to show more sex differences. Heart diseases continue to be the leading cause of death nationwide, and one of the risk factors is smoking. Unique to women, smoking lowers their estrogen and their high-density lipoproteins that prevent arteries from blockage. For many women the effects of smoking on the heart's health truly become obvious later on in life. Among current female smokers, "the chance of dying from heart disease or lung cancer exceeds the chance of dying from breast cancer from 40 on (and does so by at least a factor of 5 after age 55)." The habit becomes particularly crucial when women are also taking birth control because these two in concert increases, even more so, women's chances of having a stroke or a heart attack. When observing older women, research has illustrated that those who are smoking in their postmenopausal stages tend to have a lower bone density along with more hip fractures when compared to their non-smoker counterparts. For the younger cohort of women, during their reproductive stages, smoking affects their reproductive health as well as pregnancy outcomes. Research has revealed that smoking does make it more difficult for women to conceive and it can also result in infertility. Women who smoke while they are pregnant increase their chances of having an early delivery and low-birth weight babies. One of the many serious effects on the fetus itself is Sudden Infant Death Syndrome (SIDS). Studies have shown that "infants of mothers who smoke during and after pregnancy are 3 to 4 times more likely to die from sudden infant death syndrome (SIDS) than babies to non-smoking mothers". Smoking during pregnancy could also cause stillbirth, preterm birth, placental abruption. The future: women, smoking, and globalization. As smoking levels decline in the developed world they are increasing in the developing world. The major cigarette manufacturers have more than tripled the number of cigarettes exported in the last 35 years. Tobacco companies are using similar strategies to attract women in other countries that they used in the early days of attracting American women. Offering appealing ads that depict cigarettes as modern, empowering, and liberating draws in women smokers who make every effort to be as western as possible. The smoking bans occurring in the United States are happening around the globe. In other countries (as in the United States), tobacco manufacturers circumvent advertising restrictions by sponsoring events, retail endorsements, and advertising in alternative markets such as satellite television channels. These methods have proven quite successful for the tobacco industry. Overwhelmingly, in the global market the trends point toward the market becoming increasingly female in the future, but only time will tell for sure. Delving Deeper: Women, smoking and globalization. When discussing smoking among females it is crucial to also take into account the fact that smoking, and tobacco use in general, is a global issue that is not confined to the borders of the Western world. The World Health Organization (WHO) notes the stark difference between women in various geographic locations as it states that "[a]bout 22 percent of women in developed countries and 9 percent of women in developing countries smoke tobacco". However, numerically the number of women could be more in developing countries. In his article, Fred C. Pampel looks into why these differences may exist and suggests reasons pertaining to gender equality, cigarette diffusion, economic factors and smoking policies. For women in countries where traditional gender roles had been changed, it becomes more socially acceptable for women to initiate smoking. However, this evidence should not hinder a deeper look into the smoking among women in developed countries. And, as the rates of smoking among people in developed countries are on a slow decline, smoking rates among middle and low-income countries are increasing. particularly affects women within developing regions because they are most at risk when male cigarette use is high. Recent statistics show that about 70% of tobacco users live in developing countries, and about half of the men in these countries are smokers. Although women are not mainly the ones to smoke, they are still exposed to environmental tobacco smoke (ETS). When among men who smoke, the risks of passive smoking increase for women whether they are at home or at work. When referring back to the gender-specific effects of smoking on women, we know that smoking and second-hand smoke not only affects the female body but had detrimental results on the health of their children. This issue is compounded in developing nations that may already have limited medical care for women. A particular study that focused on pregnant women in a few Latin American and African countries, India and Pakistan, it was shown that "[w]omen in Latin America had the highest level of tobacco use." The probability of living with a tobacco user was also high in Latin America but highest in Asia. Specific countries such as Argentina and Uruguay had the highest percentages of women who were once regular smokers, who had smoked during their current pregnancy and who thought it was acceptable for women to smoke. As we continue to look at the Latin American region, we can see that one-fifth of the world's largest tobacco producers are in this region, which includes Argentina and Brazil. With such increased production in these countries, the prices of cigarettes become significantly lowered. In these two latter countries, a pack of premium cigarettes such as the Marlboro brand can cost between US$1 and US$1.99. With these prices, cigarette accessibility is easier and consumption is encouraged. This has serious implications for the population as whole. The smoking rates among women alone are also a point of concern. In Argentina, 22.6% of the women smoke, while in other countries such as Uruguay the percentage is 25.1 percent. As the rate of tobacco use among men is predicted to decrease, the rate among women is estimated to rise to 20% of the woman population by 2025. A major catalyst for this increase in smoking among women is globalization because it allows for the increase in the marketing of tobacco products to middle and low-income areas. In their efforts to expand their markets, multinational tobacco companies are paying particular attention to women. The advertisements tend to include words such as ‘menthol’, ‘mild’ and ‘light,’ and seek out women through "alluring marketing campaigns, linking smoking with emancipation and glamour". Consequently, the rates of tobacco use among women in regions such as Asia, Africa and Latin America have begun to increase. The lack of strict tobacco control policies in developing countries sets up an environment where little to no advertising restrictions and taxation are not in place to buffer the impending increase in smoking among women. What puts women in developing regions at an even greater disadvantage is the significant shift in tobacco production to their areas, where they are mainly involved in the harvesting. With all these influences, cessation can be very difficult for women. There has been research surrounding this topic among many developed nations in order to explore and find the most successful methods, even for women. Many of these studies have expressed that women who attempt to quit on their own "were less likely to quit initially or to remain abstinent at follow up". When speaking of women in developing countries however, they would experience added barriers due to their low-income status. While women in the developed countries have cessation programs available, not many programs are available to women in developing countries. The latter group of women could significantly benefit from educational programs that teach of the adverse effects of smoking on their health as well as the health of their children. Although these programs may not be set in place in the various areas they are most needed, several organizations have made an effort to draw smoking among women to the public's attention. For instance, the World Health Organization (WHO) published "The Tobacco Atlas" which is helpful in showing the scope of the issue among women on a worldwide scale. This organization has also negotiated the Framework Convention on Tobacco Control which is a treaty supported by 164 Parties and was done "in response to the globalization of the tobacco epidemic". This initiative has been particular about pointing out how women are also being affected. In sum, when looking at smoking among women beyond the boundaries of the Western world, the full scope of the issue comes into view.

untimely childbirth

1890-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=32364588

Kristina Corinthos-Davis is a fictional character "General Hospital", an American soap opera on the ABC network. Introduced in 2002, Kristina is the daughter of mob kingpin Sonny Corinthos (Maurice Benard) and his former attorney -- Alexis Davis (Nancy Lee Grahn). She is currently being portrayed by Lexi Ainsworth after being rapidly aged in 2009. Ainsworth received critical acclaim for her portrayal and was nominated for Daytime Emmy Award for Outstanding Younger Actress in a Drama Series in 2011. Between 2012–13, she was played by Lindsey Morgan. Kristina's storylines during Morgan's tenure were critically panned, but Morgan also earned a Daytime Emmy nomination in the Outstanding Younger Actress category in 2013. In 2015, Ainsworth returned to the role. In 2017, Ainsworth won a Daytime Emmy Award for Outstanding Younger Actress in a Drama Series. Casting. From December 2002 to July 2003, Kristina was portrayed by unknown child actors; followed by Kara and Shelby Hoffman from July 23, 2003 to late 2003 then by Emma and Sarah Smith from December 23, 2003 until 2005. In November 2005, child actress, Kali Rodriguez stepped into the role on a recurring basis. Rodriguez last appears as Kristina on August 13, 2008. In May 2009, it was announced teen actress Lexi Ainsworth had been cast in the role of Kristina. Ainsworth first appeared on June 4, 2009. Response from fans and critics was very positive and Ainsworth was put on contract in late June. After months of rumors and speculation, Ainsworth confirmed in October 2011 via Twitter she'd been let go and has just filmed her last episode. Ainsworth last appeared in the role on November 4, 2011. After much speculation and rumor as to whether Ainsworth would return to the role, several sources reported that the show was looking to bring Kristina back to Port Charles. On April 17, 2012, TVLine reported that actress Lindsey Morgan has been cast as Kristina and would make her debut on May 25, 2012. Morgan explains during an interview that she was unaware what role she was auditioning for as only a vague character description was released instead of the character's name. The producers put Morgan through a chemistry test with her potential on-screen parents, Maurice Benard (Sonny Corinthos) and Nancy Lee Grahn (Alexis Davis), which was something that hadn't been done in years. On March 26, 2013, Morgan announced she had departed her role as Kristina, last airing on March 4. On July 29, 2015, "Soap Opera Digest" broke news that Ainsworth would reprise the role of Kristina, her return date aired on September 17, 2015. In October 2017, it was revealed that Ainsworth has filmed her last scene on October 11 alongside Ashley Jones' character Parker Forsyth. In July 2018, "Soap Opera Digest" announced Ainsworth's return. Ainsworth made her return on August 15, 2018. Development. Characterization. With the SORAS aging of Kristina in 2009, Kristina is initially introduced as a bit of a wild child. Kristina's trouble making ways during her first few months as "Kristina" are described as "phase". She often throws caution into the wind just to defy her parents because of how she grew up. However, several major events in her life, including causing her step-mother, Claudia's (Sarah Brown) car accident and miscarriage facilitate a character transition and Kristina morphs into somewhat of a "good girl". The vague 2012 casting call described the character as "soulful, but fiery." Newcomer Lindsey Morgan describes Kristina as having the perfect blend of qualities from both of her parents. Teen dating abuse. In the summer of 2009, Kristina's boyfriend Kiefer Bauer (Christian Alexander) begins assaulting her repeatedly whenever he gets angry. Ainsworth praised the storyline saying several viewers could identify with her character. There was a very slow build in Kiefer's abusive attitude months before it actually happened and the storyline progresses in real time. On and off screen, Kristina's lack of positive male role models in her life is the reason for her choice to stay in an abusive relationship; she doesn't really know how to react to the situation, let alone remove herself from it. Ainsworth further discusses Kiefer's reason for the abuse, noting "he comes from a family who has instilled a feeling of entitlement in the young man." At the time, she is crushing on the older mysterious Ethan Lovett (Nathan Parsons) which only serves as a catalyst for Kiefer's anger. Kristina's crush turns to bitterness after a beating from Kiefer lands her in the hospital, and she blames Ethan. Recast and reality. With the 2012 recast, Kristina returns home with a "vengeance" after discovering the truth about her parents' bribing the admissions office at Yale University to get her accepted. Morgan admits that Kristina's actions may be a bit questionable at times, but she only does certain things to get those around her to be honest with her. "Even though she is basically, really, extorting them right now, she's doing it almost for an ethical reason. In the end it's to expose her father--and her mother--and say, 'Hello, this is wrong!'" The plot in which Kristina forces her family to star in her reality show is also her way of asserting her independence. "College has shown her her own strength, her own power. And she's very much her father's daughter--and very much her mother's daughter. And very much tired of it all. Tired of them going behind her back, and tired of them being controlling. She needs to have her own say in her life." However, most viewers and critics didn't approve of the new direction and the reality aspect of the storyline. ABC "Soaps in Depth" gave the storyline a "Thumbs Down!" comparing it to a bad spoof of VH1's hit reality series, Mob Wives and the recast which is initially met with much disapproval is weighed down by the story. While SID has no problem with such a drastic character change as Ainsworth's Kristina according to SID is "relatable and likably soft" and Morgan's Kristina is written as "a jaded hell-raiser;" the reality show is not the best way to get fans to approve of the recast. In an interview with "TVSource" Magazine's Omar Nobles, Morgan revealed that Kristina was mostly upset by Sonny and Alexis pulling strings to get her into Yale because of what their actions said about her; "It's saying they didn't believe in her; she couldn't be admitted on her own and that hurt her. The people that she needs the most to believe in her doubted she could and that's why they did it... I also feel like they also thought she couldn't handle disappointment. That's what hurts her." Kristina forgives her parents knowing they meant well but she really cares about what they think of her. "As the middle child, especially with them never being together and Sonny and his huge family and other children; Alexis is busy with everything in her life. I think Kristina feels like she never got enough attention and was never truly seen by them. So when she's becoming an adult she wants to say them 'I am an adult and I can do this' and they don't think so and that hurts her." Trey Mitchell. Along with the reality show storyline comes a new love interest for Kristina in Erik Valdez's Trey Mitchell, a grad student from Yale who convinces her to launch the "Mob Princess" series. According to Morgan, Kristina is very much blindsided by Trey as she is going through a time in her life where she is trying to find some stability. Coming from such an unconventional family where her parents never actually tried to be together leaves Kristina yearning for that family unit she never had with her parents. Even though Trey appears to be manipulating her, Kristina hopes the relationship will turn into something more when they marry on August 28, 2012. Kristina's need for a stable family is reflected in her concern for her sister, Sam McCall (Kelly Monaco) when her marriage begins falling apart. Though Kristina has always dreamed of having that "perfect family," she does not see her marriage to Trey being a major deal because she expects the marriage will be over just as quickly as it began. Kristina goes through with the marriage to help Trey realize how much she really does care for him, and hopes he will reciprocate those feelings. Morgan admitted to being confused as to why she trusts Trey so much, as opposed to her family, especially when it comes to her older brother, Michael (Chad Duell). Morgan revealed in an interview Kristina still sees Michael as the overprotective big brother and since leaving college, she's been trying to assert her independence. In a November 2012 interview, Morgan gave her take on Kristina's reason for falling for Trey; besides his looks, Trey is very different from the guys she's date previously or has been interested in. When Kristina is humiliated at school thanks to everyone finding out about Sonny pulling strings to get her in, Trey is the only person who likes her for who she is. "Even when he was playing her, and he obviously did play her – he was probably the person that showered her with the most attention. She took that as 'he's so together, he's interested in my life and I'm his muse, I'm in his star. That meant a lot her, especially after being with guys who never treated her that way or never really seemed to care about her." When asked if Kristina could forgive Trey, Morgan explained that it is definitely a possibility and describes Trey as being the most real love interest for her character. "I mean, he shot his own father to protect her in the end. So he did make the right decision in the end, but it took him a while. I think right now she's just so hurt by it and just so in shock. I could see if like it was 'never again, we'll be perfect together' and whatnot. But I could see her forgiving him, but knowing her it would take a while. And take lots of flowers and candy." Storylines. 2002–08. Kristina is born on-screen on November 19, 2002 to Alexis Davis and her then-fiancé, Ned Ashton; named after Alexis's late sister, Kristina Cassadine. After a one-night stand with mob boss, Sonny Corinthos, Alexis learns she is pregnant and tries to pass the child off as Ned's. Ned agrees to pretend to be Kristina's father to protect her from Sonny's lifestyle. The truth comes out when Kristina becomes ill and stem cells from Sonny's stillborn daughter with Sam McCall are used to save Kristina's life; Sam would later turn out to be Alexis's long lost daughter. After a court battle, Alexis and Sonny agree to share custody of Kristina, but she would live full-time with Alexis, and Sonny would be allowed to see her when ever he wanted. Kristina is officially christened as Kristina Adela Corinthos-Davis with Ric Lansing and Carly Corinthos as her godparents. Soon after, Carly and Sonny's sons, Michael and Morgan, are kidnapped by , but rescued by Sam and Jason Morgan. When Alexis is diagnosed with cancer, Kristina briefly lives with Sonny and Carly. When Kristina witnesses Sam shooting Diego Alcazar, she goes into a trance like state for weeks. She eventually recovers and breaks her silence on Christmas. Kristina goes silent again when she sees Diego alive as the Text Message Killer. After Michael is shot and rendered comatose after an attempt on Sonny's life, Alexis reinforces Sonny staying away from their daughter. 2009–11. Kristina reappears as a teenager who is acting out. She feels that her father does not spend enough time with her, and she is unable to live up to her mother's expectations. Samantha McCall tries to give Kristina advice to make herself happy rather than Alexis. When Michael wakes up from his coma, Kristina is thrilled to have her brother back, but Alexis wants them to stay apart, thinking Michael will cause trouble. Kristina, though, rebels against this, and spends time with Michael, Morgan, and her younger sister, Molly Lansing. One night, she is driving home, upset and crying, and causes her stepmother, Claudia, to crash and miscarry her child. Sam suspects Kristina is responsible, but Michael confesses, then skips town. Kristina, guilt-ridden, runs away with Michael to Mexico. They are taken hostage by Jerry Jacks briefly, but escape and are later brought home by Sam and Jason. By this time, Kristina is revealed to be the driver who caused the accident, but Alexis confesses to protect her. Alexis lets Sonny spend time with Kristina, hoping to help her heal. Kristina is dating her classmate, Kiefer Bauer, but he's both emotionally and physically abusive towards her. The abuse eventually lands Kristina in the hospital. Kristina initially lies, and claims that Ethan Lovett attacked her, afraid that Sonny will kill Kiefer. Her lie is exposed when Kiefer beats her again. Kiefer dies when Alexis runs him over while taking Kristina to the hospital. Kristina blames herself for Kiefer's death. Alexis is not charged, and Kiefer's father, Warren, is furious. He tries to get Kristina to accuse Ethan again so Alexis will be charged. Kristina refuses, and Warren becomes deranged, opening fire within General Hospital, and tries to kill Kristina. He is gunned down before he can, and Kristina tries to heal with the help of her family. Kristina has a crush on Ethan, but he never reciprocates. When Claudia is killed and Sonny is accused, Kristina pushes her father away, until Michael confesses to the murder. Kristina is heartbroken when Michael goes to prison. Upset with Sonny, Kristina pretends to date mobster Johnny Zacchara to anger Sonny. Unfortunately, Kristina is nearly killed when Sonny plants a bomb in Johnny's car, and two agree to end their charade. Kristina is aboard the General Hospital ski trip bus when it crashes. She survives, but her friend, Ali, dies, and she's devastated. She's consoled by Sonny, and the two start to mend their relationship. When Kristina becomes a nanny for Emma Drake, Lisa Niles tries to get her hooked on drugs, claiming they're herbal supplements. Fortunately, Ethan discovers this, and helps Kristina get clean. Kristina applies to Yale, her mother's alma mater, but she is wait-listed. Disappointed, she tries to get a job at Crimson Magazine under Kate Howard. However, she later gets accepted into Yale, and leaves town to attend college. 2012–13. Kristina returns to Port Charles after disappearing from campus weeks prior. Having learned of her parents schemes to get her into Yale and being outcast as the "Mob Princess", Kristina starts a reality show appropriately titled "Mob Princess" to teach her parents a lesson. Her family believes she is allowing her producer, Trey Mitchell to manipulate her because she is attracted to him. After months of forcing cameras on her family, Trey suddenly shuts down the show so he and Kristina can date. Trey later tells Kristina to believe the production company will sue him if he doesn't deliver a show and he tricks her into marrying him in Las Vegas on camera. Kristina's initial plan is to have the marriage annulled, but after she and Trey consummate the marriage, she refuses. Trey later reveals that he's the son of Kate and Joe Scully Jr., Sonny's mob enemy. Realizing he lied to her, Kristina is initially furious with Trey. Soon after, though, she is kidnapped by Joe, who intended to kill her, so her inheritance would go to Trey. His plan is interrupted when Trey arrives and stops his father. In the aftermath, Kristina and Trey sign the annulment papers. After Joe dies, Kristina comforts Trey. Kristina and Trey reconcile, and decide to move to Los Angeles together. Before they can, Kristina and Trey are involved in a car accident with Kate, and Trey ends up brain-dead. Trey dies soon after, and Kristina is furious, blaming Kate, who is under the influence of her alternate personality, Connie. Kristina attacks her, wanting payback, and ends up getting arrested. At the hearing, Connie takes back her statement and Kristina is sentenced to 500 hours of community service. After finishing her community service, Kristina enrolls in Wesleyan University. 2015–17. Kristina returns to Port Charles, following her father's shooting. Kristina later reveals that she was suspended from Wesleyan for trying to offer sex to a professor in exchange for a better grade. She tries to hide it from her parents, intercepting any emails or letters sent from Wesleyan. However, Alexis and Sonny find out, and Kristina admits her mistake. The professor she tried to seduce is revealed to be a woman named Parker Forsyth, and Kristina admits that she's questioning her sexuality. While Parker continuously tries to keep Kristina at arm's length, claiming it would ruin her career and her marriage, it doesn't do much to keep Kristina at bay. After Kristina kisses Parker, Parker proclaims that they can't be together and Kristina tried to move on with her new boyfriend Aaron. After being seemingly happy with perfect boyfriend Aaron, Kristina goes to see Parker again but this time to tell her she's moving on. However, once it's revealed that Parker's marriage had ended, Kristina makes a move and they have sex. Parker considered it a mistake, that she needed more time to piece her life back together but Kristina convinces her to give their relationship a try. However, Alexis runs into Parker on her way to lecture and furiously pushes her into breaking up with Kristina. Parker leaves a letter explaining that she and Kristina have no future together and she leaves town without saying goodbye. Kristina is heartbroken and works on moving on. She tells her boyfriend Aaron about how she cheated on him and Aaron breaks up with her. Aaron isn't seen onscreen again. Some time passes and Kristina calls Parker in a drunken stupor to voice her anger at her for leaving but settled for leaving a voicemail. Molly intervenes and takes Kristina home. Later Kristina sees that Parker called her back and rushes to campus to rekindle their relationship. Parker claims it was an accident and admits that she's getting back with her wife to fix her marriage. Kristina is furious and yells at Parker for being selfish and using her and then leaves. There is a mention of Parker when Kristina's brother, Morgan, dies in a car explosion meant for Julian. Kristina steps up to comfort her father, Sonny, who blames himself. Kristina's character matures while dealing with Morgan's death. Parker sends a sympathy card with her wife's name also written on it. Kristina admits that she still dreams about Parker. Time passes and Kristina and Molly are enrolled at Port Charles University when Molly's class is assigned a different teacher before the semester begins. They are shocked to realize it is Parker. Kristina tried to decide how to handle the situation but Alexis finds out first when they meet Parker at a park concert in town. Alexis is furious and tries to drive Parker away but Kristina fends her off, claiming she could take care of her own life and that she needs to stop controlling hers. Alexis leaves and Kristina goes to seek out Parker. They talk and Parker reveals her marriage was officially dead. They flirt but ultimately Parker can't risk her career and this time Kristina doesn't push it. Kristina, still having feelings for Parker, tries to take her mind off her by going to a "Ladies night" at the Floating Rib with Valerie as her wing woman. Valerie points out that a woman is giving Kristina "looks" and it turns about to be Parker. Parker is playing pool with another woman. Kristina tells Valerie about their one-night stand and how Parker dumped her and Valerie decides they should make Parker jealous and starts to kiss Kristina. Parker is visibly upset by this. Later Parker helps Kristina take care of Scout while Sam is at the hospital with Jason. They talk and Parker admits that she isn't dating anyone. Valerie walks up to them and poses as Kristina's girlfriend, still trying to make Parker jealous and Kristina plays along, trying to move on from her former professor. The story is rushed after this. Kristina decides that she doesn't want to lie to Parker, even to save their feelings and confesses that her and Val weren't ever a couple. Parker insist that they go somewhere to talk. At lunch, they both admit they still are attracted to each other and Kristina kisses Parker again. Parker can't and won't risk her career however and claims again that they couldn't be together and apologizes for leading her on. Kristina comes to the decision to put her happiness first and drops out of PCU, since she couldn't focus on her classes and her grades were poor anyway. Not being a student anymore, Parker asks Kristina out to dinner and they official go on a date. During the date, they talk of Morgan's death, among other things and Kristina admits that she hadn't told her parents they were together but she wasn't going to hide it either. She would tell them later. Parker asks for the check so they could "go to her place for coffee". They kiss very publicly and they decide to "skip the coffee". The next day Kristina walks Parker to her class after spending the night together and the Dean promptly comes in and fires Parker since she was reportedly caught kiss Kristina while she was still a student. They are both devastated. Kristina's mother, Alexis comes into the room shortly after and demands that Parker stay away from her daughter. Kristina accuses her mother of reporting Parker to the Dean but she denies it. Finally stepping up to Alexis, Parker admits that she's in love with Kristina and that her being fired doesn't change anything. Alexis accuses Parker of manipulating Kristina and Kristina tells her that Parker never did anything inappropriate and that Kristina started it all and pushed for it. Alexis refuses to believe it. Kristina asks Parker what she will do without her job and Parker admits she has a house her parents left her in Oregon that's in a college town. Kristina proclaims she's going with her, only if Parker wanted her there. Parker agrees and they run away to Oregon, to have a happy life together. Reception. In March 2011, Ainsworth and her co-star Haley Pullos (Molly Lansing) won at the Young Artist Awards with Ainsworth taking home the award for Best Actress in a Daytime Series. Ainsworth earned a Daytime Emmy Nomination for her portrayal of Kristina during the abuse storyline for the Outstanding Young Actress category in 2011. Morgan earned a Daytime Emmy nomination for Outstanding Young Actress in 2013. In 2017, Ainsworth won the Daytime Emmy Award for Outstanding Younger Actress in a Drama Series for her portrayal of Kristina during her bisexuality storyline.

honest cause

3769-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=25537813

A boutique investment bank is a investment bank that specializes in at least one aspect of investment banking, generally corporate finance, although some banks are retail in nature, such as Charles Schwab or Allen & Co. Of those involved in corporate finance, capital raising, mergers and acquisitions and restructuring and reorganizations are their primary activities. Boutique investment banks generally work on smaller deals involving middle-market companies, and usually assist on the sell or buy-side in mergers and acquisitions transactions. In addition, they often specialize in certain industries such as media, healthcare, industrials, technology or energy. Some banks may specialize in certain types of transactions, such as capital raising or mergers and acquisitions, or restructuring and reorganization. Typically, boutique investment may have a limited number of offices and may specialize in certain geographic regions, thus the moniker, 'regional investment bank'. Traditionally, boutique investment banks are specialized in certain fields of corporate finance and thus not full-service. However, the term is often also used for non-bulge bracket full-service investment banks, banks that also are knows as middle-market investment banks. History. During 2014, "The Financial Times" "The New York Times", and "The Economist" all published favorable articles regarding the growing trend of corporations to hire boutique investment banks. Reasons cited included their absence of conflicts, independence, and skill of one or a relative few individuals. The discrediting of traditionally conflicted Wall Street investment banking firms, especially those listed as full-service or conglomerates on the list of investment banks, due to their role in the creation or exacerbation of the Great Financial Crisis is cited as a primary reason for the ascendancy of these boutique firms. However, advances in technology which permit the outsourcing of all non-core aspects of the firm have also been cited as a cause of this David versus Goliath phenomenon. Working at boutique investment banks generally requires working fewer hours than at larger banks, even though the majority of boutiques are founded and led by former partners at large banks. As larger investment banks were hit hard by the Great Recession of the 2000s, many senior bankers left to join boutiques, some of which largely resemble the partnerships that ruled Wall Street in the 1970s and 1980s. Boutique investment banks took a greater share of the M&A and advising market at the same time. Large, prestigious boutique firms include Evercore, Lazard and Moelis & Company. While these may be full-service and international in scale, they are significantly smaller than and do not offer the breadth of products and services of bulge bracket investment banks. Services. Boutique investment banks may be engaged in providing one or more of the following services: Notable boutique investment banks. There are many boutique investment banks, some of which are well known within their field. The following is a partial list of notable boutique investment banks:

larger portion

14949-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=50602526

Eruwa ( or fully (Èrú wà níbí o) meaning 'pieces of yam are available here’ is a town and the headquarters of Ibarapa East Local Government Area in south-western Nigeria located in Oyo state. Eruwa is 72 km south west of Ibadan and 60 km north east of Abeokuta. History. Eruwa derived its name from the way in which hawkers advertised roasted yams to the northern caravans who constantly congregated in the town. The method of hawking employed was Eru wa nibi o i.e. (pieces of yam are available here). The four quarters in Eruwa at that time; Anko, Oke Oba, Isaba and Aborerin settled on Ilewu hill which offered greater protection and security during the period wars in Yoruba land (from the 1830s to the 1890s). The founders of Eruwa were of Oyo origin. The leader of the group was Obaseeku who was a prince, a bare hunter as well as a powerful medicine man. Obaseeku married Oyinlola, an Oyo princess. The marriage produced two male children. The first child was named Akalakoyi (meaning the vultures have rejected this) and the second child was named Olaribikusi. The two children and their descendants constitute the two ruling families in Eruwa up till today. The town is characterized by many hills. Perhaps, the need for adequate security in those days of frequent wars was most likely the over-riding consideration in the minds of the early settlers. Like other Africans, Eruwa people were polytheistic in the past. They worshipped several gods and deities prominent among which were Oro, Sango, Egungun, Orisa oko, Osanyin, Yemoja and Ifa. The first corrugated iron sheet house in Eruwa was built in 1908. Following the massive destruction of Eruwa by fire in 1922, majority of the people started tooling up for the corrugated iron sheets. Eruwa is governed by a Monarch whose recognized traditional title is Eleruwa which means the owner/ruler of Eruwa. He administers the town with the assistance of his Chiefs and ward heads who have the traditional title known as Baale. In 1979, a former Military Governor of Oyo state, Jemibewon, ranked Eleruwa – fifth in the comity of sixty-seven traditional rulers accorded recognition by the state government. Visit Eleruwa page for a list of past and present Eleruwa. Eruwa is significant in many respects. It is the headquarters of the Ibarapa which had seven towns namely Eruwa, Lanlate, Igboora, Idere, Ayete, Tapa and Igangan. During the pre-colonial days, Eruwa was recognized by the Alaafin of Oyo as the leading town in Ibarapa district. Similarly, during the colonial era, this leadership position was conveniently retained through political, economic and social services culminating among others into structural development. In 1915, administrative rest houses were built in Eruwa and in the same year, a native court was opened at Eruwa. Geography. Eruwa is located in south-western Nigeria in Oyo state. It is bounded in the north by Iseyin; in the east by Ibadan and in the south by Ogun state. The most remarkable geographical feature is the chain of hills. Prominent among these hills are Adoko, Akolu, Andoro, Apanpa, Eetaka, Ilewu, Obaseeku, Ofere, Ogodo, Ojoko, Okele, Oluweri and Wee-wee-onigba-poro. Eruwa is situated in the grass savannah with a number of streams flowing through it. These include:- Baba Ode, Oluweri, Agboti, Ogboogbo, Ojuregbin Olusoji. Climate. Eruwa has a tropical wet and dry climate, with a lengthy wet season and relatively constant temperatures throughout the course of the year. November to February forms the town's dry season, during which Eruwa experiences the typical West African harmattan. The mean total rainfall for Eruwa is 1,200mm. There are two peaks for rainfall, June and September. The mean temperature ranges between 32.22C in January to March and 21.11C in June and August. Population. Eruwa's population was estimated to be 9,110 in 1934. In 1951 when Nigeria had its first national headcount, Eruwa's population was above 11,000. In 1963, the population has risen to 26,963. According to 2006 population census, the population of Ibarapa East Local Government is 118,288. Religion. Christianity is the dominant religion in Eruwa with the overwhelming majority of inhabitants being Christians. Islam is the second most popular religion in the town. On the whole, Eruwa is secular community with high degree of freedom of worship. The Muslims and Christians co-exist successfully. Children of the Muslims and Christians go to the same school, work in the same place and live peacefully under the same roof. Education. Eruwa is host to, Adeseun Ogundoyin Polytechnic. Established as a satellite campus of the Polytechnic Ibadan on Tuesday 19 January 1982 and later converted into an autonomous Polytechnic in 2014. The first set of students (88 in all) began their academic work in November 1981, few months before the official launching ceremony. The school now offers courses leading to the award of Ordinary National Diploma (OND) and Higher National Diploma (HND). There are also numerous public and private primary and secondary schools located in the town. Obaseeku High School is the first secondary school in Eruwa. It was established on February 28, 1964. Economic Activities. The indigenous economic activity of the people of Eruwa revolves around agriculture which includes farming, fishing, hunting and animal husbandry. Other economic activities include manufacturing and trading. The main crops include yam, cassava, guinea corn, maize, pepper, tobacco, cotton and melon seeds. Also grown in the area are cocoa, kolanuts, oranges and palm-trees. The occupational choice of the people was largely influenced by the geographical location of the town. Administration. Eruwa is the headquarters of Ibarapa Local Government. Local Governments at present are institutions created by military governments but recognized by the 1999 constitution and they are the third tiers of government in Nigeria. Ibarapa East Local Government is made up of Eruwa and Lanlate. Eruwa has 6 wards while Lanlate has 4 wards making 10 wards in total. The current Chairman of the Local Government is Mr Raji Adeleke (Asela) of APC Party.

primary concern

1102-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=603365

Kuala Terengganu (), often abbreviated as K.T., is a city, the administrative capital, royal capital and the main economic centre of Terengganu, Malaysia. Kuala Terengganu is also the capital of Kuala Terengganu District. It is also the only royal capital among the nine royal states of the country that bore its state's name. Kuala Terengganu is located about 440 kilometres northeast of Kuala Lumpur on the East Coast of Peninsular Malaysia. The city is situated at the estuary of Terengganu River, facing the South China Sea. As a district, Kuala Terengganu is the smallest in terms of area, but it (together with the Kuala Nerus District that form the city area) has the largest population in Terengganu with a population of 406,317 in 2010. City status was awarded to Kuala Terengganu with the title "Bandaraya Warisan Pesisir Air" (English: Waterfront Heritage City) on 1 January 2008. Besides being a major political and economic centre to the state, the city is also the main gateway to many of the state's tourist destinations. The attractions in and around the city include Kampung Cina, Pasar Besar Kedai Payang, Terengganu State Museum, and Batu Buruk Beach. Even though the city is not spared from modernity and development, Kuala Terengganu still retains strong Malay influences that are intermixed with other cultures from its long history as a port. Etymology. In Malay, "kuala" can have the meanings of "river mouth", "estuary", or "confluence". Thus, the name "Kuala Terengganu" is roughly translated as "the confluence/estuary of Terengganu", referring to the broad expanse of the Terengganu River estuary which empties into the South China Sea. There are several theories regarding the name "Terengganu". One such theory attributes the name's origin to "terang ganu", Malay for 'bright rainbow'. Another story, which is considered to be the most popular version, is said to have been originally narrated by the ninth Sultan of Terengganu, Baginda Omar. It tells of a party of hunters from Pahang roving and hunting in the area of what is now southern Terengganu. One of the hunters spotted a big animal fang lying on the ground. A fellow party member asked to which animal did the fang belong. The hunter, not knowing which animal, simply answered "taring anu" (Malay: 'fang of something'). The party later returned to Pahang with a rich hoard of game, fur and sandalwood, which impressed their neighbours. They asked the hunters where did they source their riches, to which they replied, from the land of "taring anu", which later evolved into Terengganu. History. Among the earliest references of Terengganu are in Chinese historical sources. A Chinese writer's note during the Sui dynasty has mentioned about a state named "Tan-Tan" that sent tributes to China. The state was presumably located somewhere in Terengganu. Tan-Tan sent tributes to Sui dynasty and then to the Tang dynasty after Sui dynasty has collapsed. It ceased to send tributes to China after it came under the dominance of the Srivijaya during the 7th century. Chinese history books such as "Lingwai Daida" written by Zhou Qufei (周去非) in 1178 and the book "Zhu fan zhi" (also romanised as Chu-fanchi) written by Zhao Rugua (趙汝适; also romanised as Chau Ju-Kua) in 1226 mentioned "Teng-ya-nu" and "Teng-ya-nung" respectively, as being a vassal state of "San-fo-ts’i" (三佛齊), which is thought to be Srivijaya. After Srivijaya fell during the 13th century, Terengganu came under the influence of Majapahit. In the 15th century, Majapahit was vying with Ayutthaya Kingdom and the nascent Malacca Sultanate for the control of the Malay Peninsula. Malacca Sultanate prevailed and Terengganu then came under its influence. When the Malacca Sultanate fell in 1511 to the Portuguese, the newly established Sultanate of Johor exerted its influence on most of the former territories of the Malacca Sultanate, including Terengganu. Terengganu was briefly under the influence of the Aceh Sultanate during the early 17th century, but Johor managed to exert its influence again on Terengganu in the late 17th century. The present Sultanate of Terengganu was established in the 1708. The first Sultan of Terengganu, Sultan Zainal Abidin I established his court near Kuala Berang, then he moved his court a few more times until he settled near Bukit Keledang, Kuala Terengganu. During the early 18th century, Kuala Terengganu was still a small town. It was described as having about one thousand houses that were scattered around the town. The Chinese were already present in Kuala Terengganu at that time. Half of the population were Chinese and they were engaged in agriculture and trading. After the death of Sultan Daud in 1831, a brief civil war erupted between two claimants to the throne, namely Tengku Mansur and Tengku Omar. Tengku Omar was based at Bukit Puteri while Tengku Mansur was based at Balik Bukit. Tengku Omar was defeated by Tengku Mansur and he fled from Terengganu. Tengku Mansur became the next Sultan as Sultan Mansur II. His son, Sultan Muhammad succeeded him as the next Sultan after his death in 1837. However, in 1839, Tengku Omar returned to Terengganu with his entourage to reclaim the throne. He defeated Sultan Muhammad and forced Sultan Muhammad to flee. Tengku Omar reoccupied his fort at Bukit Puteri and was throned as the next Sultan, Sultan Omar. In 1862, ex-Sultan of Riau-Lingga, Sultan Mahmud IV Muzaffar Shah went to Terengganu from Bangkok on a Siamese vessel. The British requested that the ex-Sultan to be withdrawn because the British accused the ex-Sultan and also the Sultan of Terengganu, Sultan Omar of supporting Wan Ahmad. Wan Ahmad had constantly attacked Pahang using Kemaman as his base and British trade there were disrupted by the constant attacks. The Siamese agreed to British request, but they have yet to follow through with their agreement. The Strait Settlements Governor, Sir Orfeur Cavenagh sent three ships, HMS Scout, HMS Coquette and a steamer Tonze to Kuala Terengganu, under the command of Captain Corbett, accompanied by Major MacPherson. They were sent with orders to compel the ex-Sultan of Riau-Lingga to be sent back by the British to Siam, and to call upon the Sultan to cease supporting Wan Ahmad. After the Sultan of Terengganu declined to surrender the ex-Sultan to the British, the ships bombarded Kuala Terengganu. The Sultan of Terengganu and the ex-Sultan had fled Kuala Terengganu during the bombardment. The ships then returned to Singapore. Kuala Terengganu was ravaged by a fire in 1882. The fire that swept through Kuala Terengganu destroyed many buildings, including Green Palace (Istana Hijau), the Sultan's palace. Maziah Palace (Istana Maziah) was later built to replace the destroyed palace. Kuala Terengganu continued to be Terengganu's capital when it was still a vassal state of Siam and during the early years of British colonisation of Malaya. Terengganu fell under the administration of Britain through the Bangkok Treaty of 1909 and was forced to accept a resident "British advisor". Terengganu, along with four other states were grouped under the term of Unfederated Malay States. British maintained its rule on Terengganu until the Japanese occupation in World War II. On 18 October 1943, Terengganu was annexed by Thailand as part of an agreement with the Japanese. After the war, the British regained control of Terengganu. In 1957, Malaya achieved its independence, and subsequently in 1963, Malaya, North Borneo (now the state of Sabah), Sarawak, and Singapore merge to form Malaysia. On 18 January 1979, Kuala Terengganu Municipal Council was established to oversee the development of the town. The Municipal Council was upgraded to Kuala Terengganu City Council on 1 January 2008. Governance. The city is administered by Kuala Terengganu City Council, which covers the whole area of Kuala Terengganu district. The district's location at the estuary of Terengganu River divided the district into two parts, "Kuala Terengganu Utara" (North Kuala Terengganu), now known as Kuala Nerus, and "Kuala Terengganu Selatan" (South Kuala Terengganu), which is considered to be Kuala Terengganu proper. As the capital, the city is vital to the political and economic welfare of the state. It is the centre for the state and federal government agencies administration buildings, housing the offices of many ministries' departments and governmental bodies, such as the Immigration and Customs Department, State Economic Planning Unit, Pos Malaysia Kuala Terengganu General Post Office, Terengganu State Library, and many others. As the administrative capital of Terengganu, the Legislative Assembly convenes at Wisma Darul Iman, the state secretariat building. Kuala Terengganu is also the royal capital of the state, being the site of the Sultan's many palaces, for example Istana Badariah and Istana Maziah. The Election Commission of Malaysia has divided Kuala Terengganu into four state assembly districts, which are: Kuala Terengganu was first designated as a local government area in 1928 through "the Municipal and Health Enactment 1928". At this time, the area only covered a small part of the current city border, specifically the historic core around the river mouth. The area, nevertheless, was enlarged slowly. In 1950, the town was administrated by Kuala Terengganu Town Board under section 51(1), "the Local Authority Election Ordinance 1950". Like many other town boards at that time, the process of town planning was carried out according to "the Town Board Enactment 1930". Until 1979, the town continued to be managed by Kuala Terengganu Town Board that governed an area of 5.4 square miles (1,398.6 hectares), with a population of around 53,300 people. Kuala Terengganu Municipal Council (MPKT) was established due to the development that spilled over to the areas outside the jurisdiction of the former Town Board. MPKT was established on 18 January 1979 under the enforcement of "the Local Government Act 1976". MPKT was created through the amalgamation of Kuala Terengganu Town Board and four local councils (North KT, South KT, West KT, and Central KT) with an area of 18,712 hectares covering 21 "mukim" or sub-districts, including some parts of Northern Kuala Terengganu. On 1 January 1985, the sub-districts of Bukit Palos and Alor Limbat were removed from the council and placed under the administration of Marang District Council. With these changes, the area under the council's administration was reduced to 16,806 hectares. On 16 December 1996, Kuala Terengganu Municipal Council was extended to cover the entire area of Kuala Terengganu district back then, including the resort island, Redang Island. With that, the number of the sub-districts increased to 23 while the area increased dramatically to 60,528 hectares. On 1 January 2008, a declaration was made by the state government and Kuala Terengganu became the first city on the East Coast region of Peninsular Malaysia to achieve city status. Kuala Terengganu Municipal Council changed its name to Kuala Terengganu City Council (MBKT) to reflect the change of its status. On 18 September 2014, the northern part of Kuala Terengganu (formerly called as Northern Kuala Terengganu) was declared as the state's newest district with the name of Kuala Nerus. This however does not mean a creation of a new local government area as Kuala Nerus is still under the jurisdiction of MBKT. As the local council for the districts of Kuala Terengganu and Kuala Nerus, and an agency under the Terengganu state government, MBKT is responsible for public health and sanitation, waste removal and management, town planning and beautification, environmental protection and building control, social, economic and tourism development, and general maintenance and constructions of urban infrastructure. The MBKT main headquarters is located at Menara Permint in Jalan Sultan Ismail. There are two districts that are administered by MBKT. They are Kuala Terengganu and Kuala Nerus. Kuala Nerus was formerly a part of Kuala Terengganu district, but on 18 September 2014, the Malaysian Prime Minister, Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak declared this northern part of Kuala Terengganu district as the eighth and newest district in Terengganu state. With a population or over 200,000 and a size of 39,890 hectares, it comprises a substantial part of the former larger Kuala Terengganu district. Significant development in the areas of higher education and housing projects have occurred there in contemporary times. The main population centres of Kuala Nerus include Manir and Batu Rakit. Among major education institutions located in this district are Universiti Malaysia Terengganu, Universiti Sultan Zainal Abidin, The Institute of Teacher Education Dato Razali Ismail Campus and an industrial training institute. The Universiti Sultan Zainal Abidin (UniSZA) Teaching Hospital is now under construction, thus providing this district with a new establishment. The Sultan Mahmud Airport is located within the district, as is the multipurpose Sultan Mizan Zainal Abidin Stadium. Although Kuala Nerus and Kuala Terengganu are now two districts on their own, since both of them are under the administration of the same local government, this makes MBKT among the few local governments in Malaysia to manage two different districts e.g. Alor Setar, Penang Island and Seberang Perai. Geography. The eastern part of Terengganu district that faces the South China Sea is characterised by sandy coastal beaches that cover the entire stretch of both parts. Small bays and coastal plains can be found. The district is divided into four major drainage basins: Terengganu River basin, Nerus River basin, Ibai River basin, and other small rivers basin. Certain parts of the rivers of Kuala Terengganu are lined with swamp forests. Hills between 200 and 600 metres mostly dominate the western part of the district, with more than 70% of the district made up of lowlands less than 20 metres high because of its geographical proximity to the coast. The city itself has a few high points with the highest being Bukit Besar, followed by Bukit Kecil. Bukit Puteri is centrally located in the city, just near the Terengganu River estuary. The lowlands provide the district with suitable areas for plantations such as paddy, palm oil trees, and rubber trees. Climate. As a part of Terengganu, Kuala Terengganu has a tropical rainforest climate under the Köppen climate classification (Af) with constant temperature and high humidity. The amount of rainfall varies according to the monsoon season. It is generally fairly hot and humid all year round, averaging from 28 °C to 30 °C in daytime and slightly cooler after dusk. Nevertheless, the sea breeze from South China Sea hsomehow moderates the humidity in offshore areas while the altitude and lush forest trees and plant has cooled the mountain and rural areas. There are two main types of monsoons in the state. The southwest monsoon season is usually established in the later half of May or early June and ends in September. The prevailing wind flow is generally southwesterly and light, below 15 knots. The northeast monsoon season usually starts in early November and ends in March. During this season, steady easterly or northeasterly winds of 10 to 20 knots prevail. The winds over the east coast states of Peninsular Malaysia may reach 30 knots or more during periods of strong surges of cold air from the north (cold surges). The annual rainfall of this area is 2,911 millimetres. During the northeast monsoon season, Kuala Terengganu, being exposed to the coast, receives heavy rainfall. It is not advised to visit any of the offshore islands or participating in sea activities as the sea can be very rough. However, in some clear sunny days during the monsoon season, surprisingly east coast is always presented with clear blue sky and cooling wind. Demographics. Ethnicity and religion. In the 19th century, Thomas John Newbold, an English soldier working for the East India Company, estimated the population of Kuala Terengganu to be around 15,000 to 20,000 Malays with 600 Chinese, but it was presumably an overestimation. There were few brick buildings in the town. The principal brick buildings were a mosque and a custom house. Most of the houses were made of wood and thatch. The Chinese settlement in Kuala Terengganu, Kampung Cina, had become an old and established settlement. Most of the houses and shops in Kampung Cina were made of stone and brick. There were also a considerable number of Arabs and their descendant in Kuala Terengganu. According to The Malaysian Census 2010, Kuala Terengganu has a population of 406,317. The city population mainly consists of Malays with a population of 319,813. Chinese residents are the second biggest ethnic (11,617). Other residents include non-Malaysian citizens (4,326), other Bumiputras (643), Indians (867) and others (287). The same census shows that the population of Kuala Terengganu by religion is 96.9% Muslim, 2.5% Buddhist, 0.2% Hindu, 0.2% Christian, and 0.2% follower of other religions, Sikhs or non-religious. All Malays are Muslim. The Chinese of Kuala Terengganu are made up of Hokkien and they practised either Buddhism, Taoism or Christianity. A small number of Hindus and Sikhs also exist. Languages. Terengganu Malay is the most widely spoken and main lingua franca in the city and is spoken by the Malays in Kuala Terengganu. Some Malays also speak Kelantanese, especially those who came from Besut, northern Setiu and Kelantan. The Chinese mostly use Hokkien with some using Teochew and Mandarin. Most Indians in Kuala Terengganu speak Tamil and few Punjabi as well. Standard Malay and English are widely spoken and understood. Economy. Kuala Terengganu was a major fishing port and one of the important trading ports in Malaya. The chief export commodities were coffee, gambier, gold, ivory, pepper and tin. They were mainly traded for rice, tobacco, cotton goods and opium. The economic sector in Kuala Terengganu is mostly made up of small-scale manufacturing industries such as the traditional textile making, local food industries, arts and craft factories, and agriculture, with most of them centred around residential areas or villages. There are two main industrial estates catered to bigger industries, one in Chendering and the other one in Gong Badak. Factories such as those that produce bricks or timber products are located further away from the main city areas. As the principal gateway for tourists to the state, tourism remains as one of economic source for Kuala Terengganu. Public facilities and infrastructure. Transportation. Public transport. Transport facilities that are available in Kuala Terengganu include the taxicab and Kuala Terengganu Bus Terminal where the local bus services and interstate coaches to all major cities and towns in Peninsular Malaysia and Singapore operate. There is a limited service tourist bus that plies back and forth to tourist areas such as the Nor Arfa batik outlet south of the city, and the jetty for ferries to the island resorts at Redang and Perhentian islands. Kuala Terengganu has its own special bus service known as "Bas Bandar" or Town Bus, operated by the state-owned firm "Cas Ligas Sdn. Bhd." The buses have the characteristics of a traditional old Malay house through the unique roof design to reflect the state cultural identity. The buses cover three lines in and out of the city. A token fare of MYR1 should be paid for each ride. There are also trishaw services although this service is dying fast and is not as extensive as the ones in the states of Malacca and Penang. In Kuala Terengganu, pedestrian-pulled rickshaws were gradually replaced by trishaws (beca in Malay). Trishaws were ubiquitous up to the 1970s in cities. Since then, rapid urbanisation has increased demand for more efficient public transport, resulting in dwindling trishaw numbers. Today, trishaws are operated mostly as a tourist attraction in Kuala Terengganu. The city's only taxi rank stands nearby to the city's bus terminal. As with the rest of Terengganu, Keretapi Tanah Melayu (KTM) does not serve Kuala Terengganu. Nevertheless, this is about to change as the East Coast Rail Link (ECRL) project, has commenced and is slated to connect Kuala Terengganu with Tumpat and Kota Bharu in Kelantan, Kuantan in Pahang, and Gombak in Kuala Lumpur by 2024. Kuala Terengganu is also the first city in the East Coast to have a public bicycle-sharing system. This service is provided the Singaporean operator, oBike. Like all other cities with oBike, the system has no docking stations. Instead the bikes have a built-in Bluetooth lock and can therefore be left anywhere at the end of a journey. Users use a smartphone app to locate and hire bikes. Land. The Sultan Mahmud Bridge, a three-kilometre bridge over the Terengganu River, provides the main road link between the two banks of the river (connecting Kuala Nerus to Kuala Terengganu) and Duyong Island. Two other bridges that straddles the river to connect both sides of the city are Manir Bridge and Pulau Sekati Bridge. A new fourth bridge, Kuala Terengganu Drawbridge, was completed in mid-2019 and fully opened for traffic in August. The bascule bridge, which is the first of its kind in Southeast Asia, spans 638 metres and has four 15-storey towers with skybridges. It connects the city centre with Seberang Takir via Muara Utara, a reclaimed land slated for future developments. The city and suburbs are relatively easy to negotiate by car. Kuala Terengganu is connected to other towns via a good network of roads that are accessible from many major towns and cities in Peninsula Malaysia. The East Coast Expressway (LPT) E8, which starts from Gombak until Kuala Terengganu, has shorten the time for travellers to drive from the West Coast of Peninsular Malaysia. It takes four hours to drive from Kuala Lumpur to reach the city via the LPT. Visitors can also drive to Kuala Terengganu by using the Federal Route 3 from Kuantan (besides using the LPT), Kota Bharu, and Johor Bahru that offers a more scenic view of the coastline and villages. From the north of the peninsula, Kuala Terengganu is reachable via East-West Highway 4 and Second East–West Highway 185. Air. The nearest airport which serve the city is the Sultan Mahmud Airport (IATA: TGG, ICAO: WMKN) serving domestic and international routes located in the neighboring Kuala Nerus District. The airlines serving this airport are Malaysia Airlines, Firefly, AirAsia, and Malindo Air. Until December 2014, the airport was connected by 5 cities which operated daily and weekly flights from/to Kuala Lumpur–International, Kuala Lumpur-Subang, Medan, Miri, and Singapore. Malaysia Airlines also brings passengers to Mecca via Jeddah and Medina during the hajj season. In 2013, the airport handled 699,310 passengers with 11,402 aircraft movements. The terminal was designed to handle 2 million passengers every year. Water. The city also has water transportation that ply the Terengganu River. The lifeline between the north and south parts of the city are the water taxis more popularly known as "bot penambang". Bot penambang are engined, roofed wooden boats made to carry passengers from Seberang Takir Jetty and Pulau Duyong Kecil Jetty to Kuala Terengganu Jetty. It is the easiest and shortest way to get to the city. There are also ferry services to the resort island of Redang and other small islands, although these services are mainly carried out by modern express ferries. The ferries dock at Syahbandar Jetty, just in front of the General Post Office. Banking services. The Malaysian central bank, Bank Negara Malaysia maintains its east coast branch in Kuala Terengganu. Major Malaysian commercial banks also have their branches here. This includes Maybank, CIMB Bank, AmBank, Public Bank, RHB Bank, and Hong Leong Bank. Many of these banks have their main offices near to one another at Jalan Sultan Ismail and the adjacent areas. Courts of law and legal enforcement. All types of courts in Kuala Terengganu can be found in Jalan Sultan Mohamad. The High Court, Sessions Court, and the Magistrate Court are housed under one building complex. Another type of court, the Syariah Court is situated not far from the Terengganu Courts Complex. The headquarters of the Royal Malaysia Police's Terengganu Police Contingent and the Kuala Terengganu District Police Contingent are at Jalan Sultan Omar. Other small police stations are located in and around the two districts that make up the city. There is no prison complex in the district, but temporary lock-up cells are to be found in most police stations here. The main fire station is at Jalan Kemajuan, near Bukit Kecil. This is the biggest fire station in Kuala Terengganu. Another fire station is located just beside Pasar Payang in the city centre. The headquarters of the Malaysian Civil Defence Department, the civil defence services agency in Malaysia, is at Jalan Lapangan Terbang, near to Terengganu Sports Complex. The 18th Battalion of the Royal Malay Regiment of the Malaysian Army has its camp in the northern part of the district at Kem Sri Pantai in Seberang Takir, near to the airport and Teluk Ketapang Beach. The camp is currently undergoing restoration and upgrading processes. Healthcare. Unlike other major cities, Kuala Terengganu does not have a lot of hospitals. The main hospital is Sultanah Nur Zahirah Hospital (HSNZ), formerly known as Kuala Terengganu General Hospital, the largest hospital in the state with 821 beds. This is a public government hospital that began to provide its services during the 1920s. Kuala Terengganu Specialist Hospital is the first and largest private hospital in the state, operating since September 2006. Another private hospital that operates in the city is SALAM Specialist Hospital. There are other types of clinics such as private and public health clinics, village clinics, and 1Malaysia clinics operating in the district. Religious institutions. There are no shortages of mosques or Muslim prayer buildings, the most famous among these religious buildings and are considered as tourist attractions are Abidin Mosque and Tengku Tengah Zaharah Mosque. There are two Chinese temples, Ho Ann Kiong Temple and Tian Hou Gong Temple nearby Chinatown. Two Presbyterian churches, the largest being Jalan Air Jerneh Presbyterian Church and another one in Chinatown, and an Anglican church known as St Andrew's Church can also be found in the city. For Hindu adherents, there is temple that is known as Sri Kali Yuga Durga Lakshmi Aman Temple, located in Jalan Cherong Lanjut. Education. Kuala Terengganu is the centre of tertiary education in the state. There are two public universities here, and they are Universiti Sultan Zainal Abidin (with two of its three campuses in Kuala Terengganu City Council area) and Universiti Teknologi MARA Chendering campus. Other tertiary education institutes include Insitut Teknologi Petronas, Kuala Terengganu Community College, Politeknik Kuala Terengganu, and others. There is one institute of teacher education in Kuala Terengganu, that is Institut Pendidikan Guru Kampus Dato' Razali Ismail. Similar to other Malaysian schools, non-tertiary education in the city is divided into four levels: pre-school, primary, secondary (lower and upper) and post-secondary. There are 81 primary schools and 34 secondary schools in Kuala Terengganu. Among the examples of secondary schools are KOSPINT, SMK Chung Hwa Wei Sin, Sekolah Berasrama Penuh Integrasi Batu Rakit, Sekolah Menengah Imtiaz Kuala Nerus, SMKA Sheikh Abdul Malek, SMKA Dato Haji Abbas, Sekolah Menengah Sains Sultan Mahmud, and SMK Sultan Sulaiman. Libraries. The Terengganu State Library is located at Jalan Kemajuan, near the southern end of Sultan Mahmud Bridge, and is the largest library of the state. As a major public library of Terengganu, it is the main information resource centre and provides information services for the users from all sectors and ages. Other libraries or private libraries can be found in schools, colleges, or universities. Other than the state library, smaller village libraries are also available in Seberang Takir, Mengabang Telipot, Tepuh, and Atas Tol. Tourism and culture. Attractions and recreation spots. Historical. The Terengganu State Museum is located in Kampung Losong. It is acclaimed to be one of the largest museum complexes in Malaysia and South East Asia with an area of 27 hectares. The architecture is based on the traditional Terengganu Malay house known as "rumah tele". It has eight different galleries and other open air exhibits such as Petronas Gallery, Maritime Gallery, Islam Gallery, exhibits of traditional Terengganuese houses, and many others. The museum is also the home of the Terengganu Inscription Stone, the oldest artefact with Jawi writing in this country. Near the museum is the Islamic Heritage Park (Malay: Taman Tamadun Islam). This park is an educational entertainment park that showcases various replicas of famous mosque from all over the world. Among the replicas are Al-Masjid al-Haram, Qol Sharif Mosque, and Masjid Negara. The Crystal Mosque is also located here. Boat cruise services along Terengganu River are also provided for the visitors. A small hill known as Bukit Puteri can be found nearby to Pasar Payang. The hill is located near the banks of Terengganu River and because of its strategic location, it was used as a fortification by the sultans of the state. Old artefacts, a graveyard, and monuments can be found on top of the hill. During the Islamic holy month of Ramadan, a century-old brass bell known as "genta" will be rung to signify that it is time for iftar, or the end of the fasting on that day. Cultural. The Chinatown of Kuala Terengganu (Malay: Kampung Cina, Simplified Chinese: 唐人坡, local pronunciation: Teng-lang-po) is one of the main tourist attractions. This settlement is a row of shophouses from the prewar era, with some of them dating back from the 1700s. Most of the houses are 2 stories high, mainly made of bricks or concrete, with wooden flooring for the second storey. Some have kept the intricate wood carving windows, huge heavy wooden front doors, and olden plaques. The centuries-old buildings now consists of sundry shops, local coffee shops, offices, souvenir shops, restaurants, kopitiam, and other services. It is home to two Chinese temples, Ho Ann Kiong and Tien Hou Kong, which was built in 1801 and 1896. Another landmark is the 19th-century Low Tiey water well, erected in 1875. After years and years, it still supplies clean water to Chinatown's residents. Many of the buildings here have undergone restoration or beautification programmes to make them more appealing, but without destroying the heritage value. The recent attractions in Kampung China are its back alleys, many of which are transformed into thematic lanes containing various information, decorations and murals. Pasar Besar Kedai Payang or Central Market (more commonly known as Pasar Payang) is the main market of the city. This double-storey building houses different kinds of goods, ranging from fresh produce, poultry, sea products, traditional delicacies, home products, clothes, and handicrafts such as batik, songket, and brass ware. Pulau Duyong is a river island located at the Terengganu River estuary. It is popularly known for its traditional boat making activities. Pulau Duyong also contains a historical monument known as "Kota Lama Duyong" (Duyong Old Fort). It is a traditional Malay house built with local and European elements. Leisure. Kuala Terengganu has various places for recreation. Amongst the most prominent one is Batu Buruk Beach, located not far from the city centre. The beach has many amenities and facilities for the visitors. They can go for many activities at the beach such as horse riding, horse carriage rides and kite flying. However, visitors are not recommended to swim in the waters there because of strong waves. Taman Shahbandar is another recreation place in Kuala Terengganu, located by the Terengganu River estuary. This park is close to other attractions in Kuala Terengganu such as Pasar Payang, Bukit Puteri and Istana Maziah. Other recreational places in Kuala Terengganu are: Other sights. The Abidin Mosque is Kuala Terengganu's old state royal mosque built by Sultan Zainal Abidin II between 1793 and 1808. It is popularly known as "Masjid Putih" (White Mosque). The mosque is also the location of the Royal Mausoleum. Seberang Takir is a fishing village situated on the northern bank of Terengganu River estuary and can be easily reached by using the "bot penambang" from Kuala Terengganu jetty. Here, visitors can see for themselves many cottage industries such as the producing of "keropok lekor" (a local fish cracker), batik printing, and drying salted fish, and the making of "belacan" (shrimp paste). Food. "Keropok lekor" (especially keropok lekor "Losong"), a local delicacy made from fish and other traditional dishes such as nasi dagang, laksam, laksa Terengganu, otak-otak, sata, pulut lepa, ketupat sotong, and roti paun can be found in the city. In the area of Kampung Cina, Peranakan Chinese cuisine that combines Malay and Chinese cooking styles and other traditional Chinese dishes are available. Media. Television and radio. Kuala Terengganu receives almost all of Malaysian terrestrial television channels. Among the terrestrial television stations that the city receives are TV1, TV2, TV3, NTV7, TV9, and TV Alhijrah. Most radio stations in Malaysia are also available here. The state's radio station, Terengganu FM, the Terengganu feed of the national private radio station, Hot FM Teganu, and first private radio station in the East Coast region, Manis FM, are also operated from this city. Newspapers. Among the major Malaysian newspapers available in Kuala Terengganu are: Local newspaper companies also exist. The most widely circulated is Sinar Harian, which provides regional and local news based on its regional editions. Sports. There are two main stadiums, Sultan Ismail Nasiruddin Shah Stadium at the city centre, and Sultan Mizan Zainal Abidin Stadium located at Terengganu Sports Complex, Gong Badak. Both stadiums are the homes of the state's two football teams, Terengganu FA, and T-Team FC. The sports complex was purposely built for the 2008 Malaysian Games (Malay: Sukan Malaysia or "SUKMA"). Besides the main stadium, the sports complex also contains other facilities such as the Indoor Stadium, football fields, a rugby field, a lawn bowls field, a hockey pitch, and bowling lanes. A sport school to search for new generation athletes is being built to make full use of the facilities provided. Other venues catered for sports in Terengganu are, among others, Kuala Terengganu Aquatic Centre, Kuala Terengganu Hockey Stadium (the home ground for Terengganu Hockey Team), Kuala Terengganu Tennis Courts, and Kuala Terengganu Lawn Bowls Fields. There are three golf courses in Kuala Terengganu, namely the Royal Terengganu Golf Club in Batu Buruk, Ibai Golf & Country Resort in Kuala Ibai, and Kuala Terengganu Golf Resort in Tok Jembal. Kuala Terengganu has hosted several sporting events such as the 2008 Malaysian Games, the Annual Sultan Mahmud Bridge International Run, The Monsoon Cup (a part of Alpari World Match Racing Tour), The International Beach Sports Carnival, the finals for National Badminton Circuit Competition, and staged the ending and starting points for Le Tour de Langkawi cycling race. Besides that, other international events that the city also hosted included 2017 AFC Beach Soccer Championship at Batu Buruk Beach and the 2017 ITF Terengganu International Junior Championship, held at Padang Hiliran Tennis Stadium. International relations. Kazakhstan has set up its honorary consulate in Kuala Terengganu. Sister cities. Kuala Terengganu currently has one sister city:

cloudless bluish heavens

5967-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=14834924

The Dr. Fox effect is a correlation observed between teacher expressiveness, content coverage, student evaluation and student achievement. This effect also allows insight to other related effects, such as those discussed below, and relationships between student achievement and evaluations of the teacher. Experiment. The original experiment was performed at the University of Southern California School of Medicine in 1970 in which two speakers gave lectures to a classroom of MDs and PhDs (psychiatrists and psychologists) on an irrelevant topic. The topic, "Mathematical Game Theory as Applied to Physician Education", was chosen to eliminate any chances the students being lectured would know something about the actual subject. Students were divided into two separate classrooms; one classroom would be lectured by an actual scientist and the other by an actor, Michael Fox, who was given the identity "Dr. Myron L. Fox", a graduate of Albert Einstein College of Medicine. In the first half of the study the actor was instructed to teach his material in a more monotoned and inexpressive voice. This lecture was then compared to the control lecture by the scientist. After the lectures, the students were tested on the information they had learned. The students who attended the lecture taught by the scientist learned more about the material and performed better on the examination. However, when both the actor and the scientist presented their material in an engaging, expressive, and enthusiastic manner, the students rated Dr. Fox just as positively as the genuine professor. This lack of correlation between content-coverage and ratings resulting from conditions of strong expressiveness became known as "the Dr. Fox effect". In a critique of student evaluations of teaching, professor of law Deborah Merritt summarized the Dr. Fox effect as it was observed in the first experiments: "The experimenters created a meaningless lecture and coached the actor to deliver it 'with an excessive use of double talk, neologisms, non sequiturs, and contradictory statements.' At the same time, the researchers encouraged the actor to adopt a lively demeanor, convey warmth toward his audience, and intersperse his nonsensical comments with humor. The actor fooled not just one, but three separate audiences of professional and graduate students. Despite the emptiness of his lecture, fifty-five psychiatrists, psychologists, educators, graduate students, and other professionals produced evaluations of Dr. Fox that were overwhelmingly positive. The disturbing feature of the Dr. Fox study, as the experimenters noted, is that Fox's nonverbal behaviors so completely masked a meaningless, jargon-filled, and confused presentation." A 1980 study found that prestige of research could even be increased by a confounding writing style, with research competency being correlated positively to reading difficulty. Anecdotal evidence has since been reported by researchers. Subsequent research. Study of Air Force Academy. In this study, students were assigned randomly to professors so that the results would not be skewed by better students enrolling with better professors. These professors were then given all the same syllabi, curriculum levels, and final examinations so the difficulty was even for all groups. There was also a follow-up course given to the students to test the value of fundamental learning that the students received. These professors taught introductory calculus to a group of more than 10,000 students to achieve the proper information. When the evaluations were processed, the professors who were less experienced and less qualified had the best evaluations and best performances on the final examination. However the students who attended the examinations given by the more qualified and experienced professors did best on the follow-up examination. This created speculation that the professors who were more experienced taught the material in a more general manner to produce a more fundamental understanding. This became obvious as a result of the follow-up examinations. The results showed that the professors who instilled a more fundamental meaning of the material appeared worse on the initial examination and evaluations, but eventually obtained better academic results. This finding renders questionable the validity of student evaluations. Eyal Peer and Elisha Babad. Criticisms of the original study include the experiment's lack of a control group, the use of a "Yes/No" scale, and lack of measurement evaluating learning among the participants. In a recent study published in the "Journal of Educational Psychology", researchers Eyal Peer of Carnegie Mellon University and Elisha Babad of Hebrew University of Jerusalem recreated the original 1973 study taking these criticisms into consideration. Through their research, they found that the Dr. Fox effect was still present despite the manipulations they added. Manipulations included the use of a more in-depth questionnaire, removal of the first thirty seconds of video describing the credentials of the lecturer, and a warning at the beginning of the questionnaire to ensure that participants responded honestly. However, the researchers found that although the students with a charismatic teacher enjoyed the lecture more, they reported that they had not actually learned anything new. This is in contrast to the original study, which argued that people attending the lecture actually believed they were learning new material. From their research they were able to reason that an enthusiastic speaker may entertain an audience, but much more is required to be a successful teacher. Halo effect. The Halo effect shares similar qualities to those of the Dr. Fox effect in relation to student evaluations of teachers. The halo effect is a cognitive bias in which our general impression of a person influences how we feel and think about his or her character. For example, attractive-looking people create a halo effect in which we perceive them as kind, smart or successful, but it may not be true because their attractive appearance interferes with our judgment of their performance capabilities. In one study examining halo effect on student evaluation, there was a better rating for teachers who provided more nonverbal immediacy, but the study also found out that a better evaluation of teachers was related to a greater halo effect. In the Dr. Fox effect study, a similar effect was found when Dr. Fox presented the lecture in an expressive manner. Effects of instructor characteristics on student evaluations. From the experiment of Dr. Fox effect, the expressiveness of a teacher when delivering lecture material can affect student evaluation of the teacher. Other than that, individual differences among teachers such as personality, popularity, lecture fluency, non verbal behavior, and attractiveness can also affect student evaluation of teachers. Personality. Instructor personality is one factor that has been shown to affect course evaluations. For example, in one study examining the big five personality dimensions, teachers who were perceived to be more extroverted, open, agreeable, and conscientious were evaluated more favorably, whereas teachers who were perceived to be more neurotic were evaluated less favorably. Further, Murray and colleagues suggested that the effects of instructor personality on student evaluations of instructor vary across the type of course. Although some traits, like a teacher's leadership, consistently predicted course evaluations, other traits varied across type of course. For example, a teacher's sociability positively predicted course evaluations in introductory psychology courses, but not graduate psychology courses, whereas the ambition of an instructor showed the opposite relationship – predicting evaluations of graduate, but not introductory psychology courses. Charisma. The charisma or popularity of a teacher might also be a factor that contributes to teacher effectiveness and teaching quality. In one study that examined the assessment of charisma as a factor in effective teaching, charismatic teachers tended to receive good student evaluation and were also perceived as being more funny, helpful, encouraging, knowledgeable, sympathetic and other traits that are considered charismatic. Besides that, the study of Yun-Chen Huang and Shu-Hui Lin shows that different teaching methods can also increase the charisma rating of a teacher. For example, teachers that are perceived to be more charismatic offer explanations, answer questions by students, vary their teaching methods, and are also interested in and express concern for their students and their learning progress. Charisma of teachers is becoming more recognized recently with the introduction of an instrument to measure charisma, called "Inventory of Teaching Charisma in the College Classroom" (ICCT). Lecture fluency. The fluency of a lecturer when delivering teaching materials can contribute to the effectiveness of student evaluation of a teacher. According to the study of Shana K. Carpenter and colleague that examine the effect of lecture fluency on learning perception, a lecture that is considered to be fluent suggested that the teacher stood upright and straight, maintained eye contact, and spoke fluidly without notes whereas reasons for considering a lecture disfluent include teachers that are slumped and stand with a bent back, look away, and speak haltingly with notes. Furthermore, the study also shows that fluent teachers that are prepared and well organized will receive better ratings than a disfluent teacher that is unprepared and disorganized in student evaluations of the teacher. Although the same study of lecture fluency on learning perception successfully shows that lecture fluency will increase the student rating of a teacher, further interpretation of the results suggests that lecture fluency biases the students’ perceptions of their own learning because lecture fluency did not actually affect the amount of information learned. Non-verbal behavior. Non verbal behavior or non verbal communication is a series of wordless behavior that is projected by the speaker to the listener. Common examples of non verbal behavior include eye contact, smile, facial expression, distance between speaker and listener and any other wordless behavior that can communicate information between people. According to Virginia P. Richmond on 'Teacher Nonverbal Immediacy', teachers that show more positive nonverbal behavior increase the immediacy between students and also contribute to higher student rating. For instance, teachers with better rating by students were more likely to express non verbal behavior like smiling, walking around, head nodding and touching upper torsos whereas low rating teachers were more likely to touch their head, head shaking rather than nodding, and sitting on a chair. One study by Ambady and Rosenthal shows that subjects were able to form accurate judgement of impression by just watching short video clips of teachers providing non verbal behavior. An example from the study, participants were able to form accurate impressions of the teachers by just watching 10-second, 5-second, and 2-second lengths of short video clips about teachers walking to classrooms. Ambady research provides support that nonverbal behavior has a strong influence on impression formation of teachers. Attire and appearance. The way that teachers present themselves or the attire they wear when teaching lectures can be a factor on student evaluation of teachers. According to Virginia P. Richmond, the attire of a teacher influences the way that students perceive their teacher. For example, teachers are perceived to be more competent, organized, prepared and knowledgeable when they dress formally with a coat and tie but they are also presumed to be not receptive to students' needs and low in student–teacher interaction. However, when teachers dress casually with collar-button shirts and jeans, they are perceived to be more friendly, flexible, fair and open but not so competent. From another study about predicting teacher evaluation from physical appearance, attire and appearance may be a factor influencing the rating by students but the effect will somewhat diminish when other more important and significant information is provided. For instance, the study found out that unattractive voices dilute the effects of attractive faces of teachers. Background of Dr. Fox experiment. Actor. The actor portraying Dr. Fox was given one day to prepare for the lecture and was coached by the authors to present the lecture with "an excessive use of double-talk, neologisms, non sequiturs, and contradicting statements." Motivation. There are previous reports and studies that show that the personality of a teacher/lecturer is one of the most important variables when it comes to evaluating the teacher's effectiveness. Getzels and Jackson, with support from Wallen and Travers, expressed that the personality and patterns of teacher behavior and methods presented represent the main forces for the most significant variable in evaluating the teacher's effectiveness. Goffman explains that the receptivity of the audience is strongly influenced by the person introducing the lecture, the quality of the introduction, and the speaker's involuntary expressive behavior, which becomes a decisive factor in how the audience responds to the conveying information. One study which looked at the student perceptions of educators from 7th to 12th grade and reported that the students regarded “teacher charisma or popularity” as the most important characteristic when rating teachers. If the charisma or popularity of the teachers have such an effect on their effectiveness ratings by junior high and high school students, would the ratings be influenced in the same way with a group of well-trained professional educators in a learning situation? So what the authors were looking to see is that if a sufficiently impressive lecture was given, would it result in an experienced group of educators participating in a new learning situation feeling satisfied that they had learned from the lecture despite irrelevant, conflicting, and meaningless content conveyed by the lecturer.

fundamental way

873-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=1339615

Stopping power is the ability of a weapon – typically a ranged weapon such as a firearm – to cause a target (human or animal) to be incapacitated or immobilized. Stopping power contrasts with lethality in that it pertains only to a weapon's ability to make the target cease action, regardless of whether or not death ultimately occurs. Which ammunition cartridges have the greatest stopping power is a much debated topic. Stopping power is related to the physical properties and terminal behavior of the projectile (bullet, shots or slug), the biology of the target, and the wound location, but the issue is complicated and not easily studied. Although higher-caliber ammunitions usually have greater muzzle energy and momentum and thus traditionally been widely associated with higher stopping power, the physics involved are multifactorial, with caliber, muzzle velocity, bullet mass, bullet shape and bullet material all contributing. Despite much disagreement, the most popular theory of stopping power is that it is usually caused not by the force of the bullet but by the wounding effects of the bullet, which are typically a rapid loss of blood causing a circulatory failure, which leads to impaired motor function and/or unconsciousness. The "Big Hole School" and the principles of penetration and permanent tissue damage are in line with this way of thinking. The other prevailing theories focus more on the energy of the bullet and its effects on the nervous system, including hydrostatic shock and energy transfer, which is similar to kinetic energy deposit. History. The concept of stopping power appeared in the tail end of the 19th century when colonial troops (including American troops in the Philippines during the Moro Rebellion, and British soldiers during the New Zealand Wars) at close quarters found that their pistols were not able to stop charging native tribesmen. This led to the introduction or reintroduction of larger caliber weapons (such as the older .45 Colt and the newly developed .45 ACP) capable of stopping opponents with a single round. During the Seymour Expedition in China, at one of the battles at Langfang, Chinese Boxers, armed with swords and spears, conducted a massed infantry charge against the forces of the Eight-Nation Alliance, who were equipped with rifles. At point-blank range, a British soldier had to fire four .303 Lee-Metford bullets into a Boxer before he stopped charging. U.S. Army officer Bowman McCalla reported that single rifle shots were not enough: multiple rifle shots were needed to halt a Boxer. Only machine guns were effective in immediately stopping the Boxers. In the Moro Rebellion, Moro Muslim Juramentados in suicide attacks continued to charge against American soldiers even after being shot. Panglima Hassan in the Hassan uprising had to be shot dozens of times before he died. This forced the Americans to phase out revolvers with .38 Long Colt caliber ammunition with Colt .45 Colt against the Moros. British troops used expanding bullets during various conflicts in the Northwest Frontier in India, and the Mahdist War in Sudan. The British government voted against a prohibition on their use at the Hague Convention of 1899, although the prohibition only applied to international warfare. In response to addressing stopping power issues, the Mozambique Drill was developed to maximize the likelihood of a target's quick incapacitation. "Manstopper" is an informal term used to refer to any combination of firearm and ammunition that can reliably incapacitate, or "stop", a human target immediately. For example, the .45 ACP round and the .357 Magnum round both have firm reputations as "manstoppers". Historically, one type of ammunition has had the specific tradename "Manstopper". Officially known as the Mk III cartridge, these were made to suit the British Webley .455 service revolver in the early 20th century. The ammunition used a cylindrical bullet with hemispherical depressions at both ends. The front acted as a hollow point deforming on impact while the base opened to seal the round in the barrel. It was introduced in 1898 for use against "savage foes", but fell quickly from favor due to concerns of breaching the Hague Convention's international laws on military ammunition, and was replaced in 1900 by re-issued Mk II pointed-bullet ammunition. Some sporting arms are also referred to as "stoppers" or "stopping rifles". These powerful arms are often used by game hunters (or their guides) for stopping a suddenly charging animal, like a buffalo or an elephant. Dynamics of bullets. A bullet will destroy or damage any tissues which it penetrates, creating a wound channel. It will also cause nearby tissue to stretch and expand as it passes through tissue. These two effects are typically referred to as "permanent cavity" (the track left by the bullet as it penetrates flesh) and "temporary cavity," which, as the name implies, is the temporary (instantaneous) displacement caused as the bullet travels through flesh, and is many times larger than the actual diameter of the bullet. These phenomena are unrelated to low-pressure cavitation in liquids. The degree to which permanent and temporary cavitation occur is dependent on the mass, diameter, material, design and velocity of the bullet. This is because bullets "crush" tissue, and do not cut it. A bullet constructed with a half diameter ogive designed meplat and hard, solid copper alloy material may crush only the tissue directly in front of the bullet. This type of bullet (monolithic-solid rifle bullet) is conducive to causing more temporary cavitation as the tissue flows around the bullet, resulting in a deep and narrow wound channel. A bullet constructed with a two diameter, hollow point ogive designed meplat and low-antimony lead-alloy core with a thin gilding metal jacket material will crush tissue in front and to the sides as the bullet expands. Due to the energy expended in bullet expansion, velocity is lost more quickly. This type of bullet (hollow-point hand gun bullet) is conducive to causing more permanent cavitation as the tissue is crushed and accelerated into other tissues by the bullet, causing a shorter and wider wound channel. The exception to this general rule is non-expanding bullets which are long relative to their diameter. These tend to destabilize and yaw (tumble) soon after impact, increasing both temporary and permanent cavitation. Bullets are constructed to behave in different ways, depending on the intended target. Different bullets are constructed variously to: not expand upon impact, expand upon impact at high velocity, expand upon impact, expand across a broad range of velocities, expand upon impact at low velocity, tumble upon impact, fragment upon impact, or disintegrate upon impact. To control the expansion of a bullet, meplat design and materials are engineered. The meplat designs are: flat; round to pointed depending on the ogive; hollow pointed which can be large in diameter and shallow or narrow in diameter and deep and truncated which is a long narrow punched hole in the end of a monolithic-solid type bullet. The materials used to make bullets are: pure lead; alloyed lead for hardness; gilding metal jacket which is a copper alloy of nickel and zinc to promote higher velocities; pure copper; copper alloy of bronze with tungsten steel alloy inserts to promote weight. Some bullets are constructed by bonding the lead core to the jacket to promote higher weight retention upon impact, causing a larger and deeper wound channel. Some bullets have a web in the center of the bullet to limit the expansion of the bullet while promoting penetration. Some bullets have dual cores to promote penetration. Bullets that might be considered to have stopping power for dangerous large game animals are usually 11.63 mm (.458 caliber) and larger, including 12-gauge shotgun slugs. These bullets are monolithic-solids; full metal jacketed and tungsten steel insert. They are constructed to hold up during close range, high velocity impacts. These bullets are expected to impact and penetrate, and transfer energy to the surrounding tissues and vital organs through the entire length of a game animal's body if need be. The stopping power of firearms when used against humans is a more complex subject, in part because many persons voluntarily cease hostile actions when shot; they either flee, surrender, or fall immediately. This is sometimes referred to as "psychological incapacitation". Physical incapacitation is primarily a matter of shot location; most persons who are shot in the head are immediately incapacitated, and most who are shot in the extremities are not, regardless of the firearm or ammunition involved. Shotguns will usually incapacitate with one shot to the torso, but rifles and especially handguns are less reliable, particularly those which do not meet the FBI's penetration standard, such as .25ACP, .32 S&W, and rimfire models. More powerful handguns may or may not meet the standard, or may even overpenetrate, depending on what ammunition is used. Fully jacketed bullets penetrate deeply without much expansion, while soft or hollow point bullets create a wider, shallower wound channel. Pre-fragmented bullets such as Glaser Safety Slugs and MagSafe ammunition are designed to fragment into birdshot on impact with the target. This fragmentation is intended to create more trauma to the target, and also to reduce collateral damage caused from ricocheting or overpenetrating of the target and the surrounding environments such as walls. Fragmenting rounds have been shown to be unlikely to obtain deep penetration necessary to disrupt vital organs located at the back of a hostile human. Wounding effects. Physical. Permanent and temporary cavitation cause very different biological effects. A hole through the heart will cause loss of pumping efficiency, loss of blood, and eventual cardiac arrest. A hole through the liver or lung will be similar, with the lung shot having the added effect of reducing blood oxygenation; these effects however are generally slower to arise than damage to the heart. A hole through the brain can cause instant unconsciousness and will likely kill the recipient. A hole through the spinal cord will instantly interrupt the nerve signals to and from some or all extremities, disabling the target and in many cases also resulting in death (as the nerve signals to and from the heart and lungs are interrupted by a shot high in the chest or to the neck). By contrast, a hole through an arm or leg which hits only muscle will cause a great deal of pain but is unlikely to be fatal, unless one of the large blood vessels (femoral or brachial arteries, for example) is also severed in the process. The effects of temporary cavitation are less well understood, due to a lack of a test material identical to living tissue. Studies on the effects of bullets typically are based on experiments using ballistic gelatin, in which temporary cavitation causes radial tears where the gelatin was stretched. Although such tears are visually engaging, some animal tissues (but not bone or liver) are more elastic than gelatin. In most cases, temporary cavitation is unlikely to cause anything more than a bruise. Some speculation states that nerve bundles can be damaged by temporary cavitation, creating a stun effect, but this has not been confirmed. One exception to this is when a very powerful temporary cavity intersects with the spine. In this case, the resulting blunt trauma can slam the vertebrae together hard enough to either sever the spinal cord, or damage it enough to knock out, stun, or paralyze the target. For instance, in the shootout between eight FBI agents and two bank robbers in the 1986 FBI Miami shootout, Special Agent Gordon McNeill was struck in the neck by a high-velocity .223 bullet fired by Michael Platt. While the bullet did not directly contact the spine, and the wound incurred was not ultimately fatal, the temporary cavitation was sufficient to render SA McNeill paralyzed for several hours. Temporary cavitation may similarly fracture the femur if it is narrowly missed by a bullet. Temporary cavitation can also cause the tearing of tissues if a very large amount of force is involved. The tensile strength of muscle ranges roughly from 1 to 4 MPa (145 to 580 lbf/in2), and minimal damage will result if the pressure exerted by the temporary cavitation is below this. Gelatin and other less elastic media have much lower tensile strengths, thus they exhibit more damage after being struck with the same amount of force. At typical handgun velocities, bullets will create temporary cavities with much less than 1 MPa of pressure, and thus are incapable of causing damage to elastic tissues that they do not directly contact. Rifle bullets that strike a major bone (such as a femur) can expend their entire energy into the surrounding tissue. The struck bone is commonly shattered at the point of impact. High velocity fragmentation can also increase the effect of temporary cavitation. The fragments sheared from the bullet cause many small permanent cavities around the main entry point. The main mass of the bullet can then cause a truly massive amount of tearing as the perforated tissue is stretched. Whether a person or animal will be incapacitated (i.e. "stopped") when shot, depends on a large number of factors, including physical, physiological, and psychological effects. Neurological. The only way to immediately incapacitate a person or animal is to damage or disrupt their central nervous system (CNS) to the point of paralysis, unconsciousness, or death. Bullets can achieve this directly or indirectly. If a bullet causes sufficient damage to the brain or spinal cord, immediate loss of consciousness or paralysis, respectively, can result. However, these targets are relatively small and mobile, making them extremely difficult to hit even under optimal circumstances. Bullets can indirectly disrupt the CNS by damaging the cardiovascular system so that it can no longer provide enough oxygen to the brain to sustain consciousness. This can be the result of bleeding from a perforation of a large blood vessel or blood-bearing organ, or the result of damage to the lungs or airway. If blood flow is completely cut off from the brain, a human still has enough oxygenated blood in their brain for 10–15 seconds of wilful action, though with rapidly decreasing effectiveness as the victim begins to lose consciousness. Unless a bullet directly damages or disrupts the central nervous system, a person or animal will not be instantly and completely incapacitated by physiological damage. However, bullets can cause other disabling injuries that prevent specific actions (a person shot in the femur cannot run) and the physiological pain response from severe injuries will temporarily disable most individuals. Several scientific papers reveal ballistic pressure wave effects on wounding and incapacitation, including central nervous system injuries from hits to the thorax and extremities. These papers document remote wounding effects for both rifle and pistol levels of energy transfer. Recent work by Courtney and Courtney provides compelling support for the role of a ballistic pressure wave in creating remote neural effects leading to incapacitation and injury. This work builds upon the earlier works of Suneson et al. where the researchers implanted high-speed pressure transducers into the brain of pigs and demonstrated that a significant pressure wave reaches the brain of pigs shot in the thigh. These scientists observed neural damage in the brain caused by the distant effects of the ballistic pressure wave originating in the thigh. The results of Suneson et al. were confirmed and expanded upon by a later experiment in dogs which "confirmed that distant effect exists in the central nervous system after a high-energy missile impact to an extremity. A high-frequency oscillating pressure wave with large amplitude and short duration was found in the brain after the extremity impact of a high-energy missile ..." Wang et al. observed significant damage in both the hypothalamus and hippocampus regions of the brain due to remote effects of the ballistic pressure wave. Psychological. Emotional shock, terror, or surprise can cause a person to faint, surrender, or flee when shot or shot at. There are many documented instances where people have instantly dropped unconscious when the bullet only hit an extremity, or even completely missed. Additionally, the muzzle blast and flash from many firearms are substantial and can cause disorientation, dazzling, and stunning effects. Flashbangs (stun grenades) and other less-lethal "distraction devices" rely exclusively on these effects. Pain is another psychological factor, and can be enough to dissuade a person from continuing their actions. Temporary cavitation can emphasize the impact of a bullet, since the resulting tissue compression is identical to simple blunt force trauma. It is easier for someone to feel when they have been shot if there is considerable temporary cavitation, and this can contribute to either psychological factor of incapacitation. However, if a person is sufficiently enraged, determined, or intoxicated, they can simply shrug off the psychological effects of being shot. During the colonial era, when native tribesmen came into contact with firearms for the first time, there was no psychological conditioning that being shot could be fatal, and most colonial powers eventually sought to create more effective manstoppers. Therefore, such effects are not as reliable as physiological effects at stopping people. Animals will not faint or surrender if injured, though they may become frightened by the loud noise and pain of being shot, so psychological mechanisms are generally less effective against non-humans. Penetration. According to Dr. Martin Fackler and the International Wound Ballistics Association (IWBA), between of penetration in calibrated tissue simulant is optimal performance for a bullet which is meant to be used defensively, against a human adversary. They also believe that penetration is one of the most important factors when choosing a bullet (and that the number one factor is shot placement). If the bullet penetrates less than their guidelines, it is inadequate, and if it penetrates more, it is still satisfactory though not optimal. The FBI's penetration requirement is very similar at . A penetration depth of may seem excessive, but a bullet sheds velocity—and crushes a narrower hole—as it penetrates deeper, so the bullet might be crushing a very small amount of tissue (simulating an "ice pick" injury) during its last two or three inches of travel, giving only between of effective wide-area penetration. Also, skin is elastic and tough enough to cause a bullet to be retained in the body, even if the bullet had a relatively high velocity when it hit the skin. About velocity is required for an expanded hollow point bullet to puncture skin 50% of the time. The IWBA's and FBI's penetration guidelines are to ensure that the bullet can reach a vital structure from most angles, while retaining enough velocity to generate a large diameter hole through tissue. An extreme example where penetration would be important is if the bullet first had to enter and then exit an outstretched arm before impacting the torso. A bullet with low penetration might embed itself in the arm whereas a higher penetrating bullet would penetrate the arm then enter the thorax where it would have a chance of hitting a vital organ. Overpenetration. Excessive penetration or "overpenetration" occurs when a bullet passes through its intended target and out of the other side, with enough residual kinetic energy to continue flying as a stray projectile and risk causing unintended collateral damages to objects or persons beyond. This happens because the bullet has not released all its energy within the target, according to the energy transfer hypothesis. Other hypotheses. These hypotheses are a matter of some debate among scientists in the field: Energy transfer. The energy transfer hypothesis states that for small arms in general, the more energy transferred to the target, the greater the stopping power. It postulates that the pressure wave exerted on soft tissues by the bullet's temporary cavity hits the nervous system with a jolt of shock and pain and thereby forces incapacitation. Proponents of this theory contend that the incapacitation effect is similar to that seen in non-concussive blunt-force trauma events, such as a knock-out punch to the body, a football player "shaken up" as result of a hard tackle, or a hitter being struck by a fastball. Pain in general has an inhibitory and weakening effect on the body, causing a person under physical stress to take a seat or even collapse. The force put on the body by the temporary cavity is supersonic compression, like the lash of a whip. While the lash only affects a short line of tissue across the back of the victim, the temporary cavity affects a volume of tissue roughly the size and shape of a football. Giving further credence to this theory is the support from the aforementioned effects of drugs on incapacitation. Pain killers, alcohol, and PCP have all been known to decrease the effects of nociception and increase a person's resistance to incapacitation, all while having no effect on blood loss. Kinetic energy is a function of the bullet's mass and the square of its velocity. Generally speaking, it is the intention of the shooter to deliver an adequate amount of energy to the target via the projectiles. All else held equal, bullets that are light and fast tend to have more energy than those that are heavy and slow. Over-penetration is detrimental to stopping power in regards to energy. This is because a bullet that passes through the target does not transfer all of its energy to the target. Lighter bullets tend to have more penetration in soft tissue and therefore are less likely to over-penetrate. Expanding bullets and other tip variations can increase the friction of the bullet through soft tissue, and/or allow internal ricochets off bone, therefore helping prevent over-penetration. Non-penetrating projectiles can also possess stopping power and give support to the energy transfer hypothesis. Notable examples of projectiles designed to deliver stopping power without target penetration are Flexible baton rounds (commonly known as "beanbag bullets") and the rubber bullet, types of reduced-lethality ammunition. The force exerted by a projectile upon tissue is equal to the bullet's local rate of kinetic energy loss, with distance formula_1 (the first derivative of the bullet's kinetic energy with respect to position). The ballistic pressure wave is proportional to this retarding force (Courtney and Courtney), and this retarding force is also the origin of both temporary cavitation and prompt damage (CE Peters). Hydrostatic shock. Hydrostatic shock is a controversial theory of terminal ballistics that states a penetrating projectile (such as a bullet) can produce a sonic pressure wave that causes "remote neural damage", "subtle damage in neural tissues" and/or "rapid incapacitating effects" in living targets. Proponents of the theory contend that damage to the brain from hydrostatic shock from a shot to the chest occurs in humans with most rifle cartridges and some higher-velocity handgun cartridges. Hydrostatic shock is not the shock from the temporary cavity itself, but rather the sonic pressure wave that radiates away from its edges through static soft tissue. Knockback. The idea of "knockback" implies that a bullet can have enough force to stop the forward motion of an attacker and physically knock them backwards or downwards. It follows from the law of conservation of momentum that no "knockback" could ever exceed the recoil felt by the shooter, and therefore has no use as a weapon. The myth of "knockback" has been spread through its confusion with the phrase "stopping power" as well as by many films, which show bodies flying backward after being shot. The idea of knockback was first widely expounded in ballistics discussions during American involvement in Philippine insurrections and, simultaneously, in British conflicts in its colonial empire, when front-line reports stated that the .38 Long Colt caliber revolvers carried by U.S. and British soldiers were incapable of bringing down a charging warrior. Thus, in the early 1900s, the U.S. reverted to the .45 Colt in single action revolvers, and later adopted the .45 ACP cartridge in what was to become the M1911A1 pistol, and the British adopted the .455 Webley caliber cartridge in the Webley Revolver. The larger cartridges were chosen largely due to the Big Hole Theory (a larger hole does more damage), but the common interpretation was that these were changes from a light, deeply penetrating bullet to a larger, heavier "manstopper" bullet. Though popularized in television and movies, and commonly referred to as "true stopping power" by uneducated proponents of large powerful calibers such as .44 Magnum, the effect of knockback from a handgun and indeed most personal weapons is largely a myth. The momentum of the so-called "manstopper" .45 ACP bullet is approximately that of a mass dropped from a height of . or that of a baseball. Such a force is simply incapable of arresting a running target's forward momentum. In addition, bullets are designed to penetrate instead of strike a blunt force blow, because, in penetrating, more severe tissue damage is done. A bullet with sufficient energy to knock down an assailant, such as a high-speed rifle bullet, would be more likely to instead pass straight through, while not transferring the full energy (in fact only a very small percentage of the full energy) of the bullet to the victim. Sometimes "knockdown power" is a phrase used interchangeably with "knockback", while other times it's used interchangeably with "stopping power". The misuse and fluid meaning of these phrases have done their part in confusing the issue of stopping power. The ability of a bullet to "knock down" a metal or otherwise inanimate target falls under the category of momentum, as explained above, and has little correlation with stopping power. One-shot stop. This hypothesis, promoted by Evan P. Marshall, is based on statistical analysis of actual shooting incidents from various reporting sources (typically police agencies). It is intended to be used as a unit of measurement and not as a tactical philosophy, as mistakenly believed by some. It considers the history of shooting incidents for a given factory ammunition load and compiles the percentage of "one-shot-stops" achieved with each specific ammunition load. That percentage is then intended to be used with other information to help predict the effectiveness of that load getting a "one-shot-stop". For example, if an ammunition load is used in 10 torso shootings, incapacitating all but two with one shot, the "one-shot-stop" percentage for the total sample would be 80%. Some argue that this hypothesis ignores any inherent selection bias. For example, high-velocity 9 mm hollow point rounds appear to have the highest percentage of one-shot stops. Rather than identifying this as an inherent property of the firearm/bullet combination, the situations where these have occurred need to be considered. The 9 mm has been the predominantly used caliber of many police departments, so many of these one-shot-stops were probably made by well-trained police officers, where accurate placement would be a contributory factor. However, Marshall's database of "one-shot-stops" does include shootings from law enforcement agencies, private citizens, and criminals alike. Critics of this theory point out that bullet placement is a very significant factor, but is only generally used in such one-shot-stop calculations, covering shots to the torso. Others contend that the importance of "one-shot stop" statistics is overstated, pointing out that most gun encounters do not involve a "shoot once and see how the target reacts" situation. Proponents contend that studying one-shot situations is the best way to compare cartridges as comparing a person shot once to a person shot twice does not maintain a control and has no value. Since 2006, after the conviction of retired school teacher Harold Fish in Arizona for second degree murder during a self-defense shooting, some CCW holders in the United States have elected to switch from carrying hollow-point bullets, and especially 10mm Auto caliber weapons with perceived higher one-shot stopping power, to carrying smaller caliber weapons. Fish's conviction for killing a homeless man with a history of dangerous violent behavior and mental instability who attacked Fish while hiking on a remote trail, was obtained through a jury trial by stressing that Fish overreacted, through choosing to use the increased stopping power of 10mm hollow point bullets. State law in Arizona has subsequently been changed, such that the state now has the burden to prove that a self-defense shooting was not in self-defense, whereas the burden previously, before the Fish incident, was that the shooter on trial had to prove that the shooting was in fact, done in self-defense. The conviction has since been thrown out by the Arizona Court of Appeals. CCW training classes often advise the use of bullets that are identical to those used by local police, in type (FMJ or hollow point) and caliber, to prevent an overreaction prosecution. Big hole school. This school of thought says that the bigger the hole in the target the higher the rate of bleed-out and thus the higher the rate of the aforementioned "one shot stop". According to this theory, as the bullet does not pass entirely through the body, it incorporates the energy transfer and the overpenetration ideals. Those that support this theory cite the .40 S&W round, arguing that it has a better ballistic profile than the .45 ACP, and more stopping power than a 9mm. The theory centers on the "permanent cavitation" element of a handgun wound. A big hole damages more tissue. It is therefore valid to a point, but penetration is also important, as a large bullet that does not penetrate will be less likely to strike vital blood vessels and blood-carrying organs such as the heart and liver, while a smaller bullet that penetrates deep enough to strike these organs or vessels will cause faster bleed-out through a smaller hole. The ideal may therefore be a combination; a large bullet that penetrates deeply, which can be achieved with a larger, slower non-expanding bullet, or a smaller, faster expanding bullet such as a hollow point. In the extreme, a heavier bullet (which preserves momentum greater than a lighter bullet of the same caliber) may "overpenetrate", passing completely through the target without expending all of its kinetic energy. So-called "overpenetration" is not an important consideration when it comes to wounding incapacitation or "stopping power", because: (a) while a lower "proportion" of the bullet's energy is transferred to the target, a higher "absolute amount" of energy is shed than in partial penetration, and (b) overpenetration creates an exit wound. Other contributing factors. As mentioned earlier, there are many factors, such as drug and alcohol levels within the body, body mass index, mental illness, motivation levels, body part strike (e.g., "armpit hold") which may determine which round will kill or at least catastrophically affect a target during any given situation.

key item

9294-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=24514575

Pridopidine (also known as PL-101 and formerly ACR16, TV-7820 and ASP2314) is an orally administrated small molecule investigational drug. Pridopidine is a selective and potent Sigma-1 Receptor (S1R) agonist 1,2  in late-stage clinical development for Huntington’s disease (HD) and Amyotrophic Lateral Sclerosis (ALS) by Prilenia Therapeutics. Prilenia Therapeutics acquired pridopidine (originally developed by NeuroSearch) from Teva Pharmaceutical Industries in 2018. Pridopidine Mechanism of Action. Pridopidine has high binding affinity for the S1R, with moderate-to-low binding affinity to other common receptors (Table 1) 3. Source: Johnston et al., 2019 The S1R is highly expressed in the brain and spinal cord and is implicated in cellular differentiation, neuroplasticity, neuroprotection, and cognitive functioning 4 . Target engagement in the human brain is demonstrated in PET imaging studies. Pridopidine enters the brain and shows near to complete (>90%) S1R occupancy at a single dose of 90 mg (plasma exposure correlates to the clinically used dose of 45 mg twice daily (bid) at steady state). These data indicate that at 45 mg bid, the dose evaluated in clinical trials for HD and ALS, pridopidine acts as a selective S1R ligand. Pridopidine activation of the S1R exerts neuroprotective effects in models of neurodegenerative diseases including HD 5–8, Parkinson’s disease (PD) 9, Alzheimer’s disease (AD) 10 and ALS 11. Pridopidine exhibits a neuroprotective effect against mHTT-induced cell death in mouse primary HD neurons and human HD iPSCs (ED50 is 20-50 nM)6 . It  restores synaptic plasticity in HD neurons 12, protects and enhances neuron-muscle connectivity 11, enhances BDNF transport, secretion and downstream signaling in ALS, HD and PD models 8,9,11,13,14, enhances mitochondrial function and transport 5,11 and restores the dysregulated calcium signaling and dendritic spines abnormalities in HD and AD models 7,10. These mechanisms are crucial for a neuron’s function and survival. Studies in animal models and human cells show that pridopidine prevents neuronal cell death and strengthens and enhances neural connections 5–7. Pridopidine was originally postulated to be a “dopamine stabilizer” acting as a dopamine D2 receptor antagonist15. However, recent evidence shows that there is only minimal, 3.3% occupancy of the dopamine D2/3 receptors at the clinical dose of 45 mg twice daily16. Pridopidine for Huntington’s disease (HD). In a Phase 2, dose-finding study evaluating pridopidine in HD, pridopidine 45 mg twice daily  showed a significant beneficial effect  on maintenance of Total Functional Capacity (TFC) vs. placebo in all HD patients, at 52 weeks (pre-specified endpoint, p=0.0032) 17,18. Post-hoc analysis shows this effect is most prominent in and driven by early HD patients (HD1 and HD2, baseline TFC 7-13, P=0.0003)17. Pridopidine 45 mg twice daily is safe and tolerable and the effect on TFC may be durable up to 5 years 19. Pridopidine is currently being investigated in a Phase 3 clinical trial for the treatment of HD (PROOF-HD clinical trial (NCT04556656). Pridopidine for ALS. The S1R plays a key role in ALS as evidenced by human genetic studies, which show that mutations in the S1R cause ALS. Complete loss of function (LOF) mutations cause juvenile ALS while partial LOF mutations cause late onset ALS 20–22. Thus, there is a gene-dosage relationship between S1R activity and age of onset of ALS. In ALS models, activation of the S1R by pridopidine enhances neurotrophic signalling, increases motor neuron survival, enhances neuron-muscle connectivity, restores muscular function and reduces muscle fiber wasting and toxic aggregation of the mutant SOD1 protein 11. All these effects contribute to the observed neuroprotective effects of pridopidine. Pridopidine was chosen23–25 to participate in the first-ever platform trial for ALS by the Sean M. Healey & AMG Center for ALS at Massachusetts General Hospital. The HEALEY ALS Platform Trial - Regimen D Pridopidine (NCT04615923) is evaluating the safety and efficacy of pridopidine in ALS patients. ----The media sometime use the name Huntexil. it is a name used by NeuroSearch. The product was never marketed, the trade name was never accepted and hence never approved to be used externally. Technically, without approval and with a marketing authorization this name should not have been used in the external world. Also, Huntexil is associated with “dopamine stabilizing” which is something we want to disassociate pridopidine from. Same goes for ASP2314. Maybe we can put it as footnote? Or side note? [PR2]Link to HD and ALS Wiki page [PR3]Link to Prilenia Wiki page when we have it 1.Johnston, T. H. et al. Pridopidine, a clinic-ready compound, reduces 3,4-dihydroxyphenylalanine-induced dyskinesia in Parkinsonian macaques. Mov. Disord. 34, 708–716 (2019). 2.Sahlholm, K. et al. Pridopidine selectively occupies sigma-1 rather than dopamine D2 receptors at behaviorally active doses. Psychopharmacology (Berl). 232, 3443–3453 (2015). 3.Johnston, T. H. et al. Pridopidine, a clinic-ready compound, reduces 3,4-dihydroxyphenylalanine-induced dyskinesia in Parkinsonian macaques. Mov. Disord. (2018) doi:10.1002/mds.27565. 4.Ryskamp, D. A., Korban, S., Zhemkov, V., Kraskovskaya, N. & Bezprozvanny, I. Neuronal sigma-1 receptors: Signaling functions and protective roles in neurodegenerative diseases. Frontiers in Neuroscience (2019) doi:10.3389/fnins.2019.00862. 5.Naia, L. et al. The Sigma-1 receptor mediates pridopidine rescue of mitochondrial function in Huntington Disease models. Neurotherapeutics In press, (2021). 6.Eddings, C. R. et al. Pridopidine protects neurons from mutant-huntingtin toxicity via the sigma-1 receptor. Neurobiol. Dis. (2019) doi:10.1016/j.nbd.2019.05.009. 7.Ryskamp, D. et al. The sigma-1 receptor mediates the beneficial effects of pridopidine in a mouse model of Huntington disease. Neurobiol. Dis. 97, 46–59 (2017). 8.Squitieri, F. et al. Pridopidine, a dopamine stabilizer, improves motor performance and shows neuroprotective effects in Huntington disease R6/2 mouse model. J. Cell. Mol. Med. 19, 2540–2548 (2015). 9.Francardo, V. et al. Pridopidine Induces Functional Neurorestoration Via the Sigma-1 Receptor in a Mouse Model of Parkinson ’ s Disease. Neurotherapeutics 465–479 (2019) doi:10.1007/s13311-018-00699-9. 10.Ryskamp, D. et al. Pridopidine stabilizes mushroom spines in mouse models of Alzheimer’s disease by acting on the sigma-1 receptor. Neurobiol. Dis. 124, 489–504 (2018). 11.Ionescu, A. et al. Targeting the Sigma-1 Receptor via Pridopidine Ameliorates Central Features of ALS Pathology in a SOD1G93A Model. Cell Death Dis. 10, 210 (2019). 12.Smith-Dijak, A. I. et al. Impairment and restoration of homeostatic plasticity in cultured cortical neurons from a mouse model of huntington disease. Front. Cell. Neurosci. (2019) doi:10.3389/fncel.2019.00209. 13.Geva, M. et al. Pridopidine activates neuroprotective pathways impaired in Huntington Disease. Hum. Mol. Genet. 25, 3975–3987 (2016). 14.Kusko, R. et al. Large-scale transcriptomic analysis reveals that pridopidine reverses aberrant gene expression and activates neuroprotective pathways in the YAC128 HD mouse. Mol. Neurodegener. 13, 1–15 (2018). 15.Dyhring, T. et al. The dopaminergic stabilizers pridopidine (ACR16) and (-)-OSU6162 display dopamine D2 receptor antagonism and fast receptor dissociation properties. Eur. J. Pharmacol. 628, 19–26 (2010). 16.Grachev, I. D. et al. Sigma-1 and dopamine D2/D3 receptor occupancy of pridopidine in healthy volunteers and patients with Huntington disease: a [18F]Fluspidine and [18F]Fallypride PET study. EJNMMI (2020). 17.McGarry, A. et al. Effects of Pridopidine on Functional Capacity in Early-Stage Participants from the PRIDE-HD Study. J. Huntingtons. Dis. (2020) doi:10.3233/JHD-200440. 18.Melao, A. Clinical Trial Results Suggest Teva’s Pridopidine May Delay Functional Decline in Huntington’s Patients. huntingtonsdiseasenews.com https://huntingtonsdiseasenews.com/2017/04/20/pridopidine-may-delay-functional-decline-in-huntingtons-disease-patients/ (2017). 19.Globes correspondent. Trial finds Teva drug could slow Huntington’s disease. Globes (2016). 20.McGarry, A. et al. Additional Safety and Exploratory Efficacy Data at 48 and 60 Months from Open-HART, an Open-Label Extension Study of Pridopidine in Huntington Disease. J. Huntingtons. Dis. (2020) doi:10.3233/JHD-190393. 21.Mavlyutov, T. A., Guo, L. W., Epstein, M. L. & Ruoho, A. E. Role of the Sigma-1 receptor in Amyotrophic Lateral Sclerosis (ALS). Journal of Pharmacological Sciences (2015) doi:10.1016/j.jphs.2014.12.013. 22.Al-Saif, A., Al-Mohanna, F. & Bohlega, S. A mutation in sigma-1 receptor causes juvenile amyotrophic lateral sclerosis. Ann. Neurol. 70, 913–919 (2011). 23.Watanabe, S. et al. Mitochondria-associated membrane collapse is a common pathomechanism in SIGMAR1- and SOD1-linked ALS. EMBO Mol. Med. 8, 1421–1437 (2016). 24.Cudkowicz, M. E. Sean M. Healey & AMG Center for ALS at Mass General launches first ALS Platform Trial with 5 promising drugs. massgeneral.org https://www.massgeneral.org/neurology/als/news/healey-center-launches-first-als-platform-trial-with-5-promising-drugs (2019). 25.Prilenia’s Pridopidine Chosen to Participate in the First ALS Platform Tria. businesswire.com https://www.businesswire.com/news/home/20190918005530/en/Prilenia’s-Pridopidine-Chosen-Participate-ALS-Platform-Trial (2019). 26.Cudkowicz, M. E. Sean M. Healey & AMG Center for ALS at Mass General launches first ALS Platform Trial with 5 promising drugs. https://www.massgeneral.org/neurology/als/news/healey-center-launches-first-als-platform-trial-with-5-promising-drugs (2019).

added protection

2670-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=149070

The Maldives has remained an independent nation throughout its recorded history, save for a brief spell of Portuguese occupation in the mid-16th century. From 1887 to 1965, the country was a British protectorate while retaining full internal sovereignty. At its independence in 1965, the Maldives joined the United Nations on 20 September. Since 1978, the Maldives has followed a policy of international engagement, intensifying links with strategic partners and the international system. It joined the Commonwealth of Nations in 1982. A founder member of South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC), the Maldives is also a member of the Bretton Woods system. It is also party to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) as well as numerous conventions on the protection of the environment, the suppression of terrorism, disarmament and on the promotion and protection of human rights. In the transition towards a liberal democracy, the Maldives has successfully established dialogue and collaboration with the international human rights organizations, such as Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch, and acceded to numerous human rights instruments such as the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR). During the same period, the country has also intensified links with the Commonwealth Parliamentary Association (CPA) and joined the Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU). The Maldives maintain resident diplomatic missions in Colombo, New Delhi, Islamabad, Dhaka, Singapore, Kuala Lumpur, New York, Tokyo, Beijing, Riyadh, London, Geneva, and the European Union, and non-resident accreditation in a number of countries including Nepal and Bhutan. Key issues of interest include advancing national development, supporting international peace and security, including the protection of the environment and the promotion of human rights, and upholding the purposes and principles enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations. Human rights. The Maldives has become a very strong advocate for the promotion and protection of human rights following the democratic transition in 2008. At the United Nations, the Maldives has since then called for all countries to adhere to their obligations under international law, and to respect fundamental freedoms and rights. In 2005, the Maldives became one of the promoters of the Optional Protocol to the UN Convention Against Torture after having earlier acceded to the convention. The Maldives is party to the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC), the Convention on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination (CERD), Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD) the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) and its optional protocol. In April 2006, the Maldives issued a standing invitation to all special procedures mandates of the UN human rights machinery to visit to the Maldives. The Maldives was elected to the Human Rights Council in 2010 for the term 2010–2013, in which it has actively supported and contributed to the promotion and protection of human rights for all. It has co-sponsored a number of resolution establishing United Nations Special Mandates, and supported resolutions on improving human rights situation in the Middle East during the Arab Spring, namely on investigating human rights violations in Libya and Syria. Maldives has especially close relations with Sri Lanka and India, countries with which it shares much culture. International organizations. United Nations. Maldives became a member state of the United Nations on 21 September 1965. The nation became a member of United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) on the same date. The Maldives became a member of the following UN agencies and conferences on the following dates: The United Nations Development Programme has a representative resident in Malé, as do UNICEF and World Health Organization (WHO). At the UN, the Maldives has highlighted the vulnerability of small states to various threats including terrorism, activities of mercenaries and transnational organized crime. It is also a strong advocate of counter-terrorism and is party to all the main UN conventions against terrorism. Development co-operation is a major priority of the Maldives and it has been campaigning at the UN for a more structured means of graduation from the list of least developed countries targeted for preferential assistance. The main donors to the Maldives are Japan, India, and Australia. Other intergovernmental organizations. The Maldives became a member of Non-Aligned Movement on 15 August 1976. The Maldives were a founder member in 1985 of the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) and the nation plays a very active role in the association. It has taken the lead in calling for a South Asian Free Trade Agreement, the formulation of a Social Charter, the initiation of informal political consultations in SAARC forums, the lobbying for greater action on environmental issues, the proposal of numerous human rights measures such as the regional convention on child rights and for setting up a SAARC Human Rights Resource Centre. The Maldives is also an advocate of greater international profile for SAARC such as through formulating common positions at the UN. The Maldives is a member of the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) and maintains close cultural relations with Islamic countries. However, the Maldives has often distanced itself from positions taken by the OIC on matters such as the Kashmir dispute, which it regards as a bilateral issue to be settled peacefully between India and Pakistan. It has also not supported the OIC position on issues such as that of Cyprus, subscribing instead to the international stance taken by the United Nations. The Maldives became a member of OIC in August 1974. The Maldives and the Commonwealth of Nations. The Maldives joined the Commonwealth of Nations on 9 July 1982 as a special member and became a full member on 20 June 1985 The Maldives became a member of the Commonwealth of Learning (COL) in September 1989, the Commonwealth Parliamentary Association (CPA) on 1 January 2000, the Commonwealth Fund for Technical Cooperation (CFTC) in 1985, and the Commonwealth Youth Programme (CYP) on 9 July 1982. The Maldives withdrew from the Commonwealth in October 2016. Ibrahim Mohamed Solih, the President of the Maldives and his Cabinet have decided that the Maldives will return to its membership of the Commonwealth, following in the footsteps of The Gambia under Adama Barrow's government, which returned to its membership of the Commonwealth on 8 February 2018. The Maldives returned to its membership of the Commonwealth on 1 February 2020. Diplomatic relations. List of countries which Maldives has diplomatic relations with: Bilateral relations. China. China and Maldives established diplomatic relations on 14 October 1972. Sino-Maldivian economic cooperation and trade volume were for long insignificant, with total trade in 2002 of only US$3 million. Economic ties have recently become more important with large inflows of Chinese tourists to the Maldives since 2010. Capital inflows from China have also rapidly increased since 2008. China's main exports to Maldives are rice and consumer goods. The relations between China and Maldives have increased in Mohamed Nasheed's presidential term. However, before being elected for president, Mohamed Nasheed criticized the Communist Party of China saying relations with Communist Chinese were never acceptable due to their views regarding modern democracy. However under president Yaameen, both countries have developed a close relations. Chinese investments and Aid to Maldives increased. Best example of China - Maldives raising relations is the Chinese-Maldives friendship bridge. India. Bilateral relations between the Republic of India and the Republic of Maldives have been friendly and close in strategic, economic and military cooperation. India contributed to maintaining security on the island nation and has forged an alliance with respect to its strategic interests in the Indian Ocean. India and Maldives officially and amicably decided their maritime boundary in 1976, although a minor diplomatic incident occurred in 1982 when the brother of the President of Maldives Maumoon Abdul Gayoom declared that the neighbouring Minicoy Island that belonged to India were a part of Maldives; Maldivies quickly and officially denied that it was laying claim to the island. India and Maldives signed a comprehensive trade agreement in 1981. Both nations are founding members of the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC), the South Asian Economic Union and signatories to the South Asia Free Trade Agreement. Indian and Maldivian leaders have maintained high-level contacts and consultations on regional issues. Diplomatic relations between Maldives and India were established on 1 November 1965.43 Malaysia. The Malaysian High Commission in Colombo is also cross-accredited to the Maldives, and Maldives has a high commission in Kuala Lumpur. Myanmar. Maldives and Myanmar established diplomatic relations on 15 January 1970.40 In September 2017, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Maldives announced that it was ceasing all trade ties with Myanmar in response to the government's treatment of the Rohingya people in Rakhine State. Pakistan. In November 2004, Pakistan Prime Minister Shaukat Aziz visited the Maldives and met with President Maumoon Abdul Gayoom. Aziz offered to extend credit facility, scholarships, collaboration in scientific and technological fields and training of civil servants, defence and security personnel to Maldives. In October 2005, Pakistan-Maldives Joint Economic Commission commenced. South Korea. The establishment of diplomatic relations of Maldives and South Korea were on 30 November 1967 and Bilateral Trade in 2012 was Exports $3.67 million Imports $380 thousand. Sri Lanka. Official and economic relations between the neighbouring Indian Ocean countries of the Maldives and Sri Lanka, have been positive since the Maldives became independent in 1965. The Maldives first established a mission in Sri Lanka in July 1965, and today has a High Commission in Colombo. Sri Lanka has a high commission in Malé. Both countries were founding members of the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) in December 1985. On 13 February 2014 Zahiya Zareer was appointed by President Abdulla Yameen as High Commissioner to Sri Lanka. The Maldives has an embassy in Bangkok and Thailand is accredited to the Maldives via its embassy in Colombo, Sri Lanka Middle East. Israel. The Maldives established diplomatic relations with Israel in 1965 and suspended them in 1974. In 2009, under president Mohamed Nasheed, the Maldives signed cooperation agreements with Israel on tourism, health, and education and culture. In 2010, the Israeli government sent a team of eye doctors to treat patients and train local medical personnel in the Maldives. However, the renewed relationship did not develop into full diplomatic relations. In July 2014, under president Abdulla Yameen, the Maldives terminated the cooperation agreements with Israel and announced a boycott of Israeli products, as Israel launched a military operation in Gaza. Foreign minister Dunya Maumoon also announced that the Maldives would fully support Palestinians at international forums such as the United Nations Human Rights Council and offer them humanitarian aid. Saudi Arabia. On 12 May 2008, the Maldivian embassy was opened in Riyadh which was the first Maldivian mission in the Middle East.42 Africa. Mauritius. Both the Maldives and Mauritius were former British Indian Ocean possessions, and both now have similar tourist-oriented economies. Relations between the two islands are friendly, and there is some economic cooperation. United States. The Maldives established diplomatic relations with the United States on 10 November 1965 and the two nations maintain friendly relations. The U.S. ambassador to Sri Lanka, based in the U.S. embassy in Colombo, is also cross-accredited to the Maldives, and the ambassador and embassy staff make periodic visits. The United States supports Maldivian independence and territorial integrity, and publicly endorsed India's timely intervention on behalf of the Maldivian Government during the 1988 Maldives coup d'état attempt. U.S. Navy vessels have regularly called at Malé in recent years. The Maldives extended strong support to U.S. efforts to combat terrorism and terrorist financing in 2001–2002. Europe. Finland. Finland recognized the Maldives on 15 October 1965. Diplomatic relations between Maldives and Finland were established on 10 August 1984. Kosovo. The Maldives recognized Kosovo on 19 February 2009. On 16 April 2009, Kosovo and the Maldives established diplomatic relations with one another. On 7 March, the then Maldivian President Mohamed Nasheed asked police to investigate the allegations of a US$2 million bribe given to Maldivian government officials to recognise Kosovo as an independent state. On 17 March, People's Majlis National Security Committee launched probe into Islamic Democratic Party's allegations regarding the bribery. Balkan Insight reported that Kosovo businessman, Behgjet Pacolli, who also heads the New Kosovo Alliance party, has denied any involvement in the bribery case and stated that he only lobbied for the recognition of Kosovo. Foreign Minister Ahmed Shaheed was cross-examined by the parliamentary committee on 28 March. The police investigation was closed on 6 May 2009, concluding that there was no evidence of corruption and the diplomatic process was conducted according to international standards; the NSC investigation was suspended. Turkey. Both countries established diplomatic relations on 28 May 1979. United Kingdom. The Maldives became a British Protectorate in the 19th century and the Maldivian monarchs were granted a good measure of self-governance. The Maldives gained total independence in 1965. The maritime border with the British Indian Ocean Territory (BIOT) remains undemarcated, with negotiations with the UK being broken off by the Maldives in the late 1990s. Embassies and High Commissions of the Maldives. The following is a list of the current Ambassadors and High Commissioners of the Maldives with their assigned host country:-

satisfactory level

6513-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=18915598

Canine subvalvular aortic stenosis (SAS) is an abnormal, congenital heart murmur caused by subaortic stenosis (SAS). There is a high incidence of this condition identified in large and giant breed dogs like the Rottweiler, Newfoundland, Golden Retriever, Boxer, German Shepherd, English Bulldog, Great Dane, German Shorthaired Pointer, and Bouvier des Flandres. It is a common congenital heart defect that consists of abnormal tissue located just below the aortic valve that creates an obstruction the heart has to overcome to pump blood out to the body. As a result, the heart muscle can become thickened. The blood is pumped at a higher speed and pressure across the stenosis into the aorta, creating a heart murmur. This genetic trait is polygenic. An animal might have the genes for SAS, yet have no actual sign of SAS. Also, an animal might have signs of subaortic stenosis, and yet offspring with SAS may not demonstrate clinical signs for a couple of generations. Any animal that has subaortic stenosis should not be bred because they can pass the defect on to future offspring. Symptoms. In many cases, affected dogs do not show any signs. Aortic stenosis is often initially detected upon hearing a heart murmur during a routine physical examination by a veterinarian. In dogs with severe disease, you may observe signs related to heart dysfunction. These signs include lethargy, exercise intolerance, shortness of breath, and fainting. Signs of heart failure may also be seen in severe cases of aortic stenosis. These signs include coughing, increased breathing effort, and open-mouth breathing. Puppies and adult dogs diagnosed with subaortic stenosis can suffer from heart failure and sudden death. If a dog with SAS develops heart failure, medications can be prescribed to alleviate the clinical signs (sudden/strong lethargicism, continuous heavy panting, rise in temperature etc.) Diagnosis. SAS is diagnosed via echocardiogram with Doppler performed by a veterinary cardiologist. This allows visualization of the four heart chambers and valves as well as the anatomy of the subaortic area. Doppler allows estimation of the pressure created in the heart by the stenosis. An electrocardiogram (ECG) may be required in patients with an irregular heart rhythm. Heart murmurs are graded on a scale of one to six, with one being very mild and six being very serious. Murmurs can exist due to a large number of heart problems (infection, trauma, anemia, etc.). Conversely, some murmurs are benign and do not indicate cardiac pathology. The Orthopedic Foundation for Animals (OFA) has established a Congenital Heart Registry whose guidelines were established by veterinary cardiologists. A dog which auscultates normally at 12 months of age is considered to be free of congenital heart disease; upon confirmation of this, OFA will issue a certificate. Treatment. Prognosis of canines with aortic stenosis depends on the severity of the disease. Mild stenosis usually does not affect longevity; however, the possibility of aortic endocarditis exists. Administration of beta-blockers can decrease heart rate and prolong diastole and coronary filling, thereby reducing myocardial hypoxia and protect against arrhythmia. Dogs do clinically well on beta-blockers; however, a study proved no benefit in terms of survival versus untreated dogs with severe SAS.

subsequent spawn

12625-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=10860836

Walter "Chico" Hopps (May 3, 1932 – March 20, 2005) was an American museum director, gallerist, and curator of contemporary art. Hopps brought Los Angeles post-war artists to international prominence in the 1960s. His obituary in "The Washington Post" described him as a "sort of a gonzo museum director—elusive, unpredictable, outlandish in his range, jagged in his vision, heedless of rules." Early life and education. Hopps was born on May 3, 1932, in Los Angeles, into a family of prominent surgeons in the Eagle Rock neighborhood. He was home-tutored until junior high school, when he entered the private Polytechnic School in Pasadena. From there he went to Eagle Rock High School. At Eagle Rock, he was assigned to an arts-enrichment program that included visits to cultural sites and performances around Los Angeles. One such visit was to the home of the pioneering Modern Art collectors Walter and Louise Arensberg, who befriended the young Hopps and invited him to their house frequently. In 1950, Hopps enrolled at Stanford University, where he met Jim Newman who in 1958 opened the Dilexi Gallery in San Francisco and with whom he established a professional working relationship; a year later he switched to University of California, Los Angeles (UCLA) to study microbiology. He also studied art history. Career. Syndell Studio. In 1952–1955, while in college, Hopps operated the Syndell Studio in Los Angeles, showing the work of artists he knew in the area. Other people involved with Sydell included Jim Newman, Craig Kauffman, Ben Bartosh, and later Shirley Neilsen. As the gallery was closing in 1955, he organized the "Action" exhibition in the indoor merry-go-round at Santa Monica Pier. Hopps and several friends stretched tarps around the merry-go-round poles and hung nearly 100 paintings by 40 artists, mostly from San Francisco, including Sonia Gechtoff, Richard Diebenkorn, Mark Rothko, Clyfford Still, Paul Sarkisian and Jay De Feo. While nothing in the exhibition sold, as a free show, it attracted a diverse group of attendees from the surrounding beaches. In 1955, he married at historian Shirley Neilsen, which ended in divorce by 1966. In Autumn 1956, Hopps' Brentwood studio mounted the first exhibition of paintings by artist and occultist Marjorie Cameron; several paintings were destroyed when the gallery caught fire. Ferus Gallery. In 1957, he founded the Ferus Gallery, Los Angeles, alongside his wife Shirley and in partnership with artist Ed Kienholz. Keinholz soon left to focus on his own work and sold his interest to Irving Blum. The gallery showed a range of east and west coast artists during Hopps's tenure there, including, famously, Andy Warhol's first gallery show, which consisted of 32 "Campbell's Soup Can" paintings. Slow sales of Warhol's work ultimately persuaded Blum to buy all 32 pictures for himself; they are now in the collection of the Museum of Modern Art in New York City. In 1967, his ex-wife Shirley went on to marry Hopp's business partner at Ferus Galley, Irving Blum. Late career. In 1962 to become curator of the Pasadena Art Museum, now the Norton Simon Museum, and was promoted to Museum Director in 1964. At Pasadena, he mounted the first museum retrospectives of Kurt Schwitters, Joseph Cornell and Marcel Duchamp, as well as the first survey of American Pop Art, "New Painting of Common Objects". His work at Pasadena brought him to national attention. Hopps served as United States commissioner for the São Paulo Biennial in 1965 and the Venice Biennale in 1972. Leaving Pasadena, he was appointed director of the Washington Gallery of Modern Art in 1967 and oversaw its absorption into the Corcoran Gallery of Art. At the Corcoran, he was appointed director in 1970 and left in 1972 amid a dispute over his support of unionizing the staff. Hopps's staff at the Corcoran found him frustratingly unavailable when he was needed, and created buttons reading "Walter Hopps will be here in 20 minutes." From 1972 to 1979, Hopps was curator of 20th-Century American Art at the Smithsonian's National Collection of Fine Arts (now the Smithsonian American Art Museum). He commented to an interviewer about that period, saying that working for bureaucrats at the Smithsonian was "like moving through an atmosphere of Seconal." Nevertheless, he curated notable exhibitions at the Smithsonian, including a large-scale 1976 retrospective of Robert Rauschenberg that was the museum's Bicentennial observance. In 1979, Hopps became a consultant to the Menil Foundation, helping select the architect Renzo Piano to design the Menil Collection and becoming director in 1980. He was the director of the museum when it opened in 1987, but soon assumed a role as curator of 20th-century art. At the Menil, his exhibitions included a retrospective of the French artist Yves Klein as well as exhibitions of the work of John Chamberlain, Andy Warhol, and Max Ernst. He organized a Kienholz retrospective at the Whitney Museum of American Art in 1996; a second Rauschenberg retrospective (with Susan Davidson) at the Guggenheim Museum and the Menil in 1997. Death and legacy. Hopps died on March 20, 2005, in Los Angeles, after a brief hospitalization at Cedars-Sinai Medical Center. He was in Southern California to mount a retrospective of the work of sculptor George Herms, which he organized for the Santa Monica Museum of Art. Writing in "The New Yorker" magazine in 1991, Calvin Tompkins sought to describe Hopps's radical approach to curatorial work, saying, "His sensitivity to works of art takes in not only the works of art themselves but the dialogue that he believes can and should occur between one work and another, provided the placement, the lighting, the sightlines can all be worked out. In a Hopps exhibition, considerations of art history and scholarship are often present, along with ideas about style and influence and social issues, but the primary emphasis is always on how the art looks on the wall, and this, surprisingly, makes Walter Hopps something of a maverick in his profession." In her 2005 obituary of Hopps, "New York Times" critic Roberta Smith observed that Hopps's career "contributed significantly to the emergence of the museum as a place to show new art." In 2001, the Menil Collection established the "Walter Hopps Award for Curatorial Achievement", given every other year to a distinguished mid-career curator. The award includes a $20,000 stipend and the opportunity to deliver a lecture at the Menil Collection.

shifting frames

6250-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=28194126

The Biggest Loser: Pay It Forward is the tenth season of the NBC reality television series entitled "The Biggest Loser". The contestants competed to win a $250,000 prize, which was awarded to Patrick House, the finalist with the highest percentage of weight lost. It premiered on September 21, 2010 as the first season to be filmed in high definition, and concluded on December 14, 2010. Contestants. This season's cast consisted of twenty-one hopeful contestants, the most for a fall season. However, the elimination pre-game dropped the total to fourteen contestants as one hopeful from each city would be eliminated. Two of the losing hopefuls won a chance to return into the competition as the trainers' choice. The remaining five had the chance to get back into the competition in the beginning of Week 4. Contestants are competing as individuals, despite sharing the same colored shirts and the 21 contestants initially come as seven trios of three. The "Total Votes" column indicates the number of votes cast against the contestant when he/she was eliminated. This contestant fell below the Red Line and was eliminated without any votes. These contestants lost the challenge to become a contestant, and were sent home. In week 4, Anna had the highest percentage of weight loss so she was back in the competition. This contestant lost the challenge to become a contestant, and was sent home. In Week 1, Bob chose this contestant to return as part of the Yellow Team. Pre-game, Aaron was part of the Orange Team This contestant lost the challenge to become a contestant, and was sent home. In Week 1, Jillian chose this contestant to return as part of the Yellow Team. Pre-game, Elizabeth was part of the Black Team This contestant is eliminated by Black Team. Patrick was not originally on either Blue or Black team. He joined the Black Team after Rick was eliminated. Weigh-Ins. Contestants are listed in reverse chronological order of elimination. Total Overall Percentage of Weight Loss (Biggest Loser on Campus). Bold denotes who has the overall highest percentage of weight loss as of that week Weekly Summaries. Prologue. "First aired September 21, 2010" Twenty-one hopeful contestants competed in seven different cities across the country to enter the competition. Visits to each city featured three contestants who competed for two spots on the ranch. The two victors would form a team, while the loser would not go to the ranch. Similar to season nine, the weigh-ins took place at the contest in front of friends, family and fans of the show. At each town, Alison or a contestant from a previous season led the events. Bob or Jillian also guested. With family, friends, and the whole neighborhood joining the contestants for support, the contestants faced the elimination challenge after the weigh-ins. Depending on the city, the contestants either had to perform a 500-step stepping challenge or run a mile. The first fourteen contestants to complete the challenge would earn a spot as a contestant. Ada, Adam, Allie, Brendan, Burgandy, Frado, Jesse, Jessica, Lisa, Mark, Patrick, Rick, Sophia, and Tina earned a spot and became the first fourteen contestants of season ten. Aaron, Anna, Corey, Elizabeth, Montina, Sandy, and Shanna lost the challenge and were eliminated. However, as hinted in the extended season preview, the seven eliminated contestants may return to the game in the future. Week 1. "First aired September 28, 2010" The contestants arrive at the ranch, and are surprised to discover that Bob and Jillian were each allowed to select one of the losers of the contests to come on the ranch and be the Yellow Team. Bob picks Aaron, who showed a lot of heart and insisted on finishing his 500 steps, even after he had lost. Jillian picks Elizabeth, who had an asthma attack while competing in the challenge and passed out. Jillian was impressed with Elizabeth's devotion to exercise. They are told that even though they are all wearing team colors, they will actually be competing individually The teams then begin their first workout. They begin impressively, running to the gym and smiling initially during the workout. It then becomes very tough and soon they are all vomiting and miserable. Rick passes out and spends most of the workout lying on the floor. Then Jillian and Bob take them to the kitchen and advise them on healthy foods. They all visit Dr. Huizenga, who tells them how sick they are. Then, they are all surprised by a weigh in, which is held in the first hour of the show, breaking normal patterns. This time, eight people will be below the yellow line, and eight above. All eight who are below will be subjected to a challenge, involving sprinting a short distance to a flag. The winner must grab the flag. The winner is safe. Then the losers race again, repeating the procedure, until there are only two left. Those two will be up for elimination. Alison announces that it has been two weeks since the contestants were first weighed in at home (unlike usual practice where contestants are weighed in after one week), so big weight losses are expected (5 contestants lost 30+ lbs and 1 contestant lost 41 lbs, the most contestants to lose more than 30 lbs the first weigh-in). The results of the weigh-in are that 7 of the 8 men are above the yellow line, and seven of the eight women are below the yellow line. The Week's Biggest Loser (who, this week, is Rick), gets to "save" one of the people below the yellow line, and he picks Patrick, the only man, meaning that Patrick does not have to compete in the elimination challenge. The women then race, with Burgandy and Jessica getting into a heated argument. Burgandy accuses Jessica of deliberately elbowing into her lane and blocking her, and Jessica vehemently insists it was an accident. After all of the races are run, the youngest contestant (Allie) and the oldest contestant (Tina), are left for the vote. Dr. Huizenga had previously told Allie that due to her gastric band procedure, she lost a lot of muscle as well as fat, and then when she got fat again, she gained only fat, not muscle. This meant that she had the largest percentage of body fat of anyone there. At the vote, Allie is voted off. Video from home shows Allie having a strained relationship with her mother (Allie asked that her mother remove all chocolate from the house, one of her largest temptations, but her mother didn't do so). Allie then seeks help from outside her family and links up with fellow Oklahoman Danny Cahill, the Season 8 winner, for future workouts. Week 2. "First aired October 5, 2010" The morning after Allie is voted off, the contestants assemble and Tina makes an announcement. She asks that, despite the fact that she fought hard to stay this week, she be voted off this week, because she recently withdrew $16,000 from her 401K in order to take her family on the vacation of a lifetime, which she will miss unless she gets voted off. The other contestants react with anger. It was a painful decision to vote off Allie, a 300-pound 22-year-old, and thousands of people wish they were on the show, and now Tina is wasting that opportunity. She starts crying. Lisa is particularly upset, and says now she's going to have to go home early so that she can help Allie, since they live 10 miles apart and Allie has nobody. The others get angry at Lisa for saying that—she has to think of herself, and her own children, and not use Allie as an excuse to give up. Bob tells the camera that contestants go crazy after someone has been voted off for the first time. He takes Tina and Lisa aside individually and inspires them to be committed to staying on the Ranch and becoming as healthy as possible. They have a very tough workout. Jesse talks back to Bob, and Bob starts working everyone harder as punishment. Frado is shown being noisy in the gym—it's what he's known for. Lisa becomes re-energized and says she feels proud of herself after the workout. Brendan, Frado, and Patrick form a secret alliance to stick together until the end. Anna Kournikova comes by and they have a tennis workout. Then they have an immunity challenge, in which contestants have to pick up tennis balls from a court and run to cylinders set up with everyone's name. they put one tennis ball in each cylinder on each trip. Everyone immediately starts putting them in Tina's cylinder, and she is quickly knocked out. Then, the men start targeting the women, who are knocked out one by one. Ultimately, Frado gets immunity. They have a surprise weigh-in, and people are subject to the curse of Week 2, with most posting disappointing numbers. Half fall under the yellow line, mostly women. The Biggest Loser of the week (in this case, Adam) is allowed to save one of the people who are below the yellow line, and he saves Aaron. The people below the yellow line have a challenge—they must dig through a huge pile of sand and find one of the brass rings that is buried. The two who do not find a ring will be up for elimination. Tina and Lisa are the losers—the two who had talked of going home before. Tina is voted off. At home, she goes from 263 pounds to 205 pounds. Her daughter, who had also tried out for the show, loses 80 pounds at home. Week 3. "First aired October 12, 2010" The show begins with the unwelcome news that two people will be going home this week. There will be a red line and a yellow line. The person below the red line is automatically eliminated, and the people below the yellow line will face a further competition. Then the contestants go on to face a temptation/reward challenge. The contestants are presented with an array of cupcakes. Beneath one cupcake is a reward—a one-pound advantage at the next weigh-in. If not used, it accumulates one pound per week such that it is worth two pounds the following week, and eight pounds in eight weeks. Four of the contestants compete in the challenge. For each cupcake they eat that is not a winner, they get a clue. Adam wins the challenge, but then he starts getting worried as he realizes that he is now a target. If he ever falls below the line, he will be voted off. Brendan in particular targets him. After the end of the challenge, chef Curtis Stone arrives to show them how to make a low calorie cupcake—100 calories vs. the 700 calories that some of the other cupcakes have. It is made with honey and egg whites, and no butter. The icing is made with raspberries. Then they work out in the gym. Bob works with Elizabeth, who often uses her fear of asthma as an excuse for not working out as hard as she can. Jillian works closely with Aaron, to inspire him to work as hard as he can, and to gain confidence through success. She makes him do ten 2 minutes sprints, which he succeeds. The contestants weigh in. Frado surprises everyone by losing 20 pounds. Burgandy once again disappoints by losing only 5, preceded by her loss of one pound the previous week. Ada loses 10 pounds—the most amongst the women, but, as usual, is disappointed in her performance and disparages her accomplishments. Jillian says they'll be working on that attitude. Once again, the women lose much less weight than the men. Sophia loses the least and falls below the red line, meaning automatic elimination. Those below the yellow line compete by unrolling a giant, heavy carpet. Burgandy is unable to compete due to tendonitis, so she is automatically up for elimination. Frado, as the week's Biggest Loser, had the option to save her, but opted to save Jessica instead, citing he wanted the competition to truly be against the contestants with the lowest weight-loss percentage. Elizabeth loses the competition so Burgandy and Elizabeth end up being up for elimination. Burgandy is voted off. Then, there is an additional twist. The five players who had lost the initial challenges back in their home cities are being brought back to the ranch. At home, it was checked that Sophia goes from 272 pounds down to 225 pounds meaning a loss of 47 pounds. Burgandy goes from 231 pounds down to 180 pounds meaning a loss of 51 pounds. Week 4. "First aired October 19, 2010" The five contestants from the first episode who lost their races and did not get to go on the Ranch come to the campus. The one who has the highest percentage of weight loss will get to join the others on campus. All do quite well: Corey loses 37 lb. for 9.46%. Shanna loses 21 lb, 8.68%; Montina 17 lb, 5.92; Sandy 25 lb, 9.65%. and Anna loses 39 lb, for the win. As she joins the rest Alison tells the contestants that they are being divided into Blue and Black teams. Anna will divide people and one person will have no team, but will have immunity for that week and join the team that loses a player at the next weigh in. Anna tries to make everyone happy, and the teams end up being Blue: Aaron, Adam, Jesse, Jessica, Lisa, Mark. Black: Ada, Brendan, Frado, Elizabeth, Rick, Anna. She takes the unusual step of giving Patrick immunity rather than herself, because she wants to be sure she ends up on Jillian's team. Everyone thinks she's crazy for giving up immunity. The players have a challenge: travel to different food stations and answer a question about the food there. A right answer means you can move to the next station, and a wrong answer means you have to undergo a penalty challenge. The winner gets 40 weeks of the Biggest Loser meal plan delivered to their home, and letters from home. The Black team wins, but four of the Black team members give their letters to some of the Blue team members who are particularly passionate about hearing from home. At the work out, Frado and Brendan tell Jillian they want to throw the weigh in so they can get Patrick on their team and send Anna home. Jillian gets very upset as she feels Anna needs to be on the ranch. She yells at them to play it straight and not throw the weigh in and they both agree. At the weigh the blue team loses a total of 62 lb with a percentage of weight loss of 3.16%, with Jesse's loss of 16 pounds being particularly impressive. The black team gets nervous seeing Jesse’s weight loss. Alison tells the black team they have to lose more than 52. Frado loses 9 lb and Jillian is really proud of him because he did not throw the weigh in. Alison asks Brendan if he threw the weigh in or played in straight and he answers that he played it straight. But it turns out he only loses 2 pounds Alison asks him if he wants to rethink his answer he gave her before, and he says no and that he played it straight. Alison says that Ada had the highest percentage of weight loss and has immunity. At the elimination Anna and Rick vote for Elizabeth and the rest of the team vote for Rick, who is eliminated, as he was a great threat. Later we find out he weighs 230 and has lost 120 lbs. He weighed 170 lbs when he married his wife Laurie, and he hopes to go down to that weight by the finale. Week 5. "First aired October 26, 2010"<br> The contestants are told that for the next weigh-in, only one person's weight will count in determining which team wins, and that one person will be selected by the other team. They won't know which player that is until the weigh-in. The next morning, Jesse gets up early and goes to the gym at 7am, along with Jessica, since he feels they're targets as he lost a lot the previous week, and Jessica typically has low numbers. Later, Jillian complains to the camera about Liz and the drama that surrounds her. She also complains about Frado, an "alpha male" who manipulates everyone but doesn't want to do work himself, and who has trouble with Jillian ordering him around. She feels that Frado won't do the work, and then Anna will suffer by being voted off. Frado walks out of the gym. Eventually, though, Frado returns and apologizes to Jillian for disrespecting her. She feels she's gotten through to him a bit. The teams face a challenge. They meet with chefs Curtis Stone and Lorena Garcia, and half of them make meals as directed, and the other half act as taste testers and pick which meal is best (not knowing which team made which meal). The winner (the blue team) gets a 10-second advantage at the next challenge. The next challenge involves a Dragon Boat Race, which the blue team has a 10-second advantage for. They end up winning, but only barely, and their reward is to have the right to refuse the first team member that the black team chooses for the weigh in. At the last chance workout, Jillian works closely with Elizabeth. She gets Elizabeth to admit that she always felt that she was protected by her two brothers, and that made her feel weak. On the ranch, she now has two new brothers to protect her, repeating her pattern. Jillian gets her to work for herself and not rely on others. At the weigh in, the Blue team picks Elizabeth for the weigh-in, and she loses 5 pounds. Other Black Team members (with the exception of Patrick, who loses 9 pounds, Brendan who loses 11 pounds and Frado who loses 14) all lose very unimpressive weights, and Bob thinks it's because they all took it easy because they figured Elizabeth would be the one selected to count. The Black team picks Jessica for the weigh-in, and the Blue team does not change that because they feel that all of their team will do well. Adam declines to use his 3-pound advantage for himself this week. The Blue Team all have excellent weight losses (including a 13-pound weight loss from Adam and a 16-pound loss from Mark), but Jessica loses only 4 pounds, meaning that the Blue team has lost the weigh-in. Unfortunately, any of the other team member's weights (except Aaron's) would have resulted in their win, meaning had they chosen to block the Black Team's first choice, they would've won. At the vote, there is a tie between Adam (the biggest threat) and Jessica (the weakest member). So the Black team is called in to choose, and they choose Adam, the biggest threat. At home, Adam has done really well. He works out with his brother, who plays football in college. He goes to the YMCA to ask how he can inspire others, and they start an event to help people get fit. Adam feels that he has found his calling in life. He wants to go back to school to be a social worker. He has lost 138 pounds. Week 6. "First aired November 2, 2010"<br> "60 minute episode"<br> The teams are told that they will be spending the week with the Marines at Camp Pendleton, where they will undergo Marine training. At the camp, they are subjected to harsh treatment and living conditions, and have a little trouble with the food, which is the same food served to Marine recruits. They face an obstacle course challenge, with the reward being phone calls home. The Blue Team wins handily as Elizabeth, of the Black Team, passes out and needs assistance. The Black Team finishes the course but are practically carrying Elizabeth. The contestants came into their last chance workout and Bob and Jillian are especially surprised to see Brendan getting his hair and beard shaved off. The Teams stayed at Camp Pendleton for Last Chance Workout with Jillian. Ada manages a 10 mph sprint, briefly, on the treadmill. At the weigh-in, the results are dismal. The Blue Team goes first and Mark loses 7 lb. Than Jessica only loses a staggering 4 lb. Lisa goes up there and only loses 2 lb. Then Jesse goes up there and gains a pound! Bob is surprised at the low numbers Jesse accomplished. Aaron goes up there and loses 14 lbs. The black team needs to lose more than 28 lb. Ada goes up there and drops 7 lbs. Patrick drops 7 lbs. also. Then Brendan then Anna loses 2 lbs. Elizabeth gains a pound. Frado gains 4 pounds. Jillian, Bob, and Ali are all disgusted at Frado, who gains 4 pounds, and he swears there was no game play involved in his gain. Ada had the highest percentage of weight loss, so she got immunity. The Black Team loses and they unanimously vote off Anna, as the rest of the team is a tight group At the check in, Anna was reported down to 250 pounds for a total weight loss of 80 pounds. Week 7. "First aired November 9, 2010"<br> The episode starts out with a grueling workout by Bob and Jillian after the elimination of Anna. Alison announces that everyone will be returning to their original colors, but they will not be competing as singles. Instead, they will be paired into teams of two, and one team will be eliminated by weeks' end. Lisa begins to long for home so many decide that when they have the chance, they will send Lisa home. A temptation soon follows, taking the contestants to a fancy restaurant. Each contestant will be entitled to an appetizer, main course, and dessert, and the winner has the power to choose the new teams. During the temptation, Aaron asks Brendan that he should win, he got Jesse as a partner. Many of the contestants begin to have doubts about sending Lisa home because she got small calorie items at first, but then got a 1,400 calorie dessert, saying she saved her calories for dessert. Brendan ends up winning the temptation, consuming 3,500 calories and picks the new teams: Ada & Jessica, Aaron & Jesse, Brendan & Patrick, Lisa & Elizabeth, and Mark & Frado. Ada is very disappointed to be paired with Jessica, considering that Jessica has the second-lowest weight loss percentage and Ada has the second-highest. The week's challenge follows, calling for each team to make a tower of sugar cubes that reaches 5 feet in height. The catch: they may only move one cube at a time to the area of building. However, at the one-hour point, Alison announces a "sugar rush", which means that contestants, for 2 minutes only, may move as many sugar cubes as they want to the building area. After over an hour and 20 minutes of building, Ada & Jessica win the challenge, and a 2-week stay at The Biggest Loser Fitness Resort. The last chance work out arrives, and the contestants are pushed beyond their limits, due to their new teams (and due to their poor results the previous week). Aaron has a breakthrough during a workout with Jillian, and everyone gangs up against Brendan for his decisions in team-making, as well as Lisa for claiming that she did not want to be at the ranch. Bob tries to convince Lisa that she has accomplished many feats during her stay, and hopes that she reconsiders. At the weigh in, impressive results are thrown, including an 18-pound loss from Frado (really 22 due to his 4 lb weight gain the previous week) & from Brendan, a 16-pound weight loss (17 due to weight gain) from Jesse, a 19-pound loss from Patrick, and a 12-pound loss from Jessica. In the end, after a tense weigh in, including many lash-outs from the contestants and trainers, directed at Lisa & Elizabeth, due to Aaron's poor result (only 4 pounds), he & Jesse, as well as Lisa & Elizabeth (who both lost 8 pounds) fall below the yellow line and go up for elimination, and in a 2 to 1 vote, Jesse & Aaron are eliminated. Week 8. "First aired November 16, 2010"<br> With the elimination of Aaron and Jesse, the contestants learn they will be competing as individuals. Bob expresses surprise at Brendan and Patrick voting for Aaron & Jesse, and is angry at the game-playing that has occurred and has caused players who need to be there to be eliminated. After the workout, Bob and Jillian reward and try to re-focus the players with videos from home. Bob informs Ada that she did not receive one, as her family never returned any messages that were left. Ada explains that she is used to not having the family support of the other players; Bob encourages her to use her feelings to push herself harder. The videos from home show how family members have been inspired to lose weight, in particular Patrick's wife, Elizabeth's mother and Mark's cousin, who has lost 65 pounds. Lisa and Brendan comfort Ada outside, and encourage her to come in, where the rest of the contestants have made a 'video from home' just for her. In the following workout, Jillian asks Elizabeth to complete the 500 step-up challenge which she never got chance to finish in Boston. She finishes easily, with Jillian giving her hand weights to use from 360; the point she fainted in Boston. The challenge involves keeping their balance on suspended platforms (one for each foot) above a pool, where one of the platforms will be withdrawn. Round 1 lasts for 5 seconds, increasing in 5's for each round. The prize is a 1-pound advantage at the weigh in. Brendan, Frado & Elizabeth fall in Round 1. Patrick & Jessica are out in Round 2. Ada, Mark and Lisa all survive Rounds 3 and 4, with Lisa and Ada falling in Round 5 (25 seconds). Mark wins the challenge. After, Jillian takes the contestants to Subway for a nutrition challenge. The prize is a $500 Subway giftcard, for the person who makes the best sandwich. They will judge each other, but can't vote for themselves. Lisa wins, with the most votes and also the lowest calorie sandwich. At the weigh-in, Frado loses 9 pounds to make him the 2nd to lose 100 pounds, but Jessica only loses 1 pound and Elizabeth loses 4 pounds. Jessica and Elizabeth fell below the yellow line and after deliberation Frado, Brendan and Lisa all voted for Jessica. Jessica treats herself to a makeover before meeting her family, including donating some of her hair. At home, it is revealed that Jessica is down to 200 pounds, making an 82-pound loss. Week 9. "First aired November 23, 2010"<br> It's makeover week, and the contestants learn they will also be walking in a charity fashion show for Ford Warriors in Pink, a charity for breast cancer research. They go to Ken Paves's hair salon for hair and eyebrow shaping, and the men shave their own beards. They then head to Smashbox Studios for a photo shoot for People magazine. At the runway show, Shanna comes back to guest speak, as she had been undergoing treatment for Grade 3 breast cancer while applying for The Biggest Loser. She reveals she now has a clean bill of health and has beaten her cancer. The contestants are all surprised by visits from their families in the dressing rooms. Ada's family did not come, but instead she had a visit from her best friend. They are all in the audience for the formal-wear section of the runway show. The challenge involves completing laps of Angels Flight, the "shortest" railway in the world (320 feet.) Taking the 189 stairs up to the top and back down gets 5 points, taking the trolley gets 1; first to 100 wins. The prize is a brand new 2011 Ford Edge, from Ford Warriors in Pink. No-one takes the trolley. Ada and Brendan have 1 lap to go when they both stop at the top to wait for Patrick. They decide that he needs the car more with 2 young children, and would never be able to afford one on his own. They follow him on the way down for his last lap and allow him to win. Elizabeth reaches 70 points (14 laps) before deciding she couldn't finish the challenge with Patrick already having won. Brendan speaks to Ada about her parents not having come to makeover week. She says that she did not wish them to come, and explains that her brother's death may have caused the distance between her and her parents and her not feeling good enough for them. In the next workout, Bob decides to help Elizabeth finish the challenge, as she was very disappointed in herself for not finishing. He sets her the challenge of completing 1,800 steps on the step machine to complete the challenge. She manages to finish the challenge with no real difficulty. Brendan, Patrick and Frado talk about their alliance and how it has helped them, but Patrick mentions how it may be threatened with less and fewer people on campus. At the weigh-in, Patrick loses 10, making him the 3rd person to lose 100+ pounds and the biggest loser of the week. Elizabeth loses 5, putting her in the 100s and gets quite emotional. Brendan loses 7. Ada loses 5. Mark loses 10. Lisa does not lose any weight, putting her under the yellow line. Frado shocks everyone and only loses 4 pounds. This puts him under the yellow line with Lisa. At the elimination, Frado's alliances help him stay on campus; Brendan, Elizabeth and Mark all voted for Lisa and send her home. Lisa's family and friends throw her a party on her return, which Allie (eliminated in Week 1) is shown to be at. At home, Lisa is paying it forward to Blythe, another overweight woman in her community. She has lost 89 pounds. Where Are They Now? "First aired November 24, 2010"<br> This episode includes updates on more than 30 contestants from the first nine seasons of "The Biggest Loser." Eight contest winners get together for a Thanksgiving dinner prepared by Curtis Stone, while other former contestants take on the San Francisco triathlon and Treasure Island races. Also: A Season 9 contestant pops the question; a Season 7 player meets with Tonga's royal family. A player has gained almost all of the weight back. Week 10. "First aired November 30, 2010"<br> After the elimination of Lisa, Alison announced that two contestants will be eliminated. One will be eliminated whom are below the yellow line, and one automatically eliminated by the red line. By the end of the week, the final four would be determined. At the start of the week, the contestants participated in the final pop challenge of the season. The winner will receive $10,000 courtesy of Subway. Each round was last person standing so the last person who finished each round would be eliminated. The rounds consisted of biking, running, paddling, jump roping, and climbing a ladder. The winner was Brendan, outlasting Patrick in the final round. Later, the final six contestants reflected during the past nine weeks of the competition. They also talked about what they would do to the money. On the same night, Bob and Jillian joined in reflecting how the contestants' lives has changed since. The week's challenge was a classic Biggest Loser challenge usually played near the finale. Contestants had to wear on their original weight in the beginning of the challenge. In one hundred step increments, contestants removed the weight lost chronologically. Once five hundred steps were achieved, they had to run a mile until reaching their colored flagpole. The winner was Ada, and she won a one-pound advantage plus a home gym worth $25,000. The contestants had a grueling final last chance workout. This was very important to earn one of the three guaranteed spots for the final four. Contestants were also shown a flashback of their workout nine weeks ago and present. Ada was shown having a breakdown whether her workout was enough to save her a spot. Also, Elizabeth had no idea whether she would be safe from the yellow line like last week, or face the yellow line yet again. On this week's weigh-in, there were many mixed reactions. After Ada pulls off 6 pounds with the pound advantage, she is not sure whether she will fall below either line. Elizabeth loses 4 pounds, which was usual for her each week. She did not feel confident with the weight at the week, but feels accomplished despite that. Frado and Patrick took the top two spots as the only contestants to lose double digits that week. They lost 15 and 12 pounds respectively. Mark loses 7 pounds, which disappoints him due to feeling that he had put in a lot effort, and losing a single digit number rather than double digit. Lastly, Brendan weighs in and loses 5 pounds. This ultimately pushes him below the red line, eliminating him automatically. Frado, Patrick, and Ada secured a spot in the final four, leaving Mark and Elizabeth below the yellow line. At the vote, Mark is eliminated with two votes because of being such a huge threat. Mark has high hopes of being the at-home winner. In his exit update video, it is shown that he has lost over 170 pounds, while his cousin has lost over 100 pounds. In addition, he meets former contestant Sunshine Hampton from Season 9. Week 11 (Semi-Final). "First aired December 7, 2010"<br> The remaining four contestants ran a marathon. Ada finished first at 4:38.48, beating Tara's time, then Patrick at 5:45.52, followed closely by Frado at 5:51.12, and Elizabeth finished the run at 7:27.10. Patrick came in first place in the weigh in, and Frado came in second. Ada and Elizabeth fell below the yellow line, and it was up to America to decide which of the two women will join Patrick and Frado among the final three. Week 12 (Finale). "First aired December 14, 2010"<br> Out of the vote of either Ada or Elizabeth, America decided to vote for Ada to be in the final 3, with Patrick and Frado. Corey, Montina, Sandy and Shanna were not eligible for the 'At Home' prize. Mark, won the at home prize. Ada is in third place, Frado in a close second, and followed by Patrick, winning the title of The Biggest Loser.

serious complications

4988-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=38662666

Unofficial Sentai Akibaranger is a tokusatsu series produced by Toei that parodies their long-running Super Sentai series. Akibarangers. The Akibarangers consist of three otakus that live in the Akihabara district of Tokyo who were given special technology by a scientist to fight an evil threat. The Akibarangers use to transform into their Akibaranger forms. In reality, the Akibarangers end up in a shared daydream state known as the where they use the power of their imagination to fight the Stema Otsu Corporation. However, once the Stema Otsu's monsters start appearing in reality, the Akibarangers also start materializing their transformed alter-egos to pursuit them and eventually obtain the ability to transform directly in the real world. The trio's motto is . They can perform the and the while New Akiba Red was a member of the group. Each of the Akibarangers (other than the new Red) have the kanji for their representative color in their surname. Nobuo Akagi. is an average 29-year-old man who works as a delivery boy at and still lives with his mother. He loves the Super Sentai Series and is shown to have vast knowledge of the franchise, often having delusions about being a hero. He is also shown to have great interest in an anime called . Whenever Akagi transforms into , his roll call involves recommending a warrior or villain from a past Super Sentai series while imitating their signature pose. In "Season Tsuu", after acquiring a dōjinshi from Yuko, Akiba Red gains a new power-up and becomes , now donning a special armor that resembles Aoi-tan embracing him. When performing the Big Golden Munyu Slash finishing attack, enlarged Super Akiba Red becomes glittering golden. His surname includes the kanji for . Nobuo Akagi is portrayed by . As a child, he is portrayed by . Mitsuki Aoyagi. is a famous 18-year-old martial artist who became an Akibaranger to improve her fighting skills, fighting as . She is a very serious person, but she secretly loves "Z-Cune Aoi". Unlike her teammates, Mitsuki initially knows little to nothing about the Super Sentai until she spends a day watching episodes of "GoGo Sentai Boukenger" to better understand the culture of the subgenre. She is very uncomfortable doing any of the things Akagi tells her to do, such as making poses or calling each other by their colors and not their actual names. However, by the middle of the series, she gains enough confidence to make her own roll call, referencing veteran action director Kazuo Niibori as her inspiration. An unusual feature of Akiba Blue's suit is a picture of a teddy bear printed on the lower backside of her uniform's panties. In "Season Tsuu", it is revealed that the events of the later episodes of the first season were somehow retconned, with Mitsuki being scouted to work by the Pentagon instead of Akagi and she is now the one who has left to the United States after the Akibarangers defeated the Stema Otsu for good. Her surname includes the kanji for . Mitsuki Aoyagi is portrayed by . Yumeria Moegi. is a 23-year-old woman who loves cosplaying. Her name used here is a cosplay alias instead of her real name, . Though she acts like a child, she is actually an office worker during the day and speaks in a deep voice whenever her costume's look is compromised. She is also known to draw her own doujin manga and tries to sell them at Comiket, which she often babbles about during her roll call as . Due to her experience as a cosplayer, she tends to stay in character, even while transformed. In one such instance, she cosplayed as Mere from "Juken Sentai Gekiranger" and even adopted her fighting style in battle. She is also shown to have vast knowledge of the Super Sentai, however not as great compared to Akagi. Yumeria is revealed to be a "fujoshi", as she has a tendency to go "moe" and lose consciousness over a homoerotic scene. In "Season Tsuu", the "pigtails" on Akiba Yellow's helmet becomes an "odango-style double bun" with a ribbon on them. The word for is also now printed on the backside of her Akibaranger uniform's panties, as she married into the wealthy Yokoyama family and now goes by the name , rather than by her cosplay nickname. Though her new family upbringing initially restricts her "otaku" tendencies, she secretly keeps her manga collection behind the bookshelf in her bedroom. As a means to defeat the Smaphone Monger in episode 4, Yuko draws a "Z-Cune Aoi" dōjinshi that inspires Akagi to materialize the MMZ-02 Munyu Munyu Zubaaan and become Super Akiba Red. Her alias' surname includes the kanji for , while the kanji read as in her married name is constructed with the kanji for "yellow". Yumeria Moegi is portrayed by . Takuma Tsuzuki. is an ICPO agent who is also Hiroyo's younger half-brother, his father meeting his mother during an Anime convention in New York. He becomes the after Akagi is recruited by The Pentagon. As Akiba Red, he can perform the razor-sharp headbutt and the , a Geki Waza-like attack, projecting his energy as a jaguar to fiercely attack an opponent. After Akagi reveals that their reality is a TV series undergoing a mid-season change and that his appearance was part of a plot device, Takuma relinquishes his position as Akiba Red once he receives a text message to return to Interpol. Takuma Tsuzuki is portrayed by , whose identical twin brother is Manpei Takagi, who portrayed Retsu Fukami in "Juken Sentai Gekiranger"; Shinpei also appeared in "Gekiranger" episode 38 as an evil clone of Manpei's character. Tsuzuki's many powers as the New Akiba Red are meant to reference Takagi's connections to the previous show. Luna Iwashimizu. is Mitsuki Aoyagi's replacement as in "Season Tsuu". An aspiring idol, Luna is a fan of "Akibaranger" (unaware of the reality displacement that put "Akibaranger" in place of "Gosei Sentai Dairanger" as an official Super Sentai) and has extensive production knowledge of Super Sentai and various genres. She is recruited by Akagi and Hiroyo when they notice the kanji of her first name is written the same as Mitsuki and her last name contains the kanji for blue, though she thinks she is cast into an "Akibaranger" remake series. However, after "Dairanger" is restored in the continuity, Luna quits from the Akibarangers, seeing no benefit to her career goal to be with them. Nevertheless, she rejoins the Akibarangers in battle after Hiroyo negotiates with her manager to "hire" her, but she stays with them permanently after being inspired by Akagi and Yuko's battle with Tyranno Ranger and Dragon Ranger. She hopes to use her Akibaranger identity as a stepping stone for her road to stardom. For the new Akiba Blue's suit, the "split ponytail" on the helmet becomes a straight ponytail and she now wears a garter belt. Her roll call involves word plays on her name. The kanji comprising the sound in her name is constructed with the kanji for "blue". Luna Iwashimizu is portrayed by . Inordinate Powers. The Akibarangers are able to use the Super Sentai's . Each is a weapon created from visions of past Red Super Sentai warriors, as a parody of the Great Powers from "Kaizoku Sentai Gokaiger" (and to an extent, the Final Form Rides from "Kamen Rider Decade"). Using the command , the Inordinate Powers of the Dekarangers, Boukengers, and Jetmen can be combined into the , while the Inordinate Powers of the Dairangers, Zyurangers, and Hurricangers can be combined into the . All six Inordinate Powers can be combined together into the Akibarangers ultimate weapon, the . Allies of the Akibarangers. Hiroyo Hakase. is the owner of the in Akihabara. Her real name is , the daughter of Takehiro Tsuzuki who used the anagram alias of to be the voice actor for , the protagonist of the popular anime "Nijiyome Academy Z-Cune Aoi" which her father played a role in creating. Hiroyo serves as the commander of the Akibarangers as she is the one who handpicked the Akibarangers, supplying them their MMZ-01 devices her father gave to her at the "Z-Cune Aoi" series wrap up. However, Hiroyo was unaware that the MMZ-01s were intended by Doctor Z to destroy the barrier between reality and fantasy while also inflicting her with a curse upon being the first person to hold them. With the curse taking the form of a scorpion tattoo on her chest, it slowly crawls up her throat whenever the MMZ-01 units are used in the real world before it takes away her voice forever. The curse is later revealed to be the work of Saburo Hatte as part of an in-show retooling before it was dropped once Akagi confirmed that it was a plot device. In "Season Tsuu", Hiroyo's career as Aoi's voice remains a secret due to the continuity being retconned. But there are subtle hints as seen in Malseena and Smaphone Monger's actions in distorting the reputation of the "Z-Cune Aoi" anime causing Himitsukichi to suddenly downgrade into a run-down establishment with Hiroyo in massive debt until the damage is undone. As the Akibarangers eventually manage to defeat General Tsuu, Hiroyo finds herself with the scorpion tattoo curse. However, instead of taking away her voice, the tattoo transforms her into Prism Ace's little sister as a result of Chigauyo Productions' manipulation of Saburo Hatte. In this form, Hiroyo has a green crystal on her forehead that recharges Prism Ace and talks in the high-pitched voice she normally uses to voice Aoi; she reverts to normal when the crystal is covered. She returns to her normal self for good when an enlarged Super Akiba Red destroys Prism Ace. Hiroyo Hakase is portrayed by . KozuKozu Mita. is a clumsy maid at Himitsukichi and Hiroyo's assistant. She dresses up as past Super Sentai characters like a Hana Ninja or a lady's version of Kai Ozu's outfit and often dances for the customers. After a backfired attempt by Yumeria to forestall the show's cancellation, KozuKozu reveals a long-standing crush on Yumeria. This relationship, however, is erased by the series' retcon in "Season Tsuu". KozuKozu Mita is portrayed by Tazuko. is Akagi's boss at Sasaki Pom Poko Delivery who often whacks him with her clipboard for slacking off. In "Season Tsuu", she further tortures him with various wrestling holds. Tazuko is portrayed by professional wrestler Sayaka Honiden. In "Season Tsuu", Akagi mentions that Sayaka has moved to Bhutan to work with her uncle. Sayaka Honiden is portrayed by . Masako Yamada. is Yumeria Moegi's mother who appears before the Akibarangers on Moegi's 24th birthday, revealing to the group that Masako was also a cosplayer known as , who at one point dressed as Miss America from "Battle Fever J". She actively participates in the battle with Kabukichō Mesugurohyōmonchō, transforming into Akiba Yellow herself, before allowing Yumeria to continue. After the fight, Yumeria reveals to the group that her mother actually died in a car accident five years prior, and she has always spent her birthday thinking of her mother, which is how she ended up in the delusion with them. Masako Yamada is portrayed by . Kazuo Niibori. is a suit actor who portrayed Red Hawk in "Chōjin Sentai Jetman", amongst several other Red warriors in the history of Super Sentai. The Akibarangers meet him when Akagi is tasked with delivering a package to Toei's studios, and he helps Aoyagi become better as an Akibaranger by teaching her various suit actor tactics, under the mistaken belief that she had been hired by Toei to become a suit actor for the next Super Sentai series' Blue warrior. Kazuo Niibori portrays himself. Ikura. is a part-time maid at Himitsukichi who often gets into play-fights with KozuKozu. Ikura is portrayed by of the group Danceroid. Tsukada P. is a producer who works for Toei (based on real-life producer Hideaki Tsukada) who contacts the group at Himitsukichi to hire the Akibarangers to make them an official Super Sentai. However, it is all a ruse set up by Malseena and the real Tsukada is a stuffed animal. Tsukada P is voiced by . Mio Usagi. is Mitsuki's rival in martial arts, sought out to be a means to extend the Akibarangers' show once they realize everything they have been doing is a work of fiction. However, their plans are set awry when Mitsuki finds out Mio has been injured in a bicycle accident and will not be able to participate in the tournament or any martial arts for three months. Mio Usagi is portrayed by . Yasuko Yokoyama. is Yumeria's mother-in-law who is secretly an anime otaku whose favorite series was and went by the name as an anime singer. Though she forbids Yumeria's otaku quirks on the impression that it would tarnish the Yokoyama name, Yasuko accepts it after seeing it first hand. Yasuko Yokoyama is portrayed by . George Spielburton. is an American film director who is a fan of Super Sentai. His name is a mash-up of George Lucas, Steven Spielberg, and Tim Burton. Spielburton travels to Japan to hold an audition for his upcoming movie. Though he is impressed with Luna's fluency in English, he ultimately chooses Akina Maihama after she uses a technique from "Taiyo Sentai Sun Vulcan" during her tryout. Akagi explains to Luna that Spielburton has a tendency to favor actors who are Super Sentai fans, regardless of their audition performance. Spielburton is also seen playing with S.H. Figuarts figures of Tyranno Ranger and Dragon Ranger during the audition. George Spielburton is portrayed by veteran action director and long time "Power Rangers" director/producer . Choko Nagakawa. is a popular idol in Akihabara nicknamed . Luna proposes for Choko to be Akiba Pink, the fourth Akibaranger. During the Akibarangers' delusional battle with Yuru-Chara Jigen, Choco-tan (dressed in an idol getup resembling Big One from "J.A.K.Q. Dengekitai") appears and attacks the monster, only to be zapped and turned into an okra (which she hates) while she turns into an Oneeder in the real world. She returns to normal after Akiba Red defeats Yuru-Chara Jigen. Her name is a play on real-life idol . Choko Nagakawa is portrayed by . Nobuo Tanaka. was a narrator for several Super Sentai Series, including the first one, "Himitsu Sentai Gorenger" which he narrated for the first 14 episodes. Other series in the franchise narrated by him include "Dengeki Sentai Changeman", "Kousoku Sentai Turboranger" and "Chouriki Sentai Ohranger". While the Akibarangers are on the losing end of a battle with Yuru-Chara Jigen, Tanaka is hired by Hiroyo to broadcast a motivational narration with "Changeman's" main theme as a background music through Akiba Red's MMZ-01 unit to help him defeat the monster. Nobuo Tanaka portrays himself. Yoshinori Okamoto. is a veteran suit actor known for portraying various Super Sentai villains during his career. When the Akibarangers mistake Okamoto for General Tsuu, they attempt to break him down, but are thwarted by his resistance to extreme heat and pain. He later on explains to the Akibarangers that he was hired by General Tsuu to become a motion capture study for the latter's monster Mutoumushite. Okamoto also mentions that while he was overshadowed by Kazuo Niibori, he made up for it by giving each of his characters a glorious death - a trait that becomes Mutoumushite's downfall in his final confrontation with the Akibarangers. Yoshinori Okamoto portrays himself. Seiji Takaiwa. is a veteran suit actor who portrayed Ninja Red, Mega Blue and various Red warriors in the Super Sentai Series during the 1990s and 2000s. He is seen at the end of episode 8, chatting with Yoshinori Okamoto before the Akibarangers ask for his autograph. Seiji Takaiwa portrays himself. Haruko Momoi. is a famous anime singer who is among the people attacked by Asakusa Alpaca in Akihabara. In "Season Tsuu", Haruko visits Himitsukichi, where Hiroyo and KozuKozu keep her from uncovering the catatonic General Tsuu, who is covered up among the café's memorabilia. Haruko Momoi portrays herself. Momoi also voiced Yuru-Chara Jigen in episode 6 of "Season Tsuu". Previous Sentai warriors. These previous Sentai warriors are not real, but appear in the Akibarangers' delusions often assisting them in battle and giving them their Inordinate Power. For "Season Tsuu", the male warriors are voiced by and , while the female warriors are voiced by except where indicated. Stema Otsu Corporation/Delusion Empire. The are the first season's main antagonists. Their main purpose is to destroy the otaku culture within Akihabara and incorporate on it the economy and lifestyle of a different district. However, originally products of Takehiro Tsuzuki's imagination and intended to be villains on "Z-Cune Aoi", the Stema Otsu Corporation is revealed to be a delusion created by the Akibarangers to explain the series of unrelated crimes occurring in their district from their perspective. Originally, the battles against the Corporation only happen in the minds of the Akibarangers, but the rules change when Malseena somehow enters the real world and helps Doctor Z in destroying the barrier so their forces can invade reality. Under Saburo Hatte's influence, Doctor Z reorganizes the Stema Otsu Corporation into the . After Doctor Z reforms, Malseena reestablishes the Stema Otsu Corporation in an attempt to prolong the series. The Stema Otsu is reestablished in season two after Malseena betrays General Tsuu. Doctor Z. is the Stema Otsu Corporation's head. His true identity is , Hiroyo's father who was a brilliant scientist admired by his peers. However, his undying love for anime resulted in his divorce from Hiroyo's mother and departure from his professional field as he pursued a career as an anime character designer. After scouting for opportunities without success, Takehiro managed to land a job at Studio Bell Village after the studio was impressed with his designs. However, his increasingly surreal and violent concept sketches, along with several personal conflicts with the production staff and chief animator, led to his termination from the studio and himself being ostracized from the industry. Returning to his former profession in the field of science to pay for child support, Takehiro discovered the , which react to human brainwaves and convert delusional images into reality. While the scientific discovery was a major accomplishment in his life, he turned to the side of evil and became Doctor Z upon discovering that Studio Bell Village reworked his original character designs into what was to become "Z-Cune Aoi". Furthermore, he disowned his daughter when she secretly became the voice actress of Aoi Ichikawa to the point of placing a career-threatening curse on her through the sketches he sent her. Posing as a homeless man, Doctor Z oversaw Malseena's scheme of tearing down reality before revealing himself to Hiroyo and the Akibarangers. Soon after, influenced by the series producer, Z's agenda becomes more dark and warped as he reformats his organization and disowns Malseena. Eventually, in the aftermath of Delu Knight's defeat, Z reforms and reconciles with Hiroyo. In "Season Tsuu", the events of the first season are retconned with Tsuzuki having no role in the Stema Otsu Corporation. He is mentioned by Hiroyo as working on a robot project at MIT. Doctor Z is portrayed by , who previously voiced Ninjaman in "Ninja Sentai Kakuranger". Malseena. is the Akibarangers' reoccurring nemesis, able to change her physical appearance and voice instantly. Malseena's name is from and is also written "©na". At first, Malseena was believed to be originated from Akagi's vision of an ideal enemy. But in reality, Malseena was the product of Takehiro Tsuzuki developing a villain for "Z-Cune Aoi" yet the design sketch was rejected and entrusted to Hiroyo. During the events of season one, Malseena is the Stema Otsu Corporation's head of redevelopment who plans on taking over Akihabara prior to finding a childhood drawing of Hiroyo that enables her to materialize herself outside the Akibarangers' delusion. From there, Malseena proceeds to have the Akibarangers tear down the barrier between reality and delusion. Eventually learning that there a power affecting her creator's thoughts, Malseena finds herself disowned as she attempts to stop the series finale by taking out Delu Knight before the final battle begins. In the end, after Doctor Z's reforms, Malseena reforms the Stema Otsu Corporation in an attempt to prolong the series before Hatte abruptly ended the series. But refusing to accept the series ending like that, Malseena traveled to Hatte's reality and convinced him to create Akibaranger's second season. However, though she had him reboot the events of the first season to have her as the Stema Otsu Corporation's leader, Malseena is degraded as a subordinate of General Tsuu. However, having her own version of the Akibarangers' MMZ-01 called the , Malseena can assume her with the activation call of and using the finishing attack. Despite being in odds with General Tsuu, Malseena took advantage of his schemes for her own agenda prior to being trapped in an acrylic case similar to Princess Ial's Eternal Freeze and later revived as a servant controlled by him via a microphone. When General Tsuu gets trapped in his own delusions, she fakes her loyalty before having Kameari Alpaca destroy General Tsuu's microphone so she can steal his Super Sentai knowledge and use it achieve her ultimate goal: changing the Super Sentai series into the Super Malseena series where she plays the lead antagonist in each entry and wiped out the Super Sentai teams for the past 37 years. Malseena is portrayed by . Delu Knight. is the Stema Otsu Corporation's executive director. He sees Takuma as his rival. His signature attack is the slash. In the final battle he pilots , a giant robot, to destroy Akihabara. The Akibarangers try their best to stop it without destroying it to avoid the ultimate defeat of their enemies and the conclusion of the series, but they end up defeating him by accident. His name is derived from the English word "delusion". In "Season Tsuu", the events of the first season are retconned with Delu Knight appearing early in the storyline and getting killed by the Akibarangers' Inordinate Cannon in their final battle. He is later revived when Kameari Alpaca's death creates a portal for his return. Granted by Malseena the ability to converting defeat flags into victory flags and vice versa, Delu Knight becomes seemingly invincible by reenacting situations that usually foretell the downfall of villains in the Super Sentai Series at his favor. However, Delu Knight is once again destroyed when Super Akiba Red realizes his trick and decides to use it against him. Delu Knight is voiced by , who previously voiced Engine Machalcon in "Kaizoku Sentai Gokaiger". Shatieeks. The are the Stema Otsu Corporation's salaryman foot soldiers. Wearing white masks that sport eyeglasses and thick eyebrows, they can be heard shouting and . During the Stema Otsu Corporation's transition to the Delusion Empire, the Shatieeks trade their work clothes for blue military uniforms. Their name is from the Japanese word for . The Shatieeks (in "Season Tsuu") are voiced by and . Chief Clerks. The serve as the Stema Otsu Corporation's monsters, each originally conceived by Takehiro as "Z-Cune Aoi" villains. Each Chief Clerk is named after one of Tokyo's districts and an animal. As part of the Stema Otsu Corporation's transition into the Delusion Empire, Doctor Z has all of the surviving 40 Chief Clerks laid off and replaced with Drill Cyclops. Drill Cyclops. is a , the first of a line of cyborg monsters intended for use by the Delusion Empire, Drill Cyclops is equipped with drill arms and a drill horn on its head. Sent to destroy Tokyo's lifeline to put the city in chaos, Drill Cyclops is destroyed by the Akibarangers' Heart-Technique-Body Attack. In "Season Tsuu", Drill Cyclops's appearance is retconned into the giant piloted by Malseena and is destroyed by Itashar Robo. Baros lol. The is the second season's main antagonists. The organization's full name is reference to the villain organizations of "Dynaman", "Bioman", "Flashman", "Maskman", "Liveman", and "Jetman". General Tsuu. The leader of Baros lol, is a fan of the antagonists of the Super Sentai Series and based his attire and name from his favorite villain: General Kar of "Dynaman". His true identity is , a dental technician. It is still unknown where he obtained a real MMZ-00 Moya Moya Z-Cune, which he uses to contact Malseena in the Delusion World, or how he learned to use it to send his creations there. Originally, General Tsuu was unaware of the effects that his creations had on reality, and upon learning of it, he decided to use it to his advantage. When he meets the Akibarangers in person, he also learns the means to travel to the Delusion World. Once defeated by the Akibarangers within his own delusion, General Tsuu remains while his comatose body is taken to Himitsukichi. However, being loved by Malseena for his Super Sentai knowledge, General Tsuu finds himself betrayed and "killed" once his knowledge has been extracted. As a result of his persona's death, a normal Ushirozawa returns to reality and resumes his livelihood. General Tsuu is portrayed by , who previously voiced Akumaro Sujigarano in "Samurai Sentai Shinkenger". Akina Maihama. is an aspiring idol who is General Tsuu's apprentice and Luna's rival. Under General Tsuu's guidance, Akina lands a role in a George Spielburton film by using Queen Hedrian's "dance of greed" from "Sun Vulcan" episode 15. However, the movie project is canceled after Spielburton has a Sentai-themed dream and returns to the U.S. to create a new story. Despite this, Akina develops a rivalry with Luna. Akina Maihama is portrayed by , who previously portrayed Natsume Masaki in "Juken Sentai Gekiranger". Oneeders. The are the Baros lol's foot soldiers. Their name is from the Japanese word for , which reflects in their masks and a fighting style that disturbs their opponents. The Oneeders are armed with swords that read, "Oh!" and they often chant random beauty tips. The Oneeders are voiced by and . Monsters. The Baros lol's monsters are created by General Tsuu from crafting figurines and bringing them to life by sending into the Delusion World with the MMZ-00's built-in system. The monsters are patterned after electronic devices and homages to Sentai villain groups whose actions in the Delusion World affect the real world, seeking to undermine the source of the Akibarangers' delusion power, which is their unyielding devotion to Anime and the Super Sentai franchise. Previous Sentai villains. These previous Sentai enemies are not real, but appear in General Tsuu's delusions and are able to combine into a bazooka called the that Malseena can use. Prism Ace. is an enemy of the Akibarangers who first appears during their final confrontation against Malseena and helps them defeat her. However, it is later revealed that he is the main hero of (A parody of "Ultraman"), a show created by Toei's rival company who made use of a spy to have Saburo Hatte relinquish the Super Sentai time slot to their new series, with Hiroyo transformed as Prism Ace's little sister who empowers him with a crystal on her forehead. Assisted by Hatte and Malseena, the Akibarangers confront Prism Ace by enlarging Super Akiba Red. In a disadvantage at first, Akagi makes a comeback when he changes sides with Prism Ace and makes use of the flag stating that in all tokusatsu productions the heroes usually unleash their finishing moves from the right side of the screen, defeating the enemy and returning the Super Sentai Series to normal. Prism Ace is voiced by , who previously voiced Aka Red in "GoGo Sentai Boukenger vs. Super Sentai" and "Kaizoku Sentai Gokaiger". Saburo Hatte. , the collective pen name of producers at Toei Company, is revealed to be behind all of the events that have taken place in "Akibaranger", and has been manipulating events for the sake of popularity such as controlling Doctor Z and replacing Akagi as the main protagonist. But once his actions are revealed, Hatte resolves to cancel the series, eliminating all complex subplots the Akibarangers, attempting to stir them up by bringing them to abrupt conclusions. Even Malseena gets in on the act against Hatte, planning a battle with the Akibarangers that will last six months before Hatte sends a giant "The End" subtitle to thwart them. Though he manages to intervene off-screen to abrupt end the series, using it as an excuse to cover his losses, Hatte tricks the Akibarangers into enacting a recap episode with the promise of a second season. In "Season Tsuu", it is revealed that Hatte is hospitalized in a critical condition after sending the Akibarangers the DVD and prior to being found by Malseena as she manipulates him creating "Season Tsuu" before warping the Super Sentai Series into the Super Malseena Series as her personal revenge on him for making her a second banana to Doctor Z and General Tsuu. But despite her grudge, Malseena keeps Hatte alive, as his death could destroy everything she established. After Malseena is defeated by Prism Ace, he reconciles with her and appears in the Delusional World as General Tsuu to help the Akibarangers defeat Prism Ace. After the Super Sentai Series is restored, Hatte leaves the hospital.

interview results

7018-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=34468613

Prema Kavali () is a 2011 Telugu-language romantic action film written and directed by K. Vijaya Bhaskar and produced by K. Atchi Reddy. The film features debutants Aadi and Isha Chawla in the lead roles. It features music composed by Anoop Rubens with cinematography by Chota K. Naidu. Aadi has won the Hyderabad Times award 2011 for Promising Newcomer Male, CineMAA Awards (2012) for Best Debut Actor of 2012, 59th Filmfare Awards South for Best Male Debut - South and SIIMA Award for Best Male Debut (Telugu) at 1st SIIMA. It ran for 100 days and was declared a Blockbuster. Plot. Prema (Isha Chawla) is the darling daughter of an honest and strict police officer (Nassar), but she is currently being blackmailed by one person (Shafi). Prema’s tension catches the eye of her sister-in-law (Sindhu Tolani) and this reveals a flashback. The story is about Srinu (Aadi), Prema’s classmate and his love for her. However, Prema doesn’t respond to his love feelings, but becomes friends with him. But in an unexpected situation, Srinu kisses Prema and this makes her hate Srinu and that becomes the cause of her worries. Those photos are used by the blackmailer saying that he would mail them to her father. This makes Prema's sister-in-law go to Srinu's Home in Khammam, where Srinu returns from Training of N.C.C.. He, after listening the whole story, vows to solve all the problems and goes to Hyderabad. Though initially it becomes difficult for Srinu to investigate, he later appoints a chain snatcher named Chain Raja (Ali) and tells him to follow her and give him updates. Meanwhile, it is revealed to the audience that the actual man behind this blackmail is Tagore (Dev Gill), a dreaded mafia don who wants a terrorist released from the prison on the orders of terrorist groups, whose in-charge is Prema's Father. Then Chain Raja watches Prema carrying a sum of money to an old house where the blackmailer is in disguise. He takes the sum of money, gives the photos, and cleverly gets the password of Prema's father's e-mail ID in which the terrorist's imprisonment details are held. Before Tagore's henchmen would snatch the photos from Prema, Srinu saves her and they burn the photos. Later, Prema starts loving Srinu and Tagore implements an escape plan to make the terrorist get released from the prison. The whole blame is on Prema's father and he confronts Prema, which makes her confess the truth. Being the person loving her and as an N.C.C. trainee, Srinu dares to chase Tagore and the terrorist. In a fight, Srinu kills Tagore and the terrorist is sent to police custody. Later, Srinu goes to the place where he kissed Prema and finds her waiting for him. The film ends with a scene featuring Srinu and Prema confessing their love for each other. Soundtrack. The music of the film was composed by Anup Rubens. The audio was launched by Dasari Narayana Rao at Shilpakala Vedika on 9 January 2011. Actors Jayasudha, Manoj Manchu, Lakshmi Manchu, Sharwanand, Varun Sandesh, Bramhanandam and Sundeep Kishan attended the audio launch. The film unit gave away Rs 10 lakh as a donation to the medical aid of child patients at a cancer hospital. Veteran director S. V. Krishna Reddy launched the brochure of the film. Each song was introduced by an actor and guest who attended the audio launch.

unforeseen moment

10756-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=4063480

Mudskippers are amphibious fish. They are of the family Oxudercidae and the subfamily Oxudercinae. There are 32 living species of mudskipper. They are known for their unusual appearance and their ability to survive both in and out of water. They can grow up to long and most are a brownish green colour that range anywhere from dark to light. During mating season the males will also develop brightly coloured spots in order to attract females. The spots can be red, green and even blue. A mudskipper's eyes protrude from the tops of its flat head. Their most noticeable feature however is their side pectoral fins that are located more forward and under their elongated body. These fins function similarly to legs in that they allow the mudskipper to move from place to place. Although having the typical appearance of any other fish, these forward fins allow the mudskipper to “skip” across muddy surfaces and even give them the ability to climb trees and low branches. Because of these fins, mudskippers have also been found to be able to leap distances of up to two feet. Taxonomy. Oxudercinae is sometimes classified within the family Gobiidae (gobies). Recent molecular studies do not support this classification, as oxudercine gobies appear to be paraphyletic relative to amblyopine gobies (Gobiidae: Amblyopinae), thus being included in a distinct "Periophthalmus lineage", together with amblyopines. Mudskippers can be defined as oxudercine gobies that are "fully terrestrial for some portion of the daily cycle" (character 24 in Murdy, 1989). This would define the species of the genera "Boleophthalmus", "Periophthalmodon", "Periophthalmus", and "Scartelaos" as "mudskippers". However, field observations of "Zappa confluentus" suggest that this monotypic genus should be included in the definition. Behaviour. Mudskippers typically live in burrows in intertidal habitats, and exhibit unique adaptations to this environment that are not found in most intertidal fishes, which typically survive the retreat of the tide by hiding under wet seaweed or in tide pools. These burrows are most often characterised by their smooth and vaulted ceilings. The way the males dig these burrows has been found to be directly linked to their ability to survive submerged in almost anoxic water. It has also been found to play a crucial role in the development of the eggs within the burrow. Mudskippers are quite active when out of water, feeding and interacting with one another, for example, to defend their territories and court potential partners. Once the male has completed digging his burrow he will resurface and will begin attempting to attract a female through assorted yet typical displays. These displays consist of body undulations, different postures and energetic movements. Once the female has made her choice she will then proceed to follow the male into the burrow where she will lay hundreds of eggs and allow them to be fertilized. After fertilization occurs, the period of cohabitation between the male and female is rather short. Eventually, the female will leave and it is the male that ends up guarding the egg filled burrow from hungry predators. Perhaps the most interesting trait of the mudskipper is their ability to both survive and thrive in and out of water. When leaving the water and moving into a more dry environment on land they are still able to breathe using water that is trapped inside their rather large gill chambers. They are also able to absorb oxygen from the lining of their mouth and throat allowing them to stay out of water for long periods of time. In fact, it has been discovered that they spend up to three quarters of their life on land. They are found in tropical, subtropical, and temperate regions, including the Indo-Pacific and the Atlantic coast of Africa. Adaptations. Compared with fully aquatic gobies, these specialised fish present a range of peculiar anatomical and ethological adaptations that allow them to move effectively on land as well as in the water. As their name implies, these fish use their fins to move around in a series of skips. Mudskippers have the ability to breathe through their skin and the lining of their mouth (the mucosa) and throat (the pharynx); this is only possible when the mudskippers are wet, limiting them to humid habitats and requiring that they keep themselves moist. This mode of breathing, similar to that employed by amphibians, is known as cutaneous respiration. Another important adaptation that aids breathing while out of water is their enlarged gill chambers, where they retain a bubble of air. These chambers close tightly when the fish is above water, due to a ventromedial valve of the gill slit, keeping the gills moist, and allowing them to function while exposed to air. Gill filaments are stiff and do not coalesce when out of water. The different species have adapted to various diets on the mudflats. "Boleophthalmus boddarti" is detritivorous, while others will eat small crabs, insects, snails and even other mudskippers. Digging deep burrows in soft sediments allows the fish to thermoregulate, avoid marine predators during the high tide when the fish and burrow are submerged, and lay their eggs. When the burrow is submerged, several mudskipper species maintain an air pocket inside it, which allows them to breathe in conditions of very low oxygen concentration. To reduce toxic ammonia production, mudskippers can suppress amino acid breakdown when exposed to air. Another method they use involves the partial breakdown of amino acids leading to the production of alanine, which also reduces ammonia production. Mudskippers can reduce the membrane permeability of their skin and acidify the water in their burrows to reduce levels of ammonia from the environment. Species. The genus "Periophthalmus" is by far the most diverse and widespread genus of mudskipper. Eighteen species have been described. "Periophthalmus argentilineatus" is one of the most widespread and well-known species. It can be found in mangrove ecosystems and mudflats of East Africa and Madagascar east through the Sundarbans of Bengal, Southeast Asia to Northern Australia, southeast China, and southern Japan, to Samoa and Tonga Islands. It grows to a length of about 9.5 cm and is a carnivorous opportunist feeder. It feeds on small prey such as small crabs and other arthropods. However, a recent molecular study suggests that "P. argentilineatus" is in fact a complex of species, with at least three separate lineages, one in East Africa, and two in the Indo-Malayan region. Another species, "Periophthalmus barbarus", is the only oxudercine goby that inhabits the coastal areas of western Africa.

once-per-day sequence

10209-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=977221

A trabecula (plural trabeculae, from Latin for "small beam") is a small, often microscopic, tissue element in the form of a small beam, strut or rod that supports or anchors a framework of parts within a body or organ. A trabecula generally has a mechanical function, and is usually composed of dense collagenous tissue (such as the trabecula of the spleen). They can be composed of other materials such as muscle and bone. In the heart, muscles form trabeculae carneae and septomarginal trabecula. Cancellous bone is formed from groupings of trabeculated bone tissue. In cross sections, trabeculae of a cancellous bone can look like septa, but in three dimensions they are topologically distinct, with trabeculae being roughly rod or pillar-shaped and septa being sheet-like. When crossing fluid-filled spaces, trabeculae may have the function of resisting tension (as in the penis, see for example trabeculae of corpora cavernosa and trabeculae of corpus spongiosum) or providing a cell filter (as in the trabecular meshwork of the eye). Multiple perforations in a septum may reduce it to a collection of trabeculae, as happens to the walls of some of the pulmonary alveoli in emphysema. Structure. Trabecular bone, also called cancellous bone, is porous bone composed of trabeculated bone tissue. It can be found at the ends of long bones like the femur, where the bone is actually not solid but is full of holes connected by thin rods and plates of bone tissue. Red bone marrow, where all the blood cells are made, fills the space between the trabecular pores. Even though trabecular bone contains a lot of holes, its spatial complexity contributes the maximal strength with minimum mass. It is noted that the form and structure of trabecular bone are organized to optimally resist loads imposed by functional activities, like jumping, running and squatting. And according to the famous Wolff's Law, proposed in 1892, the external shape and internal architecture of bone are determined by the external stresses acting on it. The internal structure of the trabecular bone firstly undergoes adaptive changes along stress direction and then the external shape of cortical bone undergoes secondary changes. Finally bone structure becomes thicker and denser to resist the external loading. Because of increasing amount of total joint replacement and its impact on bone remodeling, understanding the stress-related and adaptive process of trabecular bone has become a central concern for bone physiologists. In order to understand the role of trabecular bone in age-related bone structure and design for bone-implant system, it is significant to study the mechanical properties of trabecular bone as a function of variables, such as anatomic site, density and age. To do so, mechanical factors including modulus, uniaxial strength, and fatigue properties are necessary to be studied. Typically, the porosity percent of trabecular bone is in the range 75–95% and the density ranges from 0.2 to 0.8 g/cm3. It is noted that the porosity can reduce the strength of the bone, but also reduce its weight. The porosity and the manner that porosity is structured affect the strength of material. Thus, the micro structure of trabecular bone is typically oriented and "grain" of porosity is aligned in a direction at which mechanical stiffness and strength are greatest. Because of the microstructual directionality, the mechanical properties of trabecular bone is highly an-isotropic. The range of young's modulus for trabecular bone is 800 to 14,000 MPa and the strength of failure is 1 to 100 MPa. As mentioned above, the mechanical properties of trabecular bone are very sensitive to apparent density. The relationship between modulus of trabecular bone and its apparent density was demonstrated by Carter and Hayes in 1976. The resulting equation states: formula_1 where formula_2 represents the modulus of trabecular bone in any loading direction, formula_3 represents the apparent density, and formula_4 formula_5 and formula_6 are constants depending on the architecture of tissue. Additionally, from scanning electron microscopy, it was found that the variation in trabecular architecture with different anatomic sites lead to different modulus. To understand structure-anisotropy and material property relations, one must correlate the measured mechanical properties of anisotropic trabecular specimens with the stereologic descriptions of their architecture. The compressive strength of trabecular bone is also very important because it is believed that the inside failure of trabecular bone arise from compressive stress. On the stress-strain curves for both trabecular bone and cortical bone with different apparent density, there are three stage in stress-strain curve. The first one is linear region where individual trabecula bend and compress as the bulk tissue is compressed. The second stage is after yielding, trabecular bonds start to fracture and the third stage is the stiffening stage. Typically, lower density trabecular areas have more deformed stage before stiffening than higher density specimens. In summary, trabecular bone is very compliant and heterogeneous. The heterogeneous character makes it difficult to summarize the general mechanical properties for trabecular bone. High porosity makes trabecular bone compliant and large variations in architecture leads to high heterogeneity. The modulus and strength vary inversely with porosity and highly depend on the porosity structure. Additionally, the effects of aging and small cracks of trabecular bones on their mechanical properties will be analyzed more in final drafts. Clinical significance. Studies have shown that once a human reaches adulthood, bone density steadily decreases with age, to which loss of trabecular bone mass is a partial contributor. Loss of bone mass is defined by the World Health Organization as osteopenia if bone mineral density (BMD) is one standard deviation below mean BMD in young adults, and is defined as osteoporosis if it is more than 2.5 standard deviations below the mean. A low bone density greatly increases risk for stress fracture, which can occur without warning in those at risk. The resulting low-impact fractures from osteoporosis most commonly occur in the upper femur, which consists of 25-50% trabecular bone depending on the region, in the vertebrae which are about 90% trabecular, or in the wrist. When trabecular bone volume decreases, its original plate-and-rod structure is disturbed; plate-like structures are converted to rod-like structures, and pre-existing rod-like structures thin until they disconnect and resorb into the body. Changes in trabecular bone are typically gender-specific, with the most notable differences in bone mass and trabecular microstructure occurring within the age range for menopause. Trabeculae degradation over time causes a decrease in bone strength that is disproportionately large in comparison to volume of trabecular bone loss, leaving the remaining bone vulnerable to fracture. With osteoporosis there are often also symptoms of osteoarthritis, which occurs when cartilage in joints is under excessive stress and degrades over time, causing stiffness, pain, and loss of movement. With osteoarthritis, the underlying bone plays a significant role in cartilage degradation; thus any trabecular degradation can significantly affect stress distribution and adversely affect the cartilage in question. Due to its strong effect on overall bone strength, there is currently strong speculation that analysis in patterns of trabeculae degradation may be useful in the near-future in tracking the progression of osteoporosis. Birds. The hollow design of bird bones is multifunctional by establishing high specific strength and supplementing open airways to accommodate the skeletal pneumaticity common to many birds. The specific strength and resistance to buckling is optimized through their bone design that combines a thin, hard shell that encases a spongy core of trabeculae. The allometry of their trabeculae allows the skeleton to tolerate loads without significantly increasing the bone mass. The Red-Tailed Hawk optimizes its weight with a repeating pattern of V-shaped struts that give the bones the necessary lightweight and stiff characteristics. The inner network of trabeculae shifts mass away from the neutral axis, which ultimately increases the resistance to buckling. Just like in humans, the distribution of trabeculae in bird species is uneven, depending on the loading conditions. The bird with the highest density of trabeculae is the kiwi, a flightless bird. There is also uneven distribution of trabeculae within the similar species such as the great spotted woodpecker or grey-headed woodpecker. After examining a microCT scan of the woodpecker's forehead, temporomandibulum, and occiput it was determined that there is significantly more trabeculae in the forehead and occiput. Besides the difference in distribution, the aspect ratio of the individual struts was higher in woodpeckers than in other birds of similar size such as the Eurasian Hoopoe or the lark. The woodpeckers’ trabeculae are more plate-like while the hawk and lark have rod-like structures networked through their bones. The decrease in strain on the woodpecker's brain has been attributed to the higher quantity of thicker plate-like struts packed more closely together than the hawk or hoopoe or the lark. Conversely, the thinner rod-like structures would lead to greater deformation. A destructive mechanical test with 12 samples show the woodpecker's trabeculae design has an average ultimate strength of 6.38MPa, compared to the lark's 0.55MPa. Besides the skull, the beak of woodpeckers have tiny struts supporting the shell of their beak, but to a lesser extent compared to their skull. As a result of less trabeculae in the beak, it has a higher stiffness of 1.0 GPa compared to the skull, 0.31 GPa. While the beak absorbs some of the impact from pecking, most of the impact is transferred to the skull where more trabeculae are actively available to absorb the shocks. The ultimate strength of the woodpecker's beak and lark's are similar, which can be inferred that the beak has a lesser role in impact absorption. But one measured advantage of the woodpecker's beak is the slight overbite (upper beak is 1.6mm longer than lower beak) that causes a bimodal distribution of force due to the top beak contacting the surface moments before the bottom half of the beak. This staggered timing of impact induced a lower strain on the trabeculae in the forehead, occiput, and beak, than if the upper and lower beak had equal lengths. Research. Helmet technology. An important cause of injury and death is head injury. Scientists have been inspired by woodpeckers to advance helmet technology after learning about their ability to decelerate at 1,000 times the force of gravity continuously for an average of 15 pecks. It is estimated that the woodpecker drums its beak approximately 12,000 times per day. It is assumed that the woodpeckers do not suffer any brain damage at these forces that immensely exceed the human capacity. A company called Riddell, a manufacturer of helmets for the United States Army and American football, is developing helmets to mitigate the stress on the front of the brain in a design similar to some birds. Black box. Improvements to the impact strength of black boxes are being designed based on the head of a woodpecker. They consist of hard layers of steel and aluminum to mimic their beak and skull, an elastomeric component to uniformly disperse vibrations away from the skull like the hyoid bone , and a porous structure made of glass microspheres to dampen vibrations like trabecular bone. This structure survived a test up to 60,000 Gs. Trabecular metal material. Created by Zimmer Biomet, Trabecular Metal material has been used clinically for 19 years for orthopedic applications such as implantations for the hip, knee, or shoulder as well as bone void fillers, osteonecrosis rods, and dental implants. It is an open-cell metal foam with up to 80% porosity, each pore size is on average 440 micrometers. It has a low stiffness and a high coefficient of friction of 0.98 so the implants remain secure without sliding. It is made of pure tantalum because it chemically inert, corrosion-resistant, and biocompatible. This trabecular structure has a high compressive modulus and high fatigue strength to withstand normal physiological stresses over long periods of time. Trabecula in other organisms. The larger the animal is, the higher the load its bones must withstand. Trabecular bone has previously been known to increase stiffness by increasing the amount of bone per unit volume or by altering the geometry and arrangement of individual trabeculae as body size and bone loading increases. Trabecular bone scales allometrically, reorganizing the bones’ internal structure to increase the ability of the skeleton to sustain loads experienced by the trabeculae. Furthermore, scaling of trabecular geometry can potentially moderate trabecular strain. Load acts as a stimulus to the trabecular, changing its geometry so as to sustain or mitigate strain loads. By using finite element modelling, a study tested four different species under an equal apparent stress (σapp) to show that trabecular scaling in animals alters the strain within the trabecular. It was observed that the strain within trabeculae from each species varied with the geometry of the trabeculae. From a scale of tens of micrometers, which is approximately the size of osteocytes, the figure below shows that thicker trabeculae exhibited less strain. The relative frequency distributions of element strain experienced by each species shows a higher elastic moduli of the trabeculae as the species size increases. Additionally, trabeculae in larger animals are thicker, further apart, and less densely connected than those in smaller animals. Intra-trabecular osteon can commonly be found in thick trabeculae of larger animals, as well as thinner trabeculae of smaller animals such as cheetah and lemurs. The osteons play a role in the diffusion of nutrients and waste products in and out osteocytes by regulating the distance between osteocytes and bone surface to approximately 230 μm. Due to an increased reduction of blood oxygen saturation, animals with high metabolic demands tend to have a lower trabecular thickness (Tb.Th) because they require increased vascular perfusion of trabeculae. The vascularization by tunneling osteons changes the trabecular geometry from solid to tube-like, increasing bending stiffness for individual trabeculae and sustaining blood supply to osteocytes that are embedded deep in the tissue. Bone volume fraction (BV/TV) was found to be relatively constant for the variety of animal sizes tested. Larger animals did not show a significantly larger mass per unit volume of trabecular bone. This may be due to an adaptation which reduces the physiological cost of producing, maintaining, and moving tissue. However, BV/TV showed significant positive scaling in avian femoral condyles. Larger birds present decreased flight habits due to avian BV/TV allometry. The flightless kiwi, weighing only 1–2 kg, had the greatest BV/TV of the birds tested in the study. This shows that trabecular bone geometry is related to ‘prevailing mechanical conditions’, so the differences in trabecular geometry in the femoral head and condyle could potentially present the different loading environments of the coxofemoral and femorotibial joints. The woodpecker’s ability to resist repetitive head impact is correlated with its unique micro/nanohierarchical composite structures. Microstructure and nanostructure of the woodpecker’s skull consists of an uneven distribution of spongy bone, the organizational shape of individual trabeculae. This affects the woodpecker's mechanical properties, allowing the cranial bone to withstand a high ultimate strength (σu). Compared to the cranial bone of the lark, the woodpecker cranial bone is denser and less spongy, having a more plate-like structure to a more rod-like structure that is observed in larks. Furthermore, the woodpecker's cranial bone has a greater thickness and amount of individual trabeculae. Relative to the trabeculae in lark, the woodpecker’s trabecular is more closely spaced and more plate-like. [19] These properties result in a higher ultimate strength in the cranial bone of the woodpecker, than of the lark. History. Diminutive form of Latin "trabs", which means a beam or bar. In the 19th century, the neologism "trabeculum" (with an assumed plural of "trabecula") became popular, but is less etymologically correct. "Trabeculum" persists in some countries as a synonym for the trabecular meshwork of the eye, but this can be considered poor usage on the grounds of both etymology and descriptive accuracy. Other uses. For the skull development component, see trabecular cartilage.

odd assignment

5-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=46789513

The Applegate mechanism (Applegate's mechanism or Applegate effect) explains long term orbital period variations seen in certain eclipsing binaries. As a main sequence star goes through an activity cycle, the outer layers of the star are subject to a magnetic torque changing the distribution of angular momentum, resulting in a change in the star's oblateness. The orbit of the stars in the binary pair is gravitationally coupled to their shape changes, so that the period shows modulations (typically on the order of ∆P/P ∼ 10−5) on the same time scale as the activity cycles (typically on the order of decades). Introduction. Careful timing of eclipsing binaries has shown that systems showing orbital period modulations on the order of ∆P/P ∼ 10−5 over a period of decades are quite common. A striking example of such a system is Algol, for which the detailed observational record extends back over two centuries. Over this span of time, a graph of the time dependence of the difference between the observed times of eclipses "versus" the predicted times shows a feature (termed the "great inequality") with a full amplitude of 0.3 days and a recurrent time scale of centuries. Superimposed on this feature is a secondary modulation with a full amplitude of 0.06 days and a recurrent time scale of about 30 years. Orbital period modulations of similar amplitude are seen in other Algol binaries as well. Although recurrent, these period modulations do not follow a strictly regular cycle. Irregular recurrence rules out attempts to explain these period modulations as being due to apsidal precession or the presence of distant, unseen companions. Apsidal precession explanations also have the problem that they require an eccentric orbit, but the systems in which these modulations are observed often show orbits of little eccentricity. Furthermore, third body explanations have the issue that in many cases, a third body massive enough to produce the observed modulation should not have managed to escape optical detection, unless the third body were quite exotic. Another phenomenon observed in certain Algol binaries has been monotonic period increases. This is quite distinct from the far more common observations of alternating period increases and decreases explained by the Applegate mechanism. Monotonic period increases have been attributed to mass transfer, usually (but not always) from the less massive to the more massive star. Mechanism. The time scale and recurrence patterns of these orbital period modulations suggested to Matese and Whitmire (1983) a mechanism invoking changes in the quadrupole moment of one star with subsequent spin-orbit coupling. However, they could not provide any convincing explanation for what might cause such fluctuations in the quadrupole moment. Taking the Matese and Whitmire mechanism as a basis, Applegate argued that changes in the radius of gyration of one star could be related to magnetic activity cycles. Supportive evidence for his hypothesis came from the observation that a large fraction of the late-type secondary stars of Algol binaries appear to be rapidly rotating convective stars, implying that they should be chromospherically active. Indeed, orbital period modulations are seen only in Algol-type binaries containing a late-type convective star. Given that gravitational quadrupole coupling is involved in producing orbital period changes, the question remained of how a magnetic field could induce such shape changes. Most models of the 1980s assumed that the magnetic field would deform the star by distorting it away from hydrostatic equilibrium. Marsh and Pringle (1990) demonstrated, however, that the energy required to produce such deformations would exceed the total energy output of the star. A star does not rotate as a solid body. The outer parts of a star contribute most to a star's quadrupole moment. Applegate proposed that as a star goes through its activity cycle, magnetic torques could cause a redistribution of angular momentum within a star. As a result, the rotational oblateness of the star will change, and this change would ultimately result in changing the orbital period via the Matese and Whitmire mechanism. Energy budget calculations indicate that the active star typically should be variable at the ΔL/L ≈ 0.1 level and should be differentially rotating at the ΔΩ/Ω ≈ 0.01 level. Applicability. The Applegate mechanism makes several testable predictions: Tests of the above predictions have been supportive of the mechanism's validity, but not unambiguously so. The Applegate effect provides a unified explanation for many (but not all) ephemeris curves for a wide class of binaries, and it may aid in the understanding of the dynamo activity seen in rapidly rotating stars. The Applegate mechanism has also been invoked to explain variations in the observed transit times of extrasolar planets, in addition to other possible effects such as tidal dissipation and the presence of other planetary bodies. However, there are many stars for which the Applegate mechanism is inadequate. For example, the orbital period variations in certain eclipsing post-common-envelope binaries are an order of magnitude larger than can be accommodated by the Applegate effect, with magnetic braking or a third body in a highly elliptical orbit providing the only known mechanisms able to explain the observed variation.

reasonable interpretation

2614-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=5341055

"The Capital of the World" is a short story by Ernest Hemingway. The story takes place in Madrid and follows Paco, a young waiter apprentice, and his desires to become a matador. Summary. The story opens in a hotel called the Pension Luarca in Calle San Jeronimo. The main source of residency in the cheap hotel is a group of second-rate bullfighters, who, for the most part, were all great at some point, but some obstacle or circumstance has ended their careers with no likely hope in sight. Of the bullfighter residents in the hotel there is one banderillero, two picadors, and three matadors. The other main characters in the story are three waiters, all with different things they plan to do the evening the story is set. Also included is the dish washer Enrique, who contributes to the story's tragic end. The work has a back story for each character telling his or her almost consistently sad tale. Of the three matadors, one has prematurely ended his career because of being badly mauled in the ring, and is now afraid to go back in. The second one has done nothing to himself to hurt his career, but is constantly ill, only making appearances out of his room for meals. Finally, the third matador’s career has ended because his once original routine has grown old and people have lost interest. The other toreros' stories do not display quite so much detail. One of the picadors drinks himself into a stupor every night, while the other is a large man who rarely gets work with a matador for very long due to his argumentative nature. The banderillero is a middle-aged man who, unlike most of the others at the hotel, still has a sufficient amount of promise. The other characters who come to the attention of the reader later in the evening have stories as well, especially Paco, the waiter apprentice. The three waiters, all with different thoughts on their mind, prepare to serve dinner in the dining room. The first waiter finds himself anxious to leave early for the anarcho-syndicalist political meeting later that night, so Paco agrees to cover for him so that he may leave early. The second waiter, a middle aged man, has no real plans for the evening other than to serve tables. Finally, there is Paco, a boy who aspires to become a bullfighter like the people he serves at the restaurant. After the dining hours come to a close and people start leaving, Paco and the middle-aged worker head back to the kitchen and start drinking a bottle of wine with Enrique, the dish washer. After the middle-aged man leaves, Enrique starts talking to Paco about how dangerous bullfighting is, but Paco insists that he wants to be a bullfighter someday. So to prove his point, Enrique gets a chair and puts knives on it, charging at Paco as a bull would. Paco dodges the knives at first, but after he cheats death several times, a knife pierces his leg, severing the femoral artery. He soon dies, his head "full of illusions". First published in "Esquire" in June 1936 as "The Horns of the Bull", it was changed to its present title in the short story collection "The Fifth Column and the First Forty-Nine Stories", published in 1938.

actual schedule

8949-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=3213855

Palace Albanija (, ) is a high-rise building in Belgrade, Serbia. Important construction and architectural innovations were incorporated into the project, which made Albanija an exceptional building endeavor in the Balkans. When completed in 1939, it was the first skyscraper in Southeast Europe. It remained the tallest building in the old part of Belgrade for the next 34 years, until being surpassed by the Beograđanka ("Palace Belgrade") in 1974. Palace Albanija was declared a cultural monument in 1984. As for its importance for Belgrade, it was built on the pronouncedly dominant architectural position, marking the spatial-urban accent of Terazije square, which made it one of the most recognizable symbols of Belgrade. It was also described as the symbol of Belgrade's golden age, and the crown of the economic growth of Belgrade during Interbellum. Location. It is located at the north-west end of Terazije square, at the forking of four streets: Terazije, "Kolarčeva", starting point of Knez Mihailova and "Sremska". The latter two are pedestrian zones. In the vicinity are the Republic Square, to which both the "Kolarčeva" and Knez Mihailova lead, historical neighborhood of Obilićev Venac along the Knez Mihailova, and busy commercial neighborhood of Zeleni Venac, via "Sremska". Palace Albanija directly faces another major edifice on Terazije, Hotel Moskva. The buildings officially has three addresses in two streets: 2 Knez Mihailova, 4 Knez Mihailova and 12 Kolarčeva streets. History. Origin. Location of the building was previously occupied by the "kafana" named "Kod Albanije" ("Chez Albania"), which was built in 1860. It was a small, unsightly, crummy house, yet the venue was very popular. It was built in the oriental, Turkish style, with yellow façade. The original clientele included Ottoman seymen, merchants, hirelings, Serbian guardsmen, etc. The clock in front of the kafana was the first public clock in Belgrade. As such, it became the most popular meeting point in the city. According to the Belgrade's first general urban plan, from 1924, the location was planned for the Belgrade Stock Exchange Building. The owners, descendants of Krsta Tomović, were refusing to sell the lot by asking too much money for the parcel's . In 1936, the Mortgage Bank of the Merchant's Fund paid 8.5 million dinars for the lot, which was enough money to purchase 7 one-floor villas in the city's affluent villa populated neighborhood of Krunski Venac. The bank was drained so much by this transaction, that it took two years for it to recuperate, announcing the architectural design competition on 14 January 1938, with extremely short deadline, set for 28 February same year. In total, 84 architects participated in the competition. Architect Milan Zloković proposed even higher edifice (15 storeys). The first prize wasn't awarded, which was kind of the usual action at the time, as it allowed for the investor to combine all the other projects. Nine works in total were chosen. Architect Miladin Prljević was chosen to combine the final design. He decided to go with two projects by the architects from Zagreb, one by Branko Bon and Milan Grakalić, and another by Hinko Bauer and Marijan Haberle. This caused the controversy as Bon and Grakalić claimed that their project was robbed, but Prljević replied that they actually robbed the project of Bauer and Haberle, where they worked as the assistants. The original documentation is not preserved so it is not known who plagiarized who. The bank already allocated the funds for the construction, so it pushed hard for the works to begin. Though small but highly popular, the demolition of the old "kafana" sparked mass demonstrations in 1938. Despite its shabbiness and lack of sanitary and safety conditions, it existed on this location for almost 80 years. One of the regular customers was writer Branislav Nušić, who wrote about the kafana. Another reason for the protests was that the source for the new building's design was Germanic. Nušić wrote in 1929 that the kafana will "stay forever". Parts of the public opposed the project citing reasons other than just the "kafana" demolition. Some reports claimed that such a large building, made of reinforced concrete, can't be supported by the settling ground below, so they predicted the building would collapse, so as the neighboring buildings. Others debunked the new, highly progressive construction techniques. Cases of residents from the surrounding building, who sold their apartments in the fear of possible collapse, were recorded. Newsoaoers described the repeated design competition as "anything goes". Construction. The project envisioned four floors below the ground. As the city government had no machinery required for the job, they invited the Kalmyks, emigrants from Russia, noted for their horses. With their horses and carts, the Kalmyks removed the rubble and earth from the foundation pit. In the relatively shallow depth, just below the old foundation, a well preserved skeleton of a mammoth was excavated in 1938, below the former door of the kafana. It was estimated to be 2 million years old, when the area of Belgrade was the edge of a Quaternary lake. The skeleton was almost undisturbed, with especially well preserved mandible with teeth, which were used to identify the species. The ribs and femurs were also in excellent shape. The bones were transported to the Museum of Serbian Land. Engineer Đorđe Lazarević, expert on statics, applied state of the art technics at the time. In the concrete supporting columns, he built it the expensive steel reinforcement, high above the standards in Belgrade in this period. Other above-standard solution included the high-strength concrete. Construction of the building began on 16 July 1938. It was finished 15 months later, and ceremonially opened on 20 October 1939, when World War II already began in other parts of Europe. It was the first highrise building in Belgrade and for a long time the tallest one, dominating the architecture of Belgrade of the time. World War II. The building was hit during the heavy „Easter bombing“ of Belgrade by the Allies on 16 April 1944. Germans defended it fiercely during the 1944 Belgrade Offensive against the Red Army and Yugoslav Partisan forces. In the evening of 19 October 1944, 22-years-old Partisan Mladen Petrović placed the Yugoslav flag with red star on the top of Palace Albanija. Petrović was wounded while bringing the flag to the top of the building, but recuperated enough to participate in Syrmian Front, where he was killed, together with his brother. Taking over the building opened the way for the Partisan army to the Belgrade Fortress and allowed the charge which liberated the wider area surrounding the Belgrade Main railway station, so just one day later the entire Belgrade was liberated. After the war, engineer Lazarević participated in the reconstruction of the building. The façade was fully reconstructed from war scars only in 1958, when the original, Italian marble, was replaced with the cheaper, domestic one. 21st century. In the 2010s, the façade was equipped with the decorative lights. They are also used to color the façade in different patterns and shapes in order to celebrate or commemorate certain events. For a long time, the occupant of the building was "Beogradska Banka". The bank started a bankruptcy procedure in 2002, which is still not finished, but ever since then the bank has been closed and the building hasn't been properly maintained. In May 2019, the pieces of the façade began to fall off. The Institute for the protection of the monuments stated that the drafting of the project will be done in 2020, without setting a date when will the thorough reconstruction start. The institute also instructed the bank what needs to be done as the "first aid" before the total reconstruction, but the bank which has been non-operational for 17 years, has no funds for it. As the city is not the owner of the building, the complete reconstruction is not an option, but in December 2019 city announced reconstruction of the façade, which should be finished in 2021. Architecture. Albanija was patterned after the project Hochhaus in Berlin, designed by Hans Poelzig. Prljević previously collaborated with Poelzig. The building originally had four basement floors: the boiler room, storage rooms for the tenants and two for the storage rooms of the shops. The lobby was designed to host 10 different shops and the mezzanine was designated for the restaurant. Up to the fourth floor were offices and from the fifth to the eights floor were mixed offices and three-room apartments. Remaining five stores, to the thirteenth, were occupied by the bachelor apartments, which, at the time, occupied around each. This final five floor section was referred to as the tower, as it protruded above the lower, wider part of the building. The building is high, with 13 floors above the ground and 4 floors below. Total floor area covers . It was designed in the pattern of the late Modernist style ("international spirit of the Modernism in the 1930s"). The façade is without any ornaments and was plated with the slabs of the blue-gray Italian Cipollino marble, which was partially replaced during the 1958 reconstruction from damages sustained during World War II. The bombing of the building during the war proved the quality of its construction. The German Organization Todt built the shelter in the basement of the building. The heavy US bomb hit the roof of Albanija directly, fell all the way down to the basement, killing many German soldiers and officers in the shelter. The building, however, remained standing. Remaining soldiers were killed in the battle with the Yugoslav Partisans and the Soviet Red Army. Birds. In June 2018 it was announced that 3 nesting couples of Alpine swift were spotted on the building, which is the first time this happened in Belgrade. Previously, the closest nesting colony of Alpine swift was to the east, in the Iron Gates gorge. They were first spotted flying in the flocks of common swift, which are abundant in the city, and later the nests were found. This is taken as one of the hints that the continental climate of Belgrade changes, shifting to the Mediterranean climate. Twin projects. Little Albanija. The twin building of Albanija, colloquially styled "Little Albanija" ("Mala Albanija"), is located at the corner of the Pop Lukina and Kosančićev Venac streets. It was also designed by Miladin Prljević. Though originally only one skyscraper was planned, it was later decided that three buildings will be built, sharing the same or similar appearance and characteristics. The architectural design of the Little Albanija is patterned after the Palace Albanija and represents its smaller version. The building is officially known as the "House of Siniša Zdravković" or the "House of the Brothers Zdravković". It was finished in 1940, immediately after Palace Albanija. It is not protected by itself, but it is a part of the Kosančićev Venac historical-spatial unit which is protected by the law. Mitić Tower. Third twin was to be built on the Slavija Square. It was to be built on the land purchase in 1935 by the major merchant Vlada Mitić, one of the richest people in Belgrade at the time, and was announced as the "Mitić Warehouse" or the "Mitić Tower", the largest department store in the Balkans. Mitić announced his idea in 1940 and the works should have been finished in two years. With 14 floors and the height of , the planned building was to be taller than the Palace Albanija itself. Patterned after the German department stores, it was envisioned as the "vertical commercial city". Prljević and Lazarević, who already worked on Albanija, cooperated with the German architect Schäfer and followed the design of Albanija itself. The only difference was to be on top of the structure, where a specific tower with gallery-lookout was planned. The ambitious project included previously unseen innovations in Serbia, like the automatized parking platforms, escalators and the cutting edge fire protection system. The outbreak of World War II in Yugoslavia in 1941 halted the works, though the foundations for the building were laid. The ill fortune of the location of the "third Albanija" since then spurred an urban myth in Belgrade, and the place became known as a jinxed and cursed property named "Mitićeva rupa" ("Mitić hole"). After the war, Communist government imprisoned Vlada Mitić and confiscated his entire property, including the lot on which the tower was planned and funds prepared for its construction. From 1946 to 1980, 26 different project were completed for the lot, but none was realized. Then mayor of Belgrade, Bogdan Bogdanović decided to put a large sundial in the place in the first half of the 1980s. In the early 1990s, "Dafiment banka", one of the major Ponzi schemes of the Milošević's regime, bought the lot and announced a monumental shopping mall, but after the scheme failed completely, the lot was fenced and turned into the dump. After the regime change in 2000, the area was cleaned and a temporary park with children playground was built instead. The failed projects continued, including the ultra-modern, gigantic shopping mall by the Israeli investors which turned out to be a complete hoax.

likely fall

7855-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=60211963

Jiang Xiaojuan (; born June 1956 in Xi'an) is a Chinese economist and politician. She is a Professor and Dean of the School of Public Policy and Management of Tsinghua University, and a research professor at the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences (CASS). She is a Standing Committee Member of the National People's Congress (NPC) and Vice Chairperson of the NPC Social Construction Committee, taking charge of lawmaking, revision, enforcement, and supervision of social insurance, sports, protection of women's and children's rights and others. She was elected President of the Chinese Public Administration Society in 2019. Academic research. Jiang is an expert on transnational investment, industrial economy and economic development in China. She has written extensively on the industrial upgrading in China's system transition, foreign mergers and acquisitions in China and China's foreign trade theories. In 1998, she won the 8th "Sun Yefang Economic Science Award" (The Sun Yefang Prize for Economic Science is the highest award in China's economic field and is known as the "China's Nobel Prize for Economics".) as a member of the research group of "Research on Severely Loss-making State-owned Enterprises" of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences. In 2012, she, Ma Jiantang and Zhou Shulian jointly proposed the China Economic Structure Adjustment Theory and won the fifth China economic theory innovation award. Research on Severely Loss-making State-owned Enterprises (1998). Jiang was one of the leaders of this project team. Their research shows that the reasons for the loss can be divided into institutional reasons and non-institutional reasons. Institutional reasons can be divided into the enterprise's own reasons and enterprise's objective reasons. Enterprise's own reason, namely mechanism malpractice and enterprise management lag; The objective reasons for enterprises mainly include four aspects. Second, the cost of more than ten years of reform is mostly borne by state-owned enterprises; Third, the improper macroeconomic regulation and control, resulting in economic growth ups and downs; Fourth, macro-policy issues, major reform of the fiscal and taxation systems and accounting systems, drastic changes in the exchange rate, and the impact of imported products on the domestic market. China Economic Structure Adjustment Theory (2012). This theory was one of the typical economic innovation theory in our country since Chinese economic reform, it is put forward through market means and government administrative means, through the initiative to break system obstacle, eliminate the factor market segmentation, reduce bottleneck department, select leading industry economic structure adjustment measures, such as coordination of various departments of the national economy, all kinds of industries, all kinds of each part of the ownership composition, all kinds of economic organizations, and all aspects of composition and proportion relationship, coordination of resources in the configuration status of the economic structure and development level, eventually form elements in various industries, between regions and departments to optimize configuration. Career. Here is a record of positions held by Jiang:

international ventures

13293-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=53903332

The body language of dogs is one form of non-verbal communication whereby dogs can express emotions and intentions through bodily movements. It refers to the interpretation of posture and behaviour of species in the genus "Canis". This form of visual communication is generally used for identifying emotions and intentions of domestic dogs, though it can also be applied to wild canines such as wolves. Understanding the body language of dogs is particularly important in preventing dog bites, especially of children. This communication can occur between dogs, or during a dog-human interaction. Such movements primarily involve the tail, the ears, and the head/body. Tail-wagging is a common tail movement used by dogs to communicate. Additionally, ear flattening or heightening are typical movements made using the ears. In terms of the head/body, it is of interest to study turning of the head, as well as the overall posture of the dog. Because dogs communicate differently from humans, it is more difficult for humans to interpret their emotional states. By focusing on the combinations of motions made by dogs, and studying the aftermath of such sequences, humans are able to attribute different emotional states (i.e., contentment, fear, or aggression) as a result of the dog's body language. By properly interpreting the body language of dogs, not only are humans able to decipher what a dog is trying to communicate, but are also able to recognize warning signs prior to an attack, decreasing the number of dog bite occurrences. It is important to note that the body language under investigation can be divided into three different forms of cues: behavioural, holistic, and other. While behavioural cues focus primarily on studying movements without considering the underlying reasoning behind such movements, holistic cues are ones that occur as a result of either expressing emotions, or communicating intentions. Understanding the body language of dogs can also aid in optimal obedience training, as observation of body language may reveal when the dog is most motivated and therefore provides a time-frame whereby dogs will learn more readily. Consequences of ignoring body language of dogs. In general, accurately assessing the body language of dogs is quite beneficial as it allows humans to react appropriately to emotions and intentions of the dog. Thus, it fosters successful companionship between the dog owner and pet. Alternatively, ignoring the body language of dogs can pose as a threat for not only humans, but for dogs too. Properly assessing body language can predict whether or not the dog will bite. Biting occurrences most often involve small children, where bites often affect facial areas. In comparison, bites in adults are less serious, usually involving extremities. Warning signals can be identified through evaluating the body language of dogs accordingly. Oftentimes, people struggle when identifying the body motions of a fearful/anxious dog, incorrectly associating the motions with behaviours of approachable/relaxed dogs. This misinterpretation is most often one that results in the occurrence of biting. Misreading the warning signs portrayed by dogs can also result in behavioural problems. Euthanasia can be avoided in cases where such behavioural issues occur due to humans ignoring the warning signs expressed by a dog. Head. The position and movement, or lack thereof, of a dog's head can indicate a variety of emotional states. If the head is stationary, the main identifying difference is whether the head is upright or lowered. An upright head signifies attentiveness, dominance, or aggression, while a lowered head signifies fear or submission. A moving head may indicate that a dog is feeling playful. Another common position is a tilted head. While the reason for this head positioning has not been determined, it has been suggested that this behaviour shows that a dog is trying to listen more effectively or is anticipating a reward. A dog communicates by altering the position of its head. When the head is held in an erect position this could indicate that is approachable, attentive, curious, or aggressive. Turning the head away may indicate fear, but is also recognized as a calming signal. A dominant dog will display an upright posture and/or stiff legs. The head can be held in a high position convey being approachable, alert, aggressive, or displaying dominance. Eyes. A dog's use of eye contact and eye movements can communicate emotions and intentions. Prolonged eye contact or staring are indicators of aggression, especially when combined with body stiffness. Avoiding eye contact, or looking down, is a submissive dog behaviour. Mouth. Dogs can express a range of emotions based on movements of the teeth and lips. In an aggressive dog, the lips curl back to expose clenched teeth, which warns others of their ferocity. Conversely, an open mouth showing unclenched teeth indicates that a dog is in a playful or relaxed mood. Ears. The ears of a dog can express a variety of emotions based on their position or the direction they are facing. Ear positions are similar to head positions with respect to the feelings they display. Ears that are upright and facing forward indicate dominance or aggression, while ears that are pulled back and facing downward indicate fear or submission. Unfortunately, not all dogs are able to communicate with their ears. Breeds with drooping ears, cropped ears, or ears that are permanently erect are mostly or completely unable to use their ears to display emotions. Tail. The position and movement of a dog's tail are another effective indicator of emotions and intentions. Tail wagging is one of the most common dog behaviours that is used to convey emotion, but wagging can signify different things depending on the nature of the movement. If a dog's tail is held high while it wags, this is indicative of dominance, however if the high tail moves in a stiff wagging motion, this is indicative of aggression. The tail being positioned low between the hind legs, usually stationary, is an indication of fear or submission. If a dog's tail is wagging freely and vigorously, this displays a friendly or playful mood. Similar to ear position, tail positions and movements may be mostly or completely ineffective in dog breeds with short, tightly curled, or docked tails. The tail of a dog can communicate a number of emotions and intentions. Tail wagging by dogs is familiar to those who interact with them. When a dog wags its tail, most people interpret this as the dog expressing happiness and friendliness. Though indeed tail wagging can express these positive emotions, it can also be an indication of fear, insecurity, the challenging of dominance, or a warning sign that the dog may bite. Considerable effort has been put in to describing this aspect of dog behaviour, whereby it can now be broken down into two conditions: right-biased tail wagging, and left-biased tail wagging. Research has demonstrated that dogs display asymmetric tail wagging as a result of distinctive emotional stimuli. Right-biased tail wagging. Right-biased tail wags are ones biased to the right side of a dog's body, as viewed from the rear. Studies show that dogs were relaxed when presented with a conspecific showing right-biased tail wagging, illustrating right-biased tail wagging as communicating positive feelings, or demonstrate an approach response. Moreover, dogs show this tail-wagging behaviour upon presentation of their owner. Left-biased tail wagging. Left-biased tail wags are ones biased to the left side of a dog's body, as viewed from the rear. Dogs that were presented with a conspecific displaying this tail wagging behaviour were more stressed (revealed through heightened cardiac activity as well as behaviour) in comparison to dogs presented with conspecifics showing right-biased tail wagging behaviour. This increased emotional response suggest that left-biased tail wagging communicates negative feelings, or demonstrates a withdrawal response. Furthermore, dogs show this tail wagging behaviour in the presence of an unfamiliar, dominant conspecific. Slow versus high-speed. A slow-wagging tail is quite different than a high-speed wagging tail. The former display commonly denotes a less social signal, whereas the latter often signifies sociality in dogs. Body position. Analysing a dog's body as a whole unit is important in determining a dog's emotions. A standing, upright position can indicate dominance, or suggests aggression if the body is stiff. A withdrawn body position with weight distributed to the hind end of a dog suggests fear. The difference between active submission and passive submission can be discerned based on a dog's posture; active submission is demonstrated by keeping the body low to the ground, while passive submission is demonstrated by lying on the ground with the underbelly exposed. A dog can alter its body position so that the front of the body is in a crouched position with the front legs lower than the back legs. This can indicate a higher level of aggression that can be the precursor to an attack. If this position is accompanied by snarling, a wrinkled nose, dilated pupils, the tail tucked under the body and between the back legs, and raised hair along the dog's back, the dog is highly aggressive and fearful. In comparison, submissiveness may be revealed by lowering the body or rolling onto the side, revealing the underbelly. Specific behaviours. A variety of behaviours exhibited by dogs can be interpreted to convey certain emotions. A well-known behaviour associated with playful moods in dogs is known as a play bow, where a dog lowers its forelimbs and chest while raising its hind end and wagging its tail. This may be followed with other playful actions, such as bouncing movements and face pawing. In young dogs, urination can be a behaviour associated with submission. This occurs when eye contact is made between a dog and its owner, followed by the dog urinating in an attempt to gain approval. Common emotional states. A relaxed dog will display upward ear position, with the tail positioned downward. In comparison, an anxious or fearful dog will display a tense body posture, backward position of the ears, head turning, and/or lip smacking. The tail may also be tucked between the hind legs. Finally, an aggressive dog will display a stiff tail (which may be wagging slowly), a forward ear position, as well as a wrinkled nose. If these characteristics are present, it is very important to respond accordingly in order to avoid attack. Aggression may occur an inappropriate response is made following warning signals. For example, children often misinterpret the body language of dogs, especially when such motions precede an aggressive behaviour. As a result of this misinterpretation, children are most often the victims of dog bites. Puppies have other postures that disappear as the dog ages. They can play roughly with their litter mates while rarely drawing blood. The mother remains very tolerant when the puppies chew on her. Types of cues. Behavioural cues. Behavioral cues are simply signals that are communicated through the behavior of a dog. These include specific movements involving the body posture, the ears, the head/eyes, and the tail. Behavioral cues are simply assessing the movements of a dog, without considering the emotions and/or intentions underlying such movements. For example, tail wagging is a behavioral cue. Holistic cues. Holistic cues are approximate evaluations of the observed overall state of the animal. Holistic cues can be subdivided into two categories: emotional, and intentional. Consistent with recent research that suggests a dog's ability to feel happy, angry, or sad, emotional cues intend to describe the dog's feelings regarding a certain situation. For example, assuming that a dog is fearful based primarily on the position of the tail. Intentional cues are ones that are expressed through body language that communicate the overall intention of the dog. These are cues that reveal why the animal is acting a certain way. For example, the display of a play-bow posture may be described as occurring in order to initiate play (an intention). Other. Other cues are any type of cue that is not behavioral or holistic. These include miscellaneous cues, or the overall absence of cues. Learning achievement. Understanding and properly interpreting the characteristics displayed by dogs during learning can significantly aid in successive obedience training. As human-dog interactions occur quite frequently, a lack of obedience training can lead to unwanted behavioural problems. Thus, it is very important for effective training to occur. Successful training in dogs requires the owner/trainer to be able to correctly interpret the learning abilities of the dog. It is well established that body language can reveal emotions and moods of dogs, which can be quite helpful when assessing dogs during training. Studies have shown that the obedience training of domestic dogs can be explained using operant conditioning methods. Like humans, concentration as well as motivation must be present in order for learning to occur. Therefore, understanding the dog's motivation and emotional states may result in more successful training. Attention to others can be assessed in dogs by measuring the amount of eye contact made with the trainer, as well as the position of the ears. It has been found that dogs that make eye contact with the trainer, as well as display a forward ear position, are most successful in learning achievement during operant conditioning.

anatomy firmness

3491-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=46327700

Byzantine units of measurement were a combination and modification of the ancient Greek and Roman units of measurement used in the Byzantine Empire. Until the reign of Justinian I (527–565), no universal system of units of measurement existed in the Byzantine world, and each region used its traditional measures. Justinian began the process of standardization that resulted in a specifically Byzantine system, chiefly due to the need of such a system for the fiscal administration. Official measurement and weighing was performed subject to an array of charges including the "mestikon", "miniatikon", "zygastikon", "kambaniatikon", "gomariatikon", and "samariatikon". Despite the central government's insistence on the use of official measures, other systems continued to be used in parallel, whether due to local traditions or foreign influences, or in order to cover the necessities of specific trades or crafts. In addition, from the 12th century, foreign merchants such as the Venetians, Pisans, and Genovese operating within the Empire received the right to use their own systems. Length. The Byzantine Empire continued to employ the anthropometric units used by the Greeks and Romans. Weights and measures acts were sometimes undertaken by the emperors as forms of tax reform. An 11th-century guide to Byzantine tax collection contains emendations concerning the Emperor Michael's addition of a palm to the fathom used in computing the "schoinion", an act which reduced the holders' taxable area by about 5%. Area. The ordinary units used for land measurement were Greek. Volume. The ordinary units used for liquid measurement were mostly Roman: Weight. The ordinary units used for measurement of weight or mass were mostly Roman, based on the late Roman pound. This has been reconstructed on the basis of known legislation of Constantine the Great in AD 309 establishing 72 gold solidi (, "nómisma") to the pound. As the early solidi weighed 4.55 g, the pound was therefore 0.3276 kg at the time. The solidus was repeatedly debased, however, implying average pounds of 0.324 kg (4th–6th century), 0.322 kg (6th–7th century), 0.320 kg (7th–9th century), 0.319 kg (9th–13th century), and even less thereafter. Model weights were made in lead, bronze, and glass and (less often) from gold and silver. They came in various styles. Presently, archaeologists believe the bronze spheres sliced flat at top and bottom and marked with an omicron/upsilon date from the early 3rd to late 5th centuries, gradually being replaced by cubes marked with a gamma/omicron (𐆄) over the course of the 4th century. In the second half of the 6th century, these were replaced by discs until at least the early 9th century and possibly the 12th. The glass weights had numerous advantages in manufacture and use but seem to have disappeared following the loss of the empire's Syrian and Egyptian provinces in the 7th century. Analysis of the thousands of surviving model weights strongly suggest multiple local weight standards in the Byzantine Empire before the Arab conquests. Under Justinian, the weights of currency were administered by the ' and commodity weights by the praetorian prefect and eparch of the city. By the 9th century, the eparch nominally controlled all official weights in Constantinople, although archaeology has shown others issued their own weights, including proconsuls, ', and "" in the west and "anthypatoi", counts, and ephors in the east.

formal calculation

6761-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=842911

Bipartisanship, sometimes referred to as nonpartisanship, is a political situation, usually in the context of a two-party system (especially those of the United States and some other western countries), in which opposing political parties find common ground through compromise. Partisanship is the antonym, where an individual or political party adheres only to its interests without compromise. Usage. The adjective "bipartisan" can refer to any political act in which both of the two major political parties agree about all or many parts of a political choice. Bipartisanship involves trying to find common ground, but there is debate whether the issues needing common ground are peripheral or central ones. Often, compromises are called bipartisan if they reconcile the desires of both parties from an original version of legislation or other proposal. Failure to attain bipartisan support in such a system can easily lead to gridlock, often angering each other and their constituencies. An analysis in "The New York Times" in March 2010 suggested that the present state of American politics is marked by "oppositional politics" which has left the voters cynical about the process. Bipartisanship requires "hard work", is "sometimes dull", and entails trying to find "common ground" but enables "serious problem solving", according to editorial writers at "The Christian Science Monitor" in 2010. Feature of two-party systems. According to political analyst James Fallows in "The Atlantic" (based on a "note from someone with many decades' experience in national politics"), bipartisanship is a phenomenon belonging to a two-party system such as the political system of the United States and does not apply to a parliamentary system (such as Great Britain) since the minority party is not involved in helping write legislation or voting for it. Fallows argues that in a two-party system, the minority party can be obstructionist and thwart the actions of the majority party. However, analyst Anne Applebaum in "The Washington Post" suggested that partisanship had been rampant in the United Kingdom and described it as "a country in which the government and the opposition glower at each other from opposite sides of the House of Commons, in which backbenchers jeer when their opponents speak." Applebaum suggested there was "bipartisanship" in Britain, meaning a coalition in 2010 between the opposing major parties but that it remained to be seen whether the coalition could stay together to solve serious problems such as tackling Britain's financial crisis. Bipartisanship (in the context of a two-party system) is the opposite of partisanship which is characterized by a lack of cooperation between rival political parties. James Madison argued in "The Federalist Papers" that a danger to democracies were factions, which he defined as a group that pushed its interests to the detriment of the national interest. While the framers of the Constitution did not think that political parties would play a role in American politics, political parties have long been a major force in American politics, and the nation has alternated between periods of intense party rivalry and partisanship, as well as periods of bipartisanship. According to Robert Siegel of "National Public Radio", there was virtually no cooperation between Democrats and Republicans in the U.S. during the few years before 2010. Bipartisanship can also be between two or more opposite groups (e.g. liberal and conservative) to agree and determine a plan of action on an urgent matter that is of great importance to voters. This interpretation brings bipartisanship closer to the more applied notion of postpartisan decision-making; a solution-focused approach that creates a governance model with third-party arbiters used to detect bias. It is also argued that bipartisanship exists in policy-making that does not have bipartisan support. This is the case if it involves bipartisan exchanges. This element is a central feature in the legislative process and is a bipartisan concept in the sense that it serves as a mechanism for achieving consensus and cooperation. In U.S. politics. There have been periods of bipartisanship in American politics, such as when the Republicans supported legislation by Democratic President Lyndon Johnson in the early 1960s, and when Democrats worked with Republican President Ronald Reagan in the 1980s. It is claimed that the non-partisanship in foreign policy was a precursor to the concept of modern bipartisanship in U.S. politics. This was articulated in 1912 by President Taft, who stated that the fundamental foreign policies of the United States should be raised above party differences. In recent years, this was also shown in the case of President H. W. Bush's administration, which began with an atmosphere of bipartisanship on foreign policy in Washington. During this period, the concept of bipartisanship implied a consensus not only between the two parties but also the executive and legislative branches of the government to implement foreign policy. This was seen in the article "Bipartisan Objectives for American Foreign Policy", authored by Henry Kissinger, President Nixon's Secretary of State, and Cyrus Vance, who was Secretary during President Carter's administration. In the United States in 2010, however, there was wide disagreement between the Republicans and Democrats because the minority party has been voting as a bloc against major legislation, according to James Fallows in "The Atlantic". In 2010, the minority party has the ability to "discipline its ranks" so that none join the majority, and this situation in the Congress is unprecedented, according to Fallows. He sees this inability to have bipartisanship as evidence of a "structural failure of American government." Adviser to President Obama, Rahm Emanuel, said the period from 2008–2010 was marked by extreme partisanship. After the U.S. elections of 2010, with sizeable gains by Republicans in the House and Senate, analyst Charles Babington of the Associated Press suggested that both parties remained far apart on major issues such as immigration and Medicare while there may be chances for agreement about lesser issues such as electric cars, nuclear power, and tax breaks for businesses; Babington was not optimistic about chances for bipartisanship on major issues in the next few years. While analyst Benedict Carey writing in "The New York Times" agrees political analysts tend to agree that government will continue to be divided and marked by paralysis and feuding, there was research suggesting that humans have a "profound capacity through which vicious adversaries can form alliances," according to Berkeley professor Dacher Keltner. A call for bipartisanship is often made by presidents who "can't get their way in Congress," according to one view. Military policies of the Cold War and actions like the Iraq War were promoted and supported, through the mass media, as bipartisan acts. Criticisms. Bipartisanship has been criticized because it can obscure the differences between parties, making voting for candidates based on policies difficult in a democracy. Additionally, the concept of bipartisanship has been criticized as discouraging agreements between more than two parties, thus exercising a tyranny of the majority by forcing voters to side with one of the two largest parties.

important topic

3416-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=1185646

Mentuhotep II (, meaning "Mentu is satisfied"), also known under his prenomen Nebhepetre (, meaning "The Lord of the rudder is Ra"), was an ancient Egyptian pharaoh circa 2061–2010 BCE, the sixth ruler of the Eleventh Dynasty. He is credited with reuniting Egypt, thus ending the turbulent First Intermediate Period and becoming the first pharaoh of the Middle Kingdom. He reigned for 51 years, according to the Turin King List. Mentuhotep II succeeded his father Intef III on the throne and was in turn succeeded by his son Mentuhotep III. Mentuhotep II ascended Egypt’s throne in the Upper Egyptian city of Thebes during the First Intermediate Period. Egypt was not unified during this time, and the Tenth Dynasty, rival to Mentuhotep’s Eleventh, ruled Lower Egypt from Herakleopolis. After the Herakleopoitan kings desecrated the sacred ancient royal necropolis of Abydos in Upper Egypt in the fourteenth year of Mentuhotep’s reign, the pharaoh dispatched his armies north to conquer Lower Egypt. Continuing his father Intef III’s conquests, Mentuhotep succeeded in unifying his country, probably shortly before his 39th year on the throne. Following and in recognition of the unification, in regnal year 39, he changed his titulary to Shematawy (, meaning "He who unifies the two lands"). Following the unification, Mentuhotep II reformed Egypt's government. To reverse the decentralization of power, which contributed to the collapse of the Old Kingdom and marked the First Intermediate Period, he centralized the state in Thebes to strip nomarchs of some of their power over the regions. Mentuhotep II also created new governmental posts whose occupants were Theban men loyal to him, giving the pharaoh more control over his country. Officials from the capital travelled the country regularly to control regional leaders. Mentuhotep II was buried at the Theban necropolis of Deir el-Bahri. His mortuary temple was one of Mentuhotep II’s most ambitious building projects, and included several architectural and religious innovations. For example, it included terraces and covered walkways around the central structure, and it was the first mortuary temple that identified the pharaoh with the god Osiris. His temple inspired several later temples, such as those of Hatshepsut and Thutmose III of the Eighteenth Dynasty. Family. Mentuhotep II was the son of Intef III and Intef III's wife Iah who may also have been his sister. This lineage is demonstrated by the stele of Henenu (Cairo 36346), an official who served under Intef II, Intef III and his son, which the stele identifies as Horus "s-ankh-[ib-t3wy]", Mentuhotep II's first Horus name. As for Iah, she bore the title of "mwt-nswt", "King's mother". The parentage of Mentuhotep II is also indirectly confirmed by a relief at Shatt er-Rigal. Mentuhotep II had many wives who were buried with him in or close to his mortuary temple: Reign. Mentuhotep II is considered to be the first ruler of the Middle Kingdom of Egypt. The Turin Canon credits him with a reign of 51 years. Many Egyptologists have long considered two rock reliefs, showing Mentuhotep II towering over smaller figures labeled king "Intef", to be conclusive evidence that his predecessor Intef III was his own father; this is, however, not entirely certain, as these reliefs may have had other propagandistic purposes, and there are other difficulties surrounding Mentuhotep's true origin, his three name-changes, and his frequent attempts to claim descent from various gods. Early reign. When he ascended the Theban throne, Mentuhotep II inherited the vast land conquered by his predecessors from the first cataract in the south to Abydos and Tjebu in the north. Mentuhotep II's first fourteen years of reign seem to have been peaceful in the Theban region as there are no surviving traces of conflict firmly datable to that period. In fact, the general scarcity of testimonies from the early part of Mentuhotep's reign might indicate that he was young when he ascended the throne, a hypothesis consistent with his 51 years long reign. Reunification of Egypt. In the 14th year of his reign, an uprising occurred in the north. This uprising is most probably connected with the ongoing conflict between Mentuhotep II based in Thebes and the rival 10th Dynasty based at Herakleopolis who threatened to invade Upper Egypt. The 14th year of Mentuhotep's reign is indeed named "Year of the crime of Thinis". This certainly refers to the conquest of the Thinite region by the Herakleopolitan kings who apparently desecrated the sacred ancient royal necropolis of Abydos in the process. Mentuhotep II subsequently dispatched his armies to the north. The famous tomb of the warriors at Deir el-Bahari discovered in the 1920s, contained the linen-wrapped, unmummified bodies of 60 soldiers all killed in battle, their shroud bearing Mentuhotep II's cartouche. Due to its proximity to the Theban royal tombs, the tomb of the warriors is believed to be that of heroes who died during the conflict between Mentuhotep II and his foes to the north. Merikare, the ruler of Lower-Egypt at the time may have died during the conflict, which further weakened his kingdom and gave Mentuhotep the opportunity to reunite Egypt. The exact date when reunification was achieved is not known, but it is assumed to have happened shortly before year 39 of his reign. Indeed, evidence shows that the process took time, maybe due to the general insecurity of the country at the time: commoners were buried with weapons, the funerary stelae of officials show them holding weapons instead of the usual regalia and when Mentuhotep II's successor sent an expedition to Punt some 20 years after the reunification, they still had to clear the Wadi Hammamat of rebels. Following the reunification, Mentuhotep II was considered by his subjects to be divine, or half divine. This was still the case during the late 12th Dynasty some 200 years later: Senusret III and Amenemhat III erected stelae commemorating opening of the mouth ceremonies practiced on Mentuhotep II's statues. Military activities outside Egypt. Mentuhotep II launched military campaigns under the command of his vizier Khety south into Nubia, which had gained its independence during the First Intermediate Period, in his 29th and 31st years of reign. This is the first attested appearance of the term "Kush" for Nubia in Egyptian records. In particular, Mentuhotep posted a garrison on the island fortress of Elephantine so troops could rapidly be deployed southwards. There is also evidence of military actions against Canaan. At Gabal El Uweinat close to the borders of modern Libya, Sudan and Tschad was found an inscription naming the king and attesting at least trade contacts to this region. Officials. The king reorganized the country and placed a vizier at the head of the administration. The viziers of his reign were Bebi and Dagi. His "treasurer" was Kheti who was involved in organising the sed festival for the king. Other important officials were the treasurer Meketre and the "overseer of sealers" Meru. His "general" was Intef. Reorganization of the government. Throughout the First Intermediate Period and until Mentuhotep II's reign, the nomarchs held important powers over Egypt. Their office had become hereditary during the 6th Dynasty and the collapse of central power assured them complete freedom over their lands. After the unification of Egypt however, Mentuhotep II initiated a strong policy of centralization, reinforcing his royal authority by creating the posts of "Governor of Upper Egypt" and "Governor of Lower Egypt" who had power over the local nomarchs. Mentuhotep also relied on a mobile force of royal court officials who further controlled the deeds of the nomarchs. Finally, the nomarchs who supported the 10th Dynasty, such as the governor of Asyut, certainly lost their power to the profit of the king. In the meantime, Mentuhotep II started an extensive program of self-deification emphasizing the divine nature of the ruler. Titulary. Mentuhotep II's self-deification program is evident from temples he built where he is represented wearing the headgear of Min and Amun. But perhaps the best evidence for this policy is his three titularies: his second Horus and Nebty names were "The divine one of the white crown" while he is also referred to as the "son of Hathor" at the end of his reign. Mentuhotep II changed his titulary twice during his reign: the first time in his 14th regnal year, marking the initial successes of his campaign against Herakleopolis Magna to the north. The second time on or shortly before his 39th year of reign, marking the final success of that campaign, and his reunification of all of Egypt. More precisely, this second change may have taken place on the occasion of the "sed" festival celebrated during his 39th year on the throne. In general, the titularies of Mentuhotep II show a desire to return to the traditions of the Old Kingdom. In particular he adopted the complete five-fold titulary after his reunification of Egypt, seemingly for the first time since the 6th Dynasty, though known records are sparse for much of the First Intermediate Period that preceded him. Another proof that Mentuhotep II paid great attention to the traditions of the Old Kingdom is his second Nomen, sometimes found as <-O10-nb-O28-n:t*O49-G39:Y5-V13:Htp-><br>"sȝ Ḥw.t-Ḥr nb(.t) jwn.t Mnṯw-ḥtp"<br> "The son of Hathor, the lady of Dendera, Mentuhotep" This reference to Hathor rather than Re is similar to the titulary of Pepi I. Finally, in later king lists, Mentuhotep was referred to with a variant of his third titulary <-ra:nb-P8-><-Y5:n-U33-Z7-Htp:t-p-Z7-G7-> Monuments. Mentuhotep II commanded the construction of many temples though few survive to this day. Well preserved is a funerary chapel found in 2014 at Abydos. Most of the other temple remains are also located in Upper Egypt, more precisely in Abydos, Aswan, Tod, Armant, Gebelein, Elkab, Karnak and Denderah. In doing so, Mentuhotep followed a tradition started by his grandfather Intef II: royal building activities in the provincial temples of Upper Egypt began under Intef II and lasted throughout the Middle Kingdom. Mortuary temple of Mentuhotep II. Mentuhotep II's most ambitious and innovative building project remains his large mortuary temple. The many architectural innovations of the temple mark a break with the Old Kingdom tradition of pyramid complexes and foreshadow the Temples of Millions of Years of the New Kingdom. As such, Mentuhotep II's temple was certainly a major source of inspiration for the nearby, but 550-year later temples of Hatshepsut and Thutmose III. However, the most profound innovations of Mentuhotep II's temple are not architectural but religious. First, it is the earliest mortuary temple where the king is not just the recipient of offerings but rather enacts ceremonies for the deities (in this case Amun-Ra). Second, the temple identifies the king with Osiris. Indeed, the decoration and royal statuary of the temple emphasizes the Osirian aspects of the dead ruler, an ideology apparent in the funerary statuary of many later pharaohs. Finally, most of the temple decoration is the work of local Theban artists. This is evidenced by the dominant artistic style of the temple which represents people with large lips and eyes and thin bodies. At the opposite, the refined chapels of Mentuhotep II's wives are certainly due to Memphite craftsmen who were heavily influenced by the standards and conventions of the Old Kingdom. This phenomenon of fragmentation of the artistic styles is observed throughout the First Intermediate Period and is a direct consequence of the political fragmentation of the country. Situation. The temple is located in the cliff at Deir el-Bahri on the west bank of Thebes. The choice of this location is certainly related to the Theban origin of the 11th Dynasty: Mentuhotep's predecessors on the Theban throne are all buried in close-by saff tombs. Furthermore, Mentuhotep may have chosen Deir el-Bahri because it is aligned with the temple of Karnak, on the other side of Nile. In particular, the statue of Amun was brought annually to Deir el-Bahri during the Beautiful Festival of the Valley, something which the king may have perceived as beneficial to this funerary cult. Consequently, and until the construction of the Djeser-Djeseru some five centuries later, Mentuhotep II's temple was the final destination of the barque of Amun during the festival Discovery and excavations. In the early 19th century, the ruins of the temple of Mentuhotep II were completely covered with debris. They consequently went unnoticed until the second half of the century, in spite of extensive excavations performed on the nearby Djeser-Djeseru of Hatshepsut. Thus it was only in 1859, that Lord Dufferin and his assistants, Dr. Lorange and Cyril C. Graham, started to excavate the southwest corner of the hypostyle hall of Mentuhotep's temple. Clearing the immense mass of debris, they soon discovered the plundered grave of Queen Tem, one of Mentuhotep's wives. Realising the potential of the site, they then gradually worked their way to the sanctuary, where they found the granite altar of Mentuhotep with a representation of Amun-Re and various other finds such as the grave of Neferu TT319. Finally, in 1898, Howard Carter discovered the Bab el-Hosan cache in the front court, where he uncovered the famous black seated statue of the king. The next important excavation works took place from 1903 to 1907 under the direction of Henri Édouard Naville, who worked there on behalf of the Egypt Exploration Fund. He was the first to undertake a systematic exploration of the temple. About ten years later, between 1920 and 1931, Herbert E. Winlock further excavated the temple for the Metropolitan Museum of Art. However, his results were published only in the form of preliminary reports in summary form. Finally, from 1967 to 1971, Dieter Arnold conducted research on the site on behalf of the German Archaeological Institute. He published his results in three volumes. Foundational offerings. Under the four corners of the temple terrace, H. Winlock discovered four pits during his 1921–1922 excavations. These pits were dug into the ground before the construction of the temple for the purpose of foundation rituals. Indeed, when H. Winlock discovered them, they still contained many offerings: a cattle skull, pitchers and bowls filled with fruits, barley and bread and a mud brick bearing Mentuhotep II's name. Further excavations of the pits undertaken in 1970 by Dieter Arnold revealed more food offerings such as bread and beef ribs, but also some bronze objects, a faience scepter and sheets of fabric. The sheets were marked in red ink at the corner, seven with the name of Mentuhotep II and three with that of Intef II. Architecture. Causeway and courtyard. Similarly to the mortuary complexes of the Old Kingdom, Mentuhotep II's mortuary complex comprised two temples: the high temple of Deir el-Bahri and a valley temple located closer to the Nile on cultivated lands. The valley temple was linked to the high temple by a 1.2 km long and 46 m wide uncovered causeway. The causeway led to a large courtyard in front of the Deir el-Bahri temple. The courtyard was adorned by a long rectangular flower bed, with fifty-five sycamore trees planted in small pits and six tamarisk plus two sycamore trees planted in deep pits filled with soil. This is one of the very few archaeologically documented temple-gardens of ancient Egypt that are known enough about to reconstruct its appearance. The maintenance of such a garden more than 1 km from the Nile into the arid desert must have required the constant work of many gardeners and an elaborate irrigation system. Left and right of the processional walkway were at least 22 seated statues of Mentuhotep II wearing, on the south side, the White Crown of Upper Egypt and on the north side the Red Crown of Lower Egypt. These were probably added to the temple for the celebration of Mentuhotep II's "Sed" festival during his 39th year on the throne. Some headless sandstone statues are still on site today. Another was discovered in 1921 during Herbert Winlock's excavations and is now on display at the Metropolitan Museum of Art. Front part of the temple. West of the causeway is the main temple, which consisted of two parts. The front part of the temple is dedicated to Monthu-Ra, a merger of the sun god Ra with the Theban god of war Monthu, particularly worshipped during the 11th Dynasty. A ramp aligned with the central axis of the temple led to the upper terrace. The ramp that is visible today was constructed in 1905 by Édouard Naville over the remains of the original ramp, which only is visible in two places as the lowest two layers of the lateral limestone cladding. The eastern front part of the temple, on both sides of the rising ramp, consists of two porticos with a double row of rectangular pillars, which make the temple look like a saff tomb, the traditional burial of Mentuhotep II's 11th-Dynasty predecessors. On the temple terrace, a 60-metre-wide, 43-metre-deep and 5-metre-high podium supports the upper hall surrounding an ambulatory and the core building. The ambulatory, separated from the upper hall by a 5-cubit-thick wall, comprised a total of 140 octagonal columns disposed in three rows. For most of these columns, only the base is still visible today. The courtyard of the ambulatory was completely filled by the core building, a massive 22 m large and 11 m high construction. This edifice, located at the center of the temple complex, was excavated in 1904 and 1905 by Edouard Naville. He reconstructed it as a square structure topped by a small pyramid, a representation of the primeval mount which possibly resembled the superstructures of the royal tombs at Abydos. This reconstruction, supported by H. E. Winlock, was contested by D. Arnold, who argued that, for structural reasons, the temple could not have supported the weight of a small pyramid. Instead, he proposed that the edifice was flat-roofed. Rear part of the temple. Behind the core edifice was the center of the cult for the deified king. The rear part of the temple was cut directly into the cliff and consisted of an open courtyard, a pillared hall with 82 octagonal columns and a chapel for a statue of the king. This part of the temple was dedicated to Amun-Ra. The open courtyard is flanked on the north and south sides by a row of five columns and on the east side by a double row totalling sixteen columns. At the center of the open courtyard lies a deep dromos leading to the royal tomb. Archaeological finds in this part of the temple include a limestone altar, a granite stele and six granite statues of Senusret III. To the west, the courtyard leads to the hypostyle hall with its ten rows of eight columns each, plus two additional columns on both sides of the entrance. The hypostyle hall is separated from the courtyard by a wall and, being also higher, is accessed via a small ramp. On the west end of the hypostyle hall lies the holiest place of the temple, a sanctuary dedicated to Mentuhotep and Amun-Ra leading to a small speos which housed a larger-than-life statue of the king. The sanctuary itself housed a statue of Amun-Re and was surrounded on three sides by walls and on one side by the cliff. The inner and outer faces of these walls were all decorated with painted inscriptions and representations of the kings and gods in high relief. Surviving relief fragments show the deified king surrounded by the chief deities of Upper and Lower Egypt, Nekhbet, Seth, Horus and Wadjet, and on a par with them. The gods present the king with bundles of palm branches, the symbol of Millions of Years. This relief is a manifestation of the profound religious changes in the ideology of kingship since the Old Kingdom: Royal tomb. As mentioned above, the open courtyard of the rear part of the temple presents a dromos in its center. This dromos, a 150 m long straight corridor, leads down to a large underground chamber 45 m below the court which is undoubtedly the tomb of the king. This chamber is entirely lined with red granite and has a pointed roof. It contained an alabaster chapel in the form of an Upper-Egyptian Per-wer sanctuary. This chapel was once closed by a double door now missing. It contained a wooden coffin and ointment vessels which left traces in the ground. Most of the grave goods that must have been deposited there are long gone as a result of the tomb plundering. The few remaining items were a scepter, several arrows, and a collection of models including ships, granaries and bakeries.

tall structure

14927-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=14083964

Animal psychopathology is the study of mental or behavioral disorders in animals. Historically, there has been an anthropocentric tendency to emphasize the study of animal psychopathologies as models for human mental illnesses. But animal psychopathologies can, from an evolutionary point of view, be more properly regarded as non-adaptive behaviors due to some sort of a cognitive disability, emotional impairment or distress. This article provides a non-exhaustive list of animal psychopathologies. Eating disorders. Animals in the wild appear to be relatively free from eating disorders although their body composition fluctuates depending on seasonal and reproductive cycles. However, domesticated animals including farm, laboratory, and pet animals are prone to disorders. Evolutionary fitness drives feeding behavior in wild animals. The expectation is that farm animals also display this behavior, but questions arise if the same principles apply to laboratory and pet animals. Activity anorexia. Activity anorexia (AA) is a condition where rats begin to exercise excessively while simultaneously cutting down on their food intake, similar to human anorexia nervosa or hypergymnasia. When given free access to food and an exercise wheel, rats normally develop a balanced routine between exercise and food intake, which turns them into fit rats. However, if food intake is restricted and wheel access is unrestricted, rats begin to exercise more and eat less, resulting in excessive weight loss and, ultimately, death. The running cycles shift so that most of the running is done in hours before feeding is scheduled. In other conditions, AA does not develop. Unrestricted food access and restricted wheel access will not cause any significant change in either feeding or exercise routine. Also, if rats are restricted both in food intake and wheel access, they will adjust accordingly. In fact, if rats are first trained to the feeding schedule and then given unrestricted access to a running wheel, they will not develop AA behavior. Results support the notion that the running interferes with adaptation to the new feeding schedule and is associated with the reward system in the brain. One theory is that running simulates foraging, a natural behavior in wild rats. Laboratory rats therefore run (forage) more in response to food shortages. The effect of semi-starvation on activity has also been studied in primates. Rhesus macaque males become hyperactive in response to long-term chronic food restriction. Thin sow syndrome. Thin Sow Syndrome (TSS) is a behavior observed in stalled sows that is similar to AA where some sows after early pregnancy are extremely active, eat little, and waste away, resulting very often in death. They suffer from emaciation, hypothermia, a depraved appetite, restlessness, and hyperactivity. The syndrome may mainly be related to social and environmental stressors. Stress in stalled sows is often perceived as the consequence of the restraint of animals that happens in intensive production units. The sows that suffer the most restraining conditions are those lactating or pregnant as they have very little room to move around because they are kept in barred gestation crates or tethered for the 16 weeks of pregnancy which prevents natural and social behaviors. However, increased movement and freedom is also stressful for adult sows, which is usually the case after weaning. When placed into groups they fight vigorously, with one dominant sow emerging that eats voraciously. It is also likely that two subordinate sows make up part of the group who actively avoid competitive feeding situations and are bullied by the dominant sow. Affected sows have poor appetite but often show pica, excessive water intake (polydipsia) and are anemic. Studies on the effects of overcrowding were conducted in the 1940s by placing pregnant Norway rats in a room with plenty of water and food and observing the population growth. The population reached a number of individuals and did not grow thereafter; overcrowding produced stress and psychopathologies. Even though there was plenty of water and food, the rats stopped eating and reproducing. Similar effects have also been observed in dense populations of beetles. When overcrowding occurs, female beetles destroy their eggs and turn cannibalistic, eating each other. Male beetles lose interest in the females and although there is plenty of water and food, there is no population growth. Similar effects have been observed in overcrowded situations in jack rabbits and deer. Pica. Pica is the ingestion of non-nutritive substances and has so far been poorly documented. In non-human animals in the laboratory it has been examined through the ingestion of kaolin (a clay mineral) by rats. Rats were induced to intake kaolin by administering various emetic stimuli such as copper sulfate, apomorphine, cisplatin, and motion. Rats are unable to vomit when they ingest a substance that is harmful thus pica in rats is analogous to vomiting in other species; it is a way for rats to relieve digestive distress. In some animals pica seems to be an adaptive trait but in others it seems to be a true psychopathology like in the case of some chickens. Chickens can display a type of pica when they are feed-deprived (feeding restriction has been adopted by the egg industry to induce molting). They increase their non-nutritive pecking, such as pecking structural features of their environment like wood or wire on fences or the feathers of other birds. It is a typical response that occurs when feeding is restricted or is completely withdrawn. Some of the non-nutritive pecking may be due to a redirection of foraging related behavior. Another animal that has displayed a more complex pica example are cattle. Cattle eat bones when they have a phosphorus deficiency. However, in some cases they persist on eating bones even after their phosphorus levels have stabilized and they are getting adequate doses of phosphorus in their diet. In this case evidence supports both a physical and psychological adaptive response. Cattle that continue to eat bones after their phosphorus levels are adequate do it because of a psychological reinforcer. "The persistence of pica in the seeming absence of a physiological cause might be due to the fortuitous acquisition of a conditioned illness during the period of physiological insult." Cats also display pica behavior in their natural environments and there is evidence to support that this behavior has a psychological aspect to it. Some breeds (such as the Siamese cat) are more predisposed to showing this type of behavior than other breeds, but several types of breeds have been documented to show pica. Cats have been observed to start by chewing and sucking on non-nutritive substances like wool, cotton, rubber, plastic and even cardboard and then progress into ingestion of these substances. This type of behavior occurs through the first four years of a cat's life but it is primarily observed during the first two months of life when cats are introduced into new homes is most common. Theories explaining why this behavior becomes active during this time suggest that early weaning and stress as a consequence of separation from the mother and litter-mates and exposure to a new environment are to blame. Eating wool or other substances may be a soothing mechanism that cats develops to cope with the changes. Pica is also observed predominately during 6–8 months of a cat's life when territorial and sexual behaviors emerge. Pica may be induced by these social stressors. Other theories contemplated include pica as a redirection of prey-catching/ingestion behavior as a result of indoor confinement, especially common among oriental breeds due to risk of theft. In natural environments pica has been observed in parrots (such as macaws) and other birds and mammals. Charles Munn has been studying Amazon macaws lick clay from riverbeds in the Amazon to detoxify the seeds they eat. Amazon macaws spend two to three hours a day licking clay. Munn has found that clay helps counter the tannin and alkaloid in the seeds the macaws ingest, a strategy that is also used by native cultures in the Andes Mountains in Peru. Pica also affects domesticated animals. While drugs like Prozac are often able to diminish troublesome behaviors in pet dogs, they don't seem to help with this eating disorder. The following story about Bumbley, a wire fox terrier who appeared on "20/20" as a result of his eating disorder, is taken from a book by Dr. Nicholas Dodman: This dog's presenting problem was light chasing (otherwise known as shadow chasing). It chased shadows for hours on end, even excavating through plasterboard walls to pursue its will-o'-the-wisp illusions...The one thing that didn't come across clearly in the show was that Bumbley ate everything in sight and the house had to be "Bumbley-proofed" against his relentless ingestion of anything his owners left around...He had already had surgery to relieve intestinal obstructions resulting from his habit and, each day, his owners reentered their house with trepidation after work, fearing that Bumbley might have eaten something else. Dodman talks about new research relating bulimia and compulsive overeating to seizural behavior in human patients. He suggests that anti-epileptic medication might be a possible treatment for some cases of pica in animals. Behavioral disorders. Behavioral disorders are difficult to study in animal models because it is difficult to know what animals are thinking and because animal models used to assess psychopathologies are experimental preparations developed to study a condition. Can a monkey effectively communicate that he is sad or that he feels overwhelmed? Lacking the ability to use language to study behavioral disorders like depression and stress questions the validity of those studies conducted. It can be difficult to attribute human afflictions to non-human animals. Obsessive compulsive disorder (OCD). Obsessive-compulsive behavior in animals, often called "stereotypy" or "stereotypical behavior" can be defined as a specific, unnecessary action (or series of actions) repeated more often than would normally be expected. It is unknown whether animals are able to 'obsess' in the same way as humans, and because the motivation for compulsive acts in non-human animals is unknown, the term "abnormal repetitive behaviour" is less misleading. A wide variety of animals exhibit behaviors that can be considered abnormally repetitive. Ritualized and stereotyped behaviors. Though obsessive-compulsive behaviors are often considered to be pathological or maladaptive, some ritualized and stereotyped behaviors are beneficial. These are usually known as "fixed action patterns". These behaviors sometimes share characteristics with obsessive-compulsive behavior, including a high degree of similarity in form and use among many individuals and a repetitive dimension. There are many observable animal behaviors with characteristic, highly conserved patterns. One example is grooming behavior in rats. This behavior is defined by a specific sequence of actions that does not normally differ between individual rats. The rat first begins by stroking its whiskers, then expands the stroking motion to include the eyes and the ears, finally moving on to lick both sides of its body. Other behaviors may be added to the end of this chain, but these four actions themselves are fixed. Its ubiquity and high degree of stereotypy suggest that this is a beneficial behavior pattern which has been maintained throughout evolutionary history. Although humans and animals both have pathological stereotyped behaviors, they do not necessarily provide a similar model of OCD. Feather picking in orange-winged amazon parrots has both a genetic component, with the behavior being more likely in one sibling if the other does it, and more common in parrots close to a door when they were housed in groups. The same study found that feather picking was more common in females and that there was no social transmission of the behavior; neighbors of feather picking birds were only more likely to show the behavior as well if they were related. An evolutionary basis. Some researchers believe that disadvantageous obsessive compulsive behaviors can be thought of as a normally beneficial process gone too far. Brüne (2006) suggests that change of various origin in striatal and frontal brain circuits, which play a role in predicting needs and threats that may arise in the future, may result in a hyperactive cognitive harm avoidance system, in which a person becomes consciously and unreasonably fearful of an unlikely or impossible event. This may also be true in other animals. Genetic factors. Canine compulsions are more common in some breeds and behavioral dispositions are often shared within the same litter. This suggests that there is a genetic factor to the disorder. A questionnaire to dog owners and a blood sample of 181 dogs from four breeds, miniature and standard bull terriers, German shepherds, and Staffordshire bull terriers showed these to be more susceptible to compulsive and repetitive behaviors. It is suggested that the more we learn through studying OCD in dogs, the more we can to understand human biology and the genetics involved in the heredity of susceptibility to disorders such as OCD. A chromosome has been located in dogs that confers a high risk of susceptibility to OCD. Canine chromosome 7 has been found to be most significantly associated with obsessive compulsive disorder in dogs, or more specifically, canine compulsive disorder (CCD). This breakthrough helped further relate OCD in humans to CCD in canines. Canine chromosome 7 is expressed in the hippocampus of the brain, the same area that Obsessive Compulsive Disorder is expressed in human patients. Similar pathways are involved in drug treatment responses for both humans and dogs, offering more research that the two creatures exhibit symptoms and respond to treatment in similar ways. This data can help scientists to discover more effective and efficient ways to treat OCD in humans through the information they find by studying CCD in dogs. Animal models. Animals exhibiting obsessive and compulsive behaviors that resemble OCD in humans have been used as a tool for elucidating possible genetic influences on the disease, potential treatments, and to better understand the pathology of this behavior in general. While such models are useful, they are also limited; it is unclear whether the behavior is ego dystonic in animals. That is, it is difficult to evaluate whether an animal is aware that its behavior is excessive and unreasonable and whether this awareness is a source of anxiety. One study done by Simon Vermeier used neuroimaging to investigate serotonergic and dopaminergic neurotransmission in 9 dogs with Canine Compulsive Disorder (CCD) to measure the serotonin 2A receptor availability. When compared to the 15 non-compulsive dogs used as a control group, the dogs with CCD were found to have lower receptor availability as well as lower subcortical perfusion and hypothalamic availability. The results of this study provide evidence that there are imbalanced serotonergic and dopaminergic pathways in dogs. Similarities between other studies about human OCD provide construct validity for this study, which suggests that the research will be valid and useful in continuing to investigate brain activity and drug treatment in Obsessive Compulsive Disorder. Some treatment has been given to dogs with CCD to observe their reactions and how they are similar or different from how humans would react to the same pharmaceutical or behavioral treatment. A combination of the two approaches has been found to be most effective in lowering the intensity and regularity of OCD in both canines and humans. Pharmaceutically, clomipramine was found to be more effective than an alternative chemical, amitriptyline, in treatments for dogs. One study by Karen Overall discovered that by combining behavioral therapy with the more effective clomipramine, the symptoms of Canine Compulsive Disorder decreased by over 50% for all of the dogs involved in the study. Overall acknowledges that OCD is not something that can be completely cured, but studies like this are still important because Obsessive Compulsive Disorder can be controlled effectively enough so it does not interfere with one's life, a valuable and commonly sought after thing for those who suffer from the disorder. Alicia Graef's article makes several bold claims that dogs are the future in understanding how to better diagnose, recognize, and treat Obsessive Compulsive Disorder in humans. There is evidence supporting her statements, but the connection between CCD and OCD is not clearly understood. So far, studies have proved that effective treatments in dogs are similarly effective for humans, but there are still so many things unknown. Obsessive Compulsive Disorder is a unique mental disorder that cannot be fully cured. It can be controlled and understood, and one possible way of better doing that might be through studying CCD in canines. Studying dogs that exhibit compulsive behaviors has led scientists to genetic breakthroughs in understanding more how biology and genetics factor into Obsessive Compulsive Disorder. By observing and studying how CCD manifests in the brain activity, behaviors, and genes of diagnosed canines, scientists have been able to use their newfound information to develop better diagnostic tests and more readily recognize symptoms and susceptible humans. The similar brain functions and behaviors of dogs with CCD and humans with OCD suggests they have a connection, not only in behavior and symptoms, but in reacting to treatments. Understanding Canine Compulsive Disorder in dogs has helped scientists to better understand and apply their learning to developing new and more effective ways to treat Obsessive Compulsive Disorder in humans. Some examples of ways in which rats and mice, two of the most common animal models, have been used to represent human OCD are provided below. Lever pressing in rats Certain laboratory rat strains that have been created by controlled breeding for many generations show a higher tendency towards compulsive behaviors than other strains. Lewis rats show more compulsive lever pressing behavior than Sprague Dawley or Wistar rats and are less responsive to the anti-compulsive drug paroxetine. In this study, rats were taught to press a lever to receive food in an operant conditioning task. Once food was no longer provided when they pressed the lever, rats were expected to stop pressing it. Lewis rats pressed the lever more often than the other two types, even though they had presumably learned that they would not receive food, and continued to press it more often even after treatment with the drug. An analysis of the genetic differences between the three rat strains might help to identify genes that might be responsible for the compulsive behavior. Rats have also been used to test the possibility of a problem with dopamine levels in the brains of animals that exhibit compulsive checking behavior. After treating rats with quinpirole, a chemical that specifically blocks dopamine D2/D3 receptors, compulsive checking of certain locations in an open field increased. Some components of the checking behavior, such as the level of stereotypy in the path animals took to checked locations, the number of checks, and the length of the checks indicated an increase in compulsivity as doses of quinpirole increased; other components, such as the time taken to return from the checked location to the starting point and the time taken to make that trip remained constant after the initial injection throughout the experiment. This means that there might be both an all-or-none and a sensitization aspect in the biology of the dopamine deficiency model of OCD. In addition, quinpirole might reduce a sense of satisfaction in the rats after they check a location, causing them to return to that location again and again. Estrogen deficiency in male mice Based on findings of changes in OCD symptoms in menstruating women and differences in the development of the disease between men and women, Hill and colleagues set out to research the effect of estrogen deprivation on the development of compulsive behavior in mice. Male mice with an aromatase Gene knockout who were unable to produce estrogen showed excessive grooming and wheel running behaviors, but female mice did not. When treated with 17β-estradiol, which replaced estrogen in these mice, the behaviors disappeared. This study also found that COMT protein levels decreased in mice that did not produce estrogen and increased in the hypothalamus after estrogen-replacement treatment. Briefly, the COMT protein is involved in degrading some neurotransmitters, including dopamine, norepinephrine and epinephrine. This data suggests that there may be a hormonal component and a hormone-gene interaction effect that may contribute to obsessive behaviors. Pets Dr. Nicholas Dodman describes a wide variety of OCD-like behaviors in his book Dogs Behaving Badly. Such behaviors typically appear when the dog is placed in a stressful situation, including an environment that is not very stimulating, or in dogs with a history of abuse. Different breeds of dog seem to display different compulsions. Lick granuloma, or licking repeatedly until ulcers form on the skin, affects more large dogs, like Labradors, golden retrievers, Great Danes, and Dobermans, while bull terriers, German shepherds, Old English sheepdogs, Rottweilers, and wire-haired fox terriers, and springer spaniels are more likely to snap at imaginary flies or chase light and shadows. These associations probably have an evolutionary basis, although Dodman does not clearly explain that aspect of the behaviors. Louis Shuster and Nicholas Dodman noticed that dogs often demonstrate obsessive and compulsive behaviors similar to humans. Canine Compulsive Disorder (CCD) is not only specific to certain breeds of dogs, but the breed may affect the specific types of compulsions. For example, bull terriers frequently exhibit obsessively predatory or aggressive behaviors. Breed may factor into the types of compulsions, but some behaviors are more common across the canine spectrum. Most commonly, CCD is seen in canines as they repeat behaviors such as chasing their tails, compulsively chewing on objects, or licking their paws excessively, similar to the common hand-washing compulsion many people with Obsessive Compulsive Disorder have. Hallucinating and attacking the air around their head, as if there were a bug there, is another compulsion that has been seen in some dogs. Circling, hair biting, staring, and sometimes even barking are other examples of behaviors that are considered compulsions in dogs when taken to extreme, repetitive actions. Treatment (pharmaceutical). Dodman advocates the use of exercise, an enriched environment (like providing noises for dogs to listen to while owners are at work), and often Prozac (an SSRI used to treat OCD in humans) as treatments. Shuster and Dodman tested pharmaceutical treatment on canines with CCD to see if it would work as effectively as it does in humans. They used glutamate receptor blockers (memantine) and fluoxetine, commonly known as the antidepressant Prozac, to treat and observe the reactions of 11 dogs with compulsions. Seven of the 11 dogs significantly reduced their compulsions in intensity and frequency after receiving medication. Dodman includes a story about Hogan, a castrated deaf male Dalmatian, and his compulsive behavior. Hogan had a history of neglect and abuse before he was adopted by Connie and Jim, who attempted to improve his behavior by teaching him to respond to American Sign Language. The following are some excerpts from Hogan's file: All was well for a year and a half when suddenly, one March morning, he woke up and started pawing everything in sight, and just wouldn't stop. He pawed rugs and blankets, hardwood floors and linoleum, grass and dirt surfaces … The similarity between what he was doing and prey-seeking behavior was remarkable. I do believe … that Hogan was under some kind of psychological pressure at the time the compulsive pawing behavior developed. … Connie and Jim were compelled to leave him for some eight hours a day while they went to work. … The pendulum was set and ready to swing. The actual compulsion that develops under such circumstances is less relevant than the fact that one "does" develop. The "three R's" of rehabilitation are exercise, nutrition, and communication. First, I advised Connie to step up Hogan's exercise to a minimum of thirty minutes of aerobic activity a day. In addition, I advised that Hogan should be fed a low-protein, preservative-free diet. Completing the rehabilitation checklist, I exhorted Connie to work even harder with the sign-language and instructed her on a new sign to use when Hogan started digging. The sign was a piece of card with the letter "H" written on it in thick black pen. Connie was to show Hogan this sign as soon as possible after he engaged in a bout of unwanted pawing and then leave the room. The idea was to let him know that the behavior was not wanted by signaling to him that Connie was about to leave the room. … Call me a coward, but I didn't think that alone would cut it because of previous experiences with canine compulsive disorders so, employing a belt-and-suspenders strategy, I also advised medicating Hogan with the tricyclic antidepressant Elavil. Theoretically, Elavil wouldn't be that good in obsessive-compulsive behavior but, limited for reasons of expense, and bearing in mind the possible contribution of separation anxiety, Elavil was my best shot. It took six months before Hogan was over the hump of treatment success. … At this time Hogan only engaged in occasional pawing of significantly reduced intensity, and the pawing only occurred in moments of stress. Connie reported that stresses particularly likely to induce pawing included being unable to find her and sensing that he was about to be left alone. … Hogan continued to improve and reached a point at which he was almost pawing-free - but not quite. That seems to be the way with compulsive disorders in man and beast. They can be reduced to the level of permitting affectees to lead relatively normal lives, but there are occasional relapses. Addiction. Sugar addiction has been examined in laboratory rats and it develops in the same way that drug addiction develops. Eating sugary foods causes the brain to release natural chemicals called opioids and dopamine in the limbic system. Tasty food can activate opioid receptors in the ventral tegmental area and thereby stimulate cells that release dopamine in the nucleus accumbens (NAc). The brain recognizes the intense pleasure derived from the dopamine and opioids release and learns to crave more sugar. Dependence is created through these natural rewards, the sugary treats, and the opioid and dopamine released into the synapses of the mesolimbic system. The hippocampus, the insula and the caudate activate when rats crave sugar, which are the same areas that become active when drug addicts crave the drug. Sugar is good because it provides energy, but if the nervous system goes through a change and the body becomes dependent on the sugar intake, somatic signs of withdrawal begin to appear like chattering teeth, forepaw tremors and head shakes when sugar is not ingested. Morphine tolerance, a measure of addiction, was observed in rats and their tolerance on Morphine was attributed to environmental cues and the systemic effects of the drug. Morphine tolerance does not depend merely on the frequency of pharmacological stimulation, but rather on both the number of pairings of a drug-predictive cue with the systemic effects of the drug. Rats became significantly more tolerant to morphine when they had been exposed to a paired administration than those rats that were not administered a drug-predictive cue along with the morphine. Depression. Using dogs, Martin Seligman and his colleagues pioneered the study of depression in the animal model of learned helplessness at the University of Pennsylvania. Dogs were separated into three groups, the control group, group A had control over when they were being shocked and group B had no control over when they were being electrocuted. After the shocking condition, the dogs were tested in a shuttle box where they could escape shock by jumping over a partition. To eliminate an interference effect – that the dogs did not learn responses while being shocked that would interfere with their normal escape behavior – the dogs were immobilized using curare, a paralyzing drug while they were being shocked. Both the control group and group A tended to jump over the partition to escape shock while group B dogs did not jump and would passively take the shock. The dogs in group B perceived that the outcome was not related to their efforts. Consequently, a theory emerged that attributed the behavior of the animals to the effects of the shock as a stressor so extreme that it depleted a neurochemical needed by the animals for movement. After the dogs study the effects of helplessness have been tested in species from fish to cats. Most recently learned helplessness has been studied in rhesus macaques using inescapable shock, evoked through stress situations like forced swimming, behavioral despair tasks, tails suspension and pinch induced catalepsy; situations that render the monkey incapable of controlling the environment. Depression and low mood were found to be of a communicative nature. They signal yielding in a hierarchy conflict or a need for help. Low mood or extreme low mood (also known as depression) can regulate a pattern of engagement and foster disengagement from unattainable goals. "Low mood increases an organism's ability to cope with the adaptive challenges characteristic of unpropitious situations in which effort to pursue a major goal will likely result in danger, loss, bodily damage, or wasted effort." Being apathetic can have a fitness advantage for the organism. Depression has also been studied as a behavioral strategy used by vertebrates to increase their personal or inclusive fitness in the threat of parasites and pathogens. The lack of neurogenesis has been linked to depression. Animals with stress (isolated, cortisol levels) show a decrease in neurogenesis and antidepressants have been discovered to promote neurogenesis. Rene Hen and his colleagues at Columbia University ran a study on rats in which they blocked neurogenesis by applying radiation to the hippocampal area to test the efficacy of antidepressants. Results suggested that antidepressants failed to work when neurogenesis was inhibited. Stress. Robert Sapolsky has extensively studied baboons in their natural environment in the Serengeti in Africa. He noticed that baboons have very similar hierarchies in their society as do humans. They spend very few hours searching for food and fulfilling their primary needs, leaving them with time to develop their social network. In primates, mental stresses show up in the body. Primates experience psychological stresses that can elicit physiological responses that, over time, can make them sick. Sapolsky observed the baboons' ranks, personalities and social affiliations, then collected blood samples of the baboons to control the cortisol (stress hormone) levels of the baboons, then matched social position to cortisol levels. Most of the data have been collected from male baboons, because at any given time 80 percent of the females were pregnant. Three factors influenced a baboon's cortisol levels: friendships, perspective, and rank. Baboons had lower levels of cortisol if they 1. played with infants and cultivated friendships, 2. could tell if a situation was a real threat and could tell if they were going to win or lose, and 3. were top ranking. Cortisol levels rise with age and hippocampal cells express fewer hormone receptors on their surface to protect themselves from excess, making it harder to control stress levels. Cortisol levels are elevated in half of people suffering from major depression, it is the hippocampal region that is affected by both. Stress can have negative effects on gastrointestinal function causing ulcers, and it can also decrease sex drive, affect sleeping patterns and elevate blood pressure but it can also stimulate and motivate. When animals experience stress, they are generally more alert than when they are not stressed. It may help them be better aware of unfamiliar environments and possible threats to their life in these environments. Yerkes and Dodson developed a law that explains the empirical relationship between arousal and performance illustrated by an inverted U-shape graph. According to the Yerkes-Dodson Law, performance increases, as does cognitive arousal, but only to a certain point. The downward part of the U-shape is caused by stress and as stress increases so does efficiency and performance, but only to a certain point. When stress becomes too great, performance and efficiency decline. Sapolsky has also studied stress in rats and his results indicate that early experiences in young rats have strong, lasting effects. Rats that were exposed to human handling (a stressful situation) had finely-tuned stress responses that may have lowered their lifetime exposure to stress hormones compared to those that were not handled. In short: stress can be adaptive. The more exposure to stressful situations, the better the rat can handle that situation. Stereotypies. Stereotypies are repetitive, sometimes abnormal behaviors like pacing on the perch for birds. There are adaptive stereotypic behaviors such as grooming in cats and preening in birds. Captive parrots commonly perform a range of stereotypies. These behaviors are repeated identically and lack any function or goal. Captive parrots perform striking oral and locomotor stereotypies like pacing on the perch or repetitive play with a certain toy. Feather picking and loud vocalizations can be stereotypies but are not as rigid and may be reactions to confinement, stress, boredom and loneliness as studies have shown that parrots that are in cages closest to the door are the most prone to feather pick or scream. Feather picking is not a true stereotypy and is more like hair pulling in human and loud vocalizations or screaming can be a stereotypy but vocalization is part of a parrot's natural behavior. Captive parrots lack sufficient stimulation. Presumably they suffer from lack of companionship and opportunities to forage. Stereotypies can evolve from the social environment for example the presence or absence of certain social stimuli, social isolation, low feeder space and high stocking density (especially for tail biting in pigs). These behaviors can also be transmitted through social learning. Bank voles, pigeons and pigs when housed next to animals that show stereotypies, pick them up as well as through stimulus enhancement which is what happens in tail biting in pigs and feather pecking by hens. Stereotypies may be coping mechanisms as results suggest from study on tethered and stalled sows. Sows that are tethered and stalled exhibited more stereotypies like licking and rubbing than sows that are in groups outdoors. This abnormal behavior seems to be related to opioid (related to the reward system) receptor density. In sows, prolonged confinement, being tethered or being in gestation crates, results in abnormal behaviors and stereotypies. Mu and Kappa receptors are associated with aversion behaviors and Mu receptor density is greater in tethered sows than sows that are in groups outdoors. However, sows with stereotypy behaviors experienced a decrease both in Mu and Kappa receptor density in the brain suggesting that inactivity increases Mu receptor density and stereotypy development decrease both kappa and Mu receptor density. Self-aggression. Rhesus macaques have been observed to display self-aggression (SA) including self-biting, self-clasping, self-slapping, self-rubbing and threatening of body parts. The rhesus macaques observed were individually caged and free of disease. Their self-aggression level rose in stressful and stimulating conditions such as moving from one cage to another. Stump-tailed macaques were studied to examine the source of their SA. SA increased in an impoverished environment and results support that SA may increase sensory input in poor environments. Captive macaques do not socialize the way wild macaques do which may affect SA. When allowed to socialize by putting another macaque in the cage or not putting them in a cage, SA levels in macaques decrease. Results indicate that SA is a form of redirected social aggression. SA is related to frustration and social status, especially in macaques that have an intermediate dominance rank. Further reading. http://www.care2.com/causes/can-dogs-lead-us-to-a-cure-for-obsessive-compulsive-disorder.html

specific amusement

1866-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=14342367

The 1902 Michigan Wolverines football team represented the University of Michigan in the 1902 Western Conference football season. In their second year under head coach Fielding H. Yost, Michigan finished the season undefeated with an 11–0 record, outscored their opponents by a combined score of 644 to 12, and became known as the second of Yost's famed "Point-a-Minute" teams. With a conference record of 5–0, Michigan won the Big Nine Conference championship. The 1902 Michigan Wolverines have also been recognized as the national champions by the Billingsley Report, Helms Athletic Foundation, Houlgate System, and National Championship Foundation, and as co-national champions by Parke H. Davis. Quarterback Boss Weeks was the team's captain and the leader of the Wolverines' offense that twice scored more than 100 points against opponents and averaged 58.5 points per game. Right halfback Albert E. Herrnstein was the team's leading scorer with 135 points on 27 touchdowns (valued at five points under 1902 rules). Fullback James E. Lawrence was the second-leading scorer with 113 points on 12 touchdowns and 53 extra point kicks (then known as "goals from touchdown"). Willie Heston, Joe Maddock and Paul J. Jones added 15, 12 and 11 touchdowns, respectively. Game summaries. Michigan 88, Albion 0. Michigan opened the 1902 season with an 88–0 victory over Albion College. Michigan completed all but one drive with touchdowns. The Wolverines starters scored eight touchdowns and 45 points in the first 20-minute half, and the substitutes added seven touchdowns and a safety in the second half. On defense, Michigan allowed only a single first down by Albion. The game was played in halves of 20 minutes each. Rinehart of Lafayette was the umpire, and Thomas of Michigan was the referee. Michigan's starting lineup was Redden (left end), Johnson (left tackle), Baker (left guard), Gregory (center), Lawrence (right guard), Maddock (right tackle), Cole (right end), Weeks (quarterback), Heston (left halfback), Herrnstein (right halfback) and Jones (fullback). Michigan 48, Case 6. In its second game of the 1902, Michigan played the Case Scientific School (later Case Western Reserve University) of Cleveland. The October 4 game was the fifth meeting between the schools. Although Michigan scored eight touchdowns and easily defeated Case by a score of 48 to 6, the big story of the game was a 30-yard touchdown run by Case's left halfback, Davidson. Michigan had not allowed any points to be scored in the first 12 games under Fielding Yost. The headline in the "Detroit Free Press" referred not to Michigan's victory but instead read, "MICHIGAN'S GOAL LINE CROSSED." The "Michigan Alumnus" wrote that the touchdown by Case "caused consternation among coach, team, and students" as "it had been their fondest hope that the goal line should remain uncrossed another year." The game was played in halves of 20 minutes each. Rinehart of Lafayette was the umpire, and Gaston of Cleveland was the referee. Michigan's starting lineup was Redden (left end), Lawrence (left tackle), McGugin (left guard), Gregory (center), Carter (right guard), Maddock (right tackle), Cole (right end), Weeks (quarterback), Kidston (left halfback), Herrnstein (right halfback) and Jones (fullback). Michigan 119, Michigan Agricultural 0. Michigan played a mid-week game against Michigan Agricultural College (now known as Michigan State University) on Wednesday, October 8, 1902, four days after the win against Case. Michigan attained its highest point total of the year, defeating the Aggies by a score of 119-0. The Wolverines scored 71 points in the first half of 20 minutes and 48 in the second half of 18 minutes. The "Michigan Alumnus" called it "the greatest fusillade of touchdowns ever known to the football world," excluding Michigan's 128–0 win over Buffalo in 1901. Michigan was held on downs only once in the game, and the Aggies made only three first downs. Right halfback Albert Herrnstein ran back a kickoff the length of the field and scored seven touchdowns in the game. Willie Heston and Everett Sweeley did not play in the game, and the "Detroit Free Press" noted: "The opinion is quite general that if Heston and Sweeley had been in the game the Buffalo record would have been beaten, but, as it was, Michigan was simply fagged out running down the field for touchdowns." The game was played in two halves of 20 minutes and 18 minutes. Demonstrating the understatement of the "Point-a-Minute" name given to the team, the Wolverines scored 119 points in 38 minutes of play, an average of 3.1 points per minute. After the game, "The Newark Advocate" wrote:"Michigan has undoubtedly the fastest scoring team in the world, and the Ann Arbor boys play Yosts' 'hurry up' formations like clock work. It requires a fast team to take the ball, line up and score 119 points, even if they have no opponents in two 20 minute halves." Michigan's starting lineup was Redden (left end), Lawrence (left tackle), McGugin (left guard), Gregory (center), Carter (right guard), Maddock (right tackle), Cole (right end), Weeks (quarterback), Kidston (left halfback), Herrnstein (right halfback) and Jones (fullback). Richardson of Michigan was the umpire, and Thomas of Michigan was the referee. Michigan 60, Indiana 0. Michigan defeated Indiana 60-0 in the fourth game of the season. The Indiana team was led by College Football Hall of Famer Zora G. Clevenger. James Lawrence was the star of the game for Michigan. In his first game after Fielding Yost moved him to the fullback position, Lawrence scored four touchdowns and kicked nine goals after touchdown, accounting for 29 of Michigan's 60 points. The "Michigan Alumnus" wrote that Lawrence "was called upon repeatedly to take the ball and would always advance it eight or ten yards" with big holes being opened by guards Carter and McGugin. Michigan's "most spectacular play" of the game was a 75-yard touchdown run by Maddock. The "Alumnus" gave particular praise to the defense: "Only once was Indiana able to make an impression on her impregnable wall and that on a very short run by Clevenger." At the invitation of Michigan's graduate manager Charles A. Baird, more than 2,000 school children accompanied by their teachers attended the game. University of Michigan president James B. Angell also attended the game for the first time of the year. Wisconsin Badgers football coach Phil King also attended the game with his fullback Earl "Keg" Driver to scout the Michigan team in preparation for the upcoming game between the two teams. The game was played in halves of 25 and 20 minutes. Through the first four games of the season, Yost's "Point-a-Minute" team had scored 315 points in 163 minutes of play, an average of almost two points per minute. Michigan's starting lineup was Graver (left end), Baker (left tackle), McGugin (left guard), Gregory (center), Carter (right guard), Maddock (right tackle), Cole (right end), Weeks (quarterback), Heston (left halfback), Herrnstein (right halfback) and Lawrence (fullback). Michigan 23, Notre Dame 0. After four home games to open the season, Michigan played Notre Dame at a neutral site in Toledo, Ohio on October 18, 1902. The game was played on a slippery white clay field at Armory Park following a night of rain. Michigan had been heavily favored to win, and betting on the game was 2 to 1 that Notre Dame would not score. Though favored to run up a high score, Michigan scored only one touchdown and led 5-0 at the end of the first half. The "Detroit Free Press" wrote that the game was "the toughest proposition that the Wolverines have had, either this season or last year." Michigan tackle Joe Maddock was the leading scorer with three touchdowns. The game also marked the debut of right end Everett Sweeley, who punted several times for a distance of 60 yards. On the opening kickoff, Sweeley returned the ball with a punt to Notre Dame's 43-yard line. Although Notre Dame did not score on Michigan, its captain, Louis J. Salmon, demonstrated why he had earned "the reputation of being the hardest line bucker in the west." On one drive, Salmon took the ball to the Michigan 43-yard line in two attempts. After Notre Dame reached Michigan's 20-yard line, "Salmon went at it in the most vicious and determined manner to score. He took the ball eight times in succession but was finally held for downs on the 5-yard line." In the second half, Michigan's running game wore down the Notre Dame defense. Michigan scored three touchdown in the second half, and Notre Dame did not move into Michigan territory. Michigan end Curtis Redden was ejected from the game after an altercation with Lonnegan of Notre Dame, though Redden claimed Lonnegan had been the instigator. After the game, Yost said, "I am satisfied. The score is just about what I thought it would be after I had taken a look at the field." The game was played in halves of 25 minutes. Hinkey of Yale was the umpire, and Jackson of Lake Forest was the referee. Michigan's starting lineup was Redden (left end), Cole (left tackle), McGugin (left guard), Gregory (center), Carter (right guard), Maddock (right tackle), Sweeley (right end), Graver (quarterback), Heston (left halfback), Herrnstein (right halfback) and Jones (fullback). Michigan 86, Ohio State 0. In the sixth game of the season, Michigan defeated Ohio State 86–0 in Ann Arbor on October 25, 1902. The game was played in front of a crowd of 6,000 (including 2,000 from Columbus), "the largest crowd ever gathered at Ferry Field." Michigan scored 45 points in the first half and 41 points in the second half. On offense, the "Detroit Free Press" wrote that the Wolverines "simply ran the Ohio team off their feet." Willie Heston reportedly returned to "his 1901 form," scoring the game's first points with a 20-yard end run after three minutes of play. Heston scored his second touchdown on a 70-yard run. Albert Herrnstein was credited by the "Free Press" with the most consistent play for Michigan and with "the star play of the day by cutting inside of end and running 35 yards for a touchdown." The "Free Press" noted that, despite the coaching of former Yale fullback Perry Hale, the Ohio State players lacked "the first rudiments of tackling" and "failed to hold a man when they got their arms around him." Michigan's defense was credited with playing a strong game as "Ohio State never got near enough to Michigan's goal line to see what the cross-bars looked like." Ohio State's longest gain was a 15-yard run around Michigan's right end for a 15-yard gain in the second half. Everett Sweeley made the tackle to stop a touchdown. Herb Graver also blocked a punt for Michigan. The game was played in halves of 35 and 25 minutes. Hinkey of Yale was the umpire, and Hoagland of Princeton was the referee. Michigan's starting lineup was Redden (left end), Palmer (left tackle), McGugin (left guard), Gregory (center), Carter (right guard), Maddock (right tackle), Sweeley (right end), Weeks (quarterback), Heston (left halfback), Herrnstein (right halfback) and Lawrence (fullback). Michigan 6, Wisconsin 0. In the seventh game of the season, Michigan faced its toughest opponent, the Wisconsin Badgers. The game matched the two western teams that had finished the 1901 season with undefeated records and was played at Marshall Field in Chicago in front of a crowd estimated variously at between 20,000 and 22,000, the largest number ever to watch a college football game in the west. Michigan scored the game's only points at the end of a 65-yard drive seven minutes into the first half. Willie Heston had the longest run (20 yards) on the drive, and Joe Maddock scored the touchdown on a run through the tackle from the two-yard line. Despite the close score, Wisconsin only once had the ball in Michigan's territory. The "Michigan Alumnus" wrote:"The play was in Wisconsin's territory practically the whole time. They never got within striking distance of Michigan's goal, while Michigan was held at one time with the ball less than a yard from Wisconsin's goal line, at another time was held inside the 15-yard line, and still again lost the ball on a fumble on the 7-yard line." The "Detroit Free Press" opened its coverage of the game as follows: "In what is conceded to be the greatest football game ever played on a western gridiron, Michigan decisively defeated Wisconsin on Marshall field this afternoon and undoubtedly won at the same time the championship of the west, though a later game must be won before that honor can be claimed." Four times Michigan moved the ball deep into Wisconsin territory, and all four times Michigan's field goal attempts by Lawrence and Sweeley were unsuccessful. In the middle of the first half, a temporary bleacher at the northeast corner of the field collapsed, "carrying with it a mass of struggling people." Several hundred people were thrown to the ground in the accident. The "Detroit Free Press" described the scene following the collapse: "A shudder went through the grand stands, and the game was stopped. A score of men were injured, but no one were killed. The immense crowd about the gridiron took advantage of the confusion to break down the wire fence surrounding it, and hundreds swarmed onto the field. The few police were powerless to force them out, but the scrubs from both teams lined up against the crowd and shoved them away from the side lines so the game could be played." The game was resumed after a 15-minute delay. The inadequate seating capacity of Marshall Field was blamed for the accident. The bleacher was designed to hold 400 but was crowded beyond its capacity. The facilities were insufficient for the crowd that showed for the game, and there were reports of spectators offering $20 for a ticket. The game was played in equal halves of 35 minutes. Michigan's starting lineup was Redden (left end), Palmer (left tackle), McGugin (left guard), Gregory (center), Carter (right guard), Maddock (right tackle), Sweeley (right end), Weeks (quarterback), Heston (left halfback), Herrnstein (right halfback) and Jones (fullback). Approximately 2,000 students accompanied the team to Chicago, and an account from Chicago was relayed to Ann Arbor's Athens theater which was "packed with students and citizens." When the final score was announced, the crowd of 1,500 voices sung, "Oh! What have we done? Oh! What have we done? We have put Wisconsin on the bum. That's what we have done." When the Michigan team returned to Ann Arbor late in the evening, they were met by a big delegation that marched behind the bus singing." Michigan 107, Iowa 0. The Wolverines improved their record to 8-0 with a 107-0 win over Iowa. Michigan scored 17 touchdowns in the game, and its point total was the largest score ever registered against a Big Ten Conference team, and "the largest number ever chalked up by one big university against another." Fielding Yost was absent from the game, choosing to travel to Minnesota to watch the Golden Gophers play in preparation for the upcoming game between the two schools. The "Detroit Free Press" wrote after the game that "Yost's smile can be seen all the way from Minneapolis." Michigan scored 65 points in the first half, and its offense dominated the game. The "Michigan Alumnus" reported:"[T]he versatility of Michigan's play so disconcerted the Iowa team within the first ten minutes that she seemed wholly bewildered. Delayed passes, fake kicks, double passes, end runs, line-bucks off tackle and into the line followed each other like kaleidoscopic transitions. Gains were made at every point and in every conceivable manner." The "Detroit Free Press" also noted the innovative nature of Michigan's offensive game plan:"Michigan to-day mixed up her plays so completely that Iowa was completely bewildered. Delayed passes, double passes, ends skirting ends, halves dodging in between end and tackle after their opponents had been boxed out and in, tackles and full back hitting the line like trip hammers made the giant Hawkeyes look like a weak scrub team." Everett Sweeley was singled out as the star of the Iowa game for Michigan. He converted 10 goals from touchdown, punted for an average of 50 yards, kicked a field goal from the 35-yard line, and returned a punt 90 yards for a touchdown. After the game, the umpire, Hoagland of Princeton, praised Michigan's blocking (then known as interference): "If you can tell me how you are going to break such a perfect interference, four men running ahead of the man with the ball on end runs without allowing Michigan to make a score, I would like to know how it is done." Michigan's trainer, Keene Fitzpatrick, filled in for Yost as the on-field coach against Iowa. After the game, Fitzpatrick noted:"I think our team-work today was fine. The men certainly have the right spirit. Coach Yost hated to go away. ... The last thing he said to me was, 'Keene, just before they go into the game, give them a good talk.' Well, I guess they did, and I am proud of them." One of the Iowa team members reported receiving a message from Iowa City: "Oh, My. Isn't it awful. Box the remains and send them home." In the first eight games of the season, Michigan had scored 537 points (67.1 points per game), more than the 506 points Michigan's 1901 team had scored in the entire regular season. The game was played in halves of 35 and 30 minutes. Michigan's starting lineup was Graver (left end), Palmer (left tackle), McGugin (left guard), Gregory (center), Carter (right guard), Maddock (right tackle), Sweeley (right end), Weeks (quarterback), Heston (left halfback), Herrnstein (right halfback) and Jones (fullback). Michigan 21, Chicago 0. Michigan returned to Marshall Field in Chicago to play Amos Alonzo Stagg's Chicago Maroons on November 15, 1902. Michigan won the game 21–0 in front of a crowd of 14,000. Before the game started, the Michigan fans in attendance released toy red balloons marked "Chicago" into the "somewhat murky and frosty atmosphere." One Michigan fan, described as "a long-haired collegian wearing a yellow and blue streamer, told a reporter, "That is the way we will toss Chicago up in the air." Everett Sweeley gave Michigan a 5–0 lead with a field goal from a difficult angle at the 25-yard line. Later in the first half, Heston took the ball on a delayed pass and ran 71 yards for a touchdown. Michigan led 10–0 at halftime. In the second half, Sweeley extended Michigan's lead to 15-0 with a field goal from the 17-yard line. With approximately 10 minutes remaining in the game, left tackle William Palmer ran for a touchdown, and Sweeley converted the goal from touchdown to give Michigan its final total of 21 points. The game was the second match between the two legendary coaches, Yost and Stagg. Michigan had defeated Chicago 22–0 in 1901. Despite the successive defeats, Stagg was credited with developing a "magnificent defense to hold Yost's 'hurry up' offense to 21 points in 70 minutes of play." The game was played in halves of 35 minutes. Raymond Starbuck was the umpire. Michigan's starting lineup was Redden (left end), Palmer (left tackle), McGugin (left guard), Gregory (center), Carter (right guard), Maddock (right tackle), Sweeley (right end), Weeks (quarterback), Heston (left halfback), Herrnstein (right halfback) and Jones (fullback). Michigan 63, Oberlin 0. Michigan defeated Oberlin 63–0 in the ninth game of the season. Michigan scored 28 points in the first half and 33 in the second. The speed of Michigan's "hurry up" offense was demonstrated by a three-play drive in which Herb Graver returned a kickoff 60 yards and Willie Heston ran the remaining 40 yards for a touchdown. Early in the second half, Herb Graver fumbled the ball at Michigan's 10-yard line, and the ball was recovered by Oberlin. On a fake field goal, Oberlin took the ball to the four-yard line but was unable to advance the ball further and missed a field goal attempt. Michigan's Herrnstein and Sweeley were both taken out of the game with injuries to their knees. With Minnesota's head coach Henry L. Williams and five of his players attending the game to scout the Wolverines, Michigan's quarterback Boss Weeks did not open up the great variety of Michigan's plays and "did not pull much down out of his sleeve for their edification." Only once did Michigan run one of its renowned trick plays, a double pass to Everett Sweeley that was good for 15 yards. After the game, the umpire, Allen of Chicago, was asked what he thought of the Michigan team and responded: "Why, it goes without saying that Michigan is a wonder. It is the greatest team I ever saw, and I have watched a lot of them." The game was a benchmark game in which Michigan could be compared to the best teams in the east. Cornell had defeated Oberlin 57–0 earlier in the year, and the "Detroit Free Press" suggested that Michigan's victory by a greater margin "may give the easterners an eye-opener." With the popularity of the "Point-a-Minute" tradition at Michigan, the "Detroit Free Press" reported: "The score is one of particularly gratification to Michigan's enthusiasts as it makes Yost's whirlwinds secure a record that never was equalled before, and probably never will be again. Michigan started out the season with as tough a schedule apparently as any team in the west, and if anybody had made a break that this aggregation would be a 'point to the minute' team the man who made the assertion would have been the guy of the town. Yet now, having played 540 minutes, this scoring machine has piled up 621 points, and even if Michigan is shut out by Minnesota in seventy minutes of play the Wolverines will have obtained an average that is the greatest feat in gridiron history." The game was played in halves of 30 minutes. Michigan's starting lineup was Redden (left end), Cole (left tackle), McGugin (left guard), Gregory (center), Carter (right guard), Maddock (right tackle), Sweeley (right end), Weeks (quarterback), Heston (left halfback), Herrnstein (right halfback) and Jones (fullback). Michigan 23, Minnesota 6. In the final game of the 1902 season, Michigan defeated Minnesota 23–6 on Thanksgiving Day. The game got under way at 2:15 p.m. on a brisk afternoon in Ann Arbor. Michigan took the opening kickoff and sustained a 90-yard, seven-minute drive ending with a touchdown by Joe Maddock and a goal after touchdown by Everett Sweeley. The "Detroit Free Press" reported that, during the opening drive, "the Minnesota line was hurled back, again and again, like that of a minor college eleven." Michigan's second touchdown came on an end run by Heston from the 35-yard line, with Sweeley again kicking the goal to give Michigan a 12–0 lead at halftime. At halftime, South Bend, Indiana resident Louis Elbel conducted the as it played a song Elbel had composed four years earlier which was then known as "The Champions of the West" (now known as "The Victors"). In the second half, the Golden Gophers scored after Boss Weeks missed the catch on a punt. The ball contacted Weeks and bounded past him. Flynn of Minnesota recovered the ball and ran for a touchdown, only the second touchdown scored against Michigan since Fielding Yost took over as head coach in 1901. Michigan's leading scorer, Albert Herrnstein, was pulled from the game in the second half due to an injury. The "Detroit Free Press" described Herrnstein's removal from his final game for Michigan as follows: "He had been laid out a number of times, but refused to quit the game until he was unable to stand. Then, crying, he was dragged off the field by trainer Keene Fitzpatrick." On its next drive, Michigan was stopped at Minnesota's 25-yard line, and Sweeley kicked a field goal for five points to give the Wolverines a 17–6 lead. Sweeley's field goal was converted from a difficult angle, and its success "set the rooters wild." Later in the game, Heston scored the game's final touchdown on a run from the 35-yard line, as he hurdled over a Minnesota tackler. Sweeley added the goal after touchdown to give Michigan the win at 23–6. With the win, Michigan completed its second consecutive perfect season under Fielding Yost. The game was played in equal halves of 35 minutes. Michigan's starting lineup was Redden (left end), Cole (left tackle), McGugin (left guard), Gregory (center), Carter (right guard), Maddock (right tackle), Sweeley (right end), Weeks (quarterback), Heston (left halfback), Herrnstein (right halfback) and Graver (fullback). Postseason. The 1902 Michigan football team won Michigan's second consecutive western football championship. Although there was no mechanism in place at the time for the selection of a national champion, the 1902 Wolverines have been recognized as the national championship team by the Billingsley Report, Helms Athletic Foundation, Houlgate System, National Championship Foundation and Parke H. Davis. The team finished the season undefeated and untied, having prevailed in all eleven of their games by a combined score of 644 to 12. The 1902 squad was the second of five consecutive high-scoring teams that came to be known as Coach Yost's "Point-a-Minute" teams. From 1901 to 1905, Yost's teams compiled a record of 55–1–1 and outscored their opponents by a combined score of 2,821 to 42. Team captain and quarterback Boss Weeks wrote a review of the 1902 season for the 1903 yearbook, the "Michiganensian." Weeks opened his review as follows: "The story of the football season of 1902 is easily told. Champions of the West, with no one to dispute it." In the same publication, Fielding Yost published a 15-point essay entitled, "Why Michigan Is Great." Some of Yost's points included the following:"First. Speed. Both as a team and in the individual players, Michigan was speedy. ...<br>Second. Knowledge of the Game. All of the Michigan players were well versed in the fundamental principles of the game in every department. ... <br>Third. Endurance. the men are of wonderful endurance. This is much due to their fine training ...<br>Fourth. Spirit. Among the players there is the finest of fellow-feeling. The men's love of the game had helped give them the proper spirit. They have the desire to win -- the spirit of fighters.<br>Fifth. Team Work. Michigan's team work has been wonderful. ... <br>Seventh. Weight. Michigan had a well-balanced team. The average was 182 pounds very equally distributed. But one man weighed over 200 pounds (Carter) and but one less than 170 pounds (Weeks at quarterback).<br>Eighth. Style of Attack. Michigan varied her onslaughts very much, depending largely upon the style of defense used by the team opposing it. Every man on the team was used to carry the ball, thus distributing the work.<br>Ninth. Generalship. Captain Weeks deserves great credit for Michigan's success. As a leader of forces and strategist I believe he has no equal on the gridiron today. ...<br>Tenth. Punting. In Sweeley, Michigan has one of the greatest kickers in the country. Never has he had a kick blocked in his four years' play at Michigan. ...<br>Twelfth. Defense. Michigan's defensive playing has been wonderful. No team was able to cross Michigan's goal on straight football in the last two years ... <br>Fifteenth. Met All Teams. Michigan's schedule was far harder than that usually arranged for a team. She played five state universities and all the strong Western teams." Awards and honors. Several players received postseason honors:Joseph Maddock, Willie Heston, and captain Boss Weeks were selected "All-America" by the Newark Advocate. Weeks made Casper Whitney's second team. Maddock, Heston, Weeks, Everett Sweeley Paul J. Jones, Curtis Redden, and Dan McGugin all made All-Western. Popularity of football on campus. With the success of Yost's football team, football enjoyed a surge of popularity on Michigan's campus in 1902. Even the student literary magazine, "The Inlander", which usually filled its pages with poems, short stories, and essays by students, gave its entire December 1902 issue to a celebration of the football team. The special issue featured a photograph of Yost on the cover and included all manner of facts and figures on the popular team. Noting the popularity of the sport with Michigan's female students, "Detroit Free Press" in November 1902 wrote about the spectators in attendance at Michigan's home game against Minnesota:"But the dominant note of the gathering was the girl. She was there in every type and style, in every section of the stands and on every row. There was the college girl and the town girl, sweater girl and gown girl. And whatever type of girl she was elsewhere, she was always the Michigan girl." Personnel. Depth chart. The following chart provides a visual depiction of Michigan's lineup during the 1902 season with games started at the position reflected in parenthesis. The chart mimics Yost's short punt formation while on offense, with the quarterback under center. Varsity letter winners. The following 14 players received varsity "M" letters for their participation on the 1902 football team: 1902 players who became coaches. Fielding Yost earned a reputation as an innovator of the sport. His "Point-a-Minute" teams at Michigan compiled an overall record of 43-0-1 from 1901 to 1905 and outscored their opponents 2,326 to 40. The unprecedented performance of these teams created a demand for Yost's players, known as the "Yost-men", to serve as head coaches at other schools. Ten of the 14 lettermen on Yost's 1902 team became college football head coaches. Dan McGugin, who played left guard for the 1902 team, was inducted into the College Football Hall of Fame for his accomplishments as head coach at Vanderbilt from 1904 to 1934. And end/tackle William C. "King" Cole led the Nebraska Cornhuskers to two Missouri Valley Conference championships. The 1902 Michigan players who went on to head coaching positions are: Scoring leaders. The following chart accounts for the 644 points scored by the 1902 football team and is based on the box scores published in 1902 by the "Detroit Free Press" and "The Michigan Alumnus".

each tier

13146-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=60022

Fractal compression is a lossy compression method for digital images, based on fractals. The method is best suited for textures and natural images, relying on the fact that parts of an image often resemble other parts of the same image. Fractal algorithms convert these parts into mathematical data called "fractal codes" which are used to recreate the encoded image. Iterated function systems. Fractal image representation may be described mathematically as an iterated function system (IFS). For binary images. We begin with the representation of a binary image, where the image may be thought of as a subset of formula_1. An IFS is a set of contraction mappings "ƒ"1...,"ƒN", According to these mapping functions, the IFS describes a two-dimensional set "S" as the fixed point of the Hutchinson operator That is, "H" is an operator mapping sets to sets, and "S" is the unique set satisfying "H"("S") = "S". The idea is to construct the IFS such that this set "S" is the input binary image. The set "S" can be recovered from the IFS by fixed point iteration: for any nonempty compact initial set "A"0, the iteration "A""k"+1 = "H"("Ak") converges to "S". The set "S" is self-similar because "H"("S") = "S" implies that "S" is a union of mapped copies of itself: So we see the IFS is a fractal representation of "S". Extension to grayscale. IFS representation can be extended to a grayscale image by considering the image's graph as a subset of formula_5. For a grayscale image "u"("x","y"), consider the set "S" = {("x","y","u"("x","y"))}. Then similar to the binary case, "S" is described by an IFS using a set of contraction mappings "ƒ"1...,"ƒN", but in formula_5, Encoding. A challenging problem of ongoing research in fractal image representation is how to choose the "ƒ"1...,"ƒN" such that its fixed point approximates the input image, and how to do this efficiently. A simple approach for doing so is the following partitioned iterated function system (PIFS): In the second step, it is important to find a similar block so that the IFS accurately represents the input image, so a sufficient number of candidate blocks for "Di" need to be considered. On the other hand, a large search considering many blocks is computationally costly. This bottleneck of searching for similar blocks is why PIFS fractal encoding is much slower than for example DCT and wavelet based image representation. The initial square partitioning and brute-force search algorithm presented by Jacquin provides a starting point for further research and extensions in many possible directions -- different ways of partitioning the image into range blocks of various sizes and shapes; fast techniques for quickly finding a close-enough matching domain block for each range block rather than brute-force searching, such as fast motion estimation algorithms; different ways of encoding the mapping from the domain block to the range block; etc. Other researchers attempt to find algorithms to automatically encode an arbitrary image as RIFS (recurrent iterated function systems) or global IFS, rather than PIFS; and algorithms for fractal video compression including motion compensation and three dimensional iterated function systems. Fractal image compression has many similarities to vector quantization image compression. Features. With fractal compression, encoding is extremely computationally expensive because of the search used to find the self-similarities. Decoding, however, is quite fast. While this asymmetry has so far made it impractical for real time applications, when video is archived for distribution from disk storage or file downloads fractal compression becomes more competitive. At common compression ratios, up to about 50:1, Fractal compression provides similar results to DCT-based algorithms such as JPEG. At high compression ratios fractal compression may offer superior quality. For satellite imagery, ratios of over 170:1 have been achieved with acceptable results. Fractal video compression ratios of 25:1–244:1 have been achieved in reasonable compression times (2.4 to 66 sec/frame). Compression efficiency increases with higher image complexity and color depth, compared to simple grayscale images. Resolution independence and fractal scaling. An inherent feature of fractal compression is that images become resolution independent after being converted to fractal code. This is because the iterated function systems in the compressed file scale indefinitely. This indefinite scaling property of a fractal is known as "fractal scaling". Fractal interpolation. The resolution independence of a fractal-encoded image can be used to increase the display resolution of an image. This process is also known as "fractal interpolation". In fractal interpolation, an image is encoded into fractal codes via fractal compression, and subsequently decompressed at a higher resolution. The result is an up-sampled image in which iterated function systems have been used as the interpolant. Fractal interpolation maintains geometric detail very well compared to traditional interpolation methods like bilinear interpolation and bicubic interpolation. Since the interpolation cannot reverse Shannon entropy however, it ends up sharpening the image by adding random instead of meaningful detail. One cannot, for example, enlarge an image of a crowd where each person's face is one or two pixels and hope to identify them. History. Michael Barnsley led development of fractal compression in 1987, and was granted several patents on the technology. The most widely known practical fractal compression algorithm was invented by Barnsley and Alan Sloan. Barnsley's graduate student Arnaud Jacquin implemented the first automatic algorithm in software in 1992. All methods are based on the fractal transform using iterated function systems. Michael Barnsley and Alan Sloan formed Iterated Systems Inc. in 1987 which was granted over 20 additional patents related to fractal compression. A major breakthrough for Iterated Systems Inc. was the automatic fractal transform process which eliminated the need for human intervention during compression as was the case in early experimentation with fractal compression technology. In 1992, Iterated Systems Inc. received a US$2.1 million government grant to develop a prototype digital image storage and decompression chip using fractal transform image compression technology. Fractal image compression has been used in a number of commercial applications: onOne Software, developed under license from Iterated Systems Inc., Genuine Fractals 5 which is a Photoshop plugin capable of saving files in compressed FIF (Fractal Image Format). To date the most successful use of still fractal image compression is by Microsoft in its Encarta multimedia encyclopedia, also under license. Iterated Systems Inc. supplied a shareware encoder (Fractal Imager), a stand-alone decoder, a Netscape plug-in decoder and a development package for use under Windows. As wavelet-based methods of image compression improved and were more easily licensed by commercial software vendors the adoption of the Fractal Image Format failed to evolve. The redistribution of the "decompressor DLL" provided by the ColorBox III SDK was governed by restrictive per-disk or year-by-year licensing regimes for proprietary software vendors and by a discretionary scheme that entailed the promotion of the Iterated Systems products for certain classes of other users. During the 1990s Iterated Systems Inc. and its partners expended considerable resources to bring fractal compression to video. While compression results were promising, computer hardware of that time lacked the processing power for fractal video compression to be practical beyond a few select usages. Up to 15 hours were required to compress a single minute of video. ClearVideo also known as RealVideo (Fractal) and SoftVideo were early fractal video compression products. ClearFusion was Iterated's freely distributed streaming video plugin for web browsers. In 1994 SoftVideo was licensed to Spectrum Holobyte for use in its CD-ROM games including Falcon Gold and . In 1996, Iterated Systems Inc. announced an alliance with the Mitsubishi Corporation to market ClearVideo to their Japanese customers. The original ClearVideo 1.2 decoder driver is still supported by Microsoft in Windows Media Player although the encoder is no longer supported. Two firms, Total Multimedia Inc. and Dimension, both claim to own or have the exclusive licence to Iterated's video technology, but neither has yet released a working product. The technology basis appears to be Dimension's U.S. patents 8639053 and 8351509, which have been considerably analyzed. In summary, it is a simple quadtree block-copying system with neither the bandwidth efficiency nor PSNR quality of traditional DCT-based codecs. In January 2016, TMMI announced that it was abandoning fractal-based technology altogether. Numerous research papers have been published during the past few years discussing possible solutions to improve fractal algorithms and encoding hardware. Implementations. A library called "Fiasco" was created by Ullrich Hafner. In 2001, "Fiasco" was covered in the "Linux Journal". According to the 2000-04 "Fiasco" manual, "Fiasco" can be used for video compression. The Netpbm library includes the "Fiasco" library. Femtosoft developed an implementation of fractal image compression in Object Pascal and Java.

significant features

14711-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=977649

A stem-and-leaf display or stem-and-leaf plot is a device for presenting quantitative data in a graphical format, similar to a histogram, to assist in visualizing the shape of a distribution. They evolved from Arthur Bowley's work in the early 1900s, and are useful tools in exploratory data analysis. Stemplots became more commonly used in the 1980s after the publication of John Tukey's book on "exploratory data analysis" in 1977. The popularity during those years is attributable to their use of monospaced (typewriter) typestyles that allowed computer technology of the time to easily produce the graphics. Modern computers' superior graphic capabilities have meant these techniques are less often used. This plot has been implemented in Octave and R. A stem-and-leaf plot is also called a stemplot, but the latter term often refers to another chart type. A simple stem plot may refer to plotting a matrix of "y" values onto a common "x" axis, and identifying the common" x" value with a vertical line, and the individual "y "values with symbols on the line. Unlike histograms, stem-and-leaf displays retain the original data to at least two significant digits, and put the data in order, thereby easing the move to order-based inference and non-parametric statistics. Construction. To construct a stem-and-leaf display, the observations must first be sorted in ascending order: this can be done most easily if working by hand by constructing a draft of the stem-and-leaf display with the leaves unsorted, then sorting the leaves to produce the final stem-and-leaf display. Here is the sorted set of data values that will be used in the following example: Next, it must be determined what the stems will represent and what the leaves will represent. Typically, the leaf contains the last digit of the number and the stem contains all of the other digits. In the case of very large numbers, the data values may be rounded to a particular place value (such as the hundreds place) that will be used for the leaves. The remaining digits to the left of the rounded place value are used as the stem. In this example, the leaf represents the ones place and the stem will represent the rest of the number (tens place and higher). The stem-and-leaf display is drawn with two columns separated by a vertical line. The stems are listed to the left of the vertical line. It is important that each stem is listed only once and that no numbers are skipped, even if it means that some stems have no leaves. The leaves are listed in increasing order in a row to the right of each stem. It is important to note that when there is a repeated number in the data (such as two 72s) then the plot must reflect such (so the plot would look like 7 | 2 2 5 6 7 when it has the numbers 72 72 75 76 77). Rounding may be needed to create a stem-and-leaf display. Based on the following set of data, the stem plot below would be created: For negative numbers, a negative is placed in front of the stem unit, which is still the value X / 10. Non-integers are rounded. This allowed the stem and leaf plot to retain its shape, even for more complicated data sets. As in this example below: Usage. Stem-and-leaf displays are useful for displaying the relative density and shape of the data, giving the reader a quick overview of the distribution. They retain (most of) the raw numerical data, often with perfect integrity. They are also useful for highlighting outliers and finding the mode. However, stem-and-leaf displays are only useful for moderately sized data sets (around 15–150 data points). With very small data sets a stem-and-leaf displays can be of little use, as a reasonable number of data points are required to establish definitive distribution properties. A dot plot may be better suited for such data. With very large data sets, a stem-and-leaf display will become very cluttered, since each data point must be represented numerically. A box plot or histogram may become more appropriate as the data size increases.

single digits

3795-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=29657021

A green home is a type of house designed to be environmentally sustainable. Green homes focus on the efficient use of "energy, water, and building materials". A green home may use sustainably sourced, environmentally friendly, and/or recycled building materials. It may include sustainable energy sources such as solar or geothermal, and be sited to take maximum advantage of natural features such as sunlight and tree cover to improve energy efficiency. Elements. No government standards define what constitutes a green remodel, beyond non-profit certification. In general, a green home is a house that is built or remodeled in order to conserve "energy or water; improve indoor air quality; use sustainable, recycled or used materials; and produce less waste in the process." This may include buying more energy-efficient appliances or employing building materials that are more efficient in managing temperature. History. United States. In the United States, the green building movement began in the 1970s, after the price of oil began to increase sharply. In response, researchers began to look into more energy efficient systems. Many organizations were founded in the 1990s to promote green buildings. Some organizations worked to improve consumer knowledge so that they could have more green homes. The International Code Council and the National Association of Home Builders began working in 2006 to create a "voluntary green home building standard". The Energy Policy Act was enacted in 2005, which allowed tax reductions for homeowners who could show the use of energy efficient changes to their homes, such as solar panels and other solar-powered devices. Certifications. Various types of certifications certify a home as a green home. The U.S. Green Building Council is an example of an organization that gives out green home certifications. Its certification is titled as Leadership in Energy and Environmental Design. The factors that it considers include "the site location, use of energy and water, incorporation of healthier building and insulation materials, recycling, use of renewable energy, and protection of natural resources". The US National Association of Home Builders independently created its Model Green Home Building Guidelines as a type of certification, along with programs for utilities. The Indian Green Building Council (IGBC), part of the Confederation of Indian Industry was formed in the year 2001. The council offers a wide array of services that include developing new green building rating programmes, certification services and green building training programmes.

bureaucratic regulations

371-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=27992006

Jose Rene Dimataga Almendras (born March 12, 1960, Cebu City) is a Filipino businessman and public servant. He served as Secretary of the Department of Foreign Affairs under the administration of President Benigno Aquino III. Prior to his appointment, Almendras held the position of Cabinet Secretary and Secretary of the Department of Energy. Background. Almendras was born in Cebu City to Josefino Almendras and Rosita Dimataga. Before and after being appointed by Benigno Aquino III as Energy secretary, Almendras became the president of Manila Water of the Ayala Corporation group. Prior to Ayala, he was treasurer of Aboitiz & Co. and Aboitiz Equity Ventures. Views on energy and energy policy. For many years, the Philippines took a short-term approach to addressing its power needs. However, in an interview with the Voices of the Philippines, Almendras said that "energy is never short-term" and implemented the Energy Reform Agenda, a 25-year programme, with energy access the most important theme. ‘Energy access’ is defined as both availability and affordability. He said that he believes in long-term planning and that "knee-jerk reactions can wreak havoc with structures which need to have a long-term focus." He said that the energy reform agenda was necessary because we (the Philippines) cannot afford band-aid solutions, it is important that every action we take today has a long-term strategic view." His focus is on creating an even playing field, public-private partnerships and an acknowledgement that energy is everyone’s concern. This is based on three key pillars: energy security, optimal energy pricing and sustainable energy planning. Almendras has launched the Philippine Energy Contracting Round 4, as well as coal exploration contracts. Views and policies on renewable energy. The Philippines has a full renewable-energy potential that is estimated at 247,000-MW, based on the United States Department of Energy National Renewable Energy Laboratory estimates. To achieve this goal, on December 2, 2010, Almendras said the Department of Energy draft for the Renewable Portfolio Standards (RPS) will be completed by the second quarter of 2011, and the National Renewable Energy Board (NREB) will submit its proposed Feed-in Tariff Rates also in the second quarter as well as the green-energy option program--all of which affect renewable energy development into the country. Almendras endeavored to achieve a total of 8,000-megawatts (MW) of generating capacity by 2030 and encouraged developers to put these renewable energy capacity up. But in the near term, he also asked them to work to set up, between 2015 and 2016, at least 2,000-3,000 MW of generating capacity in renewable energy. He addresses the issue that electricity costs for residential use in the Philippines is among the highest in the region, but objects to offering subsidies to address this. He said that, "If you price your energy too low, you will encourage inefficiency. This is why, during the last APEC (Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation) Conference, a resolution was passed which stated that there should be no more subsidizing of hydrocarbons or petroleum. After all, with subsidies the nation will not begin its transition to the reality-that hydrocarbons have peaked. We are now in depletion mode which means that prices will continue to go up." He believes in enhancing the market structures by building better competition structures, with base load, mid-term and peaking plans. He is a proponent of optimal pricing strategy to encourage the construction of more base-load generating capacity, and encourages the development of our indigenous resources further. The Philippines, as the second-leading geothermal generating country in the world, second only to the United States, he said, should explore more geothermal opportunities. He aimed to develop 1,200 megawatts of hydropower over the next five to seven years. On the renewable side, the mini-hydros and the micro-hydro initiatives, and the bio-mass were also put in place. Geothermal power makes up approximately 18% of the country's electricity generation and President Benigno Aquino III aimed for the Philippines to be the number one geothermal energy producer in the world, once the additional 1,475 MW capacity is achieved. On December 8, 2011, at the Investor Breakfast Meeting during World Geothermal Energy Summit organised by the Center for Energy Sustainability and Economics and Arc Media Global, Almendras addressed investor concerns on streamlining the permit process by government regulators as shorter project periods would reduce uncertainty for policy and market dynamics when modeling economic returns and more importantly the implementation of feed-in-tariffs (“FiT”) rates and guidelines for renewable portfolio standards for renewable energy (“RE”)., Almendras supports a free market model. He said that, "The Philippines is one of the few countries where energy is played out on a free market. These spot markets increase choice when it comes to the purchasing of energy, and the aim of this is to encourage a more dynamic market, and achieve a more sustainable pricing mechanism." Personal life. He is younger brother of Cebu Vice Governor Agnes Almendras-Magpale, who served as Acting Governor of Cebu in December 2012, due to suspension of incumbent Gov. Gwendolyn Garcia.

environment of fairness

6819-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=54030514

An election audit is any review conducted after polls close for the purpose of determining whether the votes were counted accurately (a "results audit") or whether proper procedures were followed (a "process audit"), or both. Both results and process audits can be performed between elections for purposes of quality management, but if results audits are to be used to protect the official election results from undetected fraud and error, they must be completed before election results are declared final. "Election recounts" are a specific type of audit, with elements of both results and process audits. The need for verification of election results. In jurisdictions that tabulate election results exclusively with manual counts from paper ballots, or 'hand counts', officials do not need to rely on a single person to view and count the votes. Instead, valid hand-counting methods incorporate redundancy, so that more than one person views and interprets each vote and more than one person confirms the accuracy of each tabulation. In this way, the manual count incorporates a confirmation step, and a separate audit may not be considered necessary. However, when votes are read and tabulated electronically, confirmation of the results' accuracy must become a separate process. Within and outside elections, use of computers for decision support comes with certain IT risks. Election-Day electronic miscounts can be caused by unintentional human error, such as incorrectly setting up the computers to read the unique ballot in each election and undetected malfunction, such as overheating or loss of calibration. Malicious intervention can be accomplished by corrupt insiders at the manufacturer, distributor or election authority, or external hackers who access the software on or before Election Day. Computer-related risks specific to elections include local officials’ inability to draw upon the level of IT expertise available to managers of commercial decision-support computer systems and the intermittent nature of elections, which requires reliance on a large temporary workforce to manage and operate the computers. Voting machines are usually air-gapped from the internet, but they receive updates from flash drives which do come from the internet, and in any case air-gapped computers are regularly hacked through flash drives and other means. Besides traditional security risks such as lock-picking and phishing attacks, voting machines are often unattended in public buildings the night before the election. This physical access lets outsiders subvert them. To reduce the risk of flawed Election-Day output, election managers like other computer-dependent managers rely on testing and ongoing IT security. In the field of elections management, these measures take the form of federal certification of the electronic elections system designs, though there is no way to know the certified software is what is actually installed; security measures in the local election officials’ workplaces; and pre-election testing. A third risk-reduction measure is performed after the computer has produced its output: Routinely checking the computers' output for accuracy, or auditing. Outside elections, auditing practices in the private sector and in other government applications are routine and well developed. In the practice of elections administration, however, the Pew Charitable Trusts stated in 2016, “Although postelection audits are recognized as a best practice to ensure that voting equipment is functioning properly, that proper procedures are being followed, and that the overall election system is reliable, the practice of auditing is still in its relative infancy. Therefore, a consensus has not arisen about what constitutes the necessary elements of an auditing program.” Routine results audits also support voter confidence by improving election officials' ability to respond effectively to allegations of fraud or error. Examples of intrusions into election computers. Computers which tally votes or compile election results are known to have been hacked in the US in 2014 and 2016, Ukraine in 2014, and South Africa in 1994. Only the Ukraine hack was disclosed immediately, so regular audits are needed to provide timely corrections. Audit challenges unique to election results. Confirming that votes were credited to the correct candidates’ totals might seem to be a relatively uncomplicated task, but election managers face several audit challenges not present for managers of other decision-support IT applications. Primarily, ballot privacy prevents election officials from associating individual voters with individual ballots. This makes it impossible for election officials to use some standard audit practices such as those banks use to confirm that ATMs credited deposits to the correct account. Another challenge is the need for a prompt and irrevocable decision. Election results need to be confirmed promptly, before officials are sworn into office. In many commercial uses of information technology, managers can reverse computer errors even when detected long after the event. However, once elected officials are sworn into office, they begin to make decisions such as voting on legislation or signing contracts on behalf of the government. Even if the official were to be removed because a computer error was discovered to have put that official in office, it would not be possible to reverse all the consequences of the error. The intermittent nature of elections is another challenge. The number of elections managed by an election authority ranges from two per year (plus special elections) in five US states to one every 4 years (plus by-elections) in parliamentary systems like Canada where different election authorities manage national, provincial and municipal elections. This intermittency limits the development of a full-time, practiced workforce, for either the elections or the audits. Turning election audits over to an independent, disinterested professional accounting firm is another option not available to election officials. Because election results affect everyone, including the election officials themselves, truly disinterested auditors do not exist. Therefore, audit transparency is required to provide credibility. Attributes of a good election results audit. No governing body or professional association has yet adopted a definitive set of best practices for election audits. However, in 2007 a group of election-integrity organizations, including the Verified Voting Foundation, Common Cause, and the Brennan Center for Justice at NYU School of Law collaborated with the American Statistical Association to produce a set of recommended best practices for post-election results audits: Current practices in election results auditing in the United States. Overview. Considering the recommended best practices above, two states (DC, MA) allow public observation of all steps; three states (MD, NM, VT) have audits done by the Secretary of State, which is partly independent of election day procedures; 18 states hand-count; six states (CO, MD, NC, NM, RI, VA) have good samples for statistical confidence; no states have ways to recover from discrepancies in the chain of custody; other issues are listed in the table below. Computerization of elections occurred rapidly in the United States following the presidential election of 2000, in which imprecise vote-counting practices played a controversial role, and the subsequent adoption of the Help America Vote Act (HAVA) of 2002. The rapid switch to computerized vote tabulation forced election officials to abandon many pre-automation practices that had been used to verify vote totals, such as the redundancy included in valid hand-counting procedures. According to information from state profiles provided by Verified Voting, as of mid-2019, only Colorado, New Mexico, the District of Columbia, and (in legislation that will not be fully implemented until 2020) Rhode Island require local election officials to perform audits that: If followed by local election officials, such requirements create an opportunity to detect and correct any outcome-altering miscounts (whether caused by accident or fraud) that affected the preliminary Election-Night counts. An additional 19 states prescribe audits that check a flat percentage, typically between 1 and 3 percent, of voting machines or precincts. These audits can detect problems in the individual voting machines selected for audit, but cannot confirm the correct results except in races with very large margins between the winner and losers. Finally, 28 states finalize official election results without verifying computer-tabulated vote totals. These states either lack paper ballots, have no audit requirements, or in four states (Florida, Vermont, Virginia, and Wisconsin) allow audits to be delayed until after winners are certified. Other ways to group the states include that 20 states audit by means of hand counts; others use machines or a mix. Ten states audit all races on the ballot; others generally audit the top race and 1-4 others. In 14 states the audit results are used to revise official winners when there is a discrepancy. Another 10 "may" revise official results, depending on local judgment, and in 9 states the audit creates a report without changing official results, including large states like California, Florida and Illinois. Only two states use hand counts to audit all races, and use the results to revise winners; both are small, Alaska and West Virginia. Risk-limiting audits. Risk-limiting audits are required in Colorado, North Carolina, Rhode Island and Virginia. These store voting machines' interpretation of each ballot ("cast vote record"), collect them centrally over the internet, re-tally them with an independent computer to check totals, and hand-check a sample of the stored paper ballots to check voting machines' interpretations. Samples are big enough to be sure results are accurate, up to an acceptable level of risk, such as 9%. For each audited race, if the original computer interpretations identified the wrong winner, there is a 9% chance in Colorado that the audit will miss it, and the wrong winner will take office. A lower risk limit would let fewer errors through, but would require larger sample sizes. Close races also require larger sample sizes. Colorado audits only a few races, and audits none of the closest races, which need the biggest samples. Auditing all races would require several counties to hand-count thousands of ballots each. If the samples do not confirm the initial results, more rounds of sampling may be done, but if it appears the initial results are wrong, risk-limiting audits require a 100% hand count to change the result, even if that involves hand-counting hundreds of thousands of ballots. Colorado notes that they have to be extremely careful to keep ballots in order, or they have to number them, to be sure of comparing the hand counts with the machine records of those exact ballots. Colorado says it has a reliable system to re-tally the records, but it is not yet publicly documented. In 2010, the American Statistical Association endorsed risk-limiting audits, to verify election outcomes. With use of statistical sampling to eliminate the need to count all the ballots, this method enables efficient, valid confirmation of the outcome (the winning candidates). In 2011, the federal Election Assistance Commission initiated grants for pilot projects to test and demonstrate the method in actual elections. In 2014, the Presidential Commission on Election Administration recommended the method for use in all jurisdictions following all elections, to reduce the risk of having election outcomes determined by undetected computer error or fraud. In 2017, Colorado became the first state to implement risk-limiting audits statewide as a routine practice during the post-election process of certifying election results. Ballot scans for 100% audits. Humboldt County Elections Transparency Project, Clear Ballot, and TrueBallot scan all ballots with a commercial scanner, so extensive audits can be done on the scans without damaging paper ballots, without hand-counting, by multiple groups, independently of the election software. Clear Ballot is certified by the US Election Assistance Commission for voting, and they also have an auditing system, ClearAudit. TrueBallot does not currently serve government elections, just private groups. Both use proprietary software, so if it were hacked at the vendor or locally to create false images of the ballots or false counts, then local officials and the public could not check it. The most open audit system is the Elections Transparency Project, as used in Humboldt County, California, a medium sized county with 58,000 ballots in the 2016 general election. They use a commercial scanner to scan all ballots and put them in a digitally signed file, so true copies of the file can be reliably identified. Ballots with identifying marks are first hand-copied by election staff, to anonymize them, since they are valid under California law. The scanner prints a number on each ballot before scanning it, so the scan can be checked against the same physical ballot later if needed. The project has written open source software to read the files, and they check all races on all ballots to see if official counts are correct. The first time they scanned and checked, in 2008, they found 200 missing ballots, showing the value of complete checks. Other jurisdictions can similarly scan ballots and use Humboldt's software or their own to audit all races. They need to ensure their in-house counting software is secure and independent of any bugs or hacks in the election software, just as users of risk-limiting audits do. Reading these scans, with software independent of the election system, is the only practical way to audit a large number of close races, without large hand counts. If scanned on election night, scans are also the only practical way to bypass problems of physical security, since scans are made and digitally signed before ballots are stored, while other audit methods are too slow to do election night. Scanners can process thousands of ballots per hour, and several scanners can operate simultaneously in larger jurisdictions. Once ballots are scanned with a digital signature, they can be analyzed at any convenient time. Humboldt has gone beyond this internal approach, and decided to release the digitally signed files of ballot images to the public, so others can use their own software, independent of the election system and officials, to check all races on all ballots. Public release lets losing candidates who mistrust the election officials' security measures do their own checks. Humboldt County believes the scans give their citizens high confidence in the county election results. The "Brakey method" is a variant of the Humboldt scans, with a public release of electronic ballot images already created by most current US election systems. The Brakey Method requires that the ballot images be connected to their physical ballots through a unique identifier that appears on both digital image and physical ballot. Because ballot images can be hacked if the election software itself is hacked, either at the vendor or elsewhere, ballot images do not provide an independent check unless they can be compared with physical ballots. Pennsylvania uses these ballot images for its audits, though it does not release them to the public for the public to audit. Recounts. "Recounts" may be considered to be a specific type of audit, but not all audits are recounts. The Verified Voting Foundation explains the difference between audits and recounts: Post-election audits are performed to “routinely check voting system performance…not to challenge to the results, regardless of how close margins of victory appear to be", while "recounts repeat ballot counting (and are performed only) in special circumstances, such as when preliminary results show a close margin of victory. Post-election audits that detect errors can lead to a full recount.” In the US, recount laws vary by state, but typically require recounting 100% of the votes, while audits may use samples. Recounts incorporate elements of both results and process audits. Other variations. Hand and machine counts. Current audits in most states involve counting paper ballots by hand, but some states re-use the same machines used in the election. Three states use different machines, to provide some independent check. Sample sizes. When states audit, they usually pick a random sample of 1% to 10% of precincts to recount by hand or by machine. If a precinct has more than one machine, and they keep ballots and totals separate by machine, they can draw a sample of machines rather than precincts and count all ballots processed by that machine. These samples can identify systematic errors widely present in the election. They have only a small chance of catching a hack or bug which was limited to a few precincts or machines, even though that could change the result in close races. Number of races. In the random sample, most states audit only a few races, so they can only find problems in those races. Physical security. Auditing is done several days after the election, so paper ballots and computer files need to be kept securely. North Carolina specifies that no audit is done if ballots are missing or damaged. Physical security has its own large challenges. No US state has adequate laws on physical security of the ballots. Security recommendations for elections include: starting audits as soon as possible after the election, regulating access to ballots and equipment, having risks identified by people other than those who design or manage the storage, using background checks and tamper-evident seals. However seals on plastic surfaces can typically be removed and reapplied without damage. Experienced testers can usually bypass all physical security systems. Security equipment is vulnerable before and after delivery. Insider threats and the difficulty of following all security procedures are usually under-appreciated, and most organizations do not want to learn their vulnerabilities.

dependable order

9928-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=1393262

Henry Albert Hoy (1855–1910) was a locomotive engineer with the Lancashire and Yorkshire Railway (L&YR). Hoy was born on 13 January 1855 in London, and educated at King Edward VI's Grammar School in St Albans, and at St John's College, Liverpool University. Career. London and North Western Railway. In 1872 he began an apprenticeship under Francis William Webb at the London and North Western Railway's Crewe works. In 1878 Hoy transferred to the drawing office, where he designed continuous brakes. Lancashire and Yorkshire Railway. In 1884 Hoy moved to the L&YR, becoming an outdoor assistant in the locomotive department under Barton Wright in Manchester; he was promoted to works manager a year later. In 1886 Hoy was made works manager at the L&YR's new works at Horwich. He worked principally on electrical engineering. When John Aspinall was appointed General Manager, Hoy became Chief Mechanical Engineer. His principal contribution was the design of an electrification system for the Liverpool to Southport line, including motor bogies. Locomotive designs. Hoy's only locomotive design was a twenty-strong class of troublesome 2-6-2Ts, built 1903–04, which became LMS nos. 11700–11716. He conducted various other experiments. One of these was the use of a new brass alloy for making firebox stays. Its composition was 62% parts copper, 38% parts zinc and 0.37% of iron. This alloy was a failure. Despite being claimed to be more elastic, it suffered problems in service. In the worst of these, a fatal boiler explosion with a Class 30 0-8-0 near Knottingley in 1901 was caused by the failure of a number of firebox rod stays made from this alloy. These locomotives were an Aspinall design, but had been constructed during Hoy's tenure. On investigation it was found that the alloy was brittle enough to have cracked, even within the thickness of the copper plates of the firebox. Previously the boiler had given trouble with leaks from its stays, probably from early cracking, and where the heads of the stay had been hammered to caulk this, this had caused the heads of the stays to crack. The size of the firebox waterspace was also criticised, although this was due to Aspinall's standard boilers, rather than Hoy's construction. A waterspace of only was narrow, but not unique for contemporary practice. The L&Y did though make it a policy to provide a waterspace of 4 inches after this, even at the cost of a reduction in grate area. Hoy sought to avoid the problems of the stayed firebox altogether and so developed an alternative boiler and firebox for the Class 30. This used a corrugated tubular furnace and cylindrical outer firebox, as for the Lentz boiler. The furnace was also of steel, rather than the copper used for fireboxes at this time. One, no. 396, was rebuilt in 1903 and 20 more were built new with this boiler. The new boiler design did not last long in service and the locomotives were rebuilt with conventional boilers after ten years. Hoy's successor, George Hughes, described these boilers unfavourably in papers read to the I. Mech E.. Beyer Peacock. In 1904 Hoy resigned from the L&YR to become general manager of Beyer, Peacock and Company in Manchester. He was replaced by George Hughes. There he reorganised the works, but died on 24 May 1910.

most important involvement

8884-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=524949

The Battle of Goose Green was an engagement between British and Argentine forces on 28 and 29 May 1982 during the Falklands War. Located on East Falkland's central isthmus, the settlement of Goose Green was the site of an airfield. Argentine forces were in a well-defended position, within striking distance of San Carlos Water, where the British task force had made its amphibious landing. The main body of the British assault force was the 2nd Battalion, Parachute Regiment (2 Para), commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel Herbert Jones. BBC radio broadcast news of the imminent attack on Goose Green. Knowing that this had likely forewarned the Argentinian defenders, the broadcast provoked immediate criticism from Jones and other British personnel. After the attack began in the early hours of 28 May 1982, the 2nd Parachute Battalion advance was stalled by fixed trenches with interlocking fields of fire. Jones was killed during a solo charge on an enemy machine-gun post. The Argentinian garrison agreed to a ceasefire and formally surrendered the following morning. As a result of their actions, both Jones and his successor as commanding officer of the 2nd Parachute Battalion, Major Chris Keeble, were awarded medals: Jones received a posthumous Victoria Cross and Keeble received the Distinguished Service Order. Prelude. Terrain and conditions. Goose Green and Darwin are on a narrow isthmus connecting Lafonia to the south, with Wickham Heights in the north. The isthmus has two settlements: Darwin village to the north and Goose Green to the south. The terrain is rolling and treeless and is covered with grassy outcrops, areas of thick gorse and peat bogs, making camouflage and concealment extremely difficult. The islands have a cold, damp climate and from May to August (which is winter in the southern hemisphere) the ground is saturated and frequently covered with salty water, making walking slow and exhausting, particularly at night. Drizzly rains occur two out of every three days, with continuous winds and periods of rain, snow, fog, and sun change rapidly. Sunshine is minimal, leaving few opportunities for troops to warm up and dry out. Background. The bulk of the Argentine forces on the islands were in positions around Port Stanley, to the east of the isthmus and San Carlos, the site of the main British landings. An Argentinian force had been deployed to Goose Green and Darwin and they were supported by artillery, mortars, 35 mm cannon, and machine guns. British intelligence incorrectly indicated that the Argentine force presented limited offensive capabilities and did not pose a major threat to the landing area at San Carlos. Consequently, the Goose Green garrison seemed to have no strategic military value for the British in their campaign to recapture the islands and the initial plans for land operations had called for Goose Green to be isolated and bypassed. After the British landings at San Carlos on 21 May and while the bridgehead was being consolidated, British activities were limited to digging fortified positions, patrolling, and waiting; during this time Argentine air attacks caused significant damage to, and loss of, British ships in the area around the landing grounds. These attacks and the lack of breakout by the landed forces out of the San Carlos area led to a feeling among senior commanders and politicians in the UK that the momentum of the campaign was being lost. As a result, British Joint Headquarters in the UK came under increasing pressure from the British government for an early ground offensive for political and propaganda value. There was also UN pressure for a cease-fire and the UK government position was that the taking of the Darwin–Goose Green isthmus was imperative before any such cease-fire decision as it would allow British forces to control access to the entire Lafonia and thus a significant portion of East Falkland. On 25 May Brigadier Julian Thompson, ground forces commander, commanding 3 Commando Brigade, was ordered to mount an attack on Argentine positions around Goose Green and Darwin. Argentinian defences. The defending Argentine forces, known as Task Force Mercedes, consisted of two companies of Lieutenant-Colonel Ítalo Piaggi's 12th Infantry Regiment (12IR) — his third company (Company B) was still deployed on Mount Kent as "Combat Team Solari" and only re-joined 12IR after the fall of Goose Green airfield. The task force also contained a company of the ranger-type 25th Infantry Regiment (25th "Special" Infantry Regiment or 25IR). Air defence was provided by a battery of six 20 mm Rheinmetall anti-aircraft guns, manned by air force personnel and two radar-guided Oerlikon 35 mm anti-aircraft guns from the 601st Anti-Aircraft Battalion. Both the 20mm and 35mm anti-aircraft cannon could also be used in a direct fire ground support role, and this was the case in the last stages of the fighting. There was also one battery of three OTO Melara Mod 56 105 mm pack howitzers from the 4th Airborne Artillery Regiment. Pucará aircraft, based at Stanley and armed with rockets and napalm could provide close air support. The total forces under Piaggi's command numbered 1,083 men. Piaggi's role was to provide a reserve battle group (Task Force Mercedes) in support of other forces deployed to the west of Stanley and secondly to occupy and defend the Darwin isthmus as well as the Military Air Base Condor at Goose Green. He deployed the two companies in an all-round defence with A Company, 12IR the key to his defence; they were deployed along a gorse hedge running across the Darwin isthmus from Darwin Hill to Boca House. He deployed his recce platoon (under Lieutenant Carlos Marcelo Morales) as an advance screen forward of 12IR's A Company, towards Coronation Ridge, while 12IR's C Company were deployed south of Goose Green to cover the approaches from Lafonia. To substitute for the absent B Company, he created a composite company from headquarters and other staff and deployed them in Goose Green hamlet. 25IR's C (Ranger) Company (under Paratroop-trained First Lieutenant Carlos Daniel Esteban) provided a mobile reserve, from the schoolhouse in Goose Green. Elements were also deployed to Darwin settlement, Salinas Beach, and Boca House and the air force security cadets, together with the anti-aircraft elements, were charged with protecting the airfield. Minefields had been laid in areas deemed tactically important, to provide further defence against attack. On paper Piaggi had a full regiment, but it consisted of units from three separate regiments from two different brigades, none of whom had ever worked together. 12IR consisted mostly of conscripts from the northern, sub-tropical province of Corrientes, while the 25IR Company was considered an elite formation and had received commando training. Some elements were well trained and displayed a high degree of morale and motivation (C Company 25IR and A Battery 4th Airborne Artillery Group); with Lieutenant Ignacio Gorriti of B Company 12IR remarking that "..there was no need for speeches. From the beginning, we knew how important the Malvinas were. It was a kind of love; we were going to defend something that was ours." Other units were less well-motivated, with the 12th Regiment chaplain, Santiago Mora writing: "The conscripts of 25th Infantry wanted to fight and cover themselves in glory. The conscripts of the 12th Infantry Regiment fought because they were told to do so. This did not make them any less brave. On the whole, they remained admirably calm: Leo Cooper, 30 September 1999" The Argentine positions were well selected, and officers well briefed. In the weeks before the British invasion, airstrikes, naval bombardment, their own poor logistic support and inclement conditions had contributed to the erosion of morale amongst conscripts. However, morale remained strong among the 4th Airborne Artillery Regiment gunners as well the officers, NCOs, and ranger-trained conscripts of the 12th and 25th Regiments.On 19 May, an Argentine Air Force C-130 Hercules parachuted in eight tons of tinned provisions that significantly boosted the morale of Task Force Mercedes. At the start of the battle, the Argentinian forces had about the same number of effective combatants as the British paratroopers. British forces. Thompson ordered 2nd Battalion of the Parachute Regiment (2 Para) to conduct an attack on Goose Green, as they were the unit closest to the isthmus in the San Carlos defensive perimeter. He ordered Lieutenant-Colonel Herbert 'H' Jones, the commanding officer of 2 Para, to "carry out a raid on Goose Green isthmus and capture the settlements before withdrawing to be in reserve for the main thrust to the north." The "capture" component appealed more to Jones than the "raid" component, although Thompson later acknowledged that he had assigned insufficient forces to rapidly execute the "capture" part of the orders. 2 Para consisted of three rifle companies, one patrol company, one support company, and an HQ company. Thompson had assigned three 105 mm artillery pieces, with 960 shells from 29 Commando Regiment, Royal Artillery; one MILAN anti-tank missile platoon; and Scout helicopters as air support. Close air support was available from three Royal Air Force Harriers and naval gunfire support was to be provided by in the hours of darkness. Attack plan. An SAS survey had reported that the Darwin–Goose Green area was occupied by one Argentine company. Brigade intelligence reported that enemy forces consisted of three infantry companies (two from 12IR and one from 25IR), one platoon from 8IR, plus a possible amphibious platoon together with artillery and helicopter support. Jones was not too perturbed by the conflicting intelligence reports and, incorrectly, tended to believe the SAS reports on the assumption that they were actually "on the spot" and were able to provide more accurate information than the brigade intelligence staff. Based on this intelligence and the orders from Thompson, Jones planned the operation to be conducted in six phases, as a complicated night-day, silent-noisy attack (see Map 1): As most of the helicopter airlift capability had been lost with the sinking of , 2 Para were required to march the from San Carlos to the forming-up place at Camilla Creek House. C Company and the Commando engineers moved out from the forming-up place at 22:00 on 27 May to clear the route to the start line for the other companies. A firebase (consisting of air and naval fire controllers, mortars, and snipers) was established by Support Company west of Camilla Creek, who were in position by 02:00 on the morning of 28 May. The three guns from 8 Battery, their crew, and ammunition had been flown into Camilla Creek House by 20 Sea King helicopter sorties after last light on the evening of 27 May. The attack was to be initiated by A Company and was scheduled to start at 03:00, but because of delays in registering the support fire from , the attack only commenced at 03:35. Initial contact. As part of the diversionary raids to cover the British landings in the San Carlos area on 21 May the British conducted a naval bombardment and launched air attacks on Goose Green. In addition, 'D' Squadron of the SAS, mounted a major raid to simulate a battalion-sized attack on A Company 12IR who were dug in on Darwin Ridge.The SAS raid was launched from their assembly point on Mount Usborne, The following day, 22 May, four RAF Harriers, armed with cluster bombs, were launched from to attack the fuel dumps and Pucarás at Condor airfield at Goose Green. The Harriers met intense anti-aircraft fire during their attack. On the night of 26–27 May, two rifle platoons from Manresa's A Company mounted a retaliatory raid on the SAS positions on Mount Usborne, but on reaching the summit were surprised to find that the SAS had already vacated the feature. The next day an Argentine officer on Darwin Ridge spotted British troops conducting reconnaissance patrols and an 12IR platoon fired on the patrol with long-range machine-gun fire in the hours before the start of the attack. Throughout 27 May, Royal Air Force Harriers were active over Goose Green. One of them, responding to a call for help from Captain Paul Farrar's C (Patrols) Company, was lost to 35mm fire while attacking Darwin Ridge. The preliminary fire, probing patrols and SAS raid, the Harrier attacks, the sighting of the forward British paratroopers, and the BBC announcing that the 2nd Battalion of the Parachute Regiment was poised and ready to assault Darwin and Goose Green the day before the assault alerted the Argentine garrison to the impending attack. Battle. Darwin Parks. At 3:35am opened fire, firing a total of 22 star shells and 135 rounds of 4.5" high-explosive shells during a 90-minute bombardment, signalling the start of the attack. 2 Para A Company, under command of Maj Farrar-Hockley were first to advance after the completion of the preparatory fire from HMS "Arrow" (which was off-target and ineffective). They were to take Burntside House as their first objective. They came under fire from Argentinian positions close to the house but managed to reach the objective without any casualties, finding that it was occupied by four Falklanders and that the house itself had never been held by the Argentinean forces. They were instructed to wait at Burntside House, instead of exploiting their favourable position and advancing further. B Company, under command of Major John Crossland followed in the next phase of the attack and were to secure Burntside Hill and then to continue to Boca Hill. Where A Company had advanced down the left-side of the isthmus, B Company were to follow the coast on the right-side of the attack. After a significant delay, they advanced and initially encountered very little resistance. Approaching the hill, they exchanged fire with Argentine forces and on reaching the top of the hill, they found the positions empty. The Argentinian account states that the platoons of Sub-Lieutenants Marcelo Martin Bracco and Alejandro Garra came under heavy probing fire and the platoons withdrew after the initial clashes. The platoon under Sub-Lieutenant Gustavo Adolfo Malacalza fought a delaying action against the British paratroopers before taking withdrawing to new positions on Darwin Ridge. The Coronation Ridge position temporarily halted Major Philip Neame's D Company as they advanced between A and B companies. They encountered heavy fire from an Argentinean machine-gun which was attacked and silenced by two paratroopers, for which they would be awarded decorations for bravery. With this machine gun out of action, D Company were able to continue to clear the Argentine platoon position on Coronation Ridge but lost three men in taking the hill. At around 7:30 am, the 1st Rifle Platoon from the 25IR C Company under the command of 2nd Lieutenant Roberto Estévez, received orders to counterattack against 2 Para's B Company. The Argentine platoon was able to block the British advance by taking up positions on Darwin Hill, from which, although wounded, Estévez started calling down fire support from Argentine 105mm artillery and 120mm mortars. This indirect fire held up the advance of 2 Para's A Company, especially as they were in open ground on the forward slope of the hill as they prepared to take up their advance once again. A Company was forced to take cover in the nearby trenches. Estévez continued to direct the Argentinean artillery fire until was killed by sniper fire. Him and his radio operator, Private Fabricio Edgar Carrascul were both posthumously decorated for their actions Private Guillermo Huircapán from Estévez's platoon describes the morning action: "Lieutenant Estévez went from one side to the other organizing the defence until all at once they got him in the shoulder. But with that and everything, badly wounded, he kept crawling along the trenches, giving orders, encouraging the soldiers, asking for everyone. A little later, they got him in the side, but just the same, from the trench, he continued directing the artillery fire by radio. There was a little pause, and then the English began the attack again, trying to advance, and again we beat them off." The British A Company assault had been stopped by fire from an 12IR platoon after their platoon sergeant had observed the British approach and yelled out a warning. Major Farrar-Hockley then spotted Argentine reinforcements on the hills before him and shouted, "Ambush! Take cover!" just as the 12IR platoon's machine-guns opened fire. The Royal Engineer officer attached to Farrar-Hockley's company, Lieutenant Clive Livingstone, wrote about the initial fight for Darwin Hill: "A massive volume of medium machine-gun fire was unleashed on us from a range of about 400 metres. The light now rapidly appearing enabled the enemy to identify targets and bring down very effective fire. Although this too would work for us, the weight of fire we could produce was not in proportion to the massive response it brought. We stopped firing – our main concern was to move away whenever pauses occurred in the attention being paid to us. The two platoons were not able to suppress the trenches, which were giving us so much trouble. We took about 45 minutes to extract ourselves through the use of smoke and pauses in the firing." The A Company Paras were in the gorse line at the bottom of Darwin Hill facing the entrenched Argentines, who were looking down the hill at them. They were pinned down by heavy machine gun and automatic rifle fire as well as sniper fire for an hour, between 9 and 10 am. 2 Para's B Company also broke off their attacks and began to withdraw to the reverse side of Middle Hill and the base of Coronation Point. Their defence and the re-organisation of the attack was organised by 2 Para's second-in-command. The British A and B Companies couldn't get across the open ground to get at the Argentinean machine-guns and snipers and after five hours of fighting, their ammunition supply was becoming critical. Nevertheless, the paras called on the Argentines to surrender. Death of H. Jones. With both A and B Companies advance halted and the entire attack in jeopardy, the 2 Para Commander, Lieutenant Colonel Jones led an unsuccessful charge up a small gully to try to regain the initiative. Three of his men, his adjutant Captain Wood, A Company's second-in-command Captain Dent, and Corporal Hardman, were killed when they followed his charge. Shortly after that, Jones was seen to run west along the base of Darwin Ridge to a small re-entrant, followed by his bodyguard. He checked his Sterling submachine gun, then ran up the hill towards an Argentine trench. He was seen to be hit once, then fell, got up, and was hit again from the side. He fell metres short of the trench, shot in the back and the groin, and died within minutes. Jones was posthumously awarded the Victoria Cross. As Jones lay dying, his men radioed for urgent casualty evacuation. However, the British Scout helicopter sent to evacuate Jones was shot down by an Argentine FMA IA 58 Pucará ground-attack aircraft (this was to be the only Argentine air-to-air victory of the war). The pilot, Lieutenant Richard Nunn RM was killed and posthumously received the DFC, and the aircrewman, Sergeant Bill Belcher RM was severely wounded in both legs. While returning from this attack, the Pucará (A-537) crashed into Blue Mountain and its pilot, , was killed. His remains were not recovered until 1986 and the cause of the crash remains unknown. Jones' death was attributed to an Argentine Army commando sniper identified as Corporal Osvaldo Faustino Olmos. However, historian Hugh Bicheno attributed Jones' death to Corporal José Luis Ríos of the 12th Regiment's Reconnaissance Platoon. Ríos was later fatally wounded manning a machine-gun in his trench by Abols, who fired a 66mm rocket. With the death of Jones, command passed to Major Chris Keeble. Following the failure of this initial attack and the death of Jones, it took Keeble an additional two hours to reorganize and resume the attack. Former Para officer and military theorist Spencer Fitz-Gibbon wrote in 1995 that despite his undoubted courage, H. Jones did more to hinder than to help 2 Para, losing sight of the overall battle picture and failing to allow his sub-unit commanders to exercise mission command, before his fatal attempt to lead A Company forward from the position where they had become bogged down. Darwin Hill. By the time of Jones' death, it was 10:30, and Major Dair Farrar-Hockley's A Company made a third attempt to advance, but this petered out. Eventually, the British company, hampered by the morning fog as they advanced up the slope of Darwin Ridge, were driven back to the gully by the fire of the survivors of the 1st Platoon from 25IR's C Company. During that morning fighting, 2 Para's mortar crews fired 1,000 rounds to support the attacks, preventing the Argentines' fire from being properly aimed. Many of the Argentine fatalities during the fighting were caused by mortar fire. The Argentineans requested close air-support and were expecting a strike by Argentine Air Force Skyhawk fighter-bombers in support of the Darwin Ridge defenders. Company Sergeant-Major Juan Coelho spread out white bedsheets in front of the trenches to mark the front line of Argentinean troops, but was severely wounded in the process. On their approach to the islands, the Argentine flight of five Skyhawks observed the British hospital ship "Uganda" and lost considerable time reporting and investigating the presence of the red-cross marked ship. The Skyhawk pilots, having lost much fuel and flying in bad weather, then carried out a poorly executed bomb run in support of the Darwin defenders but mistakenly fired on Argentine positions as they released their bombs. They were engaged by Argentine anti-aircraft fire that damaged the lead aircraft. It was almost noon before the British advance resumed. A Company cleared the eastern end of the Argentine position and opened the way forward towards Goose Green settlement. There had been two battles for the Darwin hillocks — one around Darwin Hill (known as "Black strong point") looking down on Darwin Bay, and an equally fierce fight in front of Boca Hill (known as "White strong point" – also known as Boca House Ruins). Sub-Lieutenant Guillermo Ricardo Aliaga's 3rd Platoon of 8IR's C Company held Boca Hill but by 13:47. and after fierce fighting, the position was taken by Major John Crosland's B Company, with support from the MILAN anti-tank platoon. About the time of the final attack on the Boca House position, A Company overcame the Argentine defenders on Darwin Hill, finally reporting taking the strong point at 13:13 and advanced to take strong point .After securing , the battle for Darwin Ridge was over and the Paras had belatedly secured their interim objectives after six hours of fighting, but with grievous loss: the commanding officer, the Adjutant, A Company Second-in-Command and nine non-commissioned officers and soldiers were killed and several wounded." Attack on the airfield. After securing Darwin Ridge, C and D Companies began to make their way to the small airfield, as well as to Darwin School (to the east of the airfield), while B Company made their way south of Goose Green Settlement. A Company remained on Darwin Hill. C Company took heavy losses when they became the target of intense direct fire from 35mm anti-aircraft guns from Goose Green. Private Mark Hollman-Smith, a signaller in the company headquarters, was killed by anti-aircraft fire while trying to recover a heavy machine gun from wounded Private Steve Russell. C Company's commander, Major Hugh Jenner, his signaller and eight other men were also wounded. In the airfield itself, Argentine Air Force anti-aircraft gunners under Lieutenant Darío Del Valle Valazza, and the 12IR platoon under Sub-Lieutenant Carlos Oslvaldo Aldao, attempted to halt the renewed advance from Boca Hill, but eventually they were forced to abandon their positions, including the five remaining 20mm Rheinmetall guns at Cóndor airfield, losing two of these cannon destroyed as well as the Elta radar to MILAN missiles or mortar fire. A large part of the 12IR platoon was overrun and forced to surrender, but Aldao, along with a corporal, managed to escape in the confusion of the Argentine airstrikes that materialised later that afternoon. Private John Graham, from Lieutenant Chris Waddington's No. 11 Platoon, claimed that Lieutenant Barry and Corporal Sullivan, during a local truce, went forward to accept the Argentine surrender at the airfield and that the defenders suddenly opened fire without warning, killing Barry and wounding Sullivan, with one Argentine crawling forward to Sullivan and shooting him at point-blank range: "...I saw the white flag incident; I was in 11 Platoon. We were going up the hill, and the flag went up. The officer [Barry] called the sergeant [sic] and then got halfway up the hill. Bang! They let rip into them, Killed them. One guy [Corporal Paul Sullivan] was hit in the knee, and one of the bastards came forward and shot him in the head. He moved forward out of his position and shot him. According to Sub-Lieutenant Gómez-Centurión: I set out with thirty-six men toward the north. Passing the school, we entered a depression from which we saw the hill. I sent a scouting party ahead, and they told me that the British were advancing from the other side of the low ridge, some one hundred and fifty men. [My] men were very tense; there was a brutal cold; we shivered with cold, with fear. When they were about fifty metres away, we opened fire. We kept firing for at least forty minutes. They started to attack our flank, my soldiers had to take cover, the firing went down, and the situation started to become critical. Then we were surrounded, we had wounded, people started to lose control. I began to ask about casualties, each time, more casualties. There was no way out behind because we had been flanked, nearly surrounded. So when there was a pause in the firing, I decided that it was the time to stop, and I gave the order to disengage. The 25IR platoon defending the airfield fell back into the Darwin-Goose Green track and was able to escape. Sergeant Sergio Ismael Garcia of 25IR single-handedly covered the withdrawal of his platoon during the British counterattack. He was posthumously awarded the Argentine Nation to the Valour in Combat Medal. Under orders from Major Carlos Alberto Frontera (second in command of 12IR), Sub-Lieutenant César Álvarez Berro's 12IR platoon took up new positions and helped cover the retreat of Gómez-Centurión's platoon along the Darwin-Goose Green track. Four Paras of D Company and approximately a dozen Argentines were killed in these engagements. Among the British dead were 29-year-old Lieutenant Barry and two NCOs, Lance-Corporal Smith and Corporal Sullivan, who were killed after Barry's attempt to convince Sub-Lieutenant Gómez-Centurión to surrender was rebuffed. C Company did not lose a single man in the Darwin School fighting, but Private Steve Dixon, from D Company, died when a splinter from a 35mm anti-aircraft shell struck him in the chest. The Argentine 35mm anti-aircraft guns under the command of Sub-Lieutenant Claudio Oscar Braghini reduced the schoolhouse to rubble after sergeants Mario Abel Tarditti and Roberto Amado Fernandez reported to him that sniper fire was coming from the building. At around this time, three British Harriers attacked the Argentine 35 mm gun positions; the army radar-guided guns were unable to respond effectively because a piece of mortar shrapnel had earlier struck the generator for the firearms and fire-control radar. This attack considerably lifted morale among the British paras. Although it was not known at the time, the Harriers came close to being shot down in their bomb run after being misidentified as enemy aircraft by Lieutenant-Commander Nigel Ward and Flight Lieutenant Ian Mortimer of 801 Squadron. According to Lieutenant Braghini's report, and at least one British account, the Harrier strike missed their intended target, but the Argentine antiaircraft guns were already out of action anyway. Meanwhile, the 12IR platoon—under Sub-Lieutenant Orlando Lucero, a platoon that Lieutenant-Colonel Piaggi and Major Frontera had organised, using survivors from the earlier fighting—took up positions on Goose Green's outskirts and continued to resist, while supporting air force Pucará and navy Aermacchi aircraft struck the forward British companies. The Argentine pilots did not have much effect, suffering two losses: at 5:00, when a Macchi 339A (CANA 1 squadron) was shot down by a Blowpipe missile from the Royal Marines' air defence troop, killing Sub-Lieutenant Daniel Miguel. Just about 10 minutes later, another Pucará was shot down by small arms fire from 2 Para, drenching several paratroopers with fuel and napalm, which did not ignite. Lieutenant Miguel Cruzado survived and was captured by British forces on the ground. Situation at last light on 28 May. By last light, the situation for 2 Para was critical. A Company was still on Darwin Hill, north of the gorse hedge; B Company had penetrated much further south and had swung in a wide arc from the western shore of the isthmus eastwards towards Goose Green. They were isolated and under fire from an Argentinian platoon and unable to receive mutual support from the other companies. To worsen their predicament, Argentine helicopters—a Puma, a Chinook and six Hueys—landed southwest of their position, just after last light, bringing in the remaining Company B of 12IR ("Combat Team Solari") from Mount Kent. B Company managed to bring in artillery fire on these new Argentinean reinforcements, forcing them to disperse towards the Goose Green settlement, while some re-embarked and left with the departing helicopters. For C Company, the attack had also fizzled out after the battle at the school-house, with the company commander injured, the second-in-command unaccounted for, no radio contact, and the platoons scattered with up to 1,200 metres between them. D Company had regrouped just before last light, and they were deployed to the west of the dairy — exhausted, hungry, low on ammunition, and without water. Food was redistributed, for A and C Companies to share one ration-pack between two men; but B and D Companies could not be reached. At this time, a British helicopter casualty evacuation flight took place, successfully extracting C Company casualties from the forward slope of Darwin Hill, while under fire from Argentine positions. To Keeble, the situation looked precarious: the settlements had been surrounded but not captured, and his companies were exhausted, cold, and low on water, food, and ammunition. His concern was that the Argentine 12IR B Company reinforcements, dropped by helicopter, would either be used in an early morning counter-attack or used to stiffen the defences around Goose Green. He had seen the C Company assault stopped in its tracks by the anti-aircraft fire from Goose Green, and had seen the Harrier strikes of earlier that afternoon missing their intended targets. In an order group with the A and C Company commanders, he indicated his preference for calling for an Argentine surrender, rather than facing an ongoing battle the following morning. His alternative plan, if the Argentines did not surrender, was to "flatten Goose Green" with all available fire-power and then launch an assault with all forces possible, including reinforcements he had requested from Thompson. On Thompson's orders, J Company of 42 Commando, Royal Marines, the remaining guns of 8 Battery, and additional mortars were helicoptered in to provide the necessary support. Surrender. Once Thompson and 3 Brigade had agreed to the approach, a message was relayed by CB radio from San Carlos to Mr. Eric Goss, the farm manager in Goose Green—who, in turn, delivered it to Piaggi. The call explained the details of a planned delegation who would go forward from the British lines, bearing a message, to the Argentine positions in Goose Green. Piaggi agreed to receive the delegation. Soon after midnight, two Argentine Air Force warrant-officer prisoners of war (PW) were sent to meet with Piaggi and to hand over the proposed terms of surrender. The conditions read: On receiving the terms, Piaggi concluded: "The battle had turned into a sniping contest. They could sit well out of range of our soldiers' fire and, if they wanted to, raze the settlement. I knew that there was no longer any chance of reinforcements from the 6th Regiment's B Company (Compañía B 'Piribebuy'). So I suggested to Wing Commander [Vice Commodore] Wilson Pedrozo that he talk to the British. He agreed reluctantly." The next morning, agreement for an unconditional surrender was reached. Pedrozo held a short parade, and those on show then laid down their weapons. After burning the regimental flag, Piaggi led the troops and officers, carrying their personal belongings, into captivity. Aftermath. Impact on the campaign. In the week preceding the attack, the Argentinians had sunk four British ships, including the "Atlantic Conveyor" containing vital air-lift helicopters essential for the re-capture of Stanley. This lead the British government to question the lack of movement by their ground-forces and London needed a sign of progress. The victory at Goose Green accomplished the political purpose of sustaining public support in Britain by a badly needed victory and the success marked a turning point in the campaign, as it emphasised the Argentine failure to thwart the establishment of a beachhead and subsequent breakout into the island. The Argentineans had counted on achieving at least a stalemate through air attacks and ground defences, if not stopping the landings altogether. From this point onwards, the British forces were to retain the initiative in all successive battles. Prisoners and casualties. Between 45 and 55 Argentines were killed32 from RI 12, 13 from Company C 25IR, five killed in the platoon from RI R8, 4 Air Force staff, and one Navy service member and 86 were recorded as wounded. The remainder of the Argentine force was taken prisoner, and the wounded were evacuated to hospital ships via the medical post in San Carlos. Argentine dead were buried in a cemetery to the north of Darwin; military chaplain Mora and sub-lieutenants Bracco and Gómez-Centurión assisted burying the dead. Prisoners were used to clear the battlefield. In an incident, while moving artillery ammunition, the RI 12 C Company platoon (under Sub-Lieutenant Leonardo Durán) was engulfed in a massive explosion that left 5 dead or missing and 10 seriously wounded. After clearing the area, the prisoners were marched to, and interned in, San Carlos. The British lost 18 killed (16 Paras, one Royal Marine pilot, and one commando sapper) and 64 wounded. The seriously injured were evacuated to the hospital ship . By 3 June, the Gurkhas were deployed at Darwin and Goose Green. They were used in helicopter-borne operations to find Argentine patrols operating on the southern flank of the British advance to Port Stanley. This resulted in an encounter with a 10-man army–air force patrol (under Lieutenant Jaime Enrique Ugarte from the Argentine Air Force's 1st Anti-Aircraft Group, and Sergeant Roberto Daniel Berdugo from the 12th Regiment) that had been helicoptered to Egg Harbour House, an abandoned farmhouse in Lafonia, to shoot down British aircraft with SA-7 shoulder-launched missiles. On 7 June, a Sea King arrived with 20 Gurkhas to clear this outpost. On being ordered to lie down to be searched by the Gurkhas, all the wet and hungry Argentine soldiers, including Sergeant Berdugo, did so, except the air force officer. A Gurkha rifleman, brandishing a 10" Kukri blade, threatened the air force officer with beheading, then Lieutenant Ugarte obeyed. Commanders. Lieutenant-Colonel Ítalo Ángel Piaggi surrendered his forces in Goose Green on the Argentinian National Army Day (29 May). After the war, he was forced to resign from the army, and faced ongoing trials questioning his competence at Goose Green. In 1986, he wrote a book titled "Ganso Verde", in which he strongly defended his decisions during the war and criticised the lack of logistical support from Stanley. In his book, he said that Task Force Mercedes had plenty of 7.62mm rifle ammunition left, but had run out of 81mm mortar rounds; and there were only 394 shells left for the 105mm artillery guns. On 24 February 1992, after a long fight in both civil and military courts, Piaggi had his retired military rank and pay reinstated, as a full colonel. He died in July 2012. Lieutenant-Colonel Herbert 'H' Jones was buried at Ajax Bay on 30 May; after the war, his body was exhumed and transferred to the British cemetery in San Carlos. He was posthumously awarded the Victoria Cross. Major Chris Keeble, who took over command of 2 Para when Jones was killed, was awarded the DSO for his actions at Goose Green. Keeble's leadership was one of the key factors that led to the British victory, in that his flexible style of command and the autonomy he afforded to his company commanders were much more successful than the rigid control, and adherence to plan, exercised by Jones. Despite sentiment among the soldiers of 2 Para for him to remain in command, he was superseded by Lieutenant-Colonel David Robert Chaundler, who was flown in from the UK to take command of the battalion. Awards and citations. Argentinean forces. • First Lieutenant Roberto Néstor Estévez: Posthumously awarded the Argentine Heroic Combat Valour Cross. He is buried at the Darwin Argentine Military Cemetery. Order of Battle. Argentine forces. Below data is from Adkin, "Goose Green: a Battle to be fought to be won" unless specifically indicated by additional citations. British forces. Below data is from Adkin, "Goose Green: a Battle to be fought to be won" unless specifically indicated by additional citations. Post-nominal letters refer to awards bestowed for actions during the Battle of Goose Green. Comparative strengths. Below data is from Adkin, "Goose Green: a Battle to be fought to be won" unless specifically indicated by additional citations. BBC incident. During the planning of the assault of both Darwin and Goose Green, the battalion headquarters were listening in to the BBC World Service, when the newsreader announced that the 2nd Battalion of the Parachute Regiment was poised and ready to assault Darwin and Goose Green. This caused great trepidation among the commanding officers of the battalion, with fears that the operation was compromised. Jones became furious with the level of incompetence and told BBC representative Robert Fox he was going to sue the BBC, Whitehall, and the War Cabinet. Field punishments. In the years after the battle, Argentine army officers and NCOs were accused of handing out brutal field punishment to their troops at Goose Green, and other locations, during the war. In 2009, Argentine authorities in Comodoro Rivadavia ratified a decision made by authorities in Río Grande, Tierra del Fuego, announcing their intention to charge 70 officers and NCOs with inhumane treatment of conscript soldiers during the war. There was, however, false testimony that was used as evidence in accusing the Argentine officers and NCOs of abandonment; and Pablo Vassel, who had denounced the alleged perpetrators, had to step down from his post as head of the human rights sub-secretariat of Corrientes Province. Other veterans were sceptical about the veracity of the accusations, with Colonel José Martiniano Duarte, an ex–601 Commando Company officer and decorated veteran of the Falklands War, saying that it had become "fashionable" for ex-conscripts to accuse their superiors of abandonment. Since the 2009 announcement was made, no one in the military, or among the retired officers and NCOs, has been charged, causing Vassel to comment in April 2014: For over two years we've been waiting for a final say on behalf of the courts ... There are some types of crimes that no state should allow to go unpunished, no matter how much time has passed, such as the crimes of the dictatorship. Last year Germany sentenced a 98-year-old corporal for his role in the concentration camps in one of the Eastern European countries occupied by Nazi Germany. It didn't take into account his age or rank."

advanced location

4712-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=60364795

The 2019 AFL Women's Grand Final was an Australian rules football match held at Adelaide Oval on 31 March 2019 to determine the premiers of the league's third season. Admission was free to the general public, and the match between and was contested before a crowd of 53,034 – which at that time was the record for a stand-alone women's sporting event in Australia. It was won by Adelaide, 10.3 (63) to 2.6 (18), and Adelaide claimed its second premiership in three years. Its co-captain Erin Phillips was voted best on ground, despite suffering an anterior cruciate ligament (ACL) injury in the third quarter. Background. Two new teams, and , joined the AFL Women's (AFLW) competition in 2019, bringing the total number of teams to ten. The league retained a seven-round home-and-away season. This was achieved by splitting the competition into two conferences, with one of the new teams in each. Each team played four games against their fellow conference members and three "cross-over" matches against teams from the other conference. Conference membership was based on the final ladder positions of the 2018 season. As it turned out, the competition was unbalanced, with Conference A teams winning 14 of the 16 cross-over matches. The finals series was expanded to include preliminary finals for the first time. The two teams that finished the highest in each conference at the end of the home-and-away season qualified for the preliminary finals, with the team that finished highest in Conference A playing the team that finished second in Conference B and vice versa. The winners of these matches then played in the AFL Women's Grand Final. After winning the 2017 AFL Women's Grand Final, the Crows finished a disappointing fifth in 2018. The Blues, which were also expected to perform well in 2018, did much worse, ultimately battling for the wooden spoon – and getting it. In 2019, both Adelaide and Carlton had new coaches – Matthew Clarke and Daniel Harford respectively. The Crows retained much of their team from 2017 and 2018, but lacked a ruckman after Rhiannon Metcalfe was sidelined for an ACL reconstruction and Jasmyn Hewett suffered an ankle injury. Former Opals basketball player Jess Foley was pressed into the ruck role at the last minute. The Crows went on to an impressive season, notching up seven games by an average of 40 points, and finishing on top of Conference A. Their only loss for the season was by a single point in the first round match against the , when they kicked an inaccurate 1.11. Carlton got off to a slow start, losing to North Melbourne in round one and then Adelaide in round two, before winning five of the last six games to finish on top of Conference B. In their preliminary final, the Crows conducted a 66-point demolition of Geelong before a home crowd of 13,429 at the Adelaide Oval, not allowing the visitors to score until late in the final quarter. In an answer to critics of the women's game that complained about it being low scoring, the Crows outscored nine of the men's teams that weekend (including their own men's team, as well as reigning premiers ), despite the fact that AFLW only plays 15-minute quarters (instead of 20), and has less time on. The conference system ensured that Carlton, which finished at the top of Conference B, also hosted the preliminary finals. This was seen as disadvantaging Fremantle, which had won two more games than Carlton, and had a far better percentage (141.2 per cent compared with 99.6 per cent). In the lead up to the preliminary final, an image of Carlton's star forward Tayla Harris demonstrating her on-field athleticism that was posted online by the Seven Network came under attack by misogynist internet trolls. Rather than suppressing their comments, Seven took the image down, resulting in a chorus of outrage. In the preliminary final, Harris went on to demonstrate her kicking style, slotting Carlton's first goal from 45 metres out. The Blues went on to win by 36 points, setting up a grand final clash with Adelaide. Venue. As the highest-ranked team across the two conferences, Adelaide won the right to host the grand final. The match was scheduled for Sunday, 31 March 2019 at Adelaide Oval, which AFLW Chief Executive Nicole Livingstone conceding this timeslot would clash with a men's game between and the . The AFLW considered a Saturday game, but getting the ground ready for a game later that afternoon meant that the Grand Final would have to start at 10:30 am (Adelaide time) to have the signage and advertising changed for the men's game, a proposition that was rejected outright by the clubs and Adelaide Oval management. Admission was free to the general public, and the AFL hoped for a crowd of around 25,000. In the event, the crowd of 53,034 was the largest ever for an AFLW match, the fifth highest ever at Adelaide Oval, and a record for a stand-alone women's sporting event in Australia, surpassing a record set in 1920. Extra seating was hurriedly opened in the upper grandstands. The unanticipated large crowd put the city's public transport under strain. Its record as the highest women's sports crowd in Australian history was surpassed in March 2020 by the 2020 ICC Women's T20 World Cup Final, but retains the record for highest crowd at a women's football match. Teams. Teams were announced on 29 March 2019. Both clubs had unchanged lineups from the preliminary finals the week before: Match summary. The Blues started well, with Madison Prespakis scoring an early first goal off a 50-metre penalty on Adelaide co-captain Erin Phillips. The Crows were quick to respond with quick ball movement in the centre square from Foley to Ebony Marinoff to Anne Hatchard, who notched up their first score. A second 50-metre penalty gave Carlton another chance but was rushed through by Adelaide for a behind by Sarah Allan. The Crows were soon back on the attack, with Phillips marking just inside the 50-metre arc. Her kick fell short, but Irish recruit Ailish Considine put it through for a second goal. A third soon followed with Eloise Jones passing the ball to Hannah Martin for a goal from point-blank range. An attempt at the other end by Sarah Hosking resulted only in a behind, and yet another 50-metre penalty gave the Blues an opportunity on the siren, but the ball fell well short of the goal line. At quarter time, Carlton felt they were dominating everywhere but on the scoreboard, but this feeling would soon pass. The second quarter opened with an Adelaide goal. An overhead mark in the centre by Jones was handed off to Phillips, who booted it forward to the advantage of Stevie-Lee Thompson, who marked it and sprinted towards the goal line. Thompson proved too fast for the Carlton defenders, who were caught too far out from goal, and a goal resulted. A couple of minutes later, Phillips earned a free kick from a high tackle by Sarah Hosking. One accurate kick later, and Phillips had ten goals for the season, and Adelaide, five for the match. A mark by Renee Forth off a delivery from Deni Varnhagen nearly made it six, but she missed, scoring only a behind. The next opportunity came a few minutes later. A Carlton turnover saw Allan boot the ball forward to Chloe Scheer, who took a specky over the top of Blues defender Kerryn Harrington. She played on and delivered it to Danielle Ponter for an easy first goal. Soon after though, Scheer went down with a suspected anterior cruciate ligament injury, and was out of the game. It did not halt Adelaide, as Ponter marked a delivery from Jones inside the goal square for her second. A third followed, bringing her to twelve for the season. Tayla Harris attempted to score one against the flow of play, but it was touched on the line by Allan. It fell to Carlton captain Bri Davey to put the Blues' second goal on the scoreboard. Jones had a free kick at goal after the siren that sailed through, and Adelaide took a forty-point lead into the half time break. When play resumed after the long break, Harris started in the ruck, possibly in an attempt to get her into the game. This backfired, as she immediately collided with Davey, and went off clutching her knee. Thompson also hobbled off the ground, with an ankle injury. Both would return, but not for some time. Phillips marked a pass from Forth 40 metres out, and had her second goal of the match. Soon after, Phillips went down, clutching her knee, and had to be stretchered off the ground. The crowd gave her a standing ovation, and even the Carlton players looked upset. In the final quarter, the players had less to show for their efforts. Foley missed a shot from 35 metres out, scoring only a behind, as did Chloe Dalton at the other end. Hosking was awarded a free kick after being crunched in a tackle by Foley, but missed everything. A final effort by the Crows could not score before the final siren sounded. Phillips's injury cast a pall over the Crows' win. "It's an ACL," she confirmed, "something I have done before in my other leg. This was supposed to be the good leg." Despite only playing for three-quarters, Phillips, who had 18 disposals and two goals, was named best on ground, as she had been when Adelaide previously won the flag in 2017. The following night she won the AFLW Players' Association's Most Valuable Player award, which she had also previously won in 2017. On 2 April, she was awarded the AFLW best and fairest award for second time, having previously won it in 2017, and was named the captain of the 2019 AFL Women's All-Australian team. Her Adelaide co-captain Chelsea Randall was named the vice captain, and Hatchard, Thompson and Marinoff were also part of the squad, as were Carlton's Prespakis, Harrington and Gabriella Pound. Media coverage. The game was broadcast live on Channel Seven, Fox Footy, "womens.afl" and the AFLW Official App. ARIA Award winner Amy Shark performed songs from her debut album "Love Monster". She said that the Tayla Harris photo incident made her more determined to perform, saying that "[J]ust being a female in music, I'll do anything I can to help highlight any other woman trying to make it in the professional world, no matter what that field is". The match was watched live by a television audience of 409,000.

tournament layout

7657-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=25522421

In 2007 the financial sector of Morocco maintained an economic environment conducive to further growth of banking activity following a very good year for the sector in 2006. Morocco’s banks have been largely unaffected by the credit crisis due to their limited connection to global financial markets. The number of people with a bank account increased from 25% in 2007 to 29% in 2008, while deposits rose by 11.1% to a record Dh572.3bn (€51.5bn), 20% of which belong to Moroccan nationals living abroad. Private banks are increasingly moving towards universal banking, buying companies in all segments of the financial industry. While GDP advanced 5.6% in 2008, outstanding loans jumped 23% to a record Dh519.3bn (€46.74bn) as more people bought and furnished property. As the rest of the world saw lending dry up, Moroccan banks issued more loans, showing 2.6% growth in the first five months of 2009. Banking. In 2007 macroeconomic growth, excluding the agricultural sector, remained quite robust, providing the background for dynamic growth in banking credits. Total assets of the banking sector increased by 21.6% to MAD 654.7bn ($85.1bn), which is above the previous year’s high annual growth rate of 18.1%. The structure of the domestic sector has remained steady in the past two years, with the landscape dominated by three major local banks. The state has started to remove itself from the domestic sector by surrendering part of its share capital in public banks. At end-2007 public capital still held controlling stakes in five banks and four financing companies. Meanwhile, foreign ownership in the local financial sector continues to grow, with foreign institutions controlling five banks and eight financing companies as well as holding significant stakes in four banks and three financing companies. The introduction of additional Islamic banking products is also likely in the future. The financial system, though robust, has to take on excessive quantities of low risk-low return government debt at the expense of riskier, but more productive private sector lending. This crowding–out of private sector investment reduces the profitability and growth incentives of the financial sector. Fitch Ratings affirmed Morocco's long-term local and foreign issuer default ratings of "BBB-" and "BBB", respectively, with a stable outlook. The credit rating agency attributed its classification in part to the "relative resilience of Morocco's economy to the global economic downturn." Insurance. The insurance sector in Morocco is witnessing dynamic growth, driven foremost by developments in life insurance, which has superseded motor insurance in the past two years as the leading segment of the market with around one-third of total premiums. Behind life and auto insurance, accident, work-related accident, fire and transport insurance were the largest contributors. Total premiums reached Dh17.7bn ($2.3bn) in 2007, ranking Morocco as one of the largest insurance markets in the Arab world behind Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates. The insurance penetration rate is 2.87% of GDP, while the insurance density is $69 per person. More broadly, the Moroccan insurance sector is already consolidated, with five large players controlling the market. The sector is set to be opened up to foreign competition from 2010 onward, and the consolidation of insurance companies into larger entities should strengthen the local players to better compete with eventual competition from foreign insurers. There is also the possibility that new insurance niches such as takaful (Islamic insurance) and microinsurance products will become part of the Moroccan market in the medium-term, but they are unlikely to appear in the near future. Bank Al-Maghrib. The Central Bank of Morocco, Bank Al-Maghrib, was granted enhanced autonomy in 2006. The bank, which follows the dual policy of controlling inflation and promoting growth, seems to be doing a good job. Morocco has largely had low levels of inflation. In 2006, its annual inflation was only 2.7%. The central bank plays a preeminent role in the country’s banking system. It issues the Moroccan dirham, maintains Morocco’s foreign currency reserves, controls the credit supply, oversees the government’s specialized lending organizations, and regulates the commercial banking industry. Market capitalisation. In 2007 the capitalisation of the Moroccan stock market increased by 40.5% to Dh586.3bn ($76.2bn), up from the Dh417.1bn ($54.2bn) recorded the previous year. This substantial jump is largely attributed to the 10 new share issues on the Casablanca Stock Exchange over the course of the year, as well as the several secondary issues that also took place in 2007. The market capitalisation-to-GDP ratio also moved in step with the upward trend, now accounting for 96.5% of GDP, up from 71.1% of GDP in 2006, and is comparable to the ratios characteristic of many developed Western economies. The major industrial leaders of the market are banking, telecoms and real estate, which together make up almost two-thirds of market capitalisation. The volume of activity on the stock market, including shares and bonds, also increased significantly in 2007, reaching Dh359.7bn ($46.8bn), an increase of 161.1% on 2006, when total volumes amounted to Dh166.4bn ($21.6bn). There is a widespread belief among market professionals that the market capitalisation and trading volumes will probably continue their upward trend, supported by a positive macroeconomic background, and the latest technology developments, such as on-line securities trading, and the potential introduction of derivatives trading. Education of the public is also seen as an important issue and despite the improvements made in recent years, there is still a need to develop a level of professionalism of operators and to make professional training courses compulsory, as they are still offered on a voluntary basis. Casablanca Stock Exchange. Privatization has stimulated activity on the Casablanca Stock Exchange(Bourse de Casablanca) notably through trade in shares of large former state-owned operation. Founded in 1929, it is one of the oldest stock exchanges in Africa, but it came into reckoning after financial reforms in 1993, making it the third largest in Africa. The stock market capitalisation of listed companies in Morocco was valued at $75,495 billion in 2007 by the World Bank. That is an increase of 74% compared with the year 2005. Having weathered the global financial meltdown, the Casablanca Stock Exchange is stepping up to its central role of financing the Moroccan economy. Over the next few years, it seeks to double its number of listed companies and more than quadruple its number of investors.

little involvement

9490-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=37220

An infection is the invasion of an organism's body tissues by disease-causing agents, their multiplication, and the reaction of host tissues to the infectious agents and the toxins they produce. An infectious disease, also known as a transmissible disease or communicable disease, is an illness resulting from an infection. Infections can be caused by a wide range of pathogens, most prominently bacteria and viruses. Hosts can fight infections using their immune system. Mammalian hosts react to infections with an innate response, often involving inflammation, followed by an adaptive response. Specific medications used to treat infections include antibiotics, antivirals, antifungals, antiprotozoals, and antihelminthics. Infectious diseases resulted in 9.2 million deaths in 2013 (about 17% of all deaths). The branch of medicine that focuses on infections is referred to as infectious disease. Types. Infections are caused by infectious agents (pathogens) including: Classification. Subclinical versus clinical (latent versus apparent). Symptomatic infections are "apparent" and "clinical", whereas an infection that is active but does not produce noticeable symptoms may be called "inapparent," "silent," "subclinical", or occult. An infection that is inactive or dormant is called a "latent infection". An example of a latent bacterial infection is latent tuberculosis. Some viral infections can also be latent, examples of latent viral infections are any of those from the "Herpesviridae" family. The word "infection" can denote any presence of a particular pathogen at all (no matter how little) but also is often used in a sense implying a "clinically apparent" infection (in other words, a case of infectious disease). This fact occasionally creates some ambiguity or prompts some usage discussion; to get around this it is common for health professionals to speak of "colonization" (rather than "infection") when they mean that some of the pathogens are present but that no clinically apparent infection (no disease) is present. Different terms are used to describe infections. The first is an acute infection. An acute infection is one in which symptoms develop rapidly; its course can either be rapid or protracted. The next is a chronic infection. A chronic infection is when symptoms develop gradually, over weeks or months, and are slow to resolve. A subacute infection is one in which symptoms take longer to develop than in an acute infection but arise more quickly than a chronic infection. A latent infection is a type of infection that may occur after an acute episode; the organism is present but symptoms are not; after time, the disease can reappear. A focal infection is defined as the initial site of infection from which organisms travel via the bloodstream to another area of the body. Primary versus opportunistic. Among the many varieties of microorganisms, relatively few cause disease in otherwise healthy individuals. Infectious disease results from the interplay between those few pathogens and the defenses of the hosts they infect. The appearance and severity of disease resulting from any pathogen depend upon the ability of that pathogen to damage the host as well as the ability of the host to resist the pathogen. However, a host's immune system can also cause damage to the host itself in an attempt to control the infection. Clinicians, therefore, classify infectious microorganisms or microbes according to the status of host defenses - either as "primary pathogens" or as "opportunistic pathogens": Primary pathogens. Primary pathogens cause disease as a result of their presence or activity within the normal, healthy host, and their intrinsic virulence (the severity of the disease they cause) is, in part, a necessary consequence of their need to reproduce and spread. Many of the most common primary pathogens of humans only infect humans, however, many serious diseases are caused by organisms acquired from the environment or that infect non-human hosts. Opportunistic pathogens. Opportunistic pathogens can cause an infectious disease in a host with depressed resistance (immunodeficiency) or if they have unusual access to the inside of the body (for example, via trauma). Opportunistic infection may be caused by microbes ordinarily in contact with the host, such as pathogenic bacteria or fungi in the gastrointestinal or the upper respiratory tract, and they may also result from (otherwise innocuous) microbes acquired from other hosts (as in "Clostridium difficile" colitis) or from the environment as a result of traumatic introduction (as in surgical wound infections or compound fractures). An opportunistic disease requires impairment of host defenses, which may occur as a result of genetic defects (such as Chronic granulomatous disease), exposure to antimicrobial drugs or immunosuppressive chemicals (as might occur following poisoning or cancer chemotherapy), exposure to ionizing radiation, or as a result of an infectious disease with immunosuppressive activity (such as with measles, malaria or HIV disease). Primary pathogens may also cause more severe disease in a host with depressed resistance than would normally occur in an immunosufficient host. Secondary infection. While a primary infection can practically be viewed as the root cause of an individual's current health problem, a secondary infection is a sequela or complication of that root cause. For example, an infection due to a burn or penetrating trauma (the root cause) is a secondary infection. Primary pathogens often cause primary infection and often cause secondary infection. Usually, opportunistic infections are viewed as secondary infections (because immunodeficiency or injury was the predisposing factor). Other types of infection. Other types of infection consist of mixed, iatrogenic, nosocomial, and community-acquired infection. A mixed infection is an infection that is caused by two or more pathogens. An example of this is Appendicitis, which is caused by Bacteroides fragilis and Escherichia coli. The second is an iatrogenic infection. This type of infection is one that is transmitted from a health care worker to a patient. A nosocomial infection is also one that occurs in a health care setting. Nosocomial infections are those that are acquired during a hospital stay. Lastly, a community-acquired infection is one in which the infection is acquired from a whole community. Infectious or not. One manner of proving that a given disease is infectious, is to satisfy Koch's postulates (first proposed by Robert Koch), which require that first, the infectious agent be identifiable only in patients who have the disease, and not in healthy controls, and second, that patients who contract the infectious agent also develop the disease. These postulates were first used in the discovery that Mycobacteria species cause tuberculosis. However, Koch's postulates cannot usually be tested in modern practice for ethical reasons. Proving them would require experimental infection of a healthy individual with a pathogen produced as a pure culture. Conversely, even clearly infectious diseases do not always meet the infectious criteria; for example, "Treponema pallidum", the causative spirochete of syphilis, cannot be cultured "in vitro" – however the organism can be cultured in rabbit testes. It is less clear that a pure culture comes from an animal source serving as host than it is when derived from microbes derived from plate culture. Epidemiology, or the study and analysis of who, why and where disease occurs, and what determines whether various populations have a disease, is another important tool used to understand infectious disease. Epidemiologists may determine differences among groups within a population, such as whether certain age groups have a greater or lesser rate of infection; whether groups living in different neighborhoods are more likely to be infected; and by other factors, such as gender and race. Researchers also may assess whether a disease outbreak is sporadic, or just an occasional occurrence; endemic, with a steady level of regular cases occurring in a region; epidemic, with a fast arising, and unusually high number of cases in a region; or pandemic, which is a global epidemic. If the cause of the infectious disease is unknown, epidemiology can be used to assist with tracking down the sources of infection. Contagiousness. Infectious diseases are sometimes called contagious diseases when they are easily transmitted by contact with an ill person or their secretions (e.g., influenza). Thus, a contagious disease is a subset of infectious disease that is especially infective or easily transmitted. Other types of infectious, transmissible, or communicable diseases with more specialized routes of infection, such as vector transmission or sexual transmission, are usually not regarded as "contagious", and often do not require medical isolation (sometimes loosely called quarantine) of victims. However, this specialized connotation of the word "contagious" and "contagious disease" (easy transmissibility) is not always respected in popular use. Infectious diseases are commonly transmitted from person to person through direct contact. The types of contact are through person to person and droplet spread. Indirect contact such as airborne transmission, contaminated objects, food and drinking water, animal person contact, animal reservoirs, insect bites, and environmental reservoirs are another way infectious diseases are transmitted. By anatomic location. Infections can be classified by the anatomic location or organ system infected, including: In addition, locations of inflammation where infection is the most common cause include pneumonia, meningitis and salpingitis. Signs and symptoms. The symptoms of an infection depend on the type of disease. Some signs of infection affect the whole body generally, such as fatigue, loss of appetite, weight loss, fevers, night sweats, chills, aches and pains. Others are specific to individual body parts, such as skin rashes, coughing, or a runny nose. In certain cases, infectious diseases may be asymptomatic for much or even all of their course in a given host. In the latter case, the disease may only be defined as a "disease" (which by definition means an illness) in hosts who secondarily become ill after contact with an asymptomatic carrier. An infection is not synonymous with an infectious disease, as some infections do not cause illness in a host. Bacterial or viral. As bacterial and viral infections can both cause the same kinds of symptoms, it can be difficult to distinguish which is the cause of a specific infection. Distinguishing the two is important, since viral infections cannot be cured by antibiotics whereas bacterial infections can. Pathophysiology. There is a general chain of events that applies to infections. The chain of events involves several stepswhich include the infectious agent, reservoir, entering a susceptible host, exit and transmission to new hosts. Each of the links must be present in a chronological order for an infection to develop. Understanding these steps helps health care workers target the infection and prevent it from occurring in the first place. Colonization. Infection begins when an organism successfully enters the body, grows and multiplies. This is referred to as colonization. Most humans are not easily infected. Those with compromised or weakened immune systems have an increased susceptibility to chronic or persistent infections. Individuals who have a suppressed immune system are particularly susceptible to opportunistic infections. Entrance to the host at host-pathogen interface, generally occurs through the mucosa in orifices like the oral cavity, nose, eyes, genitalia, anus, or the microbe can enter through open wounds. While a few organisms can grow at the initial site of entry, many migrate and cause systemic infection in different organs. Some pathogens grow within the host cells (intracellular) whereas others grow freely in bodily fluids. Wound colonization refers to non-replicating microorganisms within the wound, while in infected wounds, replicating organisms exist and tissue is injured. All multicellular organisms are colonized to some degree by extrinsic organisms, and the vast majority of these exist in either a mutualistic or commensal relationship with the host. An example of the former is the anaerobic bacteria species, which colonizes the mammalian colon, and an example of the latter are the various species of staphylococcus that exist on human skin. Neither of these colonizations are considered infections. The difference between an infection and a colonization is often only a matter of circumstance. Non-pathogenic organisms can become pathogenic given specific conditions, and even the most virulent organism requires certain circumstances to cause a compromising infection. Some colonizing bacteria, such as "Corynebacteria sp." and "viridans streptococci", prevent the adhesion and colonization of pathogenic bacteria and thus have a symbiotic relationship with the host, preventing infection and speeding wound healing. The variables involved in the outcome of a host becoming inoculated by a pathogen and the ultimate outcome include: As an example, several staphylococcal species remain harmless on the skin, but, when present in a normally sterile space, such as in the capsule of a joint or the peritoneum, multiply without resistance and cause harm. An interesting fact that gas chromatography–mass spectrometry, 16S ribosomal RNA analysis, omics, and other advanced technologies have made more apparent to humans in recent decades is that microbial colonization is very common even in environments that humans think of as being nearly sterile. Because it is normal to have bacterial colonization, it is difficult to know which chronic wounds can be classified as infected and how much risk of progression exists. Despite the huge number of wounds seen in clinical practice, there are limited quality data for evaluated symptoms and signs. A review of chronic wounds in the Journal of the American Medical Association's "Rational Clinical Examination Series" quantified the importance of increased pain as an indicator of infection. The review showed that the most useful finding is an increase in the level of pain [likelihood ratio (LR) range, 11–20] makes infection much more likely, but the absence of pain (negative likelihood ratio range, 0.64–0.88) does not rule out infection (summary LR 0.64–0.88). Disease. Disease can arise if the host's protective immune mechanisms are compromised and the organism inflicts damage on the host. Microorganisms can cause tissue damage by releasing a variety of toxins or destructive enzymes. For example, "Clostridium tetani" releases a toxin that paralyzes muscles, and staphylococcus releases toxins that produce shock and sepsis. Not all infectious agents cause disease in all hosts. For example, less than 5% of individuals infected with polio develop disease. On the other hand, some infectious agents are highly virulent. The prion causing mad cow disease and Creutzfeldt–Jakob disease invariably kills all animals and people that are infected. Persistent infections occur because the body is unable to clear the organism after the initial infection. Persistent infections are characterized by the continual presence of the infectious organism, often as latent infection with occasional recurrent relapses of active infection. There are some viruses that can maintain a persistent infection by infecting different cells of the body. Some viruses once acquired never leave the body. A typical example is the herpes virus, which tends to hide in nerves and become reactivated when specific circumstances arise. Persistent infections cause millions of deaths globally each year. Chronic infections by parasites account for a high morbidity and mortality in many underdeveloped countries. Transmission. For infecting organisms to survive and repeat the infection cycle in other hosts, they (or their progeny) must leave an existing reservoir and cause infection elsewhere. Infection transmission can take place via many potential routes: The relationship between "virulence versus transmissibility" is complex; if a disease is rapidly fatal, the host may die before the microbe can be passed along to another host. Diagnosis. Diagnosis of infectious disease sometimes involves identifying an infectious agent either directly or indirectly. In practice most minor infectious diseases such as warts, cutaneous abscesses, respiratory system infections and diarrheal diseases are diagnosed by their clinical presentation and treated without knowledge of the specific causative agent. Conclusions about the cause of the disease are based upon the likelihood that a patient came in contact with a particular agent, the presence of a microbe in a community, and other epidemiological considerations. Given sufficient effort, all known infectious agents can be specifically identified. The benefits of identification, however, are often greatly outweighed by the cost, as often there is no specific treatment, the cause is obvious, or the outcome of an infection is benign. Diagnosis of infectious disease is nearly always initiated by medical history and physical examination. More detailed identification techniques involve the culture of infectious agents isolated from a patient. Culture allows identification of infectious organisms by examining their microscopic features, by detecting the presence of substances produced by pathogens, and by directly identifying an organism by its genotype. Other techniques (such as X-rays, CAT scans, PET scans or NMR) are used to produce images of internal abnormalities resulting from the growth of an infectious agent. The images are useful in detection of, for example, a bone abscess or a spongiform encephalopathy produced by a prion. Symptomatic diagnostics. The diagnosis is aided by the presenting symptoms in any individual with an infectious disease, yet it usually needs additional diagnostic techniques to confirm the suspicion. Some signs are specifically characteristic and indicative of a disease and are called pathognomonic signs; but these are rare. Not all infections are symptomatic. In children the presence of cyanosis, rapid breathing, poor peripheral perfusion, or a petechial rash increases the risk of a serious infection by greater than 5 fold. Other important indicators include parental concern, clinical instinct, and temperature greater than 40 °C. Microbial culture. Microbiological culture is a principal tool used to diagnose infectious disease. In a microbial culture, a growth medium is provided for a specific agent. A sample taken from potentially diseased tissue or fluid is then tested for the presence of an infectious agent able to grow within that medium. Most pathogenic bacteria are easily grown on nutrient agar, a form of solid medium that supplies carbohydrates and proteins necessary for growth of a bacterium, along with copious amounts of water. A single bacterium will grow into a visible mound on the surface of the plate called a colony, which may be separated from other colonies or melded together into a "lawn". The size, color, shape and form of a colony is characteristic of the bacterial species, its specific genetic makeup (its strain), and the environment that supports its growth. Other ingredients are often added to the plate to aid in identification. Plates may contain substances that permit the growth of some bacteria and not others, or that change color in response to certain bacteria and not others. Bacteriological plates such as these are commonly used in the clinical identification of infectious bacterium. Microbial culture may also be used in the identification of viruses: the medium, in this case, being cells grown in culture that the virus can infect, and then alter or kill. In the case of viral identification, a region of dead cells results from viral growth, and is called a "plaque". Eukaryotic parasites may also be grown in culture as a means of identifying a particular agent. In the absence of suitable plate culture techniques, some microbes require culture within live animals. Bacteria such as "Mycobacterium leprae" and "Treponema pallidum" can be grown in animals, although serological and microscopic techniques make the use of live animals unnecessary. Viruses are also usually identified using alternatives to growth in culture or animals. Some viruses may be grown in embryonated eggs. Another useful identification method is Xenodiagnosis, or the use of a vector to support the growth of an infectious agent. Chagas disease is the most significant example, because it is difficult to directly demonstrate the presence of the causative agent, "Trypanosoma cruzi" in a patient, which therefore makes it difficult to definitively make a diagnosis. In this case, xenodiagnosis involves the use of the vector of the Chagas agent "T. cruzi", an uninfected triatomine bug, which takes a blood meal from a person suspected of having been infected. The bug is later inspected for growth of "T. cruzi" within its gut. Microscopy. Another principal tool in the diagnosis of infectious disease is microscopy. Virtually all of the culture techniques discussed above rely, at some point, on microscopic examination for definitive identification of the infectious agent. Microscopy may be carried out with simple instruments, such as the compound light microscope, or with instruments as complex as an electron microscope. Samples obtained from patients may be viewed directly under the light microscope, and can often rapidly lead to identification. Microscopy is often also used in conjunction with biochemical staining techniques, and can be made exquisitely specific when used in combination with antibody based techniques. For example, the use of antibodies made artificially fluorescent (fluorescently labeled antibodies) can be directed to bind to and identify a specific antigens present on a pathogen. A fluorescence microscope is then used to detect fluorescently labeled antibodies bound to internalized antigens within clinical samples or cultured cells. This technique is especially useful in the diagnosis of viral diseases, where the light microscope is incapable of identifying a virus directly. Other microscopic procedures may also aid in identifying infectious agents. Almost all cells readily stain with a number of basic dyes due to the electrostatic attraction between negatively charged cellular molecules and the positive charge on the dye. A cell is normally transparent under a microscope, and using a stain increases the contrast of a cell with its background. Staining a cell with a dye such as Giemsa stain or crystal violet allows a microscopist to describe its size, shape, internal and external components and its associations with other cells. The response of bacteria to different staining procedures is used in the taxonomic classification of microbes as well. Two methods, the Gram stain and the acid-fast stain, are the standard approaches used to classify bacteria and to diagnosis of disease. The Gram stain identifies the bacterial groups Firmicutes and Actinobacteria, both of which contain many significant human pathogens. The acid-fast staining procedure identifies the Actinobacterial genera "Mycobacterium" and "Nocardia". Biochemical tests. Biochemical tests used in the identification of infectious agents include the detection of metabolic or enzymatic products characteristic of a particular infectious agent. Since bacteria ferment carbohydrates in patterns characteristic of their genus and species, the detection of fermentation products is commonly used in bacterial identification. Acids, alcohols and gases are usually detected in these tests when bacteria are grown in selective liquid or solid media. The isolation of enzymes from infected tissue can also provide the basis of a biochemical diagnosis of an infectious disease. For example, humans can make neither RNA replicases nor reverse transcriptase, and the presence of these enzymes are characteristic., of specific types of viral infections. The ability of the viral protein hemagglutinin to bind red blood cells together into a detectable matrix may also be characterized as a biochemical test for viral infection, although strictly speaking hemagglutinin is not an "enzyme" and has no metabolic function. Serological methods are highly sensitive, specific and often extremely rapid tests used to identify microorganisms. These tests are based upon the ability of an antibody to bind specifically to an antigen. The antigen, usually a protein or carbohydrate made by an infectious agent, is bound by the antibody. This binding then sets off a chain of events that can be visibly obvious in various ways, dependent upon the test. For example, "Strep throat" is often diagnosed within minutes, and is based on the appearance of antigens made by the causative agent, "S. pyogenes", that is retrieved from a patient's throat with a cotton swab. Serological tests, if available, are usually the preferred route of identification, however the tests are costly to develop and the reagents used in the test often require refrigeration. Some serological methods are extremely costly, although when commonly used, such as with the "strep test", they can be inexpensive. Complex serological techniques have been developed into what are known as Immunoassays. Immunoassays can use the basic antibody – antigen binding as the basis to produce an electro-magnetic or particle radiation signal, which can be detected by some form of instrumentation. Signal of unknowns can be compared to that of standards allowing quantitation of the target antigen. To aid in the diagnosis of infectious diseases, immunoassays can detect or measure antigens from either infectious agents or proteins generated by an infected organism in response to a foreign agent. For example, immunoassay A may detect the presence of a surface protein from a virus particle. Immunoassay B on the other hand may detect or measure antibodies produced by an organism's immune system that are made to neutralize and allow the destruction of the virus. Instrumentation can be used to read extremely small signals created by secondary reactions linked to the antibody – antigen binding. Instrumentation can control sampling, reagent use, reaction times, signal detection, calculation of results, and data management to yield a cost-effective automated process for diagnosis of infectious disease. PCR-based diagnostics. Technologies based upon the polymerase chain reaction (PCR) method will become nearly ubiquitous gold standards of diagnostics of the near future, for several reasons. First, the catalog of infectious agents has grown to the point that virtually all of the significant infectious agents of the human population have been identified. Second, an infectious agent must grow within the human body to cause disease; essentially it must amplify its own nucleic acids in order to cause a disease. This amplification of nucleic acid in infected tissue offers an opportunity to detect the infectious agent by using PCR. Third, the essential tools for directing PCR, primers, are derived from the genomes of infectious agents, and with time those genomes will be known, if they are not already. Thus, the technological ability to detect any infectious agent rapidly and specifically are currently available. The only remaining blockades to the use of PCR as a standard tool of diagnosis are in its cost and application, neither of which is insurmountable. The diagnosis of a few diseases will not benefit from the development of PCR methods, such as some of the clostridial diseases (tetanus and botulism). These diseases are fundamentally biological poisonings by relatively small numbers of infectious bacteria that produce extremely potent neurotoxins. A significant proliferation of the infectious agent does not occur, this limits the ability of PCR to detect the presence of any bacteria. Metagenomic sequencing. Given the wide range of bacterial, viral, fungal, protozoal, and helminthic pathogens that cause debilitating and life-threatening illnesses, the ability to quickly identify the cause of infection is important yet often challenging. For example, more than half of cases of encephalitis, a severe illness affecting the brain, remain undiagnosed, despite extensive testing using the standard of care (microbiological culture) and state-of-the-art clinical laboratory methods. Metagenomic sequencing-based diagnostic tests are currently being developed for clinical use and show promise as a sensitive, specific, and rapid way to diagnose infection using a single all-encompassing test. This test is similar to current PCR tests; however, an untargeted whole genome amplification is used rather than primers for a specific infectious agent. This amplification step is followed by next-generation sequencing or third-generation sequencing, alignment comparisons, and taxonomic classification using large databases of thousands of pathogen and commensal reference genomes. Simultaneously, antimicrobial resistance genes within pathogen and plasmid genomes are sequenced and aligned to the taxonomically-classified pathogen genomes to generate an antimicrobial resistance profile – analogous to antibiotic sensitivity testing – to facilitate antimicrobial stewardship and allow for the optimization of treatment using the most effective drugs for a patient's infection. Metagenomic sequencing could prove especially useful for diagnosis when the patient is immunocompromised. An ever-wider array of infectious agents can cause serious harm to individuals with immunosuppression, so clinical screening must often be broader. Additionally, the expression of symptoms is often atypical, making a clinical diagnosis based on presentation more difficult. Thirdly, diagnostic methods that rely on the detection of antibodies are more likely to fail. A rapid, sensitive, specific, and untargeted test for all known human pathogens that detects the presence of the organism's DNA rather than antibodies is therefore highly desirable. Indication of tests. There is usually an indication for a specific identification of an infectious agent only when such identification can aid in the treatment or prevention of the disease, or to advance knowledge of the course of an illness prior to the development of effective therapeutic or preventative measures. For example, in the early 1980s, prior to the appearance of AZT for the treatment of AIDS, the course of the disease was closely followed by monitoring the composition of patient blood samples, even though the outcome would not offer the patient any further treatment options. In part, these studies on the appearance of HIV in specific communities permitted the advancement of hypotheses as to the route of transmission of the virus. By understanding how the disease was transmitted, resources could be targeted to the communities at greatest risk in campaigns aimed at reducing the number of new infections. The specific serological diagnostic identification, and later genotypic or molecular identification, of HIV also enabled the development of hypotheses as to the temporal and geographical origins of the virus, as well as a myriad of other hypothesis. The development of molecular diagnostic tools have enabled physicians and researchers to monitor the efficacy of treatment with anti-retroviral drugs. Molecular diagnostics are now commonly used to identify HIV in healthy people long before the onset of illness and have been used to demonstrate the existence of people who are genetically resistant to HIV infection. Thus, while there still is no cure for AIDS, there is great therapeutic and predictive benefit to identifying the virus and monitoring the virus levels within the blood of infected individuals, both for the patient and for the community at large. Prevention. Techniques like hand washing, wearing gowns, and wearing face masks can help prevent infections from being passed from one person to another. Aseptic technique was introduced in medicine and surgery in the late 19th century and greatly reduced the incidence of infections caused by surgery. Frequent hand washing remains the most important defense against the spread of unwanted organisms. There are other forms of prevention such as avoiding the use of illicit drugs, using a condom, wearing gloves, and having a healthy lifestyle with a balanced diet and regular exercise. Cooking foods well and avoiding foods that have been left outside for a long time is also important. Antimicrobial substances used to prevent transmission of infections include: One of the ways to prevent or slow down the transmission of infectious diseases is to recognize the different characteristics of various diseases. Some critical disease characteristics that should be evaluated include virulence, distance traveled by victims, and level of contagiousness. The human strains of Ebola virus, for example, incapacitate their victims extremely quickly and kill them soon after. As a result, the victims of this disease do not have the opportunity to travel very far from the initial infection zone. Also, this virus must spread through skin lesions or permeable membranes such as the eye. Thus, the initial stage of Ebola is not very contagious since its victims experience only internal hemorrhaging. As a result of the above features, the spread of Ebola is very rapid and usually stays within a relatively confined geographical area. In contrast, the Human Immunodeficiency Virus (HIV) kills its victims very slowly by attacking their immune system. As a result, many of its victims transmit the virus to other individuals before even realizing that they are carrying the disease. Also, the relatively low virulence allows its victims to travel long distances, increasing the likelihood of an epidemic. Another effective way to decrease the transmission rate of infectious diseases is to recognize the effects of small-world networks. In epidemics, there are often extensive interactions within hubs or groups of infected individuals and other interactions within discrete hubs of susceptible individuals. Despite the low interaction between discrete hubs, the disease can jump and spread in a susceptible hub via a single or few interactions with an infected hub. Thus, infection rates in small-world networks can be reduced somewhat if interactions between individuals within infected hubs are eliminated (Figure 1). However, infection rates can be drastically reduced if the main focus is on the prevention of transmission jumps between hubs. The use of needle exchange programs in areas with a high density of drug users with HIV is an example of the successful implementation of this treatment method. [6] Another example is the use of ring culling or vaccination of potentially susceptible livestock in adjacent farms to prevent the spread of the foot-and-mouth virus in 2001. A general method to prevent transmission of vector-borne pathogens is pest control. In cases where infection is merely suspected, individuals may be quarantined until the incubation period has passed and the disease manifests itself or the person remains healthy. Groups may undergo quarantine, or in the case of communities, a cordon sanitaire may be imposed to prevent infection from spreading beyond the community, or in the case of protective sequestration, into a community. Public health authorities may implement other forms of social distancing, such as school closings, to control an epidemic. Immunity. Infection with most pathogens does not result in death of the host and the offending organism is ultimately cleared after the symptoms of the disease have waned. This process requires immune mechanisms to kill or inactivate the inoculum of the pathogen. Specific acquired immunity against infectious diseases may be mediated by antibodies and/or T lymphocytes. Immunity mediated by these two factors may be manifested by: The immune system response to a microorganism often causes symptoms such as a high fever and inflammation, and has the potential to be more devastating than direct damage caused by a microbe. Resistance to infection (immunity) may be acquired following a disease, by asymptomatic carriage of the pathogen, by harboring an organism with a similar structure (crossreacting), or by vaccination. Knowledge of the protective antigens and specific acquired host immune factors is more complete for primary pathogens than for opportunistic pathogens. There is also the phenomenon of herd immunity which offers a measure of protection to those otherwise vulnerable people when a large enough proportion of the population has acquired immunity from certain infections. Immune resistance to an infectious disease requires a critical level of either antigen-specific antibodies and/or T cells when the host encounters the pathogen. Some individuals develop natural serum antibodies to the surface polysaccharides of some agents although they have had little or no contact with the agent, these natural antibodies confer specific protection to adults and are passively transmitted to newborns. Host genetic factors. The organism that is the target of an infecting action of a specific infectious agent is called the host. The host harbouring an agent that is in a mature or sexually active stage phase is called the definitive host. The intermediate host comes in contact during the larvae stage. A host can be anything living and can attain to asexual and sexual reproduction. The clearance of the pathogens, either treatment-induced or spontaneous, it can be influenced by the genetic variants carried by the individual patients. For instance, for genotype 1 hepatitis C treated with Pegylated interferon-alpha-2a or Pegylated interferon-alpha-2b (brand names Pegasys or PEG-Intron) combined with ribavirin, it has been shown that genetic polymorphisms near the human IL28B gene, encoding interferon lambda 3, are associated with significant differences in the treatment-induced clearance of the virus. This finding, originally reported in Nature, showed that genotype 1 hepatitis C patients carrying certain genetic variant alleles near the IL28B gene are more possibly to achieve sustained virological response after the treatment than others. Later report from Nature demonstrated that the same genetic variants are also associated with the natural clearance of the genotype 1 hepatitis C virus. Treatments. When infection attacks the body, "anti-infective" drugs can suppress the infection. Several broad types of anti-infective drugs exist, depending on the type of organism targeted; they include antibacterial (antibiotic; including antitubercular), antiviral, antifungal and antiparasitic (including antiprotozoal and antihelminthic) agents. Depending on the severity and the type of infection, the antibiotic may be given by mouth or by injection, or may be applied topically. Severe infections of the brain are usually treated with intravenous antibiotics. Sometimes, multiple antibiotics are used in case there is resistance to one antibiotic. Antibiotics only work for bacteria and do not affect viruses. Antibiotics work by slowing down the multiplication of bacteria or killing the bacteria. The most common classes of antibiotics used in medicine include penicillin, cephalosporins, aminoglycosides, macrolides, quinolones and tetracyclines. Not all infections require treatment, and for many self-limiting infections the treatment may cause more side-effects than benefits. Antimicrobial stewardship is the concept that healthcare providers should treat an infection with an antimicrobial that specifically works well for the target pathogen for the shortest amount of time and to only treat when there is a known or highly suspected pathogen that will respond to the medication. Epidemiology. In 2010, about 10 million people died of infectious diseases. The World Health Organization collects information on global deaths by International Classification of Disease (ICD) code categories. The following table lists the top infectious disease by number of deaths in 2002. 1993 data is included for comparison. The top three single agent/disease killers are HIV/AIDS, TB and malaria. While the number of deaths due to nearly every disease have decreased, deaths due to HIV/AIDS have increased fourfold. Childhood diseases include pertussis, poliomyelitis, diphtheria, measles and tetanus. Children also make up a large percentage of lower respiratory and diarrheal deaths. In 2012, approximately 3.1 million people have died due to lower respiratory infections, making it the number 4 leading cause of death in the world. Historic pandemics. With their potential for unpredictable and explosive impacts, infectious diseases have been major actors in human history. A pandemic (or global epidemic) is a disease that affects people over an extensive geographical area. For example: Emerging diseases. In most cases, microorganisms live in harmony with their hosts via mutual or commensal interactions. Diseases can emerge when existing parasites become pathogenic or when new pathogenic parasites enter a new host. Several human activities have led to the emergence of zoonotic human pathogens, including viruses, bacteria, protozoa, and rickettsia, and spread of vector-borne diseases, see also globalization and disease and wildlife disease: Germ theory of disease. In Antiquity, the Greek historian Thucydides (c. 460 – c. 400 BCE) was the first person to write, in his account of the plague of Athens, that diseases could spread from an infected person to others. In his "On the Different Types of Fever" (c. AD 175), the Greco-Roman physician Galen speculated that plagues were spread by "certain seeds of plague", which were present in the air. In the Sushruta Samhita, the ancient Indian physician Sushruta theorized: "Leprosy, fever, consumption, diseases of the eye, and other infectious diseases spread from one person to another by sexual union, physical contact, eating together, sleeping together, sitting together, and the use of same clothes, garlands and pastes." This book has been dated to about the sixth century BC. A basic form of contagion theory was proposed by Persian physician Ibn Sina (known as Avicenna in Europe) in "The Canon of Medicine" (1025), which later became the most authoritative medical textbook in Europe up until the 16th century. In Book IV of the "Canon", Ibn Sina discussed epidemics, outlining the classical miasma theory and attempting to blend it with his own early contagion theory. He mentioned that people can transmit disease to others by breath, noted contagion with tuberculosis, and discussed the transmission of disease through water and dirt. The concept of invisible contagion was later discussed by several Islamic scholars in the Ayyubid Sultanate who referred to them as "najasat" ("impure substances"). The fiqh scholar Ibn al-Haj al-Abdari (c. 1250–1336), while discussing Islamic diet and hygiene, gave warnings about how contagion can contaminate water, food, and garments, and could spread through the water supply, and may have implied contagion to be unseen particles. When the Black Death bubonic plague reached Al-Andalus in the 14th century, the Arab physicians Ibn Khatima (c. 1369) and Ibn al-Khatib (1313–1374) hypothesised that infectious diseases were caused by "minute bodies" and described how they can be transmitted through garments, vessels and earrings. Ideas of contagion became more popular in Europe during the Renaissance, particularly through the writing of the Italian physician Girolamo Fracastoro. Anton van Leeuwenhoek (1632–1723) advanced the science of microscopy by being the first to observe microorganisms, allowing for easy visualization of bacteria. In the mid-19th century John Snow and William Budd did important work demonstrating the contagiousness of typhoid and cholera through contaminated water. Both are credited with decreasing epidemics of cholera in their towns by implementing measures to prevent contamination of water. Louis Pasteur proved beyond doubt that certain diseases are caused by infectious agents, and developed a vaccine for rabies. Robert Koch, provided the study of infectious diseases with a scientific basis known as Koch's postulates. Edward Jenner, Jonas Salk and Albert Sabin developed effective vaccines for smallpox and polio, which would later result in the eradication and near-eradication of these diseases, respectively. Alexander Fleming discovered the world's first antibiotic, Penicillin, which Florey and Chain then developed. Gerhard Domagk developed sulphonamides, the first broad spectrum synthetic antibacterial drugs. Medical specialists. The medical treatment of infectious diseases falls into the medical field of Infectious Disease and in some cases the study of propagation pertains to the field of Epidemiology. Generally, infections are initially diagnosed by primary care physicians or internal medicine specialists. For example, an "uncomplicated" pneumonia will generally be treated by the internist or the pulmonologist (lung physician). The work of the infectious diseases specialist therefore entails working with both patients and general practitioners, as well as laboratory scientists, immunologists, bacteriologists and other specialists. An infectious disease team may be alerted when: Society and culture. Several studies have reported associations between pathogen load in an area and human behavior. Higher pathogen load is associated with decreased size of ethnic and religious groups in an area. This may be due high pathogen load favoring avoidance of other groups, which may reduce pathogen transmission, or a high pathogen load preventing the creation of large settlements and armies that enforce a common culture. Higher pathogen load is also associated with more restricted sexual behavior, which may reduce pathogen transmission. It also associated with higher preferences for health and attractiveness in mates. Higher fertility rates and shorter or less parental care per child is another association that may be a compensation for the higher mortality rate. There is also an association with polygyny which may be due to higher pathogen load, making selecting males with a high genetic resistance increasingly important. Higher pathogen load is also associated with more collectivism and less individualism, which may limit contacts with outside groups and infections. There are alternative explanations for at least some of the associations although some of these explanations may in turn ultimately be due to pathogen load. Thus, polygyny may also be due to a lower male: female ratio in these areas but this may ultimately be due to male infants having increased mortality from infectious diseases. Another example is that poor socioeconomic factors may ultimately in part be due to high pathogen load preventing economic development. Fossil record. Evidence of infection in fossil remains is a subject of interest for paleopathologists, scientists who study occurrences of injuries and illness in extinct life forms. Signs of infection have been discovered in the bones of carnivorous dinosaurs. When present, however, these infections seem to tend to be confined to only small regions of the body. A skull attributed to the early carnivorous dinosaur "Herrerasaurus ischigualastensis" exhibits pit-like wounds surrounded by swollen and porous bone. The unusual texture of the bone around the wounds suggests they were afflicted by a short-lived, non-lethal infection. Scientists who studied the skull speculated that the bite marks were received in a fight with another "Herrerasaurus". Other carnivorous dinosaurs with documented evidence of infection include "Acrocanthosaurus", "Allosaurus", "Tyrannosaurus" and a tyrannosaur from the Kirtland Formation. The infections from both tyrannosaurs were received by being bitten during a fight, like the "Herrerasaurus" specimen. Outer space. A 2006 Space Shuttle experiment found that "Salmonella typhimurium", a bacterium that can cause food poisoning, became more virulent when cultivated in space. On April 29, 2013, scientists in Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute, funded by NASA, reported that, during spaceflight on the International Space Station, microbes seem to adapt to the space environment in ways "not observed on Earth" and in ways that "can lead to increases in growth and virulence". More recently, in 2017, bacteria were found to be more resistant to antibiotics and to thrive in the near-weightlessness of space. Microorganisms have been observed to survive the vacuum of outer space.

absolute evidence

4798-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=22554105

Bike rage refers to form of road rage in which acts of verbal or gestural anger or physical aggression between cyclists and other users of bike paths or roadways, including pedestrians, other cyclists, motorcyclists, or drivers. Bike rage can consist of shouting at other road users, making obscene gestures or threats, hitting or punching, or in rare cases, even more violent acts. The term can refer either to acts committed by cyclists or by other road users against cyclists. Bike rage is related to other explosive outbursts of anger such as road rage. Causes. A bike rage incident can start because a cyclist, driver, or pedestrian believes that another road user was being discourteous, breaking traffic rules, or in many cases because someone felt that their safety was being compromised by the actions of another road user. According to University of Hawaii professor of psychology Leon James, "bike rage is a common occurrence, and quite predictable", because urban commuting causes "tension, anxiety, and anger – in drivers as well as cyclists". Montogomery claims some cyclists hit cars using a "classic U-lock bash-and-run" tactic. He argues that "some cyclists consider such attacks acts of driver education". Montogomery claims the "... problem is that city planners have mixed bikes and cars together in ways that offer little certainty about how each should operate, and lots of chances for conflict". As such, "cyclists feel threatened in traffic" and "... hard done by and under attack." An article in "Toronto Life" magazine argues that the "... source of the problem [bike and road rage] is neither the arrogance of drivers nor the militancy of cyclists, but the environment in which they interact." The article claims that the "... urban grid, already congested with cars, is being flooded with cyclists ... intensifying competition for road space." One issue is that "[d]rivers are not sufficiently alert to the presence and the quickness of cyclists". A possible explanation for all of the aggression that occurs between cyclists and drivers is the anonymity of the big city: "... they know they will never run into that person again." A member of the S.F. Bicycle Coalition argues that "Road rage is a symptom of a contradiction between the image and promise of cars and the reality," because "You never see a car ad showing someone stuck in traffic." After an altercation between cyclists and police, an observer noted that "The sheep—like the man who was just riding to the gym and decided to join and have a little fun—were bewildered, angry, defiant. Turned into wolves." A 2008 "New York Times" article stated that "... overwhelmingly, on blogs and Web sites nationwide, drivers and cyclists routinely describe shouted epithets, flung water bottles, sprays of spit and harrowing near-misses of the intentional kind." The article noted that there is "a whiff of class warfare in the simmering hostility, too. During morning rush, the teeth-gritting of drivers is almost audible, as superbly fit cyclists, wearing Sharpie-toned spandex and riding $3,000 bikes, cockily dart through the swampy, stolid traffic to offices with bike racks and showers." Bike rage may also be caused by confusion about how the rules of the road apply to cyclists. In some jurisdictions, cyclists are allowed to ride on the sidewalk, whereas in other places, this is against the law. In all fifty U.S. states, bicycles are classified as vehicles and cyclists have many of the same rights and responsibilities as other drivers; however, other jurisdictions may place restrictions on where citizens may operate bicycles. These differences in rules may lead drivers to believe that a cyclist is violating the law by cycling on a roadway, even if local laws require cyclists to be on the road. Many citizens are also ignorant of their localities' laws concerning bicycles. Examples. Drivers attacking cyclists. In Toronto in January 2006, a driver tossed his lunch out the window of his car in a traffic jam. A 26-year-old bike courier threw the food back into the car. The driver tossed two cups of hot coffee at the courier, and then, after they exchanged insults, the driver attacked the woman and her bike. In 2009 in Los Angeles, a 59-year-old man was "charged with two felony counts each of reckless driving causing injury, battery with serious bodily injury and the special allegation of causing great bodily injury". After the man had an argument with two cyclists, he "allegedly stopped short and caused one [bike] rider to go through the rear window of Dr. Thompson's Infiniti and other rider to crash onto the pavement. The driver, who admitted slamming on his brakes, was later sentenced to 10 years in prison." A "New York Times" story stated a 41-year-old cyclist, Dan Cooley, was injured by a driver who became angry at him after an exchange of swear words. The incident began when the driver came out of a driveway in front of Mr. Cooley. Angered, Mr. Cooley cursed at the driver, who responded in kind. As Mr. Cooley moved off the road, the car drove into him, and knocked him to the ground with the vehicle, and then the driver got out of the car and attacked him, leaving him with a concussion and a torn ligament. Mr. Cooley thinks that the anger between cyclists and drivers might be due to the relatively new arrival of bikes on city streets: “We’ve had a car culture for so long and suddenly the roads become saturated with bicyclists trying to save gas"; however, he added, “No one knows how to share the road.” According to the "UK Guardian", a cyclist named Jefferey Guffey from Indiana told a driver to slow down. The driver attacked Guffey and bit part of his ear off. After the incident, police charged the attacker with battery. In Oxford, "police investigated a spate of attacks on cyclists motivated, apparently, by hatred of bicycles and their riders". Christian Wolmar, an international expert on transportation, stated that Sydney "drivers are more hostile towards cyclists than motorists of any other country". Cyclists attacking drivers. In Toronto in 2007, "... after being cut off by a driver just after morning rush hour in Toronto, a cyclist caught up to the car, reached inside the window, and stabbed the driver in the face and neck with a screwdriver." A 2004 "Chicago Sun-Times" article states that a Pennsylvania bicyclist shot a truck driver in the arm after an altercation. The truck driver, William Nicoletti, 51, drove past the cyclist, who made an obscene gesture. Mr. Nicoletti stated that when he turned his truck around and drove toward the cyclist, man on the bike drew a pistol and shot Mr. Nicoletti. The man on the bicycle, Robert Urick, 41, was "charged with attempted homicide, aggravated assault and weapons offenses". A 2008 "Newsweek" article entitled "Pedal vs. Metal: A surge in bike ridership spurs a new kind of road rage" described an altercation which began after a driver named Patrick Schrepping told cyclist Adam Leckie to wear a helmet. Following this conversation, Leckie "allegedly responded by keying Schrepping's car", and then Schrepping struck Leckie with a metal object. Both men were arrested and charged with assault. Michael J. Bryant (born April 13, 1966), a Canadian lawyer and former politician in Ontario, Canada, was involved in an incident with a cyclist. After an altercation with a cyclist on August 31, 2009, in which Bryant's car struck a bike courier, Bryant was charged with criminal negligence causing death and dangerous driving causing death. On May 25, 2010, all charges against Bryant were withdrawn, with prosecutors describing the cyclist as the aggressor in the incident. Cyclists attacking cyclists. Bike rage does not only involve altercations between drivers and cyclists. In some cases, there have been fights between cyclists. In an incident in Madison, Wisconsin, a 51-year-old cyclist suggested to a 28-year-old cyclist that he should get a bike light so that others could see him. After hearing this comment, the younger cyclist felt "extremely insulted" and allegedly tried to force the older man off the road. The 51-year-old was followed to his home, at which point the 28-year-old "clamped his hands around O'Brien's head" and then "... twisted O'Brien to the ground and kicked him in the ribs." Police indicated that they planned to charge the younger man.

hardware piece

14186-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=487132

Analytics is the systematic computational analysis of data or statistics. It is used for the discovery, interpretation, and communication of meaningful patterns in data. It also entails applying data patterns towards effective decision-making. It can be valuable in areas rich with recorded information; analytics relies on the simultaneous application of statistics, computer programming and operations research to quantify performance. Organizations may apply analytics to business data to describe, predict, and improve business performance. Specifically, areas within analytics include predictive analytics, prescriptive analytics, enterprise decision management, descriptive analytics, cognitive analytics, Big Data Analytics, retail analytics, supply chain analytics, store assortment and stock-keeping unit optimization, marketing optimization and marketing mix modeling, web analytics, call analytics, speech analytics, sales force sizing and optimization, price and promotion modeling, predictive science, graph analytics, credit risk analysis, and fraud analytics. Since analytics can require extensive computation (see big data), the algorithms and software used for analytics harness the most current methods in computer science, statistics, and mathematics. Analytics vs. analysis. Data analysis focuses on understanding the past: what happened and why it happened. Data analytics, in contrast, focuses on why it happened and what may happen in the future based on the previous data. Data analytics is a multidisciplinary field. There is extensive use of computer skills, mathematics, statistics, the use of descriptive techniques and predictive models to gain valuable knowledge from data through analytics.. The insights from data are used to recommend action or to guide decision making rooted in the business context. Thus, analytics is not so much concerned with individual analyses or analysis steps, but with the entire methodology. There is a pronounced tendency to use the term "analytics" in business settings e.g. text analytics vs. the more generic text mining to emphasize this broader perspective. There is an increasing use of the term "advanced analytics", typically used to describe the technical aspects of analytics, especially in the emerging fields such as the use of machine learning techniques like neural networks, decision tree, logistic regression, linear to multiple regression analysis, classification to do predictive modeling. It also includes Unsupervised Machine learning techniques like cluster analysis, Principal Component Analysis, segmentation profile analysis and association analysis. Applications. Marketing optimization. Marketing has evolved from a creative process into a highly data-driven process. Marketing organizations use analytics to determine the outcomes of campaigns or efforts, and to guide decisions for investment and consumer targeting. Demographic studies, customer segmentation, conjoint analysis and other techniques allow marketers to use large amounts of consumer purchase, survey and panel data to understand and communicate marketing strategy. Marketing analytics consists of both qualitative and quantitative, structured and unstructured data used to drive strategic decisions in relation to brand and revenue outcomes. The process involves predictive modelling, marketing experimentation, automation and real-time sales communications. The data enables companies to make predictions and alter strategic execution to maximize performance results. Web analytics allows marketers to collect session-level information about interactions on a website using an operation called sessionization. Google Analytics is an example of a popular free analytics tool that marketers use for this purpose. Those interactions provide web analytics information systems with the information necessary to track the referrer, search keywords, identify IP address, and track activities of the visitor. With this information, a marketer can improve marketing campaigns, website creative content, and information architecture. Analysis techniques frequently used in marketing include marketing mix modeling, pricing and promotion analyses, sales force optimization and customer analytics e.g. : segmentation. Web analytics and optimization of web sites and online campaigns now frequently work hand in hand with the more traditional marketing analysis techniques. A focus on digital media has slightly changed the vocabulary so that "marketing mix modeling" is commonly referred to as "attribution modeling" in the digital or marketing mix modeling context. These tools and techniques support both strategic marketing decisions (such as how much overall to spend on marketing, how to allocate budgets across a portfolio of brands and the marketing mix) and more tactical campaign support, in terms of targeting the best potential customer with the optimal message in the most cost effective medium at the ideal time. People analytics. People Analytics uses behavioral data to understand how people work and change how companies are managed. People analytics is also known as workforce analytics, HR analytics, talent analytics, people insights, talent insights, colleague insights, human capital analytics, and HRIS analytics. HR analytics is the application of analytics to help companies manage human resources. Additionally, HR analytics has become a strategic tool in analyzing and forecasting Human related trends in the changing labor markets, using Career Analytics tools. The aim is to discern which employees to hire, which to reward or promote, what responsibilities to assign, and similar human resource problems. HR analytics is becoming increasingly important to understand what kind of behavioral profiles would succeed and fail. For example, an analysis may find that individuals that fit a certain type of profile are those most likely to succeed at a particular role, making them the best employees to hire. It has been suggested that People Analytics is a separate discipline to HR analytics, representing a greater focus on business issues rather than administrative processes, and that People Analytics may not really belong within Human Resources in organizations. However, experts disagree on this, with many arguing that Human Resources will need to develop People Analytics as a key part of a more capable and strategic business function in the changing world of work brought on by automation. Instead of moving People Analytics outside HR, some experts argue that it belongs in HR, albeit enabled by a new breed of HR professional who is more data-driven and business savvy. Portfolio analytics. A common application of business analytics is portfolio analysis. In this, a bank or lending agency has a collection of accounts of varying value and risk. The accounts may differ by the social status (wealthy, middle-class, poor, etc.) of the holder, the geographical location, its net value, and many other factors. The lender must balance the return on the loan with the risk of default for each loan. The question is then how to evaluate the portfolio as a whole. The least risk loan may be to the very wealthy, but there are a very limited number of wealthy people. On the other hand, there are many poor that can be lent to, but at greater risk. Some balance must be struck that maximizes return and minimizes risk. The analytics solution may combine time series analysis with many other issues in order to make decisions on when to lend money to these different borrower segments, or decisions on the interest rate charged to members of a portfolio segment to cover any losses among members in that segment. Risk analytics. Predictive models in the banking industry are developed to bring certainty across the risk scores for individual customers. Credit scores are built to predict individual's delinquency behavior and widely used to evaluate the credit worthiness of each applicant. Furthermore, risk analyses are carried out in the scientific world and the insurance industry. It is also extensively used in financial institutions like Online Payment Gateway companies to analyse if a transaction was genuine or fraud. For this purpose they use the transaction history of the customer. This is more commonly used in Credit Card purchase, when there is a sudden spike in the customer transaction volume the customer gets a call of confirmation if the transaction was initiated by him/her. This helps in reducing loss due to such circumstances. Digital analytics. Digital analytics is a set of business and technical activities that define, create, collect, verify or transform digital data into reporting, research, analyses, recommendations, optimizations, predictions, and automations. This also includes the SEO (search engine optimization) where the keyword search is tracked and that data is used for marketing purposes. Even banner ads and clicks come under digital analytics. A growing number of brands and marketing firms rely on digital analytics for their digital marketing assignments, where MROI (Marketing Return on Investment) is an important key performance indicator (KPI). Security analytics. Security analytics refers to information technology (IT) to gather security events to understand and analyze events that pose the greatest risk. Products in this area include security information and event management and user behavior analytics. Software analytics. Software analytics is the process of collecting information about the way a piece of software is used and produced. Challenges. In the industry of commercial analytics software, an emphasis has emerged on solving the challenges of analyzing massive, complex data sets, often when such data is in a constant state of change. Such data sets are commonly referred to as big data. Whereas once the problems posed by big data were only found in the scientific community, today big data is a problem for many businesses that operate transactional systems online and, as a result, amass large volumes of data quickly. The analysis of unstructured data types is another challenge getting attention in the industry. Unstructured data differs from structured data in that its format varies widely and cannot be stored in traditional relational databases without significant effort at data transformation. Sources of unstructured data, such as email, the contents of word processor documents, PDFs, geospatial data, etc., are rapidly becoming a relevant source of business intelligence for businesses, governments and universities. For example, in Britain the discovery that one company was illegally selling fraudulent doctor's notes in order to assist people in defrauding employers and insurance companies, is an opportunity for insurance firms to increase the vigilance of their unstructured data analysis. The McKinsey Global Institute estimates that big data analysis could save the American health care system $300 billion per year and the European public sector €250 billion. These challenges are the current inspiration for much of the innovation in modern analytics information systems, giving birth to relatively new machine analysis concepts such as complex event processing, full text search and analysis, and even new ideas in presentation. One such innovation is the introduction of grid-like architecture in machine analysis, allowing increases in the speed of massively parallel processing by distributing the workload to many computers all with equal access to the complete data set. Analytics is increasingly used in education, particularly at the district and government office levels. However, the complexity of student performance measures presents challenges when educators try to understand and use analytics to discern patterns in student performance, predict graduation likelihood, improve chances of student success, etc. For example, in a study involving districts known for strong data use, 48% of teachers had difficulty posing questions prompted by data, 36% did not comprehend given data, and 52% incorrectly interpreted data. To combat this, some analytics tools for educators adhere to an over-the-counter data format (embedding labels, supplemental documentation, and a help system, and making key package/display and content decisions) to improve educators' understanding and use of the analytics being displayed. One more emerging challenge is dynamic regulatory needs. For example, in the banking industry, Basel III and future capital adequacy needs are likely to make even smaller banks adopt internal risk models. In such cases, cloud computing and open source programming language R can help smaller banks to adopt risk analytics and support branch level monitoring by applying predictive analytics. Risks. The main risk for the people is discrimination like price discrimination or statistical discrimination. See Scientific American book review of "Weapons of math destruction" There is also the risk that a developer could profit from the ideas or work done by users, like this example: Users could write new ideas in a note taking app, which could then be sent as a custom event, and the developers could profit from those ideas. This can happen because the ownership of content is usually unclear in the law. If a user's identity is not protected, there are more risks; for example, the risk that private information about users is made public on the internet. In the extreme, there is the risk that governments could gather too much private information, now that the governments are giving themselves more powers to access citizens' information.

assorted benefit

6747-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=40850046

The Quality of Life In Depression Scale (QLDS), originally proposed by Sonja Hunt and Stephen McKenna, is a disease specific patient-reported outcome which assesses the impact that depression has on a patient's quality of life. It is the most commonly used measure of quality of life in clinical trials and studies of depression. The QLDS was developed as a measure to be used in future clinical trials of anti-depressant therapy. It is a 34 item self-rated questionnaire which consists of dichotomous response questions, with the response being either True/Not True. It is scored binomially (0-1) with higher scores on the QLDS indicating a lower quality of life. Several tests of construct validity and internal consistency have found the QLDS to be a good measure of quality of life. Needs-based model. The QLDS is built around the generally accepted assumption that one's quality of life can only be assessed subjectively. Quality of life tends to be greatly influenced by factors such as depression, anxiety, tension or fatigue. The QLDS is based around the needs-based model of quality of life. This is derived from the assumption that quality of life is dependent on a person’s ability to fulfil particular human needs. The QLDS questions centre around a number of needs that were considered crucial in order to suffice a high quality of life. These include but are not limited to; food, sleep, sex, safety, love, enjoyment, self-esteem and self-actualization. The QLDS uses a two-point response system with either True or Not True. The high number of items in the questionnaire allows the detection of moderately minor changes in quality of life. Items on the QLDS are given a score of 1 when the question is applicable to the respondent and 0 when it is not applicable. The items are totalled to give a score ranging from 0-34. Low scores act as an indicator towards a high quality of life. Development. The QLDS was developed by Galen Research in 1992 and was funded by Lilly Industries. It was developed in the United Kingdom in conjunction with the Netherlands. The QLDS was the first quality of life instrument to be developed in 2 languages simultaneously. The development of the QLDS coincided with a rising interest on the impact of illness and its treatment on the quality of life of the patient. McKenna and Hunt constructed the QLDS on the basis of providing a measure for this, as well as attempting to overcome contemporary studies concerning low correlations between patient self-assessment and nurse or therapist evaluations. The items in the UK English QLDS were derived from statements made in qualitative interviews by 30 depressed or recently recovered patients based in the North West of England and Scotland. Interviews took a conversational approach and lasted between 30 minutes to 2 hours. Interviewees were between the age range of 19-64 years, with 22 females and 8 males. After a refinement process, based on categories of needs proposed by McKenna and Hunt, 426 relevant statements were derived from the interview transcripts. Upon further scrutinization they produced 41 statements for an initial questionnaire. A further 35 patients were asked to complete the draft questionnaire and review their experience with it. They were composed of 22 females and 13 males in the age range of 24-72 years. Interviewees expressed a great degree of approval with the questionnaire, although a few mentioned how the binomial system caused difficulty, as it required them to make complete choices. Following this, the questionnaire was revised to 34 items and field tested to determine construct validity and reliability. International development. The first two languages the QLDS was available in were UK English and Dutch. These were shown to have good reliability, validity and responsiveness. In 1999, McKenna in collaboration with a team of international researchers developed and tested the QLDS in 9 new languages. This involved translation, followed by field testing for content validity and the new measure's construct validity. Across the majority of translations, no major difficulties arose excluding Morocco. Cultural differences between Morocco and the UK provided challenge, alongside a lack of literal equivalents between the two languages. An example of this is the absence of an equivalent for the verb 'to enjoy' in Arabic. Researchers also faced further difficulty due to the contemporarily high rate of illiteracy, as the test could not be self-administrative on as large a scale as anticipated. As a result, although the data demonstrated both reliability and construct validity, they were unable to place confidence in the Arabic adaptation's equivalence to the other developed versions. Reliability, validity and responsiveness. Testing the Anglo-Dutch project. Following the collaborative Anglo-Dutch project, researchers had to compare the QLDS’ success with established measures of the same concept. No measure of quality of life in depression was available so both versions had to be matched to related measures. In the UK this was the General Well-Being Index (GWBI) whilst in the Netherlands the Sickness Impact Profile (PS-SIP) acted as a comparison. Reliability and internal consistency. For use in a clinical trial, an instrument like the QLDS should have a test-retest reliability coefficient of minimum 0.85. Internal consistency also requires a minimum of 0.85 and is assessed using Cronbach’s alpha-coefficient. In the UK, the test-retest correlation coefficient for patients with stable depression was 0.94 (n=37). The test-retest correlation coefficient in the Netherlands was 0.87 (n=33). For internal consistency the UK recorded a value of 0.95 and the Netherlands a value of 0.92. These results suggested the QLDS produced a low degree of measurement error and high internal consistency. Content and construct validity. No missing items applicable to participants were recognised. The relevancy and ease of completion indicated by field-test interviews suggested the high content validity of the QLDS. The QLDS and GWBI had a correlation score of 0.79 in the UK (n=65). The Dutch adaptation had a correlation of 0.71 with the PS-SIP (n=77). These measurements were anticipated to be slightly lower due to the difference of purpose between measures. Responsiveness. The QLDS’ responsiveness was analysed in a general practice population of 540 patients with major depression. Over a 6-month period, substantial progress in the level of depression was seen. 8 weeks into treatment the mean QLDS score rose by 68%, with patients who continued treatment for the full 6-months recording an increase of 78%. The QLDS was concluded by the researchers to be responsive to change in quality of life throughout successful pharmacological depression treatment. International use. Since its development, the QLDS has been adapted and validated in 17 languages other than UK English, including Norwegian, Spanish, Danish, French, German and Italian. This has allowed the QLDS to be used in research and clinical studies worldwide. Studies utilizing the QLDS include investigations into venlafaxine, duloxetine and bupropion.

length of half a year

10122-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=271543

The South West Coast Path is England's longest waymarked long-distance footpath and a National Trail. It stretches for , running from Minehead in Somerset, along the coasts of Devon and Cornwall, to Poole Harbour in Dorset. Because it rises and falls with every river mouth, it is also one of the more challenging trails. The total height climbed has been calculated to be 114,931 ft (35,031 m), almost four times the height of Mount Everest. It has been voted 'Britain's Best Walking route' twice in a row by readers of The Ramblers' "Walk" magazine, and regularly features in lists of the world's best walks. The final section of the path was designated as a National Trail in 1978. Many of the landscapes which the South West Coast Path crosses have special status, either as a national park or one of the heritage coasts. The path passes through two World Heritage Sites: the Dorset and East Devon Coast, known as the Jurassic Coast, was designated in 2001, and the Cornwall and West Devon Mining Landscape in 2007. In the 1990s it was thought that the path brought £150 million into the area each year, but new research in 2003 indicated that it generated around £300 million a year in total, which could support more than 7,500 jobs. This research also recorded that 27.6% of visitors to the region came because of the Path, and they spent £136 million in a year. Local people took 23 million walks on the Path and spent a further £116 million, and other visitors contributed the remainder. A further study in 2005 estimated this figure to have risen to around £300 million. Following investment through the Rural Development Programme for England, more detailed research was undertaken in 2012, and this found the annual spend by walkers to have risen to £439 million which sustains 9771 full-time equivalent jobs History of the path. The path originated as a route for the Coastguard to walk from lighthouse to lighthouse patrolling for smugglers. They needed to be able to look down into every bay and cove: as a result, the path closely hugs the coast providing excellent views but rarely the most direct path between two points. The South West Coast Path is no longer used by the Coastguard but it has been transformed from a practical defence system into a resource for recreational walkers. The path is covered by England's right-of-way laws, as amended by the Countryside and Rights of Way Act 2000, which keep historic footpaths open to the public even when they pass through private property. Sections of the path are maintained by the National Trust, which owns parts of the coast. The path is a designated National Trail, largely funded by Natural England. It was created in stages, with its final section, Somerset and North Devon, opening in 1978. It is maintained by a dedicated South West Coast Path Team. The South West Coast Path Association, a registered charity, exists to support the interests of users of the path. The Association was formed in 1973 and since then it has campaigned for improvements to the path and undertakes considerable fundraising to help care for and improve the path. Its services include accommodation guides and completion certificates. Route description. The route is described here anticlockwise, from Minehead to Poole. The distance and total ascent between any two points, in either direction, can be obtained from . A survey carried out in 1999 and 2000 found that at that time the path had 2,473 signposts or waymarks, and included 302 bridges, 921 stiles, and 26,719 steps. In practice, any such calculation is soon out of date because of path diversions due to landslips or access changes. Many walkers take about eight weeks to complete the path, often dividing this into sections walked over several years. A team of six Royal Marines, taking turns in pairs to run two-hour sections, completed the path in six days in 2004. In 2012 Mal Law ran the entire path in 16 days, 9 hours and 57 minutes. New records for completing the path were set on 11 May 2013, when Mark Townsend and Julie Gardener completed the trail in 14 days, 14 hours and 44 minutes and 23 April 2015, when Patrick Devine-Wright completed the trail in 14 days, 8 hours and 2 minutes. This record was however quickly broken by Mark Berry, who ran it in 11 days, 8 hours and 15 minutes. On 24 May 2016, Damian Hall set a new fastest known time of 10 days, 15 hours and 18 minutes. The current record is 10 days, 12 hours and 6 minutes, set by Kristian Morgan in September 2020. Somerset. The South West Coast Path starts from the western side of Minehead, in Somerset, at a marker erected in 2001 and partly paid for by the South West Coast Path Association. The path follows the waterfront past the harbour to Culver Cliff before climbing up on a zigzag path through woodland. Entering the Exmoor National Park, it cuts inland past North Hill, Selworthy Beacon and Bossington Hill before regaining the cliff top at Hurlestone Point. After passing through Bossington it follows the beach to Porlock Weir and connects with the Coleridge Way. The scenery of rocky headlands, ravines, waterfalls and towering cliffs gained the Exmoor coast recognition as a Heritage Coast in 1991. The Exmoor Coastal Heaths have been recognised as a Site of Special Scientific Interest (SSSI) due to the diversity of species present. The path passes the smallest parish church in England, Culbone Church, in Culbone. The path crosses the county boundary into Devon, a few hundred yards north of the National Park Centre at County Gate. North Devon. The next big headland is Foreland Point, after which the path comes to Lynmouth with the Lynton and Lynmouth Cliff Railway linking it with Lynton on the hill above. At Lynmouth the path intersects with the Two Moors Way. The river here suffered a catastrophic flood in the 1950s. Beyond Lynton the path passes through the Valley of Rocks, known for its herd of goats, then Duty Point and Lee Bay, then Crock Point and Woody Bay. After Highveer Rocks the path crosses the small River Heddon then skirts Trentishoe Down and Holdstone Down and climbs Great Hangman. At this is the highest point on the path. With a cliff face of , it is described as the highest cliff on mainland Britain. The path now leaves the Exmoor National Park and enters the village of Combe Martin, which claims to have the longest village street in England (two miles ()). After rounding Widmouth Head, the path passes 'The Coastguard Cottages' in Hele Bay and enters the seaside resort of Ilfracombe, with its small harbour, surrounded by cliffs. A seasonal foot passenger ferry service runs from the harbour to Lundy Island, and "the "Balmoral", the "Waverley" and pleasure boats ply to Porthcawl near Swansea. From Ilfracombe to Bideford the Tarka Trail coincides with the South West Coast Path. The path leaves Ilfracombe through The Torrs and follows the cliff top past several small bays including Lee Bay before passing Bull Point and the Bull Point Lighthouse, into Rackham Bay. It then rounds Morte Point, passing the nearby village of Mortehoe before turning south to enter the long sandy Morte Bay which includes Woolacombe and Putsborough. Baggy Point divides Morte Bay from Croyde Bay, and the surfing mecca of Croyde and then the much larger Barnstaple or Bideford Bay, which forms part of the North Devon Coast Area of Outstanding Natural Beauty. The wide expanse of Saunton Sands, which takes its name from Saunton, merges into the Braunton Burrows Site of Special Scientific Interest, the largest sand dune system (psammosere) in England and a UNESCO Biosphere Reserve. It is particularly important ecologically because it includes the complete successional range of dune plant communities, with over 400 vascular plant species. The short turf communities are very rich in lichens and herbs, and the dune slacks are also rich. The many rare plants and animals include 14 with UK Biodiversity Action Plans. From Braunton Burrows the South West Coast Path turns inland following the Braunton Canal to Braunton and then along north bank of the River Taw, following part of the route of the old Ilfracombe Branch Line, past the perimeter of the Royal Marines Base Chivenor towards Barnstaple where the new Barnstaple Western Bypass now forms the closest bridge over the Taw to the sea. After crossing medieval Barnstaple Long Bridge, the path then turns west following the disused Bideford & Instow Railway line along southern bank of the Taw past Fremington Quay and the Fremington Quay Cliffs SSSI to Instow at the joint estuary of the Rivers Taw and Torridge and the Taw-Torridge Estuary (SSSI). The ferry which used to operate at Instow ceased on the retirement of the ferryman in 2007, but since 2013 a revived ferry again runs in summer. The path goes upstream to cross the river by the 13th-century Long Bridge at Bideford, which is the site of the Bideford Railway Heritage Centre and terminus of the North Devon Railway. The path continues north beside the Torridge Estuary, in places following the route of the Bideford, Westward Ho! and Appledore Railway, past Northam to Appledore and around the promontory past the Shell middens and a submerged forest, that dates from the Mesolithic period, off the pebble ridge to Westward Ho! (this is the only placename in the UK which includes an exclamation mark). The path then follows the coast around Clovelly Bay where several small villages including Abbotsham lie inland, because of the cliffs. The path passes the site of the Iron Age Hill fort at Peppercombe Castle and the village of Bucks Mills. Clovelly itself is a historic village with a small natural harbour. The path continues past the site of the Iron Age Hill fort at Windbury Head to Hartland Point and Hartland Quay. Hartland Point features a lighthouse and radar tower, and marks the western limit (on the English side) of the Bristol Channel with the Atlantic Ocean to the west. There is a winter helicopter service from Hartland Point to Lundy, which is visible from many points along the path between Welcombe and the Cornish border. North Cornwall. The path crosses into Cornwall at Marsland Mouth and continues south-westwards along this rocky coast, past Morwenstow then Higher and Lower Sharpnose Points. Beyond Sandy Mouth, the walking becomes easier through Bude, a surfing resort, and along Widemouth Bay. Returning to the cliffs, the path continues on to Crackington Haven, past Cambeak and further south (over "High Cliff", Southern Britain's highest sheer-drop cliff at ), and from there to Boscastle, the scene of flooding in 2004. Tintagel and its castle are associated with the conception of the legendary King Arthur and a 15th-century house that was later used as a post office. The path continues to Trebarwith Strand, Tregardock, then to Port Gaverne, Port Isaac, and Port Quin, three small harbours. Overlooking Port Quin is Doyden Castle, a 19th-century folly. The scenery is now less wild, the cliffs less high. Rumps Point has Iron Age defences across its narrow neck but the path heads straight past to Pentire Head then swings eastwards again into Polzeath. The estuary of the River Camel forces a detour away from the sea to Rock and the Black Tor Ferry that takes walkers into Padstow. From Stepper Point the path again runs along low sea cliffs to Trevone and Harlyn Bay then around Trevose Head. From here-—weather permitting-—the coast can be seen from Hartland in Devon to beyond St Ives in the west. The path runs southwards through Constantine Bay to Porthcothan then passes around Park Head to reach Mawgan Porth. The long, sandy Watergate Bay leads to St Columb Porth and Newquay. A rail link with through trains to London and the North of England on summer weekends has helped the town prosper as a seaside resort which is visited by both surfers and clubbers. On the far side of the town, beyond Fistral Beach, lies the River Gannel. There are seasonal ferries to Crantock and a footbridge which is passable at low tide, otherwise there is a detour inland to use the road bridge. The path now skirts Pentire Point West and then Kelsey Head to reach Holywell Bay, another surfing beach. After passing round Penhale and crossing Penhale Sands the path enters Perranporth, then climbs out the other side back onto a stretch of cliffs past Cligga Head to the village of St Agnes. Past St Agnes Head, a breeding ground for kittiwakes, lies the ruins of Tywarnhayle Mine and the inlet at Chapel Porth. Next are the ruins of Wheal Charlotte mine and then Porthtowan village. After passing Nancekuke firing ranges, the path drops into Portreath, once a busy port serving inland tin mines around Redruth. Beyond lies Carvannel Downs with Samphire Island just off the coast, and then the Reskajeage Downs better known locally as the North Cliffs. Beyond the cove at Hell's Mouth, the path runs northwards to pass around Navax Point and Godrevy Point, offshore from which lies Godrevy Island with its lighthouse. West Cornwall. Turning into the wide sweep of St Ives Bay, where many walkers drop down onto the sands at low tide, the path follows the line of the sand dunes or Towans as they are known here. This area was used for explosives manufacture for many years, the sand being ideal for absorbing any accidental explosions. The Towans are interrupted by two rivers, the small Red River at the north end, and the larger River Hayle and its estuary towards the south. Although narrow, the estuary is tidal and fast flowing due to the large expanse of mud flats and docks that lie behind the Towans, so the path turns away from St Ives Bay to go round via Hayle. The water is crossed using an old railway bridge and then the old Hayle Railway is followed into the town centre then the A30 road to Griggs Quay where quieter roads bring the Path around to the west side of the tidal mud flats. Views of the birdlife can be had from Carnsew Pool at Hayle and from the area around Lelant Saltings railway station, although the official path is slightly inland on the A3074 road through Lelant village, regaining the coast by crossing golf links to reach the last of the Towans above Porth Kidney Sands. Rising back onto low cliffs, the path rounds Carrack Gladden and enters Carbis Bay, it then follows alongside the St Ives Bay railway line into St Ives; a bustling town favoured by artists since the 19th century, which is home to the Tate St Ives art gallery and the Barbara Hepworth Museum. The path passes the east-facing Porthminster Beach and goes around "The Island", a headland, to the north-facing Porthmeor Beach. The coast now shows the open and ancient landscape of the Penwith district along a series of wild headlands such as Clodgy Point, Hor Point, Pen Enys Point, and Carn Naun Point. The Carracks lie just offshore, locally known as Seal Island (and seals can often be seen close to the shore opposite here), then there lies Zennor Head and Gurnard's Head as the Path leads into Morvah, although the village proper lies inland. Portheras Cove is a relief from the many small rocky bays along this coast but the cliffs then continue beyond the iconic, disused Crowns Mine at Botallack. From Cape Cornwall at St Just, the Path heads southwards to sandy Whitesand Bay and the village of Sennen. At the end of the sands the path turns westwards one last time to reach Land's End. This is the most westerly point of the English mainland. After passing Land's End the path continues further south past Pordenack Point and Mill Bay before turning fully eastward at Gwennap Head. Beyond the tiny village of Porthgwarra lies St Levan. The next bay lies below Porthcurno. It is overlooked by the open-air Minack Theatre and is where the Eastern Cable Company's cable came ashore, the first telegraph link with India. Climbing out of the bay the path passes the precarious Logan Rock. The next village is Penberth, then a series of bays are separated by the headlands of Merthen Point, Boscawen Point, and Tater Du with its lighthouse built in 1965. Lamorna Cove is a favourite with artists such as S. J. "Lamorna" Birch, who lived there in a small cottage. Then, after rounding Carn Du, the path turns northwards towards Mousehole and Penlee Point. This section of the path follows a road into Newlyn, but a diversion via Paul allows walkers to follow a quieter inland path. Newlyn has a busy fishing harbour and is again favoured by artists, known as the Newlyn School; it merges into Penzance and the path now follows the promenade through the town, passing Penzance railway station and continuing past the railway engine shed along the shore of Mount's Bay with its views of St Michael's Mount. This is an island at high tide but can be reached from Marazion by a causeway at low tide. The path now turns south again, passing the village of Perranuthnoe (or Perran) and Perran Sands, then skirting inland across the neck of Cudden Point to Prussia Cove and Bessy's Cove. A larger sandy beach is Praa Sands after which the path climbs up onto a series of cliff tops such as Trewavas Head. This area shows many signs of Cornwall's mining history with abandoned engine houses such as Wheal Prosper and Wheal Trewavas close to the path. After passing through Porthleven the path crosses the shingle bank of Loe Bar with the freshwater Loe Pool behind. At Gunwalloe more cliffs appear, leading to Poldhu Cove overlooked by the radio station on Poldhu Point, then Porth Mellin on Mullion Cove with Mullion Island offshore. Rounding Predannack Head, Vellan Head, and Rill Head (where the Spanish Armada was first sighted on 29 July 1588), the path leads to Kynance Cove and Lizard Point, the lighthouse of which has been visible for some distance. Lizard Point is the most southerly point of the British mainland. South Cornwall. After passing The Lizard the path turns northwards, continuing past Housel Bay and a building used by Guglielmo Marconi for radio experiments, then Bass Point with its Coastguard Station. The Lizard lifeboat station is a sheltered position in Kilcobben Cove. Passing through Cadgwith and across Kennack Sands, the path heads towards Black Head then into Coverack. Once around Lowland Point, The Manacles lie a mile offshore, a reef that has wrecked many ships. The path passes through Porthoustock and Porthallow, then around Nare Point lies Gillan Creek. This can be crossed at very low tide, but most walkers follow the lanes round the head of the creek to reach Dennis Head at the mouth of the Helford River. To cross this wider river means following it inland to Helford where there is a ferry across to Helford Passage on the north bank. Some people take a short cut from Gillan Creek to Helford by a path through Manaccan. After following the river back through Durgan to the open waters beyond Toll Point, the path skirts Falmouth Bay along Maenporth, Swanpool and Gyllyngvase beaches before passing around the headland beneath Pendennis Castle to enter bustling Falmouth. The castle was built, along with its twin at St Mawes, to protect the deep water of Carrick Roads from attack. This natural haven is what made Falmouth such an important harbour, it being the last good shelter for ships heading westwards towards the Atlantic Ocean. The path crosses the harbour on the St Mawes Ferry and then passes St Anthony Head and Zone Point and northwards past the village of Portscatho and around Gerrans Bay. Beyond Nare Head is Portloe in Veryan Bay. The next big headland is Dodman Point after which the coast path resumes its northwards course through Gorran Haven and the fishing harbour at Mevagissey to Pentewan where the once busy dock has silted up with sand. The path then climbs up around Black Head to reach Porthpean and then Charlestown. This was the first harbour to serve the china clay industry around St Austell and has featured in several films as it is home to a heritage fleet of sailing ships. After passing Carlyon Bay the path comes to the much busier china-clay exporting port of Par, where it goes inland of the dock site. After passing through the village the path regains the coast at Par Sands and links with the Saints' Way, a coast-to-coast path across Cornwall, at Polmear. It then follows the cliff tops through Polkerris and around Gribbin Head. From here to Polperro is designated as a heritage coast. The path now passes Polridmouth (pronounced 'Pridmouth') and Readymoney Cove to enter Fowey ('Foy'), another busy harbour but this time the deep water quays are situated up river above the town. The River Fowey is crossed on the Polruan ferry, beyond which are some steep cliffs with extensive views. Beyond Lantic Bay lies Pencarrow Head then the larger Lantivet Bay with further cliffs and small coves leading to Polperro, a fishing village which bans cars during the summer. Beyond Polperro lies Talland Bay and Portnadler Bay, with the bird reserve of Looe Island (also known as St George's island) off shore. The path now enters Looe, passing through Hannafore, West Looe then, after crossing the River Looe on a seven-span bridge. The path continues up onto the cliff then heads towards Millendreath then along more cliffs, running past a 60-ft sevenfold labyrinth carved into the turf of the hillside to Seaton, Downderry, and Portwrinkle. The long beach of Whitsand Bay has a fast-rising tide and is a military firing range so the path runs inland behind Tregantle Fort to reach Freathy and Rame Head. Beyond this lies Penlee Point and then the path turns northwards into Plymouth Sound, skirting Cawsand Bay and Mount Edgcumbe Country Park to reach the ferry at Cremyll. Beyond here lies the Hamoaze, the combined estuary of the Tamar and other rivers. South Devon. The Cremyll Ferry lands in Devon at Stonehouse, one of the Three Towns that make up the modern city of Plymouth. The path follows roads past Stonehouse Barracks and Millbay Docks to Plymouth Hoe with its views across Plymouth Sound. It then crosses Sutton Harbour by the Mayflower Steps then skirts the hill of Cattedown to cross the River Plym by the Laira Bridge to Plymstock. Passing round the edge of the tidal Hooe Lake, the path regains the countryside above Jennycliff Bay, part of the Plymouth Sound, Shores and Cliffs Site of Special Scientific Interest, and follows the cliffs past Bovisand to Wembury, Wembury Marine Centre. From Wembury the path travels east into the South Hams district to the Warren Point Ferry, across the River Yealm, near Newton Ferrers. The River Erme near Kingston must be forded at Erme Mouth within one hour of low tide. The path then goes past Hillsea Point Rock. The view to the southwest is then over Bigbury Bay past Burgh Island and Hope Cove to the promontory known as Bolt Tail. The next 6 miles (10 km) of cliff top paths from Bolberry Down past Bolt Head and the tidal ria of Kingsbridge Estuary to Prawle Point, belong to the National Trust. The estuary is crossed using the Salcombe Ferry, from Salcombe to East Portlemouth, close to Salcombe Castle and within the South Devon Area of Outstanding Natural Beauty (AONB). The path passes through the Prawle Point and Start Point Site of Special Scientific Interest which is recognised as being an important site for solitary bees and wasps, the rare cuckoo bee "Nomada sexfasciata", and the Cirl bunting. The path then continues around Lannacombe Bay to Start Point and its Lighthouse and then through Start Bay along a 3-mile (5 km) shingle causeway between Slapton Sands and the Slapton Ley freshwater lake and nature reserve before entering the estuary of the River Dart and historic port of Dartmouth. From Dartmouth, the route uses either the Lower Ferry or Passenger Ferry to cross the river to Kingswear. Kingswear is the terminus of the Paignton and Dartmouth Steam Railway which follows the River Dart, but the coast path climbs out of the village in the opposite direction to reach Torbay, known as "The English Riviera". It passes the historic harbour of Brixham and the seaside towns of Goodrington, Paignton, Torquay and Babbacombe. The coast path then passes along the wooded cliffs above Labrador Bay to reach Shaldon and the River Teign. Crossing the river by ferry or the long Shaldon Bridge brings walkers to Teignmouth, beyond which the coast path follows the South Devon Railway sea wall to Hole Head where the Parson and Clerk rocks look out to sea. Passing beneath the railway, the path climbs up to the main road, which it follows for a few yards before turning back towards the cliff top (in stormy weather the sea wall is too dangerous and this road must be followed most of the way from Teignmouth). Entering Dawlish along a now by-passed toll road, the coast path descends back to the level of the railway which it follows to Dawlish Warren, although a slightly more landward route is necessary at high tide. Dawlish Warren is a sand spit and nature reserve that lies at the mouth of the River Exe. The route now turns away from the coast and follows the Exe estuary past Cockwood to Starcross where the seasonal Exmouth to Starcross Ferry crosses to Exmouth. The Exe Valley Way continues beyond Starcross towards Exeter, but when the ferry is not running it is possible to catch a train from either Dawlish Warren or Starcross railway stations to Exmouth railway station. On the eastern side of Exmouth, the coast path climbs up onto the High Land of Orcombe. This is the start of the Jurassic Coast, a World Heritage Site. The next town is Budleigh Salterton, beyond which lies the River Otter. The path then skirts Chiselbury Bay and Ladram Bay towards Sidmouth which sits at the mouth of the River Sid. Access to the beach is via a wooden staircase known as Jacob's ladder. Sidmouth is surrounded by the East Devon AONB. Erosion remains a serious concern east of the mouth of the River Sid. The cliffs have been heavily eroded, threatening cliff top homes and the footpath, which passes along the tops of the cliff, around Lyme Bay, avoiding The Undercliff towards Branscombe. The path then follows Seaton Bay past Beer, with Beer Quarry Caves a man-made cave complex, resulting from the quarrying of Beer stone and Seaton before going through The Undercliff SSSI and NNR and crossing the border into Dorset shortly before reaching Lyme Regis. Dorset. Across the Dorset border, the Coast Path runs through the town of Lyme Regis where the Cobb breakwater was seen in the film The French Lieutenant's Woman and features on the film's poster. Further east, where it shares its route with the Monarch's Way, the path passes through Charmouth, up Golden Cap (the highest point on the south coast), and on through West Bay (near Bridport), to Burton Bradstock at the start of Chesil Beach, an tombolo. At Abbotsbury, the path leaves Chesil beach to follow the shores of the Fleet lagoon, until it reaches the terminus of Chesil beach next to the villages of Fortuneswell and Chiswell on the Isle of Portland. The path circumnavigates the Isle of Portland, passing the lighthouses at Portland Bill and the Weymouth and Portland National Sailing Academy in Chiswell, and returns across Chesil beach to Wyke Regis (encompassing the Rodwell Trail) and along the shores of Portland Harbour to the Nothe Fort in the resort of Weymouth. In Weymouth the coast path runs along Weymouth Harbour and the Wey Estuary up to Radipole Lake, through the town centre to the Esplanade on the shore of Weymouth Bay, and on to Ringstead Bay, with White Nothe at its eastern end, near the village of Osmington Mills. There is an alternative route around Weymouth and Portland along the South Dorset Downs, which reduces the footpath distance by . Just the loop around the Isle of Portland can be omitted, reducing the journey by . The coast path then heads towards the Isle of Purbeck, via Bat's Head, Swyre Head, Durdle Door—a natural arch which has been described as "one of Dorset's most recognisable features"—and Lulworth Cove, "the most visited geological locality in Britain". Further east is the deserted village of Tyneham, beside Worbarrow Bay, and Kimmeridge, next to Kimmeridge Bay, with its rocky shore and wave cut platform. Between Lulworth Cove and Kimmeridge the path passes through the Lulworth Ranges, which are not always open to the public. When the ranges are in use a road detour is needed. The coast path then reaches St Alban's Head, just to the south of the village of Worth Matravers. Between St Alban's Head and the resort of Swanage is Durlston Country Park nature reserve. North of Swanage is the chalk Ballard Down, the eastern tip of which has been eroded to form Old Harry Rocks – a series of stacks, arches and caves jutting into the sea between Swanage Bay and Studland Bay. This headland marks the end of the Jurassic Coast World Heritage Site. Behind Studland beach, an extensive system of sand dunes have formed a psammosere, stretching for miles across the Studland peninsula. The peninsula forms one shore of Poole Harbour, one of the largest natural harbours in the world. Part of Studland beach is the National Trust's only official naturist beach. The South West Coast Path ends at South Haven Point, where there is a commemorative marker. The Sandbanks Ferry links this to the Sandbanks area of Poole on the eastern edge of the harbour. Intersecting and connecting paths. From Plymouth to Poole the South West Coast Path forms part of the route of the E9 European Coastal Path which runs for 3,125 miles (5,000 km) from Cabo de São Vicente in Portugal to Narva-Jõesuu in Estonia. The route crosses by ferry from Roscoff to Plymouth, and beyond Poole the path follows the Bournemouth Coast Path to Milford on Sea, then the Solent Way (with an Isle of Wight option), South Downs Way, 1066 Country Walk and Saxon Shore Way to Dover, from where it returns to continental Europe. It is also part of the network of routes that form the International Appalachian Trail. The South West Coast Path, covering such a wide area, inevitably intersects with other, more local, routes, and it connects with many other long-distance paths offering opportunities for even longer expeditions: Public transport. There are regular train services from other parts of the UK to the south west, principal destination stations being Barnstaple, Exeter, Newquay, Penzance, Plymouth and Weymouth. From these places local trains or buses connect to many points of the path. Airports at Bournemouth, Exeter and Newquay are served from a range of national and international destinations. Using public transport for at least part of the journey means that walkers can plan walks that start and finish at different places, rather than having to circle back to their start point to collect their cars. give options either for short walks – such as Dawlish to Paignton – or for longer walks over several days. The West Somerset Railway offers steam and diesel services from Taunton to Minehead at the Somerset end of the path (using a connecting bus from Taunton railway station to ), the Swanage Railway connects Swanage to Wareham, and the Paignton and Dartmouth Steam Railway connects Kingswear and Paignton. Long-distance bus services connect some coastal towns with railway stations: A boat service runs down the River Fal from Truro to Falmouth, and between Swanage seafront and Poole Quay. Charity fundraising. Many individuals or organisations use a walk on all or part of the path to raise money for charity.

mountain peak

384-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=63736759

Barningham Park is a Grade II* listed country house and 7,000 acre estate located in the village of Barningham, County Durham (formerly the North Riding of Yorkshire), England. House and Estate. The house dates back to the 15th century and came into the possession of the Milbank (also spelt Milbanke) family in 1690. The landed Milbank family have long held connections to this area of northern England. Traditionally, the estate generated income from farming, forestry, and a productive set of grouse moors, as well as investments in residential and commercial property. More recently, the estate has sought to diversify its income under the tenure of Sir Edmward Milbank. Projects have included hospitality, taking the village pub, The Milbank Arms, in hand. Filming Location. Several properties on the estate were used as filming locations for the popular television series "All Creatures Great and Small".

hard-working pair

2483-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=31498444

The 2012 presidential campaign of Ron Paul, U.S. Representative of Texas, began officially in 2011 when Paul announced his candidacy for the 2012 Republican Party nomination for the U.S. Presidency. On April 14, 2011, Paul announced the formation of a "testing-the-waters" account, and had stated that he would decide whether he would enter the race by at least early May. Paul announced the formation of an exploratory committee on April 26, 2011, in Des Moines, Iowa. He declared his candidacy for President of the United States on May 13, 2011 in Exeter, New Hampshire. On July 12, 2011, Paul announced that he would not seek another term as the Representative of Texas's 14th District to focus on his presidential campaign. By April 2012, the campaign had raised more than $38 million. On May 14, 2012, Paul announced that he would end active campaigning for the remaining primary states and instead focus on delegate selection conventions at the state level. On July 14, 2012, Paul failed to win a plurality of delegates at the final convention in the state of Nebraska, which ended his ability to ensure a speaking spot at the Republican National Convention. At the 2012 Republican National Convention, Paul's campaign won 190 delegates. Background and pre-campaign events. Heavily speculated as a possible Republican candidate in the 2012 presidential election, Paul appeared in the 2010 Conservative Political Action Conference (CPAC) straw poll. Paul won the poll, defeating Mitt Romney, who had won it the previous three years. Paul also won the 2011 CPAC straw poll with 30 percent of the vote. Following that, he also won the paid, online Arizona Tea Party Patriots straw poll on February 28, 2011 with 49% of the vote. In February 2011, Paul asked supporters to donate to his Liberty Political Action Committee to fund trips to Iowa and elsewhere to explore a possible 2012 presidential candidacy. On February 21, a Presidents' Day money bomb raised around $400,000 in 24 hours. Liberty PAC raised more than $700,000 during its February relaunch. By the end of March, Liberty PAC had raised more than $1 million. On April 14, 2011, it was announced that Paul had formed a "testing-the-waters" organization, similar to Newt Gingrich's efforts in exploring his potential candidacy. Paul's spokesman, Jesse Benton was quoted as saying, "He remains undecided on what his plans will be, but as a final decision draws closer, his team has put the pieces in place for him to flip a switch and hit the ground running if he decides to run for president." Paul announced the formation of an exploratory committee in Des Moines, Iowa on April 26 in preparation for a potential bid for the Republican presidential nomination. On May 5, Paul participated in a debate in Greenville, South Carolina among only five candidates. A moneybomb was scheduled for the same day, which raised over $1 million for Paul's campaign. Campaign developments. Announcements. On May 13, 2011, in Exeter, New Hampshire, Paul announced his decision to seek the Republican nomination in the 2012 election. The announcement was broadcast live nationally on ABC's "Good Morning America". On May 14, 2012, Paul made a statement on the campaign's website that he would no longer be actively campaigning in remaining state primaries, but would instead continue his presidential bid by seeking to collect delegates at caucuses and state conventions for the Republican National Convention in August 2012. GOP debates and straw polls. He participated in a debate on June 13, 2011 at Saint Anselm College in Goffstown, New Hampshire. On June 18, 2011, Paul won the Southern Republican Leadership Conference straw poll with 41%, winning by a large margin on Jon Huntsman, who trailed second with 25% and Michele Bachmann with 13% (Mitt Romney came in fifth with 5%). On June 19 he again won the Clay County Iowa StrawPoll with 25%, while Michele Bachmann trailed second with 12%. Paul indicated in a June 2011 interview that if nominated, he would consider former New Jersey Superior Court judge Andrew Napolitano as his running mate. Paul also participated in another debate on August 11, 2011, in Ames, Iowa, and overwhelmingly won the post-debate polls. He then came in second in the Ames Straw Poll with 4,671 votes, narrowly losing to Michele Bachmann by 152 votes or 0.9%, a statistical first-place tie finish according to some in the news media. He received the fourth most votes for a candidate in the history of the Ames Straw Poll. On August 20, in the New Hampshire Young Republicans Straw Poll Paul came again first, again overwhelmingly, with 45%, Mitt Romney trailing second with 10%. On August 27, in the Georgia State GOP Straw Poll Paul came in a close second place behind Georgia resident Herman Cain, who had 26% of the vote, with Paul receiving 25.7%. On September 5, Paul attended the Palmetto Freedom Forum in South Carolina along with fellow candidates Herman Cain, Mitt Romney, Michele Bachmann and Newt Gingrich. The forum was paneled by congressmen Steve King of Iowa, senator Jim DeMint of South Carolina and Dr. Robert P. George, the founder of the American Principles Project which hosted the event. On September 12, Paul attended the Tea Party Republican presidential debate broadcast by CNN. During the event, Paul received both unexpected "cheers" and "boos" for his responses to the questions posed by the debate moderators and fellow debate participants. When Rick Santorum questioned Paul about his position regarding the motivation behind the September 11 attacks, some of the audience jeered his response that U.S. foreign occupation was the "real motivation behind the September 11 attacks and the vast majority of other instances of suicide terrorism". When one of the moderators posed a hypothetical scenario of a healthy 30-year-old man requiring intensive care but neglected to be insured pressing Paul with "Are you saying that society should just let him die? ", several audience members cheered "yeah!" Paul disagreed with the audience reaction stating that while he practiced as a doctor in a Catholic hospital before the Medicaid era, "We never turned anybody away from the hospital." Paul elaborated further a few days later that he believed the audience was cheering self-reliance and that "the media took it and twisted it". Jack Burkman, a Republican Party (GOP) strategist, was asked of Paul's performance in the debate. While Burkman stated that his national radio program's polling suggested Rick Perry won the debate (156 Perry votes to 151 Paul votes), he believed Paul's support is extremely deep like Democrat support for Bobby Kennedy decades before and predicted "he could come from behind as the horses turn for home and win the nomination." On September 18, Paul won the California state GOP straw poll with 44.9% of the vote, held at the JW Marriott in downtown Los Angeles. Out of 833 ballots cast, Paul garnered the greatest number of votes with 374, beating his nearest competitor Texas Gov. Rick Perry by a wide margin. On September 24, Paul finished fifth in the GOP's Florida Presidency 5 straw poll with 10.4% of the vote. Paul won with 37% of the vote at the Values Voter Summit on October 8; the highest ever recorded at the event. On October 22, Paul won the Ohio Republican straw poll with the support of 53% of the participants, more than double the support of the second-place candidate, Herman Cain (26%). Paul won the National Federation of Republican Assemblies Presidential Straw Poll of Iowa voters on October 29 with 82% of the vote. On November 19, Paul won the North Carolina Republican Straw Poll with 52% of the vote, finishing well ahead of the second-place candidate, Newt Gingrich, who received 22% of the vote. Polls. In an August Rasmussen Reports poll of likely voters across the political spectrum asking if they would vote for Paul or Barack Obama, the response narrowly favored Obama (39%) over Paul (38%), but by a smaller margin than the same question asked a month ago (41% – 37%). Paul finished 3rd in a late-August poll of likely Republican primary voters, trailing Rick Perry and Mitt Romney and ahead of Michele Bachmann, climbing from 4th position which, according to another poll, he occupied only a few days earlier. In a September Harris Poll, respondents chose Paul (51%) over Obama (49%). In the Illinois Republican Straw Poll held in the beginning of November, Paul took 52% of the votes of those polled with Herman Cain coming in second with 18%. In a November 10–12 Bloomberg News poll of Iowans likely to participate in the January 3, 2012 Republican caucuses, Paul was in a four-way tie at 19 percent with Cain, Romney and Gingrich at 20, 18 and 17 percent respectively. A Bloomberg News poll released on November 16, 2011 showed Paul at 17% in New Hampshire, in second place to Romney's 40%. A Public Policy Polling poll released on December 13, 2011 put Paul in a statistical tie for first in Iowa with Newt Gingrich, polling 21% and 22%, respectively. The RealClearPolitics.com average shows Paul in second place in New Hampshire at 18.3% on December 28, 2011. Public Policy Polling results from December 18 show that Paul is now leading in Iowa with 23%, followed by Romney at 20% and Gingrich at 14%. A January 2012 Rasmussen Reports poll of likely voters across the political spectrum found that in a hypothetical two-candidate race between Paul and Barack Obama, respondents preferred Obama (43%) over Paul (37%). The RealClearPolitics.com average of polls also found Obama (47%) favored over Paul (42%), in a two-candidate race. A January Pew Research Center poll of registered voters across the political spectrum on the eve of the South Carolina primary found that in a hypothetical three-way race between Obama, Romney, and Paul, with Paul running as a third-party candidate, respondents would choose Obama (44%) over Romney (32%) and Paul (18%). (Paul had repeatedly stated he had no plans for a third-party run.) In polls of likely Republican primary voters on the eve of the South Carolina Republican primary, Paul placed third both in South Carolina (15%) and nationally (14%), trailing Romney and Gingrich. A Rasmussen poll in April 2012 showed Paul as the only Republican candidate able to defeat Obama in a head-to-head match-up. Paul beat Obama by one point in the poll with 44% of the vote. Moneybombs and fundraising. Paul's second moneybomb (the first being before his official announcement) was scheduled for June 5, 2011, the anniversary of the 1933 joint resolution which abolished the gold standard. The June 5 moneybomb, which was themed as "The Revolution vs. RomneyCare: Round One", raised approximately $1.1 million. A third moneybomb themed "Ready, Ames, Fire!" was executed on July 19, 2011 to provide support leading up to the Ames Straw Poll on August 13, 2011, raising over $550,000. In the second quarter of 2011, Paul's campaign ranked second, behind Mitt Romney, in total dollars raised with $4.5 million. This was $1.5 million more than his original goal of $3 million. During that quarter, the Paul campaign had raised more money from military personnel than all other GOP candidates combined, and even more money than Barack Obama, a trend that has continued from Paul's 2008 presidential campaign. A fourth moneybomb took place on Paul's 76th birthday on August 20, 2011. It raised more than $1.8 million despite a cyber-attack against the site that took it down for several hours, after which the donation drive was extended for another twelve hours. A fifth moneybomb began on September 17, the date of the 224th anniversary of the creation of the United States Constitution. Continuing throughout the following day, it raised more than $1 million. Shortly after the Constitution Day moneybomb, a sixth moneybomb, entitled "End of Quarter Push", began on September 22 in an attempt to generate $1.5 million before the 3rd Quarter fundraising deadline. In the third quarter of 2011, Paul raised over $8 million. A three-day moneybomb entitled "Black This Out" brought in more than $2.75 million in mid-October. On December 16, a moneybomb titled the "Tea Party MoneyBomb" took place and raised upwards of $4 million over a period of two days. Paul was also supported by the Super PAC Endorse Liberty. By January 16, 2012, the PAC had spent $2.83 million promoting Paul's campaign. "Blue Republican" movement. In June 2011, online publisher Robin Koerner coined the term "Blue Republican" to refer to U.S. voters who consider themselves to be liberal or progressive—or who generally vote Democratic—but plan to register as Republicans and vote in the U.S. 2012 Republican presidential primaries for Paul. The phrase "Blue Republican" quickly spread after Koerner's article "If You Love Peace, Become a 'Blue Republican' (Just for a Year)" was published in "The Huffington Post" on June 7. Social media entrepreneur Israel Anderson then promoted the term on Facebook, later teaming with Koerner to expand the movement. Five days after his original article coining the term, Koerner published a follow-up article on the term's popularity: "'Blue Republicans': an Idea Whose Time Has Come." The article was shared on the social networking site Facebook more than 11,000 times by the time the second article was published. Federal budget. On June 21, 2011, Paul was the first 2012 Republican presidential candidate to sign the Cut, Cap, and Balance Pledge. This pledge seeks commitments from politicians for changes of the debt limit, spending decreases, and taxation. The pledge also implores signers to endorse passage of a balanced budget amendment to the Constitution. Media coverage. During his previous presidential campaign, it was alleged by many supporters that there was a media blackout and suppression of coverage of Paul. Similar allegations arose in the 2012 campaign and received some media coverage. "Politico" columnist Roger Simon noted on CNN's "Reliable Sources" that Paul has received considerably less coverage than Michele Bachmann, despite earning a close second to her at the Ames Straw Poll. Simon later opined in "Politico" that the media was treating Paul unfairly. Comedian Jon Stewart similarly complained about the lack of coverage, despite Paul polling much better than candidates who received coverage. Stewart presented a montage of mainstream media clips that showed commentators ignoring, and two CNN correspondents admitting to suppressing, coverage of Paul. Will Wilkinson opined in "The Economist" that "Ron Paul remains as willfully overlooked as an American war crime", arguing that if Paul had won the Ames straw poll, it would have been written off as irrelevant, but since Bachmann had won, it was claimed to boost her campaign. Other commentators noted that Paul has had success at past straw polls but has not turned that into broader success as a reason for the relative lack of media attention. Paul was asked in a Fox News interview "What are they [the media] afraid of?" He answered "They don't want to discuss my views, because I think they're frightened by me challenging the status quo and the establishment." During the November 12 CBS/"National Journal" Debate, Paul was allocated 90 seconds speaking time. Paul's campaign responded, saying, "Congressman Paul was only allocated 90 seconds of speaking in one televised hour. If we are to have an authentic national conversation on issues such as security and defense, we can and must do better to ensure that all voices are heard. CBS News, in their arrogance, may think they can choose the next president. Fortunately, the people of Iowa, New Hampshire, and across America get to vote and not the media elites." Paul Mulshine, a conservative columnist with the "The Star-Ledger", accused the "New York Times" of suppressing coverage of Paul. He quoted a column by Times editor Arthur Brisbane that said: "Early in the campaign, The Times decided to remain low key in its coverage of Ron Paul, the libertarian Texas congressman." The Pew Research Center's Project for Excellence in Journalism found in August 2011 that Paul received substantially less coverage than other candidates in the 2012 race. Pew released another study in October 2011 confirming that Paul has been receiving disproportionately low coverage in the media. Paul polled 6.0–9.8% during the study period, but only received 2% of media coverage, the lowest of all candidates. It also noted that Paul's coverage among blogs was the most favorable of all candidates. In January 2012, "The Atlantic" cited the weekly Pew study. They noted that despite steadily rising in the polls, Paul has been losing his share of press coverage, going from 34% in late-December 2011 to about 3% in mid-January 2012. They also noted a sharp drop in positive coverage and a small rise in negative. RNC lawsuit. In June, a group of lawyers and legal experts filed a lawsuit in the US District Court against the Republican National Committee and 55 state and territorial Republican party organizations for depriving Paul delegates of voice in the nominating process as required by law, and illegally coercing them to choose Mitt Romney as the party's presidential nominee. Supporters of the effort say there is "evidence that the voting rights of Ron Paul Republican delegates and voters … have been violated by nearly every state GOP party and the RNC during the 2012 primary election phase." The plaintiffs claim that the party violated federal law by forcing delegates to sign loyalty affidavits, under threat of perjury, to vote for Mitt Romney, before an official nominee is selected. The suit alleged that there had been "a systematic campaign of election fraud at state conventions," employing rigging of voting machines, ballot stuffing, and falsification of ballot totals. The suit further pointed to incidents at state conventions, including acts of violence and changes in procedural rules, allegedly intended to deny participation of Paul supporters in the party decision-making and to prevent votes from being cast for Paul. An attorney representing the complainants said that Paul campaign advisor Doug Wead had voiced support for the legal action. Paul himself told CNN that although the lawsuit was not a part of his campaign's strategy and that he had not been advising his supporters to sue, he was not going to tell his supporters not to sue, if they had a legitimate argument. "If they're not following the rules, you have a right to stand up for the rules. I think for the most part these winning caucuses that we've been involved in we have followed the rules. And the other side has at times not followed the rules." In August 2012, the lawsuit was dismissed by U.S. District Judge David Carter, who described most of the plaintiffs' claims as vague and largely unintelligible. The judge said that the one intelligible claim they had lodged—that the Massachusetts Republican Party had illegally excluded 17 elected state delegates from participating in the national convention because they had refused to commit to a particular nominee—failed because political parties have a right to exclude people from membership and leadership roles. The judge left the plaintiffs "a third and final opportunity" to amend their complaint. The plaintiffs filed an amended complaint just days before the scheduled start of the convention. National convention. Despite ceasing most campaign activities, the Paul campaign did some fundraising in July 2012, in an attempt to fund the transportation expenses of Paul delegates traveling to the Republican National Convention in Tampa, Florida. Paul said one of his goals at the convention was to "plant our flag and show that our Liberty movement is the future of the GOP". He also said he was expecting a conflict over "credentials" and the party's platform. As of late August, Paul's pet issue of auditing the Federal Reserve is on the draft version of the Republican Party's national platform. Presumptive candidate Romney would call for the plank's final inclusion. Electoral results. January. Paul finished third in the Iowa Republican caucuses, held on January 3, 2012. Paul was projected to receive 7 delegates out of 28, as many as Mitt Romney and one less than Rick Santorum, making him tied for second place in the delegate count at the time. Paul placed second in the New Hampshire Republican primary, held on January 10, with 22.9% of the vote, behind Mitt Romney with 39.4%. He gained 3 delegates from this contest. In the South Carolina Republican primary on January 21, Paul placed fourth and gained no delegates. Paul also gained no delegates in the Florida Republican primary on January 31, after he did little campaigning in the state because of its "winner-take-all" delegate apportionment. February. The Nevada Republican caucuses were held on February 4. Paul finished third behind Newt Gingrich and Mitt Romney with 18.73% of the votes and 5 of the delegates, behind the winner Romney's 50.02% and Gingrich's 21.10%. The Colorado and Minnesota Republican caucuses were held on February 7. In Colorado, Paul finished fourth with 11.77% behind Santorum (winner with 40.24%), Romney, and Gingrich. In Minnesota, Paul finished 2nd (27.1%) behind winner Rick Santorum (44.9%), with Romney (16.9%) and Gingrich (10.8%) placing 3rd and 4th. A non-binding vote in the Missouri Republican primary was held on February 7 as well, and Paul got 12.2% of the vote. The primary did not apportion any delegates; that will be done at the Missouri caucuses, scheduled to begin on March 17. On February 17, with 95% of precincts in the Maine Republican caucuses reporting, Paul was running second to Mitt Romney with 34.9% of the vote to Romney's 39%. Neither of the frontrunners have pressed for a recount, and the Maine Republican Party's chairman has stated that recounts are impossible due to the votes being physically thrown away. The Michigan and Arizona Republican primaries were held on February 28. Paul came in third place in Michigan, with 11.9%; and fourth in Arizona, with 8.45%. March and Super Tuesday. A large portion of the delegates for the Republican National Convention were awarded in March, which includes the Washington Republican caucuses on March 3, Super Tuesday on March 6, and several other states later in the month. Paul came in second in the Washington caucuses, with 24.81%. On March 10, he picked up one delegate in the U.S Virgin Islands Caucuses while Romney added four delegates to the three super-delegates previously known to support him. Paul received 1.23% of the vote in the Puerto Rico primary, coming in sixth, his lowest polling of any territory during the campaign. On "The Tonight Show with Jay Leno", Paul said he forwent Secret Service protection because he considered it "a form of welfare" and that he believed he should pay for his own protection. Ultimately, Paul accrued the most second place popular vote finishes in the primaries. Delegate count. The Paul campaign pursued a strategy of gathering support from state delegates as opposed to outright winning states. For example, Paul had a strong showing in Romney's home state, Massachusetts, with supporters getting the majority of delegates there (though they are compelled to vote for Romney in the first round), causing a battle between the Paul delegates, the Massachusetts Republican Party, and the Republican National Convention Committee. A similar situation played out in Louisiana, with the Paul campaign initially winning 17 of 30 available delegates before procedural and legal challenges changed the allocation. Paul also managed a delegate win in Nevada, with 88% of delegates supporting him. Paul won 21 of 25 delegates in Iowa. Paul remained active in the race through the 2012 Republican National Convention. Leading up to the convention, he won bound-pluralities of the official delegations from the states of Iowa, Louisiana, Maine, Minnesota, Nevada, and Oregon (but not the Virgin Islands—despite winning the popular vote there). During the credentials committee meetings the week prior to the official opening of the convention, the Paul members of the delegations from Louisiana, Maine, and Oregon were disputed (as well as the Paul delegates from Massachusetts), and many of his delegates from those states were unseated. At the same time, Paul delegates from Oklahoma disputed the credentials of the official Oklahoma delegation, but they did not succeed. In the end, he had bound-pluralities from Iowa, Minnesota, and Nevada; however, he additionally had nomination-from-the-floor-pluralities in the states of Oregon and Alaska, plus the territory of the Virgin Islands. Under the 2012 rules, this total of 6 from-the-floor pluralities was sufficient to earn a fifteen-minute speech on national television; the rules were changed at the last minute to require 8 from-the-floor pluralities, and thus he did not speak at the convention. Although he wasn't named the 2012 Republican nominee, he did not officially end his campaign or endorse nominee Mitt Romney for president. At the convention, he received second place with 8% of the delegates; Gingrich and Santorum had released their bound delegates to Romney the week before the official opening of the convention. Paul's state-by-state delegates tallies were not verbally acknowledged by the RNC. Paul would end the campaign with 118 delegates, coming in fourth behind Gingrich, Santorum, and Romney. Republican National Convention. A Ron Paul rally was held in Tampa, Florida, the site of the 2012 Republican National Convention, the day before the convention was to begin.

insignificant reporting

14962-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=28175760

As of 2012, the real estate industry in Puerto Rico constituted about 14.8% of the gross domestic product of Puerto Rico, about 1% of all of the employee compensation on the island and, together with finance and insurance (FIRE), about 3.7% of all the employment on the jurisdiction. U.S. laws providing grants and subsidies. A number of laws of the United States providing for real estate grants or subsidies extend coverage to Puerto Rico: Regulations. Act 77 of 1964 regulates the business of real estate for companies headquartered inside Puerto Rico, while Act 45 of 1980 regulates those outside of Puerto Rico. Access control. Law No. 21 of 20 May 1987, amended principally by Law No. 156 of 10 August 1988 and Law No. 22 of 16 July 1992. (23 L.P.R.A., Secs. 64 et seq. ); Regulation No. 3843 of Traffic Control and public use of local streets. In 1987, the Legislature approved Law No. 21 of 20 May to authorize developments and communities to control vehicular access for cars and public use of their residential streets, with the main purpose of providing citizens an additional tool for fighting crime and thus ensure their active cooperation in the fight against crime. The law also aims to improve the security and tranquility of communities so that residents can achieve healthy living and community interaction. The concept of Access Control implies that the public nature of residential streets is preserved, while residents are allowed to establish means for controlling vehicular traffic and public use, and thus ensure their own safety and cultivate an environment conducive to better living. CRIM. The Municipal Revenues Collection Center (CRIM in Spanish) was created in August 1991 as part of a municipal reform with the primary objective of increasing the powers and economic capacities of Puerto Rico's municipalities. Solid waste. Reform (to assess or reinforce) Land Registry Number. Identification number of a property for tax purposes. It includes Municipality, Town, Map, Apple, Parcel, Tenant and landlord class or structure. Example: 18-03-040-059-034-06-xxx. HOME of 1990. HOME is a program established under Title II, also known as "HOME Investment Partnerships Program", of the Cranston-Gonzalez National Affordable Housing Act. This program provides (1) liquid assets in the form of cash (equivalent numbers); and (2) special guidelines for state and municipal governments to design proprietary strategies to take care of the necessities and problems in housing areas as defined by the Comprehensive Housing Affordability Strategies approved by the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development in 1990. Law 10 of 1994. Law No. 10 of 26 April 1994 was established to regulate the business profession of real estate specialists for the real estate industry of Puerto Rico. The law countermands Law No. 139 of 14 June 1980 and Law No. 145 of 18 June 1980. It regulates the exercise of the profession of real estate broker in Puerto Rico and creates the Examining Board of Realtors. It also regulates transactions on the island by companies engaged in the sale of real estate located outside of Puerto Rico. The Rule of Ethics ("Reglamento de Ética") is a regulation to implement Law No. 10 of April 26, 1994, the law to regulate the real estate business and profession of broker, salesperson, and real estate companies in Puerto Rico. Regulations of 1997. "The four (4) dalet regulations" of April 3, 1997 established under the Roselló Administration: Horizontal Law of 2003. The Horizontal Property Law (also known as "Ley de Propiedad Horizontal" or "Ley de Condominios") was approved on April 5, 2003 under Law No. 103 established on 4 July 2003. Zoning. The zoning purpose of empowering market growth and urban development is a governmental power established under Executive order in conjunction with the Legislative and Judicial branches of Puerto Rico. Both the Puerto Rico Planning Board "(Junta de Planificación de Puerto Rico)" and Rules and Permits Administration "(Administración de Reglamentos y Permisos - ARPE)" act as two random variable agencies independent from each other to keep balances in check and delegate economic planning, land use zoning, and case-by-case permitting in Puerto Rico. Since the late 1900s, major townships have been taking over that role under their own jurisdiction; there is no compensation for any restrictions or limitations that zoning imposes on properties. The Puerto Rico Planning Board was created on May 12, 1942 during Rexford Tugwell's administration under Law No. 213 which converged centralized governmental planning with a New Deal philosophy under one American flag. It was later reorganized by Law No. 75 of June 24, 1975. Significant developments. Transfer of properties to municipalities. On June 29, 2010, the Governor of Puerto Rico signs a bill transferring thirty (30) installations to municipalities including postmodern art space, an emphasis on security, and Head Start centers with contemporary health amenities. According to Luis Fortuño, the municipalities receiving the properties were Barceloneta, Caguas, Cidra, Comerío, Guayama, Gurabo, Humacao, Juncos, Lajas, Lares, Morovis, Naguabo, Peñuelas, Ponce, Salinas, San Lorenzo, San Sebastián, Yabucoa and Yauco. He also transferred the administration of the Yabucoa Diagnostic and Treatment Center to that municipality. According to the new law, the municipal authority should cede its jurisdiction, in case of jurisdictional conflict, to the state authority in order to limit the violations of municipal laws from police action. Housing stimulus program, 2011. During the month of August 2010, Luis Fortuño implemented a real estate / market plan (HS 2011) to reduce a large inventory of 20,000 unsold new homes. LEED. The Sheraton Hotel of Puerto Rico at Isla Grande Boulevard was the first major property in the Caribbean Basin built and certified by Leadership in Energy and Environmental Design of the U.S. Green Building Council. This building complex within the District of Santurce was distinguished for fulfilling all the requirements of a LEED Certified Hotel with electrical models, recycling, disposal of construction materials, and the use of local and recycled materials. According to Anthony Torres, the hotel also ran with environmental rules involving energy consumption, quality and filtration of air, green cleaning detergents and materials, and a controlled laundry process designed to maximize the use of natural resources.

inquiring jury

9408-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=4266335

The Thirty Meter Telescope (TMT) is an under construction extremely large telescope (ELT) that has become controversial due to its planned location on Mauna Kea, on the island of Hawaii. The TMT would become the largest visible-light telescope on Mauna Kea. Scientists have been considering ELTs since the mid 1980s. In 2000, astronomers considered the possibility of a telescope with a light-gathering mirror larger than 20 meters in diameter. The technology to build a mirror larger than 8.4 meters does not exist; instead scientists considered using either small segments that create one large mirror, or a grouping of larger 8-meter mirrors working as one unit. The US National Academy of Sciences recommended a 30-meter telescope be the focus of U.S. interests, seeking to see it built within the decade. Scientists at the University of California and Caltech began development of a design that would eventually become the TMT, consisting of a 492-segment primary mirror with nine times the power of the Keck Observatory. Due to its light-gathering power and the optimal observing conditions which exist atop Mauna Kea, the TMT would enable astronomers to conduct research which is infeasible with current instruments. The TMT is designed for near-ultraviolet to mid-infrared (0.31 to 28 μm wavelengths) observations, featuring adaptive optics to assist in correcting image blur. The TMT will be at the highest altitude of all the proposed ELTs. The telescope has government-level support from several nations. Demonstrations attracted press coverage after October 2014, when construction was temporarily halted due to a blockade of the roadway. While construction of the telescope was set to resume on April 2 and later on June 24, 2015, it was blocked by further protests each time. In 2015, Governor David Ige announced several changes to the management of Mauna Kea, including a requirement that the TMT's site will be the last new site on Mauna Kea to be developed for a telescope. The Board of Land and Natural Resources approved the TMT project, but the Supreme Court of Hawaii invalidated the building permits in December 2015, ruling that the board had not followed due process. On October 30, 2018, the Court approved the resumption of construction, and Hawaii Gov. David Ige announced that construction would resume the week of July 15, 2019. Background. In 2000, astronomers began considering the potential of telescopes larger than 20 meters in diameter. Two technologies were considered: segmented mirrors like that of the Keck Observatory and the use of a group of 8-meter mirrors mounted to form a single unit. The US National Academy of Sciences made a suggestion that a 30-meter telescope should be the focus of US astronomy interests and recommended that it be built within the decade. The University of California, along with Caltech, began development of a 30-meter telescope that same year. The California Extremely Large Telescope (CELT) began development, along with the Giant Magellan Telescope, the Giant Segmented Mirror Telescope (GSMT), and the Very Large Optical Telescope (VLOT). These studies would eventually become the Thirty Meter Telescope. The TMT would have nine times the collecting area of the older Keck telescope using slightly smaller mirror segments in a vastly larger group. Another telescope of a large diameter in the works is the European Extremely Large Telescope (E-ELT) being built in northern Chile. The telescope is designed for observations from near-ultraviolet to mid-infrared (0.31 to 28 μm wavelengths). In addition, its adaptive optics system will help correct for image blur caused by the atmosphere of the Earth, helping it to reach the potential of such a large mirror. Among existing and planned ELTs, the TMT will have the highest elevation and will be the second-largest telescope once the E-ELT is built. Both use segments of small 1.44 m hexagonal mirrors—a design vastly different from the large mirrors of the Large Binocular Telescope (LBT) or the Giant Magellan Telescope (GMT). Each night, the TMT would collect 90 terabytes of data. The TMT has government-level support from the following countries: Canada, China, Japan and India. The United States is also contributing some funding, but less than the formal partnership. Proposed locations. In cooperation with AURA, the TMT project completed a multi-year evaluation of five sites: The TMT Observatory Corporation board of directors narrowed the list to two sites, one in each hemisphere, for further consideration: Cerro Armazones in Chile's Atacama Desert and Mauna Kea on Hawaii Island. On July 21, 2009, the TMT board announced Mauna Kea as the preferred site. The final TMT site selection decision was based on a combination of scientific, financial, and political criteria. Chile is also where the European Southern Observatory is building the E-ELT. If both next-generation telescopes were in the same hemisphere, there would be many astronomical objects that neither could observe. The telescope was given approval by the state Board of Land and Natural Resources in April 2013. There has been opposition to the building of the telescope, based on potential disruption to the fragile alpine environment of Mauna Kea due to construction, traffic, and noise, which is a concern for the habitat of several species, and because Mauna Kea is a sacred site for the Native Hawaiian culture. The Hawaii Board of Land and Natural Resources conditionally approved the Mauna Kea site for the TMT in February 2011. The approval has been challenged; however, the Board officially approved the site following a hearing on February 12, 2013. Because of the ongoing protests that re-erupted in July 2019, the TMT project officials requested a building permit for a second site choice, the Spanish island of La Palma in the Canary Islands. Rafael Rebolo, the director of the Canary Islands Astrophysics Institute, confirmed that he had received a letter requesting a building permit for the site as a backup in case the Hawaii site cannot be constructed. However, environmentalists in the Canary Islands are gearing up to fight against its construction there as well, citing the loss of archeological and cultural sites. Partnerships and funding. The Gordon and Betty Moore Foundation has committed US$200 million for construction. Caltech and the University of California have committed an additional US$50 million each. Japan, which has its own large telescope at Mauna Kea, the 8.3-metre Subaru, is also a partner. In 2008, the National Astronomical Observatory of Japan (NAOJ) joined TMT as a Collaborating Institution. The following year, the telescope cost was estimated to be $970 million to $1.4 billion. That same year, the National Astronomical Observatories of the Chinese Academy of Sciences (NAOC) joined TMT as an observer. On June 16, 2010, Governor Linda Lingle and University of Hawaii-Hilo Chancellor Rose Tseng attended a banquet at the Great Hall of the People at Tiananmen Square in Beijing, China, sponsored by the China Diplomatic Friendship Association and the Chinese Chamber of Commerce. The banquet included special guest Lu Yong Xiang, vice chairman of the Chinese People’s National Congress and head of the Chinese National Academy of Sciences who had visited Mauna Kea as part of China's intention to become a collaborative partner with the TMT. The governor gave a presentation on the two competing site locations, Mauna Kea and Cerro Armazones, Chile. Speaking at a Chinese Academy of Science conference in 1995, Lu Yong Xiang stated that by the year 2010, the academy would become one of the leading international scientific institutions with new research results in such fields as Moon exploration, evolution of the universe and of life, space micro-gravity, particle physics, and astrophysics. In 2010, a consortium of Indian Astronomy Research Institutes (IIA, IUCAA and ARIES) joined TMT project as an observer. The observer status is the first step in becoming a full partner in the construction of the TMT and participating in the engineering development and scientific use of the observatory (subject to approval of funding from the Indian government). Two years later, India and China became partners with representatives on the TMT board. Both countries agreed to share the telescope construction costs, expected to top $1 billion. India became a full member of the TMT consortium in 2014. In 2019 the India based company Larsen & Toubro (L&T) were awarded the contract to build the segment support assembly (SSA), which “are complex optomechanical sub-assemblies on which each hexagonal mirror of the 30-metre primary mirror, the heart of the telescope, is mounted”. The IndiaTMT Optics Fabricating Facility (ITOFF) will be constructed at the Indian Institute of Astrophysics campus in the city of Hosakote, near Bengaluru. India will also supply 80 of the 492 mirror segments for the TMT. A.N. Ramaprakash, the associate programme director of India-TMT, stated; "All sensors, actuators and SSAs for the whole telescope are being developed and manufactured in India, which will be put together in building the heart of TMT", also adding; "Since it is for the first time that India is involved in such a technically demanding astronomy project, it is also an opportunity to put to test the abilities of Indian scientists and industries, alike." The continued financial commitment from the Canadian government had been in doubt due to economic pressures. Nevertheless, on April 6, 2015, Prime Minister Stephen Harper announced that Canada would commit $243.5 million over a period of 10 years. The telescope's unique enclosure was designed by Dynamic Structures Ltd. in British Columbia. In an online petition, a group of Canadian academics called on Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau together with Industry Minister Navdeep Bains and Science Minister Kirsty Duncan to divest Canadian funding from the project. The Canadian astronomy community has recently named TMT its top facility priority for the decade ahead. Design. The TMT would be housed in a general-purpose observatory capable of investigating a broad range of astrophysical problems. The total diameter of the dome will be with the total dome height at (comparable in height to an eighteen-storey building). The total area of the structure is projected to be within a complex. Telescope. The centerpiece of the TMT Observatory is to be a Ritchey-Chrétien telescope with a diameter primary mirror. This mirror is to be segmented and consist of 492 smaller (1.4 m), individual hexagonal mirrors. The shape of each segment, as well as its position relative to neighboring segments, will be controlled actively. A secondary mirror is to produce an unobstructed field-of-view of 20 arcminutes in diameter with a focal ratio of 15. A 3.5 × 2.5 metre flat tertiary mirror is to direct the light path to science instruments mounted on large Nasmyth platforms. The telescope is to have an alt-azimuth mount. Target acquisition and system configuration capabilities need to be achieved within 5 minutes, or ten minutes if relocating to a newer device. To achieve these time limitations the TMT will use a software architecture linked by a service based communications system. The moving mass of the telescope, optics, and instruments will be 1430 tonnes. The design of the facility descends from the Keck Observatory. Adaptive optics. Integral to the observatory is a Multi-Conjugate Adaptive Optics (MCAO) system. This MCAO system will measure atmospheric turbulence by observing a combination of natural (real) stars and artificial laser guide stars. Based on these measurements, a pair of deformable mirrors will be adjusted many times per second to correct optical wave-front distortions caused by the intervening turbulence. This system will produce diffraction-limited images over a 30-arc-second diameter field-of-view, which means that the core of the point spread function will have a size of 0.015 arc-second at a wavelength of 2.2 micrometers, almost ten times better than the Hubble Space Telescope. Scientific instrumentation. Early-light capabilities. Three instruments are planned to be available for scientific observations: Approval process and protests. In 2008, the TMT corporation selected two semi-finalists for further study, Mauna Kea and Cerro Amazones. In July 2009, Mauna Kea was selected. Once TMT selected Mauna Kea, the project began a regulatory and community process for approval. Mauna Kea is ranked as one of the best sites on Earth for telescope viewing and is home to 13 other telescopes built at the summit of the mountain, within the Mauna Kea Observatories grounds. Telescopes generate money for the big island, with millions of dollars in jobs and subsidies gained by the state. The TMT would be one of the most expensive telescopes ever created. The proposed construction of the TMT on Mauna Kea sparked protests and demonstrations across the state of Hawaii. Mauna Kea is the most sacred mountain in Hawaiian culture as well as conservation land held in trust by the state of Hawaii. TMT will be sited on the northern plateau of Mauna Kea at a location known as the 13N site within “Area E,” which is part of the 525-acre Astronomy Precinct. It was identified in the 1983 Mauna Kea Science Reserve Complex Development Plan and in the subsequent 2000 Mauna Kea Science Reserve Master Plan as the preferred location because it will have minimal impact on existing facilities, Wekiu bug habitat, archaeology / historic sites and view planes. The site was selected in consultation with Kahu Ku Mauna, which in Hawaiian means Guardians of the Mountain. The nine-member native Hawaiian council advises the Mauna Kea Management Board, Office of Mauna Kea Management and the University of Hawaii at Hilo’s Chancellor on cultural matters. The specific site was selected because it is not visible from any of the places that people consider the most sacred on the mountain and because there are no archeological finds, ancient burials, or endangered native flora or fauna in the immediate area, and because it can be developed without a lot of grading. Initial approval, permit and contested case hearing. In 2010 Governor Linda Lingle of the State of Hawaii signed off on an environmental study after 14 community meetings. The BLNR held hearings on December 2 and December 3, 2010, on the application for a permit. On February 25, 2011, the board granted the permits after multiple public hearings. This approval had conditions, in particular, that a hearing about contesting the approval be heard. A contested case hearing was held in August 2011, which led to a judgment by the hearing officer for approval in November 2012. The telescope was given approval by the state Board of Land and Natural Resources in April 2013. This process was challenged in court with a lower court ruling in May 2014. The Intermediate Court of Appeals of the State of Hawaii declined to hear an appeal regarding the permit until the Hawaii Department of Land and Natural Resources first issued a decision from the contested case hearing that could then be appealed to the court. First blockade, construction halts, State Supreme Court invalidates permit. The dedication and ground-breaking ceremony was held, but interrupted by protesters on October 7, 2014. The project became the focal point of escalating political conflict, police arrests and continued litigation over the proper use of conservation lands. Native Hawaiian cultural practice and religious rights became central to the opposition, with concerns over the lack of meaningful dialogue during the permitting process. In late March 2015, demonstrators again halted the construction crews. On April 2, 2015, about 300 protesters gathered on Mauna Kea, some of them trying to block the access road to the summit; 23 arrests were made. Once the access road to the summit was cleared by the police, about 40 to 50 protesters began following the heavily laden and slow-moving construction trucks to the summit construction site. On April 7, 2015, the construction was halted for one week at the request of Hawaii state governor David Ige, after the protest on Mauna Kea continued. Project manager Gary Sanders stated that TMT agreed to the one-week stop for continued dialogue; Kealoha Pisciotta, president of Mauna Kea Anaina Hou, one of the organizations that have challenged the TMT in court, viewed the development as positive but said opposition to the project would continue. On April 8, 2015, Governor Ige announced that the project was being temporarily postponed until at least April 20, 2015. Construction was set to begin again on June 24, though hundreds of protesters gathered on that day, blocking access to the construction site for the TMT. Some protesters camped on the access road to the site, while others rolled large rocks onto the road. The actions resulted in 11 arrests. The TMT company chairman stated: "T.M.T. will follow the process set forth by the state." A revised permit was approved on September 28, 2017, by the Hawaii Board of Land and Natural Resources. On December 2, 2015, the Hawaii State Supreme Court ruled the 2011 permit from the State of Hawaii Board of Land and Natural Resources (BLNR) was invalid ruling that due process was not followed when the Board approved the permit before the contested case hearing. The high court stated: "BLNR put the cart before the horse when it approved the permit before the contested case hearing," and "Once the permit was granted, Appellants were denied the most basic element of procedural due process – an opportunity to be heard at a meaningful time and in a meaningful manner. Our Constitution demands more". BLNR hearings, Court validates revised permit. In March 2017, the BLNR hearing officer, retired judge Riki May Amano, finished six months of hearings in Hilo, Hawaii, taking 44 days of testimony from 71 witnesses. On July 26, 2017, Amano filed her recommendation that the Land Board grant the construction permit. On September 28, 2017, the BLNR, acting on Amano's report, approved, by a vote of 5-2, a Conservation District Use Permit (CDUP) for the TMT. Numerous conditions, including the removal of three existing telescopes and an assertion that the TMT is to be the last telescope on the mountain, were attached to the permit. On October 30, 2018, the Supreme Court of Hawaii ruled 4-1, that the revised permit was acceptable, allowing construction to proceed. On July 10, 2019, Hawaii Gov. David Ige and the Thirty Meter Telescope International Observatory jointly announced that construction would begin the week of July 15, 2019. Renewed blockade shuts down all observatories. On July 15, 2019, renewed protests blocked the access road, again preventing construction from commencing. On July 17, 38 protestors were arrested, all of whom were kupuna (elders) as the blockage of the access road continued. The blockade lasted 4 weeks and shut down all 12 observatories on Mauna Kea, the longest shut down in the 50 year history of the observatories. The full shut down ended when state officials brokered a deal that included building a new road around the campsite of the demonstrations and providing a complete list of vehicles accessing the road to show they are not associated with the TMT. The protests have become the latest fight for indigenous rights and become a field-defining moment for astronomy. While there is both Native Hawaiian and non native Hawaiian support for the TMT, a substantial percentage of native Hawaiians oppose the construction and see the proposal itself as a continued disregard to their basic rights. The 50 years of protests against the use of Mauna Kea has drawn into question the ethics of conducting research with telescopes on the mountain. The controversy is about more than the construction and is about generations of conflict between Native Hawaiians, the U.S. Government and private interests. The American Astronomical Society stated through their Press Officer, Rick Fienberg; "The Hawaiian people have numerous legitimate grievances concerning the way they’ve been treated over the centuries. These grievances have simmered for many years, and when astronomers announced their intention to build a new giant telescope on Maunakea, things boiled over". On July 18, 2019, an online petition titled "Impeach Governor David Ige" was posted to Change.org. The petition has gathered over 25,000 signatures. The governor and others in his administration received death threats over the construction of the telescope. Current status. On December 19, 2019, Hawaii Governor David Ige announced that the state would reduce its law enforcement personnel on Mauna Kea. At the same time, the TMT project stated it was not prepared to start construction anytime soon. Early in 2020, TMT and the Giant Magellan Telescope (GMT) jointly presented their science and technical readiness to the U.S. National Academies Astro2020 panel. Chile is the site for GMT in the south and Mauna Kea is being considered as the primary site for TMT in the north. The panel will produce a series of recommendations for implementing a strategy and vision for the coming decade of U.S. Astronomy & Astrophysics frontier research and prioritize projects for future funding. In July of 2020, TMT confirmed it won’t resume construction on TMT until 2021, at the earliest. TMT continues to assess a number of factors impacting its timeline and schedule. The COVID-19 pandemic has resulted in TMT’s partnership working from home around the world and it continues to present a public health threat as well as travel and logistical challenges. The project is currently focused on doing the work it can safely do in its partner countries. On August 13, 2020, the Speaker of the Hawaii House of Representatives, Scott Saiki announced that the National Science Foundation (NSF) has initiated an informal outreach process to engage stakeholders interested in the Thirty Meter Telescope project. After listening to and considering the stakeholders’ viewpoints, NSF will decide whether to initiate a formal federal environmental review process for TMT. Community Benefit. TMT launched The Hawaii Island New Knowledge (THINK) Fund in 2014 to better prepare Hawaii Island students to master STEM and to become the workforce for higher paying science and technology jobs in Hawaii’s 21st century economy. TMT makes an annual contribution of $1 million to the Fund, which is administered by the Hawaii Community Foundation and Pauahi Foundation. To date, TMT has funded $5,536,964.15 (THINK Fund at HCF $4,254,232.94 and THINK Fund at Pauahi Foundation $1,282,731.21) for Hawai‘i Island students, their families and teachers. Since 2015, THINK Fund at HCF has benefitted more than 20,000 students and 97 schools and nonprofit organizations through support of STEM education on Hawaii Island. TMT has also initiated a Workforce Pipeline Program, working with the State Department of Education, University of Hawaii Hilo, Hawaii Community College, Hawaii County government, and nonprofit organizations to strengthen STEM skills infrastructure at UH Hilo, HCC and K-12 education organizations serving low income and first-generation college attending populations. TMT is a cornerstone supporter of the Akamai Workforce Initiative, which provides college students with summer internships at observatories and other high-tech companies in Hawaii. The goal of the program is to advance Hawaii college students in STEM and increase underrepresented groups. Since launching in 2003, more than 350 college students have participated in the Akamai program and at least 150 alumni are now working in science and technology jobs, with nearly two-thirds of them working in Hawaii and contributing to the local STEM workforce. Akamai accepts college students from Hawaii (80% graduated from a Hawaii high school or were born in Hawaii), and a key objective is to increase the participation of underrepresented and underserved populations in STEM. So far, the Akamai Workforce Initiative alumni demographics include 36% women, 25% Native Hawaiian, and 47% underrepresented minorities.

official affiliation

11498-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=26713399

Sports Queen (), also known as "Queen of Sports" and "The Athletic Queen", is a 1934 Chinese film directed by Sun Yu, starring Li Lili and Zhang Yi. The film revolves around the story of a girl who arrives in Shanghai to devote her talents to athletics and is almost led astray by college boys but is put back on track by her male coach and comes to understand the idea of “true sportsmanship (体育真精神)”. One of the best auteurs of 1930s Shanghai cinema, the director Sun Yu made a series of films featuring the refreshing image of “bonny girls”, which not only entertained the audiences at that time but more importantly, advocated the spirit of “sports saving the nation” in the social and political context of 1930s China. The film was made to coincide with the 1934 Far Eastern Games (the precursor to the Asian Games) in Shanghai. Plot. The story begins with Lin Ying (Li Lili), a high-spirited daughter of a wealthy rural family, who comes to Shanghai with her father. She is initially set up with a suitor but after displaying athleticism she goes to attend a special school for female athletes, who compete to bear the title of the “Queen of Sports." Inspired by the noble conviction that China will become a stronger country if all the people were to strengthen their own bodies, Lin Ying works hard to become an outstanding sprinter. However, she becomes spoiled by success and becomes arrogant and neglectful of her studies. She begins to associate herself with westernized college boys who spend their time drinking, smoking and dancing. After being rescued by her dedicated coach, Yun Peng (Zhang Yi), she vows to change her ways and continues to work hard. By the end of the film, however, following the death of a classmate from a gruelling race and overexertion, Lin Ying decides that the pursuit of the individual glory is wrong. She is no longer interested in being hailed as the “Queen of Sports” and resolves to serve others as a regular teacher of physical education. Production. Origins. In the early 1930s, China was in danger from Japanese militarism as well as economic depression. During this time, Sun Yu was a producer, director, screenwriter and actor for the Lianhua Film Production and Printing Company, a studio established by the producers Luo Mingyou (1901–1967) and Li Minwei (1893–1953). The studio was made under the auspices of the top-tiered politicians, ideologues and financiers of the Kuomintang (KMT; Nationalist Party) for the purpose of making educational films that would promulgate the Party's socio-political values, which are understood as being 'right-wing.' The KMT invested a lot of money into the making of educational films (both documentary and fiction) for political purposes, which gave birth to the film "Sports Queen". Sun Yu began shooting the film on November 26, 1933. Themes and Inspirations. Due to the dangers of Japanese militarism and the economic depression that hit China in the early 1930s, many people involved in the film industry called for the revolution and revitalization of national films, including director Sun Yu. Inspired by the country's call for revitalizing national films, Sun Yu produced the film with the idea of a 'fit woman's body' to match the popular propaganda of "Fitness helps to save the Nation." Throughout the 1930s, Chinese film making was also strongly influenced by the perceived Hollywood's melodramatic cinematic style, which was characterized by scandal, sexual promiscuity, drug addictions and more. Despite filmmakers' claims of attempts to warn the audience about an alien spiritual pollution, foreign cultural modes were still often displayed in an alluring way and attracted more audiences than repelled. Sun Yu was one of the first leftist filmmakers who attempted to explore the idea of spiritual pollution with "Sports Queen" in 1934, which was also produced under the political influence of Xia Yan’s small Communist film group in Shanghai. The Kuomintang (Nationalist Party of China) started the “New Life Movement” in February 1934. This movie also agreed to some extent with the New Life Movement. For example, the film took two minutes focusing on personal hygiene issues: Lin Ying and her teammates get up in the morning and do gymnastics on their canvas beds before brushing their teeth; the close up shot here features Lin Ying’s action, followed by two school maintenance workers washing their faces and brushing their teeth. This sequence be understood as the film's standpoint to the New Life Sports Hygiene Regulations: "Go to bed early and get up early, keep your face and hands clean. Be sure to brush your teeth and keep your hair clean." The film's narrative consists of a strong sense of community and societal expectations over a single individual. To further advance China's image to the rest of the world's perception with a more positive one, and contributing to national development, Sun Yu believed that emphasizing the importance of maintaining a healthy lifestyle in the individual would build the nation as a whole. Casting. One of the goals of "Sports Queen" was to display Li’s athletic ability. This film also embedded her presence as “an athletic movie star," especially as it highlighted her proficiency in running, a part of the male-dominated sport of track and field. Fan magazines confirmed Li’s athletic skills outside of the film screen with photos of her in sports attire, posing with her school basketball team or alone on a running track. While there were other “actresses visiting sports games,” Li was respected and admired as an “athlete” herself. Reception. True Sportsmanship. Li Daoxin, the professor of Peking University, had a speech on CCTV and uses "Sports Queen" to talk about true sportsmanship (lit. the spirit of sports). "Sports Queen" obviously entrusts Sun Yu's reflection on the concept of "sports to save the country". This reflection is first manifested in the film's inscription: "Dedicated to the Soldiers Who Work for the True Spirit of Sports". Under the inspiration of "True Sportsmanship", the heroine Lin Ying gave up her victory and the title of "Queen of Sports". Sun Yu interpreted "True Sportsmanship" as the collective progress of the nation and the necessary personal sacrifice for the overall benefit of the society. When he teaches his female students, Yun Peng claims, "True sportsmanship is the need for balanced improvements of every single person’s physique, the need to spread [this value] among society...it is definitely not to create individual heros! ", expressing that the replacement of individual competitive success with the widespread popularization of sports is the definition of the so-called “true sportsmanship.” In her last moments, Xiao Qiuhua said to Lin Ying, "Though I am an athlete, I do not possess true sportsmanship, because physical exercise should be for strengthening the body, for us to be more healthy and lead happier lives, but instead I placed too much importance in reputation and thus it has lead to consequences today." Thus according to scholar Zhao Zijian, Director Sun Yu intended to impart the message that the most important part of sports should not be victory or defeat, but the participation and the process of doing so. This didactic message about the need to harness the individual body – in particular, the female body – for nation building is not to be missed. It focuses on the collective, that feature of subsequent Chinese sports films. The Athletic New Woman. Li Lili’s persona as a patriotic modern youth in "Sports Queen" is profoundly different from that of a fallen woman which Ruan Lingyu represents in her popular films such as Goddess and New Women. In "Sports Queen", Li’s distinctively female physicality shown in the camera’s focus on her body greatly departs from the clichéd image of the fallen woman that Ruan typically exhibits in her masterpieces, who usually uses cosmetics and even self-commodification to enhance her sexual appeal. This shift indicates an identification of “modern culture of fashion and consumption” as well as the conflict of traditional Chinese values and contemporary fashionable femininity. Victor Fan, drawing from the work of Hansen and Laura Mulvey, claims that the film centres on the playfulness (a resistance against being viewed seriously) of Lin Ying and emphasizes her athletic curiosity, making the athletic female body a "scopophilic fetish". Fan argues that the sexual attraction between Yun and Lin was captured through the shot-reverse-shot sequences. Upon arrival in Shanghai, the female protagonist is enrolled in a school focused on physical education, as she runs around actively outdoors while also taking classes and practicing music indoors, exploring the values of sportsmanship. This image on screen stands in stark contrast to the traditional Chinese view of a woman who should have bound feet (three-inch golden lotus) and stay indoors at all times. China at the time still maintained many conservative values, such as that women should stay within the bedroom instead of being out and about, yet this film was unconventional in that it subverted these traditions and presented to viewers women of a new era. Thus the understanding and definition of women experienced enormous change under the guidance of film culture. Despite the portrayal of active women, out of approximately thirty title cards throughout the film, communication between Lin Ying and Yun Peng take up about 20 of them, through which a clear logic is conveyed: women require the teaching and leadership from a man—the sports queen has a gift for sports but is psychologically like a baby who needs protection and guidance. In popular culture. The title “sports queen” became sought after to its audiences, and advocated athletics as a significant part of womanhood. Few scholars focused on the effect of sports and athletics on creating modern Chinese women. However, "Sports Queen" sparked discourse in female physical health with the film’s presence in Chinese media and popular culture. "Tiyu huanghou: modeng mingge xuan" ("Queen of sports: selections of modern popular songs") was a music booklet named after the film. It consisted of music and lyrics of the most popular songs of the time. The first song in the booklet was also called "Sports Queen", though not part of the film. The cartoon magazine Modern Sketch used images inspired by the film in their publications, such as pictures of “Li crouching at the starting line and running among a group of strong and tough girls." These images of female athletes became popular with college and middle school students, depicting the film as popular within this age group and giving it a certain degree of social influence. Li Lili even drew cartoons herself, collaborating with cartoonists such as Shao Xunmei, Ye Lingfeng, and Ye Qianyu. In Modern Sketch’s article "Shidai xiaojie de jianglai (The Future of the ladies of the age)", Ye Qianyu drew a cartoon portrait of the actress titled “Sweet Girl Li Lili” to promote the actress’s sweet disposition. Written by Xu Xingqin, the article was published on April 15, 1934. This image is also seen in Lili’s 2001 memoir, which she published only for the eyes of her friends and family. The popular photography pictorial Liangyou Huabao also used similar sporty images of Li from "Sports Queen" to support the film’s message of "tiyu" (physical education). The caption read: "The Goal of Tiyu : competition supports tiyu, but the ultimate goal of tiyu is definitely not competition. In athletic competition, the winners do not have to be overjoyed, and the losers do not have to cry, because they are both actors who perform in front of the masses to show them that physical health is the true meaning of tiyu. We do not need a so- called 'queen of sports.' What we need are healthy citizens, even though they may finish last in athletic competitions. Every athlete should firmly remember: the ultimate goal of tiyu is to cultivate healthy bodies in order to contribute to the greatest work for the happiness of mankind, not a gold spear or a silk banner." English translations. An English-subtitled copy of the film is available on YouTube and on the Chinese Film Classics website. "Sports Queen" was released in the United States on Region 0 DVD on May 8, 2007 by Cinema Epoch, under the title "Queen of Sports". The disc featured English subtitles and also included Sun Yu's "The Big Road" (aka "The Great Road").

cooperative development

6290-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=23010698

Nossal High School, also referred to as Nossal or NHS, is a Government-funded co-educational academically selective secondary day school, located in the Melbourne suburb of Berwick, Victoria, Australia. The school is named after Sir Gustav Nossal, a prominent Australian immunologist and 2000 Australian of the Year. Established in 2010, the school caters for students in Year 9 to Year 12. Nossal High School was ranked third out of all state secondary schools in Victoria based on VCE results in 2018. Overview. The school was opened in 2010, a year before Suzanne Cory High School and John Monash Science School, as per the Brumby State Government's education policies. With its students initially undertaking study in the Berwick campus of Monash University, pending completion of school building construction, Nossal is now located within the same campus, the site of the former Casey Airfields. Prospective students must sit a 3-hour-long uniform entrance examination, testing their knowledge and reasoning in English and mathematics, with the 2017 exam attracting about 3,300 applicants; the first Year 12 cohort graduated from the school in 2013. The school's curriculum follows American educator Howard Gardener's concept of the "Five Minds of the Future" which includes, for example, the absence of school bells, as students are expected to know when and where to be. Students have access to many extra-curricular programs, such as inter-school sport, debating, music, clubs/societies and various national and international competitions and creative-based events such as the Model United Nations Assembly and the Australian Computational and Linguistics Olympiad. Nossal High School is part of the Select-Entry Network of Victorian selective schools, alongside Suzanne Cory High School, Mac.Robertson Girls' High School and Melbourne High School. History. Beginnings. Prior to the school's opening in 2010, the only selective schools in Victoria were the Mac.Robertson Girls' High School and Melbourne High School, both catering for single-sex education, as well as the arts-focused Victorian College of the Arts Secondary School. The Victorian Government's decision to create a new selective school was based on a number of factors. The increasingly-competitive entrance exam for the already-existing selective schools was excluding students which the Education Department perceived as intelligent and highly-able, but nevertheless unable to secure one of the limited places at the two schools. As well as this, both Mac.Rob and Melbourne High were located in or around the Melbourne city centre, placing a significant transport and logistical for prospective students who lived in the outer suburbs; the notion that elite education had to be linked with gender segregation beginning to be seen as more and more archaic in a 21st-century society. Thus, the decision to open a new selective school, located in the south-east suburb of Berwick was announced to the Victorian public in April 2008 by the then-Premier John Brumby. At the same time, similar announcements were made to establish selective schools in Werribee (to become Suzanne Cory High School) and a science-specialist in the Monash University Clayton campus (to become John Monash Science School); Berwick was prioritised, however, partially since the City of Casey, which it forms part of, was announced as Melbourne's fastest-growing municipality. Senior Department bureaucrats were tasked with making local connections and setting up plans for the eventual opening of the provisionally-named Berwick Selective Entry High School. Construction works began in the Berwick campus of Monash University in 2009, site of the former Casey Airfields, and the inaugural principal, Roger Page, was appointed in May of the same year. Although the launch of Suzanne Cory was delayed until 2011, Nossal High School was finally opened in 2010, the first-ever joint Select-Entry Network entrance examination held only six months prior. Due to incomplete school facilities, Nossal students initially undertook study in the adjacent Monash University campus; the Jean Russell Centre, a professional development and function/meeting room in the school was opened in Term 3 in 2010. The school's first-ever cohort of Year 9's were admitted in 2010, each year level eventually being added on a yearly-basis; the school reached full capacity in 2013, the year when the first-ever Year 12 cohort graduated from the school. In this year, inaugural Assistant Principal, Toni Meath, left the school to become Principal of Mac.Rob. Later development. Traditions such as the Foundation Assembly were established which still exists to this day. NHS's infrastructure continued to be developed, a second Music/Gym building completed, as well as a new Student Representative Council (SRC) meeting place and outdoor Information Resource Centre (IRC) section being built. In 2015 the Class of 2015 achieving NHS's best-ever VCE results. 27.1% of students managed to attain a high study score of 40+ in their individual subjects. The school's highest-ever ATAR rank was recorded in 2019, with the Dux obtaining a perfect score of 99.95. In 2016, Nossal was subject to an international targeted school bombing hoax threat. Requiring both an emergency evacuation and lockdown in the first term of 2016, it was later revealed that hackers 'spoofed' Nossal's phone number to instigate a number of threats around Australia. Co-curricular activities. Clubs and societies. The Nossal Societies Union (NSU) operating similarly to those of universities, clubs and societies are required to be affiliated with the NSU in order to be recognised by the school and eligible for funding. The NSU's formation in 2017 consolidated the roles of the SRC and the clubs/societies themselves. The NSU is headed by two Presidents. Each club/society is permitted to send one delegate to meetings of the NSU Assembly, with the SRC entitled to one ex-officio representative. Each club/society is led by one or more students; a 'Supporting Teacher' chosen by each club/society aids it in its operation and liaises with certain persons and/or organisations when it would be more appropriate for a teacher to do so. Some NSU affiliates provide for additional positions within the organisational structure. Current clubs and societies are: Organisation. Extracurricular activities. Extracurricular options available to students include: Literature Circle, Chess Club, Debating, Knitting and Environmental activities. Students are also able to join in many sport teams including volleyball, cricket, badminton, table tennis, basketball, soccer, softball, football, hockey, swimming, athletics, cross country, netball and tennis. Page Cup. At the end of each year the house to have accumulated the most points is awarded the Page Cup. Points are attained by participation in the six major events as well as smaller contests held throughout the school year. The six major events are as follows: Swimming Carnival; Athletics; Cross Country; Choral Night; Debating; Monash Grand Challenge (year 9 participation only). Other competitions include Table Tennis, Camp Challenges, Dress Up days, Tug of War and Chess Competitions. Monash Grand Challenge. The Monash Grand Challenge is a competition held for year 9 students at the end of every school year; the winners gain significant numbers of points contributing to next year's Page Cup. The challenge focuses on developing essay writing, creative, public speaking and problem solving skills by incorporating each element into the challenge. The final products of each house are judged by Monash University professors and the winner is decided upon by a vote. The winning house gains the Monash Grand Challenge trophy and house points. Student leadership. Student leadership positions include: School Captains (one male and female of the senior year), Tutorial Leaders, House Captains and Vice House Captains (two from each year level per house), Information Resource Centre Leaders, Information Communications Technology Leaders and Environmental Leaders. Each year level also elects six students to the Student Representative Council (SRC). In addition to this, clubs and societies within Nossal appoint or elect delegates to represent their interests at the Nossal Societies Union (NSU), which acts to lobby school leadership for more extracurricular funding and opportunities for students, organise clubs and societies events, and govern clubs and societies at NHS. School partnerships. Nossal has had a partnership with Chosei High School, located in Chiba Prefecture, Japan, since 2014. The affiliation includes student exchanges each year, cultural liaison and professional and staff development. The partnership with Chosei was chosen taking into consideration Nossal's offering of Japanese as a VCE subject, as well as Australia's strategic position in the Asia-Pacific. Chosei High School Principals. The current individual has served as Principal of Nossal High School:

delayed commencement

12578-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=1614268

Quality management ensures that an organization, product or service is consistent. It has four main components: quality planning, quality assurance, quality control and quality improvement. Quality management is focused not only on product and service quality, but also on the means to achieve it. Quality management, therefore, uses quality assurance and control of processes as well as products to achieve more consistent quality. What a customer wants and is willing to pay for it determines quality. It is a written or unwritten commitment to a known or unknown consumer in the market. Thus, quality can be defined as fitness for intended use or, in other words, how well the product performs its intended function. Evolution. Quality management is a recent phenomenon but important for an organization. Civilizations that supported the arts and crafts allowed clients to choose goods meeting higher quality standards rather than normal goods. In societies where arts and crafts are the responsibility of master craftsmen or artists, these masters would lead their studios and train and supervise others. The importance of craftsmen diminished as mass production and repetitive work practices were instituted. The aim was to produce large numbers of the same goods. The first proponent in the US for this approach was Eli Whitney who proposed (interchangeable) parts manufacture for muskets, hence producing the identical components and creating a musket assembly line. The next step forward was promoted by several people including Frederick Winslow Taylor, a mechanical engineer who sought to improve industrial efficiency. He is sometimes called "the father of scientific management." He was one of the intellectual leaders of the Efficiency Movement and part of his approach laid a further foundation for quality management, including aspects like standardization and adopting improved practices. Henry Ford was also important in bringing process and quality management practices into operation in his assembly lines. In Germany, Karl Benz, often called the inventor of the motor car, was pursuing similar assembly and production practices, although real mass production was properly initiated in Volkswagen after World War II. From this period onwards, North American companies focused predominantly upon production against lower cost with increased efficiency. Walter A. Shewhart made a major step in the evolution towards quality management by creating a method for quality control for production, using statistical methods, first proposed in 1924. This became the foundation for his ongoing work on statistical quality control. W. Edwards Deming later applied statistical process control methods in the United States during World War II, thereby successfully improving quality in the manufacture of munitions and other strategically important products. Quality leadership from a national perspective has changed over the past decades. After the second world war, Japan decided to make quality improvement a national imperative as part of rebuilding their economy, and sought the help of Shewhart, Deming and Juran, amongst others. W. Edwards Deming championed Shewhart's ideas in Japan from 1950 onwards. He is probably best known for his management philosophy establishing quality, productivity, and competitive position. He has formulated 14 points of attention for managers, which are a high level abstraction of many of his deep insights. They should be interpreted by learning and understanding the deeper insights. These 14 points include key concepts such as: In the 1950s and 1960s, Japanese goods were synonymous with cheapness and low quality, but over time their quality initiatives began to be successful, with Japan achieving high levels of quality in products from the 1970s onward. For example, Japanese cars regularly top the J.D. Power customer satisfaction ratings. In the 1980s Deming was asked by Ford Motor Company to start a quality initiative after they realized that they were falling behind Japanese manufacturers. A number of highly successful quality initiatives have been invented by the Japanese (see for example on this pages: Genichi Taguchi, QFD, Toyota Production System). Many of the methods not only provide techniques but also have associated quality culture (i.e. people factors). These methods are now adopted by the same western countries that decades earlier derided Japanese methods. Customers recognize that quality is an important attribute in products and services. Suppliers recognize that quality can be an important differentiator between their own offerings and those of competitors (quality differentiation is also called the quality gap). In the past two decades this quality gap has been greatly reduced between competitive products and services. This is partly due to the contracting (also called outsourcing) of manufacture to countries like China and India, as well internationalization of trade and competition. These countries, among many others, have raised their own standards of quality in order to meet international standards and customer demands. The ISO 9000 series of standards are probably the best known International standards for quality management. Customer satisfaction is the backbone of Quality Management. Setting up a million dollar company without taking care of needs of customer will ultimately decrease its revenue. Some themes have become more significant including quality culture, the importance of knowledge management, and the role of leadership in promoting and achieving high quality. Disciplines like systems thinking are bringing more holistic approaches to quality so that people, process and products are considered together rather than independent factors in quality management. Government agencies and industrial organizations that regulate products have recognized that quality culture may assist companies that produce those products. A survey of more than 60 multinational companies found that those companies whose employees rated as having a low quality culture had increased costs of $67 million/year for every 5000 employees compared to those rated as having a strong quality culture. The influence of quality thinking has spread to non-traditional applications outside of walls of manufacturing, extending into service sectors and into areas such as sales, marketing and customer service. Principles. The International Standard for Quality management (ISO 9001:2015) adopts a number of management principles, that can be used by top management to guide their organizations towards improved performance. Customer focus. The primary focus of quality management is to meet customer requirements and to strive to exceed customer expectations. Rationale Sustained success is achieved when an organization attracts and retains the confidence of customers and other interested parties on whom it depends. Every aspect of customer interaction provides an opportunity to create more value for the customer. Understanding current and future needs of customers and other interested parties contributes to sustained success of an organization Leadership. Leaders at all levels establish unity of purpose and direction and create conditions in which people are engaged in achieving the organization’s quality objectives. Leadership has to take up the necessary changes required for quality improvement and encourage a sense of quality throughout organisation. Rationale Creation of unity of purpose and direction and engagement of people enable an organization to align its strategies, policies, processes and resources to achieve its objectives Engagement of people. Competent, empowered and engaged people at all levels throughout the organization are essential to enhance its capability to create and deliver value. Rationale To manage an organization effectively and efficiently, it is important to involve all people at all levels and to respect them as individuals. Recognition, empowerment and enhancement of competence facilitate the engagement of people in achieving the organization’s quality objectives. Process approach. Consistent and predictable results are achieved more effectively and efficiently when activities are understood and managed as interrelated processes that function as a coherent system. Rationale The quality management system consists of interrelated processes. Understanding how results are produced by this system enables an organization to optimize the system and its performance. Improvement. Successful organizations have an ongoing focus on improvement. Rationale Improvement is essential for an organization to maintain current levels of performance, to react to changes in its internal and external conditions and to create new opportunities. Evidence based decision making. Decisions based on the analysis and evaluation of data and information are more likely to produce desired results. Rationale Decision making can be a complex process, and it always involves some uncertainty. It often involves multiple types and sources of inputs, as well as their interpretation, which can be subjective. It is important to understand cause-and-effect relationships and potential unintended consequences. Facts, evidence and data analysis lead to greater objectivity and confidence in decision making. Relationship management. For sustained success, an organization manages its relationships with interested parties, such as suppliers, retailers. Rationale Interested parties influence the performance of an organizations and industry. Sustained success is more likely to be achieved when the organization manages relationships with all of its interested parties to optimize their impact on its performance. Relationship management with its supplier and partner networks is of particular importance. Criticism. The social scientist Bettina Warzecha (2017) describes the central concepts of Quality Management (QM), such as e.g. process orientation, controllability, and zero defects as modern myths. She alleges that zero-error processes and the associated illusion of controllability involve the epistemological problem of self-referentiality. The emphasis on the processes in QM also ignores the artificiality and thus arbitrariness of the difference between structure and process. Above all, the complexity of management cannot be reduced to standardized (mathematical) procedures. According to her, the risks and negative side effects of QM are usually greater than the benefits (see also "brand eins", 2010). Quality improvement and more. There are many methods for quality improvement. These cover product improvement, process improvement and people based improvement. In the following list are methods of quality management and techniques that incorporate and drive quality improvement: Proponents of each approach have sought to improve them as well as apply them for small, medium and large gains. Simple one is Process Approach, which forms the basis of Quality Management System standard, duly driven from the 'Eight principles of Quality management', process approach being one of them. Thareja writes about the mechanism and benefits: "The process (proficiency) may be limited in words, but not in its applicability. While it fulfills the criteria of all-round gains: in terms of the competencies augmented by the participants; the organisation seeks newer directions to the business success, the individual brand image of both the people and the organisation, in turn, goes up. The competencies which were hitherto rated as being smaller, are better recognized and now acclaimed to be more potent and fruitful". The more complex Quality improvement tools are tailored for enterprise types not originally targeted. For example, Six Sigma was designed for manufacturing but has spread to service enterprises. Each of these approaches and methods has met with success but also with failures. Some of the common differentiators between success and failure include commitment, knowledge and expertise to guide improvement, scope of change/improvement desired (Big Bang type changes tend to fail more often compared to smaller changes) and adaption to enterprise cultures. For example, quality circles do not work well in every enterprise (and are even discouraged by some managers), and relatively few TQM-participating enterprises have won the national quality awards. There have been well publicized failures of BPR, as well as Six Sigma. Enterprises therefore need to consider carefully which quality improvement methods to adopt, and certainly should not adopt all those listed here. It is important not to underestimate the people factors, such as culture, in selecting a quality improvement approach. Any improvement (change) takes time to implement, gain acceptance and stabilize as accepted practice. Improvement must allow pauses between implementing new changes so that the change is stabilized and assessed as a real improvement, before the next improvement is made (hence continual improvement, not continuous improvement). Improvements that change the culture take longer as they have to overcome greater resistance to change. It is easier and often more effective to work within the existing cultural boundaries and make small improvements (that is 'Kaizen') than to make major transformational changes. Use of Kaizen in Japan was a major reason for the creation of Japanese industrial and economic strength. On the other hand, transformational change works best when an enterprise faces a crisis and needs to make major changes in order to survive. In Japan, the land of Kaizen, Carlos Ghosn led a transformational change at Nissan Motor Company which was in a financial and operational crisis. Well organized quality improvement programs take all these factors into account when selecting the quality improvement methods. Quality standards. ISO standards. The International Organization for Standardization (ISO) created the Quality Management System (QMS) standards in 1987. They were the ISO 9000:1987 series of standards comprising ISO 9001:1987, ISO 9002:1987 and ISO 9003:1987; which were applicable in different types of industries, based on the type of activity or process: designing, production or service delivery. The standards are reviewed every few years by the International Organization for Standardization. The version in 1994 was called the ISO 9000:1994 series; consisting of the ISO 9001:1994, 9002:1994 and 9003:1994 versions. The last major revision was in the year 2000 and the series was called series. The ISO 9002 and 9003 standards were integrated into one single certifiable standard: ISO 9001:2000. After December 2003, organizations holding ISO 9002 or 9003 standards had to complete a transition to the new standard. ISO released a minor revision, ISO 9001:2008 on 14 October 2008. It contains no new requirements. Many of the changes were to improve consistency in grammar, facilitating translation of the standard into other languages for use by over 950,000 certified organization in the 175 countries (as at Dec 2007) that use the standard. The ISO 9004:2009 document gives guidelines for performance improvement over and above the basic standard (ISO 9001:2000). This standard provides a measurement framework for improved quality management, similar to and based upon the measurement framework for process assessment. The Quality Management System standards created by ISO are meant to certify the processes and the system of an organization, not the product or service itself. ISO 9000 standards do not certify the quality of the product or service. In 2005 the International Organization for Standardization released a standard, ISO 22000, meant for the food industry. This standard covers the values and principles of ISO 9000 and the HACCP standards. It gives one single integrated standard for the food industry and is expected to become more popular in the coming years in such industry. ISO has also released standards for other industries. For example, Technical Standard TS 16949 defines requirements in addition to those in ISO 9001:2008 specifically for the automotive industry. ISO has a number of standards that support quality management. One group describes processes (including ISO/IEC 12207 and ISO/IEC 15288) and another describes process assessment and improvement ISO 15504. CMMI and IDEAL methods. The Software Engineering Institute has its own process assessment and improvement methods, called CMMI (Capability Maturity Model Integration) and IDEAL respectively. Capability Maturity Model Integration (CMMI) is a process improvement training and appraisal program and service administered and marketed by Carnegie Mellon University and required by many DOD and U.S. Government contracts, especially in software development. Carnegie Mellon University claims CMMI can be used to guide process improvement across a project, division, or an entire organization. Under the CMMI methodology, processes are rated according to their maturity levels, which are defined as: Initial, Managed, Defined, Quantitatively Managed, Optimizing. Currently supported is CMMI Version 1.3. CMMI is registered in the U.S. Patent and Trademark Office by Carnegie Mellon University. Three constellations of CMMI are: CMMI Version 1.3 was released on November 1, 2010. This release is noteworthy because it updates all three CMMI models (CMMI for Development, CMMI for Services, and CMMI for Acquisition) to make them consistent and to improve their high maturity practices. The CMMI Product Team has reviewed more than 1,150 change requests for the models and 850 for the appraisal method. As part of its mission to transition mature technology to the software community, the SEI has transferred CMMI-related products and activities to the CMMI Institute, a 100%-controlled subsidiary of Carnegie Innovations, Carnegie Mellon University’s technology commercialization enterprise. Other quality management information. Awards. and organizational excellence which has been presented since 1991 by the European Foundation for Quality Management (EFQM). www.efqm.org Similar awards are presented by the EFQM's National Partner organisations across Europe. For example, in the UK the British Quality Foundation (BQF) run the UK Excellence Awards. These awards are based on the EFQM Excellence Model, an organizational framework. www.bqf.org.uk Certification. Since 1995, the American Society for Quality has offered a Certified Manager of Quality/ Organizational Excellence (CMQ/OE). This was known until 2005 as the Certified Quality Manager (CQM).ASQ Quality management software. Quality Management Software is a category of technologies used by organizations to manage the delivery of high quality products. Solutions range in functionality, however, with the use of automation capabilities they typically have components for managing internal and external risk, compliance, and the quality of processes and products. Pre-configured and industry-specific solutions are available and generally require integration with existing IT architecture applications such as ERP, SCM, CRM, and PLM. Quality Management Software Functionalities Enterprise Quality Management Software The intersection of technology and quality management software prompted the emergence of a new software category: Enterprise Quality Management Software (EQMS). EQMS is a platform for cross-functional communication and collaboration that centralizes, standardizes, and streamlines quality management data from across the value chain. The software breaks down functional silos created by traditionally implemented standalone and targeted solutions. Supporting the proliferation and accessibility of information across supply chain activities, design, production, distribution, and service, it provides a holistic viewpoint for managing the quality of products and processes. References. Craig M. Becker, Mary A. Glascoff, (2014) "Process measures: a leadership tool for management", The TQM Journal, Vol. 26 Issue: 1, pp.50-62, https://doi.org/10.1108/TQM-02-2013-0018

steady standard

5661-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=711411

Ascetical theology is the organized study or presentation of spiritual teachings found in Christian Scripture and the Church Fathers that help the faithful to more perfectly follow Christ and attain to Christian perfection. Christian asceticism is commonly thought to imply self-denial for a spiritual purpose. The term "ascetical theology" is used primarily in Roman Catholic theology; Eastern Orthodox theology carries its own distinct terms and definitions (see below), and other religious traditions conceive of following and conforming to God and Christ differently from either Orthodoxy or Catholicism. Etymology. The word "ascetic" is from the Greek word ἄσκησις "askesis", meaning "practice". The English term "ascesis" means "the practice of self-discipline". Essential concepts. In the various theologies pertaining to following Christ, it is common to refer to the "soul", which Christian theology affirms to be eternal. It is the soul that makes progress toward God, it is the soul that is called by God. Mystical theology addresses the aspects of the soul's union with God that are specifically not produced by human agency or effort. In the earlier stages of prayer life, "aridities" are experienced, which are moments during which the zeal for prayer seems lessened. In later stages, "passive trials" such as the "dark night of the soul" (St. John of the Cross) are experienced. In these phenomena, God is said to be purifying the soul, making her (the soul is feminine in Catholic theology) continue on the basis of sheer faith rather than any palpable feeling derived from prayer. These and other experiences are studied in mystical theology. Christian dogma does not teach that mystical phenomena are necessary to be granted a place in Heaven. To be granted a place in heaven, it is necessary to be "in a state of grace" at the moment of death. A state of grace means that a person is genuinely sorry for sins committed — preferably sorry because they offend God and not simply on account of a fear of Hell — and to have not committed grave sin since the last apology or confession. Given that one does not know the hour of one's death, and assuming one to have a loving disposition toward God, one is encouraged to actively live in such a manner as to reduce sin and increase sorrow for sin and love for God. It is plausible that without such an effort, one will encounter the moment of death without appropriate sorrow and love, simply by being out of the habit. It is in this sense that perfection is said to be a "duty" of Christians. The Scriptures encourage perfection, and the value of charity or love would militate against a minimalist understanding of the Christian life, as does the testimony of the Church Fathers. The world is not evil in itself, according to the religion, as nothing created by God is evil. The problem is that in our fallen nature, we do not perceive things correctly, and our desires are out of alignment with the truth. For example, the world can be a source of sanctification, but to desire to please the world, and to take one's cues from the world instead of from God, is to distract ourselves from God's love. One of the "graces" sought during the Rosary prayer is "contempt of the world", which doesn't reflect a desire to harm the world but rather affirms the belief that this is a fallen world, and that to love God is to be prepared for a much better world to come. Our flesh likewise is not evil, but without being fully united with God — which, after the fall, we are not — we do not understand the gifts of the flesh and are distracted by them; the religion teaches that we tend to make idols out of our sensations and desires. The devil is evil, but was not created so; he is a creature as we are and cannot control our will but is very intelligent and crafty. He is said to hate physical creation and to desire its destruction. Christianity does not give a complete accounting of the devil, known as Satan, but recognizes that he attempts to lure us from our goal of union with God. When confirmed into the Church, catechumens are asked, 'Do you reject the pomps and works of Satan?' Throughout the spiritual journey, even after achieving the highest union possible to man, the world, the flesh, and the devil remain as sources of temptation and distraction, and a fall into sin is always possible. The Sacraments (Catholic Church), according to dogmatic theology, both symbolize and confer grace. The two sacraments that are routinely encountered by the faithful are Eucharist and confession. "Grace" is a rather complicated subject; see References below. The Eucharist affords a real and transforming union with God; see for example Jn. It is spiritual as well as real, and transformative. For a discussion of the spiritual implications of Eucharist, see historical roots of Catholic Eucharistic theology. Confession is purifying if the penitent is well-disposed, i.e. sorry for having offended God. It is considered essential to undertake this purifying act before receiving the Eucharist. As one progresses toward union with God, more and more problems within the soul become apparent. Habits that didn't seem sinful at first blush suddenly stand out as harmful to charity. Once confessed, new problems emerge. In this way the penitent embarks on a program of purgation, developing greater sensitivity as to what is most conducive to Christian love. Catholicism. Ascetics, as a branch of theology, may be briefly defined as the scientific exposition of Christian asceticism. It has been defined as the theological "science of the spiritual life", "far behind either from the Dogma or the Moral", rested on the truths of faith and tensed up to the Christian perfection as "logical outcome of Dogma, especially of the fundamental dogma of the Incarnation", useful to Religious as to lay-apostolate. Asceticism ("askesis, askein"), taken in its literal signification, means a polishing, a smoothing or refining. The Greeks used the word to designate the exercises of the athletes, developing the powers dormant in the body and training it to its full natural beauty. The end for which these gymnastic exercises were undertaken was the laurel-wreath bestowed on the victor in the public games. The life of the Christian is, as Christ assures, a struggle for the kingdom of heaven (Matthew 11:12). To give his readers an object-lesson of this spiritual battle and moral endeavour, St. Paul, who had been trained in the Greek fashion, used the picture of the Greek pentathlon (1 Corinthians 9:24). The exercises to be assumed in this combat tend to develop and strengthen the moral stamina, while their aim is Christian perfection leading up to man's ultimate end, union with God (named the Mystical Body of Jesus Christ God). Human nature having been weakened by original sin and ever inclining toward what is evil, this end cannot be reached except at the price of overcoming, with God's grace, many and serious obstacles. The moral struggle then consists first of all in attacking and removing the obstacles, that is the evil concupiscences (concupiscence of the flesh, concupiscence of the eyes and pride of life), which effects of original sin serve to try and test man (Trid., Sess. V, De peccato originali). This first duty is called by the Apostle Paul the putting off of "the old man" (Ephesians 4:22). The second duty, in his words, is to "put on the new man" according to the image of God (Ephesians 4:24). The new man is Christ. A Christian's duty is to strive to become like unto Christ, who is "the way, and the truth, and the life" (John 14:6), but this endeavour is based on the supernatural order and, therefore, cannot be accomplished without Divine grace. Its foundation is laid in baptism, which adopts Christians as children of God through the imparting of sanctifying grace. Thenceforth, it must be perfected by the supernatural virtues, the gifts of the Holy Ghost and actual grace. Since, then, ascetics is the systematic treatise of the striving after Christian perfection, it may be defined as the scientific guide to the acquisition of Christian perfection, which consists in expressing within ourselves, with the help of Divine grace, the image of Christ, by practising the Christian virtues, and applying the means given for overcoming the obstacles. Let us subject the various elements of this definition to a closer examination. Nature of Christian perfection. Catholics must reject the conception of the Protestants who fancy that Christian perfection, as understood by Catholics, is essentially negative asceticism (cfr. Seberg in Herzog-Hauck, "Realencyklopädie für prot. Theologie", III, 138), and that the correct notion of asceticism was discovered by the Reformers. There can be no doubt as to the Catholic position, clearly voiced by St. Thomas and St. Bonaventure who never tired of repeating that the ideal of asceticism upheld by them was the ideal of the Catholic past, of the Fathers, of Christ Himself, emphatically stating that bodily asceticism has not an absolute, but only a relative, value. St. Thomas calls it a "means to an end", to be used with discretion. St. Bonaventure says that bodily austerities "prepare, foster and preserve perfection" ("Apolog. pauperum", V, c. viii). As proof he shows that to put an absolute value on bodily asceticism would lead to Manichæism. He also points to Christ, the ideal of Christian perfection, who was less austere in fasting than John the Baptist, and to the founders of religious orders, who prescribed fewer ascetic exercises for their communities than they themselves practised (cf. J. Zahn, "Vollkommenheitsideal" in "Moralprobleme", Freiburg, 1911, p. 126 sqq.). On the other hand, Catholics do not deny the importance of ascetic practices for acquiring Christian perfection. Considering the actual condition of human nature, they declare these necessary for the removal of obstacles and for the liberation of man's moral forces, thus claiming for asceticism a positive character. A like value is put upon those exercises which restrain and guide the powers of the soul. Consequently, Catholics actually fulfil and always have fulfilled what Harnack sets down as a demand of the Gospel and what he pretends to have looked for in vain among Catholics; for they do "wage battle against mammon, care, and selfishness, and practise that charity which loves to serve and to sacrifice itself" (Harnack, "Essence of Christianity"). The Catholic ideal, then, is by no means confined to the negative element of asceticism, but is of a positive nature. The essence of Christian perfection is love. St. Thomas (Opusc. de perfectione christ., c. ii) calls that perfect which is conformable to its end ("quod attingit ad finem ejus"). As the end of man is God, what unites him, even on earth, most closely with God is love (1 Corinthians 6:17; 1 John 4:16). All the other virtues are subservient to love or its natural prerequisites, as faith and hope; Love seizes man's whole soul (intellect, will), sanctifies it and fuses new life into it. Love lives in all things and all things live in and through love. Love imparts to all things the right measure and directs them all to the last end. "Love is thus the principle of unity, no matter how diversified are the particular states, vocations and labours. There are many provinces, but they constitute one realm. The organs are many, but the organism is one" (Zahn, l. c., p. 146). Love is therefore rightly called "the bond of perfection" (Colossians 3:14) and the fulfilment of the law (Romans 13:8). That Christian perfection consists in love has ever been the teaching of Catholic ascetical writers. A few testimonies may suffice. Writing to the Corinthians, Clement of Rome says (1 Corinthians 49:1): "It was love that made all the elect perfect; without love nothing is acceptable to God" (en te agape ateleiothesan pantes oi eklektoi tou theou dicha agapes ouden euareston estin to theo; Funk, "Patr. apost. ", p. 163). The "Epistle of Barnabas" insists that the way of light is "the love of him who created us" (agapeseis ton se poiesanta; Funk, l. c., p. 91), "a love of our neighbour that does not even spare our own life" (agapeseis ton plesion sou hyper ten psychen sou), and it affirms that perfection is nothing else than "love and joy over the good works which testify to justice" (agape euphrosyns kai agalliaseos ergon dikaiosynes martyria). St. Ignatius never wearies in his letters of proposing faith as the light and love as the way, love being the end and aim of faith ("Ad Ephes. ", ix, xiv; "Ad Philad. ", ix; "Ad Smyrn. ", vi). According to the "Didache", love of God and of one's neighbour is the beginning of the "way of life" (c. i), and in the "Epistle to Diognetus" active love is called the fruit of belief in Christ. The "Pastor" of Hermas acknowledges the same ideal when he sets down "a life for God" (zoe to theo) as the sum-total of human existence. To these Apostolic Fathers may be added St. Ambrose (De fuga sæculi, c. iv, 17; c. vi, 35-36) and St. Augustine, who regards perfect justice as tantamount to perfect love. Both St. Thomas and St. Bonaventure speak the same language, and the ascetical writers of all subsequent centuries have faithfully followed in their authoritative footsteps (cf. Lutz, "Die kirchl. Lehre von den evang. Räten", Paderborn, 1907, pp. 26–99). However, though perfection is essentially love, not any degree of love is sufficient to constitute moral perfection. The ethical perfection of the Christian consists in the perfection of love, which requires such a disposition "that we can act with speed and ease even though many obstacles obstruct our path" (Mutz, "Christl. Ascetik", 2nd ed., Paderborn, 1909). But this disposition of the soul supposes that the passions have been subdued; for it is the result of a laborious struggle, in which the moral virtues, steeled by love, force back and quell the evil inclinations and habits, supplanting them by good inclinations and habits. Only then has it really become "a man's second nature, as it were, to prove his love of God at certain times and under certain circumstances, to practise virtue and, as far as human nature may, to preserve his soul even from the slightest taints" (Mutz, l. c., p. 43). Owing to the weakness of human nature and the presence of the evil concupiscence (fomes peccati: Trid., Sess. VI, can. xxiii), a perfection that would exclude every defect cannot be attained in this life without a special privilege (cf. Proverbs 20:9; Ecclesiastes 7:21; James 3:2). Likewise, perfection on this side of the grave will never reach such a degree that further growth is impossible, as is clear from the mind of the Church and the nature of our present existence (status vioe); in other words, our perfection will always be relative. As St. Bernard says: "An unflagging zeal for advancing and a continual struggle for perfection is itself perfection" (Indefessus proficiendi studium et iugis conatus ad perfectionem, perfectio reputatur; "Ep. ccliv ad Abbatem Guarinum"). Since perfection consists in love, it is not the privilege of one particular state, but may be, and has as a fact been, attained in every state of life (cf. Christian and Religious Perfection). Consequently, it would be wrong to identify perfection with the so-called state of perfection and the observance of the evangelical counsels. As St. Thomas rightly observes, there are perfect men outside the religious orders and imperfect men within them (Summa theol., II-II, Q. clxxxiv, a. 4). True it is that the conditions for realizing the ideal of a Christian life are, generally speaking, more favourable in the religious state than in the secular avocations. But not all are called to the religious life, nor would all find in it their contentment. To sum up, the end is the same, the means are different. This sufficiently answers Harnack's objection (Essence of Christianity) that the Church considers the perfect imitation of Christ possible only for the monks, while she accounts the life of a Christian in the world as barely sufficient for the attainment of the last end. The ideal, to which the Christian should conform and towards which he should strive with all his powers both natural and supernatural, is Jesus Christ. His whole life should be so penetrated by Christ that he becomes Christian in the full sense of the word ("until Christ be formed in you"; Galatians 4:19). That Christ is the supreme model and pattern of the Christian life follows from Scripture, e. g. from John, xiii, 15, and I Peter, ii, 21, where imitation of Christ is directly recommended, and from John, viii, 12, where Christ is called "the light of the world". Cf. also Rom., viii, 29, Gal., ii, 20, Phil., iii, 8, and Heb., i, 3, where the Apostle extols the excellent knowledge of Jesus Christ, for whom he has suffered the loss of all things, counting them but as dung, that he may gain Christ. Of the numerous testimonies of the Fathers we only quote St. Augustine: "Finis ergo noster perfectio nostra esse debet; perfectio nostra Christus" (P. L., XXXVI, 628; cf. also "In Psalm. ", 26, 2, in P. L., XXXVI, 662). In Christ there is no shadow, nothing one-sided. His Divinity guarantees the purity of the model; His humanity, by which He became similar to us, makes the model attractive. But this picture of Christ, unmarred by addition or omission, is to be found only in the Catholic Church and, owing to her indefectibility, will always continue there in its ideal state. For the same reason, the Church alone can give us the guarantee that the ideal of the Christian life will always remain pure and unadulterated, and will not be identified with one particular state or with a subordinate virtue (cf. Zahn, l. c., p. 124). An unprejudiced examination proves that the ideal of Catholic life has been preserved in all its purity through the centuries and that the Church has never failed to correct the false touches with which individuals might have sought to disfigure its unstained beauty. The individual features and the fresh colours for outlining the living picture of Christ are derived from the sources of Revelation and the doctrinal decisions of the Church. These tell us about the internal sanctity of Christ (John 1:14; Colossians 2:9; Hebrews 1:9; etc.). His life overflowing with grace, of whose fulness we have all received (John 1:16), His life of prayer (Mark 1:21, 35; 3:1; Luke 5:16; 6:12; 9:18; etc. ), His devotion to His heavenly Father (Matthew 11:26; John 4:34; 5:30; 8:26, 29), His intercourse with men (Matthew 9:10; cf. 1 Corinthians 9:22), His spirit of unselfishness and sacrifice, His patience and meekness, and, finally, His asceticism as revealed in his fastings (Matthew 4:2; 6:18). Dangers. The second task of ascetical theology is to point out the dangers which may frustrate the attainment of Christian perfection and to indicate the means by which they can be avoided successfully. The first danger to be noticed is evil concupiscence. A second danger lies in the allurements of the visible creation, which occupy man's heart to the exclusion of the highest good; to the same class belong the enticements of the sinful, corrupt world (1 John 5:19): those men who promulgate vicious and ungodly doctrines and thereby dim or deny man's sublime destiny, or who by perverting ethical concepts and by setting a bad example give a false tendency to man's sensuality. Thirdly, ascetics acquaints not only with the malice of the devil, lest one falls prey to his cunning wiles, but also with his weakness, lest one lose heart. Finally, not satisfied with indicating the general means to be used for waging a victorious combat, ascetics offers particular remedies for special temptations (cf. Mutz, "Ascetik", 2nd ed., p. 107 sqq.). Means for realizing the Christian ideal. Prayer, above all, in its stricter meaning, is a means of attaining perfection; special devotions approved by the Church and the sacramental means of sanctification have a special reference to the striving after perfection (frequent confession and communion). Ascetics proves the necessity of prayer (2 Corinthians 3:5) and teaches the mode of praying with spiritual profit; it justifies vocal prayers and teaches the art of meditating according to the various methods of St. Peter of Alcantara, of St. Ignatius, and other saints, especially the "tres modi orandi" of St. Ignatius. An important place is assigned to the examination of conscience, because ascetical life wanes or waxes with its neglect or careful performance; without this regular practice, a thorough purification of the soul and progress in spiritual life are out of the question. It centres the searchlight of the interior vision on every single action: all sins, whether committed with full consciousness or only half voluntarily, even the negligences which, though not sinful, lessen the perfection of the act, all are carefully scrutinized (peccata, offensiones, negligentioe; cf. "Exercitia spiritualia" of St. Ignatius, ed. P. Roothaan, p. 3). Ascetics distinguishes a twofold examination of conscience: one general (examen generale), the other special (examen particulare), giving at the same time directions how both kinds may be made profitable by means of certain practical and psychological aids. The general examination recalls all the faults of one day; the particular, on the contrary, focusses on one single defect and marks its frequency, or on one virtue to augment the number of its acts. Ascetics encourages visits to the Blessed Sacrament ("visitatio sanctissimi"), a practice meant especially to nourish and strengthen the divine virtues of faith, hope and charity. It also inculcates the veneration of the saints, whose virtuous lives should spur us on to imitation. It is plain that imitation cannot mean an exact copying. What ascetics proposes as the most natural method of imitation is the removal or at least the lessening of the contrast existing between our own lives and the lives of the saints, the perfecting, as far as is possible, of human virtues, with due regard to personal disposition and the surrounding circumstances of time and place. On the other hand, the observation that some saints are more to be admired than imitated must not lead into the mistake of letting one's works be weighted with the ballast of human comfort and ease, at last looking with suspicion on every heroic act, as though it were something that transcended one's own energy and could not be reconciled with the present circumstances. Such a suspicion would be justified only if the heroic act could not at all be made to harmonize with the preceding development of interior life. The Blessed Mother of God is, after Christ, the most sublime ideal. No one has received grace in such fulness, no one has co-operated with grace so faithfully as she, so the Church praises her as the Mirror of Justice (speculum justitioe). The mere thought of her transcendent purity suffices to repel the alluring charms of sin and to inspire pleasure in the wonderful lustre of virtue. Self-denial is the second means which ascetics teaches us (cf. Matthew 16:24-25). Without it the combat between spirit and flesh, which are contrary to each other (Romans 7:23; 1 Corinthians 9:27; Galatians 5:17), will not lead to the victory of the spirit (Imitatio Christi, I, xxv). How far self-denial should extend is clear from the actual condition of human nature after the fall of Adam. The inclination to sin dominates both the will and the lower appetites; not only the intellect, but also the outer and the inner senses are made subservient to this evil propensity. Hence, self-denial and self-control must extend to all these faculties. Ascetics reduces self-denial to exterior and interior mortification: exterior mortification is the mortification of sensuality and the senses; interior mortification consists in the purification of the faculties of the soul (memory, imagination, intellect, will) and the mastering of the passions. However, the term "mortification" must not be taken to mean the stunting of the "strong, full, healthy" (Schell) life; what it aims at is that the sensual passions do not gain the upper hand over the will. It is precisely through taming the passions by means of mortification and self-denial that life and energy are strengthened and freed from cumbersome shackles. But while the masters of asceticism recognize the necessity of mortification and self-denial, far from deeming it "criminal to assume voluntary sufferings" (Seeberg), they are just as far from advocating the so-called "non-sensual" tendency which, looking upon the body and its life as a necessary evil, proposes to avert its noxious effects by wilful weakening or even mutilation (cf. Schneider, "Göttliche Weltordnung u. religionslose Sittlichkeit", Paderborn, 1900, p. 537). On the other hand, Catholics reject the gospel of "healthy sensuality", which is only a pretty-sounding title, invented to cloak unrestricted concupiscence. Special attention is devoted to the mastering of the passions, because with them above all else the moral combat must be waged most relentlessly. Scholastic philosophy enumerates as passions: love, hatred, desire, horror, joy, sadness, hope, despair, boldness, fear, anger. Starting from the Christian idea that the passions (passiones, as understood by St. Thomas) are inherent in human nature, ascetics affirms that they are neither sicknesses, as the Stoics, the Reformers and Kant maintain, nor yet harmless as was asserted by the Humanists and Rousseau who denied original sin. On the contrary, it insists that in themselves they are indifferent, may be employed for good and for evil and receive a moral character only by the use to which the will puts them. It is the purpose of ascetics to point out the ways and means by which these passions can be tamed and mastered, so that, instead of goading the will to sin, they are made welcome allies for the accomplishment of good. And since the passions are inordinate in as far as they turn to illicit things or exceed the necessary bounds in those things which are licit, ascetics teaches how to render them innocuous by averting or restraining them, or by turning them to loftier purposes. Labour also is subservient to the striving after perfection. Untiring labour runs counter to human corrupt nature, which loves ease and comfort. Hence well-ordered, persistent and purposeful labour implies self-denial. This is why the Catholic Church has always looked upon labour, both manual and mental, as an ascetic means of no small value (cfr. Cassian, "De instit. coenob. ", X, 24; St. Benedicts Rule, xlviii, li; Basil, "Reg. fusius tract." c. xxxvii, 1–3; "Reg. brevius tract. ", c. lxxii; Origen, "Contra Celsum", I, 28). St. Basil even holds that piety and avoidance of labour are irreconcilable in the Christian ideal of life (cf. Mausbach, "Die Ethik des hl. Augustinus", 1909, p. 264). Suffering too is an integral constituent of the Christian ideal and pertains consequently to ascetics, but its real value appears only in the light of faith, which teaches us that suffering makes us like unto Christ, we being the members of the mystic body of which He is the head (1 Peter 2:21), that suffering is the channel of grace which heals (sanat), preserves (conservat) and tests (probat). Finally ascetics teaches us how to turn sufferings into channels of heavenly grace. The Virtues are subjected to a thorough discussion. As is proved in dogmatic theology, our soul receives in justification supernatural habits, not only the three Divine, but also the moral virtues (Trid., Sess. VI, De justit., c. vi; Cat. Rom., p. 2, c. 2, n. 51). These supernatural powers (virtutes infusoe) are joined to the natural faculties or the acquired virtues (virtutes acguisitoe), constituting with them one principle of action. It is the task of ascetics to show how the virtues, taking into account the obstacles and means mentioned, can be reduced to practice in the actual life of the Christian, so that love be perfected and the image of Christ receive perfect shape in us. Conformable to the Brief of Leo XIII, "Testem benevolentiæ" of 22 January 1899, ascetics insists that the so-called "passive" virtues (meekness, humility, obedience, patience) must never be set aside in favour of the "active" virtues (devotion to duty, scientific activity, social and civilizing labour) which would be tantamount to denying that Christ is the perpetual model. Rather, both kinds must be harmoniously joined in the life of the Christian. True imitation of Christ is never a brake, nor does it blunt the initiative in any field of human endeavour, but the practice of the passive virtues is a support and aid to true activity. Besides, it not rarely happens that the passive virtues reveal a higher degree of moral energy than the active. The Brief itself refers to Matt., xxi, 29; Rom., viii, 29; Gal., v, 24; Phil., ii, 8; Heb., xiii, 8 (cf. also Zahn, l. c., 166 sqq.). Application of the means in the three degrees of Christian perfection. Imitation of Christ is the duty of all who strive after perfection. It lies in the very nature of this formation after the image of Christ that the process is gradual and must follow the laws of moral energy; for moral perfection is the terminus of a laborious journey, the crown of a hard-fought battle. Ascetics divides those who strive after perfection into three groups: the beginners, the advanced, the perfect; and correspondingly sets down three stages or ways of Christian perfection: the purgative way, the illuminative way, the unitive way. The means stated above are applied with more or less diversity according to the stage which the Christian has reached. In the purgative way, when the appetites and inordinate passions still possess considerable strength, mortification and self-denial are to be practised more extensively. For the seeds of the spiritual life will not sprout unless the tares and thistles have first been weeded out. In the illuminative way, when the mists of passion have been lifted to a great extent, meditation and the practice of virtues in imitation of Christ are to be insisted on. During the last stage, the unitive way, the soul must be confirmed and perfected in conformity with God's will ("And I live, now not I; but Christ liveth in me": Galatians 2:20). One may not to mistake the three stages for wholly separate portions of the striving after virtue and perfection. Even in the second and the third stages there occur at times violent struggles, while the joy of being united with God may sometimes be granted in the initial stage as an inducement for further advance (cf. Mutz, "Aszetik," 2nd ed., 94 sq.). Relation of ascetics to moral theology and mysticism. All these disciplines are concerned with the Christian life and its last end in the next world; but they differ, though not totally, in their mode of treatment. Ascetical theology, separated from moral theology and mysticism, has for its subject-matter the striving after Christian perfection; it shows how Christian perfection may be attained by earnestly exercising and schooling the will, using the specified means both to avoid the dangers and allurements of sin and to practise virtue with greater intensity. Moral theology is the doctrine of the duties, and in discussing the virtues is satisfied with a scientific exposition. Mysticism treats essentially of "union with God" and of the extraordinary, so-called mystic prayer. Though also those phenomena which are accidental to mysticism, such as ecstasy, vision, revelation, fall within its scope, yet they are by no means essential to the mystic life (cf. Zahn, "Einführung in die christl. Mystik", Paderborn, 1908). While mysticism includes also matter of ascetics, such as the endeavour of purification, vocal prayer, etc. this is only done because these exercises are looked upon as preparatory to the mystical life and must not be discarded even in its highest stage. Nevertheless, the mystical life is not merely a higher degree of the ascetical life, but differs from it essentially, the mystical life being a special grace granted to the Christian without any immediate merit on his part. Historical development. Bible. Abounds in practical instructions for the life of Christian perfection. Christ himself has drawn its outlines both as to its negative and positive requirements. His imitation is the supreme law (John 8:12; 12:26), charity the first commandment (Matthew 22:36-38; John 15:17); the right intention imparts value to the exterior works (Matthew 5-7), while self-denial and the carrying of the cross are the conditions for His discipleship (Matthew 10:38; 16:24; Mark 8:34; Luke 9:23; 14:27). Both by His own example (Matthew 4:2) and His exhortations (Matthew 17:20; Mark 9:28) Christ recommended fasting. He inculcated sobriety, watchfulness and prayer (Matthew 24:42; 25:13; 26:41; Mark 13:37; 14:37). He pointed to poverty as a means of gaining the kingdom of heaven (Matthew 6:19; 13:22; Luke 6:20; 8:14; 12:33; etc.) and counselled the rich youth to relinquish everything and to follow Him (Matthew 19:21). That this was a counsel and not a strict command, given in view of the particular attachment of the youth to the things of this world, is shown by the very fact that the Master had twice said "keep the commandments", and that he recommended the renunciation of all earthly goods only on the renewed inquiry after the means that lead to perfection (cf. Lutz, l. c., against the Protestants Th. Zahn, Bern, Weiss, Lemme, and others). Celibacy for God's sake was praised by Christ as worthy of a special heavenly reward (Matthew 19:12). Yet marriage is not condemned, but the words, "All men take not this word, but they to whom it is given", imply that it is the ordinary state, celibacy for God's sake being merely a counsel. Indirectly, Christ also commended voluntary obedience as a means for attaining the most intimate union with God (Matthew 18:4; 20:22, 25). What Christ outlined in his teachings the Apostles continued to develop. Especially St. Paul of Tarsus brings the two elements of Christian asceticism out in well-defined terms: mortification of inordinate desires as the negative element (Romans 6:8, 13; 2 Corinthians 4:16; Galatians 5:24; Colossians 3:5), union with God in all thoughts, words and deeds (1 Corinthians 10:31; Galatians 6:14; Colossians 3:3-17), and active love of God and once neighbour (Romans 8:35; 1 Corinthians 13:3) as the positive element. Fathers and Doctors of the Church. With the Bible as a basis, the Fathers and Doctors of the Church explained particular features of the Christian life in a more coherent and detailed manner. The Apostolic Fathers called the love of God and man the sun of Christian life which, animating all virtues with its vital rays, inspires contempt of the world, beneficence, immaculate purity and self-sacrifice. The "Didache", which was intended to serve as a manual for catechumens, thus describes the way of life: "First, thou shalt love God, who created thee; secondly, thou shalt love thy neighbour as thyself; whatever thou wishest that it should not be done to thee, do not to others." Following probably the "Didache", the "Epistle of Barnabas", written at the end of the 2nd century, represents the Christian life under the figure of the two ways, that of light and that of darkness. Two Epistles, purporting to come from the pen of St. Clement, but probably written in the 3rd century, exalt the life of virginity, if grounded on the love of God and accompanied by the corresponding works, as heavenly, divine and angelic. St. Polycarp says that St. Ignatius of Antioch's letters contain "faith and patience and all edification in the Lord"; the "Pastor" of Hermas in the twelve commandments inculcates simplicity, truthfulness, chastity, meekness, patience, continence, confidence in God and perpetual struggle against concupiscence. With the 3rd century the works on Christian asceticism began to show a more scientific character. The writings of Clement of Alexandria and Gregory the Great ("Moral. ", XXXIII, c. xxvii; cf. also Cassian, "Coll", IX, XV) show traces of the threefold degree which was afterwards systematically developed by Dionysius the Areopagite. In his "Stromata" Clement sets forth the full beauty and grandeur of "true philosophy". Remarkably this author delineates, even in its details, what is now known as ethical culture, and endeavours to harmonize it with the example given by Christ. The life of the Christian is to be ruled in all things by temperance. Following out this idea, he discusses in a casuistic form food and drink, dress and love of finery, bodily exercises and social conduct. From the 4th century, a twofold line of thought is discernible in the works on Christian life: one speculative, laying stress on the union of the soul with God, the Absolute Truth and Goodness; the other practical, aiming principally at instruction in the practice of the Christian virtues. The speculative element prevailed in the mystical school, which owes its systematic development to Pseudo-Dionysius and which reached its highest perfection in the 14th century. The practical element was emphasized in the ascetical school with St. Augustine as its chief representative, in whose footsteps followed Gregory the Great and Bernard of Clairvaux. It may suffice to detail the principal points on which the writers prior to the medieval-scholastic period dwelt in their instructions. On prayer we have the works of Macarius the Egyptian (d. 385) and of Tertullian (d. after 220), who supplemented his treatise on prayer in general by an explanation of the Lord's Prayer. Cyprian of Carthage (d. 258) wrote "De oratione dominica", and St. Chrysostom (d. 407). Penance and the spirit of penance were treated by Tertullian (De poenitentia), John Chrysostom ("De compunctione cordis", "De poenitentia") and Cyril of Jerusalem (d. 386) in his second catechetical instruction. That the life of the Christian is a warfare is amply illustrated in St. Augustine's (d. 430) "De agone christiano" and "Confessions". Chastity and virginity were treated by Methodius of Olympus (d. 311) in his "Convivium", in which ten virgins, discussing virginity, demonstrate the moral superiority of Christianity over the ethical tenets of pagan philosophy. The same subject is discussed by the following Fathers: Cyprian (d. 258); Gregory of Nyssa (d. 394) in his "De virginitate"; Ambrose (d. 397), the indefatigable eulogist and champion of the virginal life; Jerome in his "Adversus Helvidium de virginitate" and "Ad Eustachium"; Chrysostom (d. 407) in his "De virginitate", who, though extolling virginity as a heavenly life, yet recommends it only as a counsel; Augustine in his works "De continentia", "De virginitate", "De bono viduitatis". On patience we have the works of Cyprian, Augustine and Tertullian's "De patientia", in which he speaks of this virtue as an invalid might speak of health to console himself. Chrysostom's "De jejunio et eleemosyna" discusses fasting. Almsgiving and good works are encouraged in Cyprian's "De opere et eleemosynis" and in Augustine's "De fide et operibus". The value of labour is explained in "De opere monachorum" by St. Augustine. Nor are treatises on the different states of life wanting. Thus St. Augustine's "De bono conjugali" treats of the married state; his "De bono viduitatis" of widowhood. A frequent subject was the priesthood. Gregory of Nazianzus, in his "De fuga", treats of the dignity and responsibility of the priesthood; Chrysostom's "De sacerdotio" exalts the sublimity of this state with surpassing excellence; St. Ambrose in his "De officiis", while speaking of the four cardinal virtues, admonishes the clerics that their lives should be an illustrious example; St. Jerome's "Epistola ad Nepotianum" discusses the dangers to which priests are exposed; the "Regula pastoralis" of Gregory the Great inculcates the prudence indispensable to the pastor in his dealings with different classes of men. Of prime importance for the monastic life was the work "De institutis coenobiorum" of Cassian. But the standard work from the 8th to the 13th century was the Rule of St. Benedict, which found numerous commentators. Of the saint or rather his Rule St. Bernard says: "lpse dux noster, ipse magister et legifer noster est" (Serm. in Nat. S. Bened., n. 2). Illustrations of the practice of Christian virtues in general were the "Expositio in beatum Job" of pope Gregory the Great and the "Collationes Patrum" of Cassian, in which the various elements of Christian perfection were discussed in the form of dialogues. Medieval-Scholastic period. The transition period up to the 12th century exhibits no specially noteworthy advance in ascetical literature. To the endeavour to gather and preserve the teachings of the Fathers we owe Alcuin's "De virtutibus et vitiis". But when in the 12th century speculative theology was celebrating its triumphs, mystical and ascetical theology too showed a healthy activity. The results of the former could not but benefit the latter by placing Christian morality on a scientific basis and throwing ascetical theology itself into a scientific form. The pioneers in this field were St. Bernard (d. 1156), Hugh of St. Victor and Richard of St. Victor. St. Bernard, the greatest mystical theologian of the 12th century, also holds a prominent place among ascetical writers, so that Harnack calls the "religious genius" of the 12th century. The basic idea of his works, especially prominent in his treatise "De gratia et libero arbitrio", is that the life of the Christian should be a copy of the life of Jesus. Like Clement of Alexandria, he lays down precepts for the regulation of the necessities of life as food and dress, and for the implanting of God's love in man's heart, which would sanctify all things ("Apologia", "De præcepto et dispensatione"). Many are the steps by which love ascends till it reaches its perfection in the love for God's sake. Among his ascetical writings are: "Liber de diligendo Deo", "Tractatus de gradibus humilitatis et superbiæ", "De moribus et officio episcoporum", "Sermo de conversione ad clericos", "Liber de consideratione". Frequent allusions to SS. Augustine and Gregory the Great are scattered through the pages of Hugh of St. Victor (d. 1141), so much so that he earned the distinction of being called a second Augustine by his contemporaries. He was undoubtedly the first to give to ascetical theology a more or less definite, scientific character. The ever-recurring theme of his works is love. But what he aimed at above all in his writings was to lay bare the psychological bearings of mystical and ascetical theology. Noteworthy are his works: "De vanitate mundi", "De laude caritatis", "De mode orandi", "De meditatione". His pupil, Richard of St. Victor (d. 1173), though more ingenious and systematic, is yet less intent upon practical utility, except in his work "De exterminatione mali et promotione boni". The great theologians of the 13th century, who were no less famous for their scholastic "Summæ" than for their ascetical and mystical writings, brought ascetical teaching to its perfection and gave it the definite shape it has retained as a standard for all future times. No other epoch furnishes such convincing proof that true science and true piety are rather a help than a hindrance to each other. Albertus Magnus, or Albert the Great, the illustrious teacher of Thomas Aquinas, who was the first to join Aristotelean philosophy with theology and to make philosophy the handmaid of theology, was at the same time the author of excellent works on ascetics and mysticism, e. g., "De adhærendo Deo", the ripest fruit of his mystic genius, and "Paradisus animæ", which was conceived along more practical lines. St. Thomas explains in the ascetic work "De perfectione vitæ spiritualis" the essence of Christian perfection so lucidly that his line of argumentation may even in our days serve as a model. His other works too contain ample material of value both for ascetics and for mysticism. The Seraphic Doctor, St. Bonaventure, in the words of Pope Leo XIII, "treats of mystic theology in a manner so perfect that the unanimous opinion of the most expert theologians regards him as the prince of mystic theologians". Of his authentic works the following deserve mention: "De perfectione evangelica", "Collationes de septem donis Spiritus sancti", "Incendium amoris", "Soliloquium", Lignum vitæ", "De præparatione ad Missam", "Apologia pauperum". From the pen of David of Augsburg, a contemporary of these great masters, is an ascetic instruction for novices in his book entitled "De exterioris et interioris hominis compositione". He leads the reader along the three well-known ways, purgative, illuminative and unitive, purposing to make the reader a spiritual man. By severely disciplining the faculties of the soul and subordinating the flesh to the spirit, man must restore the original order, so that he may not only do what is good, but likewise do it with ease. There remains to be mentioned the "Summa de vitiis et virtutibus" of Peraldus (d. c. 1270). The 14th century is characterized throughout by its mystical tendencies. Among the works which this period produced, Henry Suso's "Booklet of Eternal Wisdom deserves special mention on account of its highly practical value. Pre-eminent in the fifteenth century were Gerson, Dionysius the Carthusian and the author of the "Imitation of Christ". Relinquishing the ideals of the mystic writers of the fourteenth century, Gerson attached himself again to the great scholastic writers, thus avoiding the vagaries which had become alarmingly frequent among the mystics. His "Considerationes de theologia mystica" shows that he belongs to the practical school of asceticism. Dionysius the Carthusian is esteemed as a highly gifted teacher of the spiritual life. Both mysticism properly so called and practical asceticism owe valuable works to his pen. To the latter category belong: "De remediis tentationum", "De via purgativa", "De oratione", "De gaudio spirituali et pace interna", "De quatuor novissimis". The "Imitatio Christi", which appeared in the middle of the 15th century, deserves special attention on account of its lasting influence. "It is a classic in its ascetical unction and perfect in its artistic style" (Hamm, "Die Schönheit der kath. Moral", Munich-Gladbach, 1911, p. 74). In four books it treats of the interior spiritual life in imitation of Jesus Christ. It pictures the struggle which man must wage against his inordinate passions and perverse inclinations, the indulgence of which sullies his conscience and robs him of God's grace: "Vanity of vanities and all is vanity, except to love God and serve Him alone" (Vanitas vanitatum et omnia vanitas præter amare Deum et illi soli servire: I, i). It advises mortification and self-denial as the most efficacious weapons in this struggle. It teaches man to establish God's kingdom in his soul by the practice of virtues according to the example of Jesus Christ. It finally leads him to union with Christ by exciting love for him as well as by pointing out the frailty of all creatures: "It is necessary to leave the beloved thing for the beloved, because Jesus wishes to be loved above all things" (Oportet dilectum propter dilectum relinquere, quia Jesus vult solus super omnia amari: II, xvii). The thoughts of the "Imitation" are thrown into epigrams so simple that they are within the mental grasp of all. Though the book betrays that the author was well versed not only in Scholastic philosophy and theology, but also in the secrets of the mystical life, yet this fact never obtrudes itself on the reader, nor does it obscure the meaning of the contents. A number of quotations from the great doctors Augustine, Bernard, Bonaventure and Thomas, from Aristotle, Ovid and Seneca do not mar the impression that the whole work is the spontaneous outburst of an intensely glowing soul. It has often been said that the teachings of the "Imitation" are "unworldly" and show little appreciation for science, but one must take into consideration the peculiar circumstances of the time: Scholasticism had entered on a period of decline and had lost itself in intricate subtleties; mysticism had gone astray; all classes had been more or less infected with the spirit of licentiousness; conditions like these are the key to interpret phrases such as the following: "I would rather feel compunction than know how to define it" (Opto magis sentire compunctionem quam scire ejus definitionem) or "This is the highest wisdom: through contempt of the world to strive for the kingdom of heaven" (Ista est summa sapientia: per contemptum mundi tendere ad regna coelestia). Modern times. During the 16th century St. Teresa and St. Ignatius of Loyola stand out most prominently owing to the wide-felt influence which they exerted upon the religion of their contemporaries, an influence that is still at work through their writings. The writings of St. Teresa arouse our admiration by the simplicity, clearness and precision of her judgment. Her letters show her to be an enemy of everything that smacks of eccentricity or singularity, sham piety or indiscreet zeal. One of her principal works, the "Way to Perfection", though written primarily for nuns, also contains apposite instructions for those who live in the world. While teaching the way to contemplation, she yet insists that not all are called to it and that there is greater security in the practice of humility, mortification, and the other virtues. Her masterpiece is the "Castle of the Soul", in which she expounds her theory of mysticism under the metaphor of a "castle" with many chambers. The soul resplendent with the beauty of the diamond or crystal is the castle; the various chambers are the various degrees through which the soul must pass before she can dwell in perfect union with God. Scattered throughout the work are many hints of inestimable value for asceticism as applied in everyday life. This fact is undoubtedly due to the well-founded conviction of the saint that even in extraordinary states the ordinary means must not be set aside altogether, so that illusions may be guarded against (cf. J. Zahn, "Introduction to Mysticism" p. 213). In his "Exercitia spiritualia" St. Ignatius of Loyola has left to posterity a grand literary monument of the science of the soul, but also a method unparalleled in its practical efficacy of strengthening the willpower. The booklet has appeared in numberless editions and revisions and, "despite its modest guise, is in reality a complete system of asceticism" (Meschler). The four weeks of the Exercises acquaint the exercitant with the three degrees of the spiritual life. The first week is taken up with cleansing the soul from sin and from its inordinate attachment to creatures. The second and third weeks lead the exercitant along the illuminative way. The portrait of Christ, the most lovable of all men, is outlined before his eyes, so that he can contemplate in the humanity the reflex of Divine light and the supreme model of all virtues. The meditations of the fourth week, the subject of which are the resurrection etc., lead to union with God and teach the soul to rejoice in the glory of the Lord. It is true, there are many rules and regulations, the sequence is most logical, the arrangement of the meditations follows the laws of psychology; yet these exercises do no violence to the free will, but are meant to strengthen the faculties of the soul. They do not, as has often been asserted, make the exercitant a powerless instrument in the hands of the confessor, nor are they a mystic flight to heaven, accomplished by means of a compulsion which intends a rapid advance in perfection by a mechanical process (Zöckler, "Die Tugendlehre des Christentums", Gütersloh, 1904, p. 335). Their marked intellectualism, so frequently objected to, in no way constitutes a hindrance to mysticism (Meschler, "Jesuitenaszese u. deutsche Mystik" in "Stimmen aus Maria-Laach", 1912). On the contrary, they make man's moral will truly free by removing the hindrances, while, by cleansing the heart and by accustoming the mind to meditative prayer, they are an excellent preparation for the mystical life. Louis of Granada, O. P. (died 1588), also belongs to this period. His work "La guia de pecadores" may be styled a book full of consolation for the erring. His "El memorial de la vida cristiana" contains instructions which take the soul from the very beginning and lead her to the highest perfection. Louis of Blois (Blosius), O. S. B. (d. 1566), is of a mind kindred to St. Bernard. His "Monile spirituale" is the best known of his numerous works. Thomas of Jesus (died 1582) wrote the "Passion of Christ" and "De oratione dominica". A great number of ascetical writers sprang up during the 17th century. Among them St. Francis de Sales stands out most prominently. According to Linsemann, the publication of his "Philothea" was an event of historical importance. To make piety attractive and to adapt it to all classes whether living in Court circles, in the world or in a monastery, this was his aim and in this he succeeded. Of a mild and sweet temperament, he never lost sight of the habits and particular circumstances of the individual. Though unwavering in his ascetical principles, he yet possessed an admirable facility for adapting them without constraint or rigidity. In the practice of mortification he recommends moderation and adaptation to one's state of life and to personal circumstances. Love of God and of man: this he puts down as the motive power of all actions. The spirit of St. Francis pervades the whole of modern asceticism, and even today his "Philothea" is one of the most widely read books on asceticism. "Theotimus", another work of his, treats in the first six chapters of the love of God, the rest being devoted to mystical prayer. His letters, too, are very instructive. Attention may be called to the new edition of his works (Euvres, Annecy, 1891 sqq.). "Il combattimento spirituale" of Scupoli (d. 1610) was spread very widely and earnestly recommended by Francis de Sales. Further Catholic bibliography. To the same period belong the following authors and works. In the course of the 18th century a number of valuable works on asceticism and mysticism were published. To Neumeyer, S. J. (d. 1765), we owe the "Idea theol. ascet. ", a complete, scientifically arranged epitome. Rogacci, S. J. (d. 1719), wrote "Del uno necessario", an instruction in the love of God, which ranks high in ascetical literature and was translated into several languages. Giovanni Battista Scaramelli's "Direttorio ascetico" treats asceticism apart from mysticism. A treatise on the virtues is contained in Dirkink, S. J., "Semita perfectionis" (new ed., Paderborn, 1890). Designed along broad lines is the "Trinum perfectum" (3rd ed., Augsburg, 1728) by Michael of St. Catherine. Katzenberger, O. F. M., wrote "Scientia salutis" (new ed., Paderborn, 1901). Schram's "Institutiones theol. mysticæ" (2 vols.) combines asceticism with mysticism, though the author is at his best in the ascetical parts. St. Alphonsus Liguori (d. 1787), rightly called the "Apostolic Man", published a large number of ascetic works, full of heavenly unction and tender-hearted piety. The best-known and most important of them are: "Pratica di amar Gesù Cristo" (1768), "Visita al SS. Sacramento", perhaps the most widely read of all his ascetical works: "La vera sposa di Gesù Cristo" (1760), a sure guide to perfection for countless souls. Complete treatises on asceticism, published during the 19th and 20th centuries, are the following: Grundkötter, "Anleitung zur christl. Vollkommenheit" (Ratisbon, 1896). Leick, C. SS. R., "Schule der christl. Vollkommenheit" (Ratisbon, 1886), inspired by the writings of St. Alphonsus Liguori. Weiss, O. P., "Philosophie der christl. Vollkommenheit" (vol. V of his "Apologie"; Freiburg 1898). The author is extraordinarily well read, and his conception of the spiritual life is unusually deep. Ribet, "L'ascétique chrétienne" (Paris, 1888). Tissot, "La vie intérieure". Saudreau, "Les degrés de la vie spirituelle" (Angers, 1896 and 1897), a work full of unction. His other works, "Les faits extraordinaires de la vie spirituelle" (1908) and "La vie d'union à Dieu" (1909), belong to mysticism properly so called. Poulain, S. J., "La grâce d'oraison", though of a mystic character, yet treats of the ordinary method of prayer. Saudreau and Poulain are reliable throughout and their works are among the best productions in this branch. Rousset, O. P., "Directorium asceticum" (Freiburg, 1893). Meynard, O. P., "Traité de la vie intérieure" (Paris, 1899), based on St. Thomas. Meyer, S. J., "First Lessons in the Science of the Saints" (2nd ed., St. Louis, 1903), translated into several languages. Francis X. Mutz, "Die christliche Aszetik" (2nd ed., Paderborn, 1909). Joseph Zahn, "Einführung in die christliche Mystik" (Paderborn, 1908), important also for asceticism. Berthier, "De la perfection chrétienne et de la perfection religieuse d'après S. Thomas et S. François de Sales" (2 vols., Paris, 1901). A. Devine, "Manual of Ascetical Theology" (London). Ryan, "Groundwork of Christian Perfection" (London). Buchanan, "Perfect Love of God" (London). An exhaustive list of Catholic ascetical writers is given in Migne Non-Catholic authors: Otto Zöckler, "Die Tugendlehre des Christentums, geschichtlich dargestellt" (Gütersloh, 1904). W. Hermann, "Der Verkehr des Christen mit Gott" (6th ed., Stuttgart, 1908), and "Die sittlichen Weisungen Jesu" (Göttingen, 1907). Kähler, "Verkehr mit Christo in seiner Bedeutung für das eigene Leben" (Leipzig, 1904). Peabody, "Jesus Christ and the Christian Character". A. Ritschl, "Christiiche Vollkommenheit" (Göttingen, 1902). Sheldon, "In his Steps -- What Would Jesus do? ", widely read in England. Eastern Orthodox. The Eastern Orthodox share the apostolic faith and sacramental life held in the Catholic faith, and have a virtually identical understanding of the nature and purpose of the Christian life, using different terminology. Those of the Eastern Orthodox tradition refer to the practice of faith as "praxis", which encompasses prayer, worship, and fasting. A form of prayer corresponding perhaps to the illuminative and unitive ways is called Hesychasm. The overall progression toward union with God is called "theosis". The understanding of the Christian life, consistent with Patristic and apostolic teachings and implying a start toward purgation, is termed "phronema". Orthodox sources also refer to "ascetical theology", with a meaning consistent with that given above. Protestant. Protestants do not share the sacramental understanding that characterizes Catholic and Orthodox faith, but use the term "ascetical theology" in some contexts. Without the sacrament of Confession, the purgative way is more personal, and without belief that God is literally present in the Eucharist, the unitive way is also more personal and ethereal. Protestant theology of union with God tends to be "personalist". As with the Eucharist, a wide variety of Protestant viewpoints exist regarding the way to follow Christ. This is partly because there is no one center of Protestant thought. A helpful writer on the theme of askesis from a Protestant viewpoint is Eugene Peterson, especially in his work "Under the Unpredictable Plant". He refers to many other Protestant writers, including Martin Thornton. Thornton's parochial theology of the remnant is an Anglican expression of the Roman Catholic rule of faith. Islam. There is not an extensive evidence trail of Islam embracing an ascetical theology, but Islamic teachings encourage adherents to imitate closely Muhammad in order to achieve spiritual perfection. Moreover, a certain kind of asceticism, known in Islamic terminology as "zuhd", exists in manuals of Islamic ethics and mysticism.

comprehensive method

12792-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=47690862

The Ohio Organizing Collaborative (OOC) is a 501c3 non-profit statewide organization focused on uniting community organizers and organizing groups across Ohio with similar interests. The OOC was formed in 2007 by Kirk Noden with a mission of organizing citizens to build power and combat social, racial and economic injustices in communities across Ohio. The goal for the OOC is to organize Ohioans and the Midwest citizens into a progressive movement. The OOC is composed of 18 community-based organizations with members in every major city across Ohio. These organizations include labor unions, faith organizations, community organizing groups among others. Currently the OOC participates in eight campaigns across the state through direct advocacy, voter engagement, fundraising, and community growth. Funding for the OOC is provided in many different ways including third party investors, grants, and fundraising. Campaigns. The OOC currently participates in several campaigns across the state. These campaigns include Mass Incarceration, Immigration Reform, Civic Engagement, Environmental Justice, Leadership Training, Caring Across Generations, Economic Dignity, and Healthy Communities. Organization. The OOC is headquartered in Youngstown Ohio with regional offices across the state including Cleveland, Akron, Canton, Dayton, Cincinnati, Toledo, and Warren, Ohio. The OOC works as a tool to unite organizations and people across the state to build people "Power" across the state and take control of issues affecting the community including mass incarceration, community engagement levels, and actual equality within the social, economic, and political sectors in Ohio. Member Organization. Several member organizations collectively make up the collaborative and expands its networking ability across the state. Aiming to reach community members throughout Ohio, this collaborative has designed a system of community outreach built through alliances with other organizations operating with similar interests. These organizations co-facilitate campaigns with local, regional, and national organizations targeting social justice issues and collectively building people power. Currently, the OOC comprises 18 member organizations including the Ohio Student Association, SEIU Local 1, Iron Workers, Ohio Prophetic Voices, and Northeast Ohio Alliance For Hope. History. The OOC was formed in 2007 by Kirk Noden with the mission of organizing citizens to build power and combat social, racial and economic injustices in communities across Ohio. In 2011 The collaborative aligned with Stand Up for Ohio to take a stance against Ohio Senate Bill 5 issue on collective bargaining. In 2012 The OOC developed a Civic Engagement Program that combines organizing and mobilization strategies with electoral work. The Civic Engagement Program is focused on seniors, student, and religious communities. The OOC covers six regions and 12 counties in Ohio. In May 2012 the OOC began its faith-based campaign, Ohio Prophetic Voices and formed its seed organization the Ohio Student Association. Leadership Training In Ohio. Every year, the OOC and its statewide members host a training for approximately 100 leaders from the faith and labor community, electoral politics, public officeholders and grassroots leaders who seek to be more effective organizers in their communities, churches, or workplace. OOC's weeklong training blends the best of traditional organizing models with emerging innovation. The Ohio Student Association, a seed of the OOC is a statewide organization led by young people. OSA engages in values-based issue & electoral organizing, nonviolent direct action, advocacy for progressive public policy, and leadership development. On campuses and communities across Ohio, they organize young people to build independent political power. Battling Mass Incarceration. The OOC and the Ohio Justice and Policy have partnered to identify a series of data-driven progressive solutions that will safely reduce the size of Ohio's correctional population while addressing serious concerns of racial disparity In the report "Mass Incarceration and Criminal Justice Reform in Ohio" published by the collaborative concluded racial Inequality was found within Ohio's criminal justice system. The collaborative reports that while African Americans represent 12.5 percent of Ohio's population, they simultaneously make up 45 percent of incarcerated individuals in Ohio. A report posted by the U.S. Department of Justice Bureau of Justice Statistics"Correctional Populations in the United States, 2013," provides that there was roughly 6.9 million people under the supervision of the adult correction system by the end of 2013.About 1 in 35. The United States has the highest prison population rate in the world at 716 per 100,000 of the nation's population as reported by the "Worlds Prison Population List." The OOC focuses on a number of measures to address Ohio's mass incarceration including using its advocacy abilities to support and utilize the Ohio Department of Rehabilitation and Corrections "Smart Ohio Plan " which is a funding system created to increase community corrections alternatives to prison. This Plan would give counties in Ohio the ability to increase diversion program by providing funding based upon progress data and effectiveness.

first group

10949-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=17799465

Dunedin North, also known as North Dunedin, is a major inner suburb of the New Zealand city of Dunedin, located northeast of the city centre. It contains many of the city's major institutions, including the city's university, polytechnic, main hospital, and largest museum. Dunedin North's 2001 population was 7,047, including the university area. Geography. Dunedin North is located immediately to the north and northeast of the city's CBD. The suburb of Woodhaugh lies immediately to the northwest, and Dalmore and the Gardens Corner lie to the north. It is centred on a widening of the inner city plain around the lower reaches of the Water of Leith, and on land reclaimed from the Otago Harbour, including the former Pelichet Bay. The suburb is not entirely flat, however, as a spur of Signal Hill extends across the plain to the south of the Dunedin Botanic Gardens, rising into the small peak of Tani Hill immediately to the northeast of the University of Otago. The hill's name, not officially recognised and nowadays rarely used, is a corruption of "Botanic Hill", and dates from the time when the Dunedin Botanic Gardens were located on the site now occupied by the university. Two university halls of residence, Arana College and Studholme College, sit close to the peak of Tani Hill. Main roads. Dunedin North's main streets include George Street, Castle Street, Cumberland Street, Great King Street, and Anzac Avenue. These latter four roads form part of New Zealand's State Highway network, with Castle, Cumberland, and Great King Streets all being part of State Highway 1 (as well as being part of the city's one-way street system), and Anzac Avenue being part of State Highway 88 between Dunedin and Port Chalmers. The first four of these streets run parallel to each other, and all five are connected by numerous cross streets such as Albany Street, Dundas Street, and Frederick Street in a grid pattern interrupted by the campus of the University of Otago. University of Otago and environs. The University of Otago is the most notable feature of Dunedin North, covering of the suburb. Its central campus is roughly bounded by Cumberland Street, Albany Street, St. David's Street, and Clyde Street. Immediately to its east lies the Otago Polytechnic, and beyond this the University of Otago College of Education. Between this and the mouth of the Leith is the new Forsyth Barr Stadium at University Plaza, completed in 2011 on former industrial and warehousing land close to the edge of Otago Harbour. Immediately to the north of the College of Education is a wide expanse of open parkland, Logan Park. This contains some of the city's other main sports grounds, notably the Caledonian Ground and the University Oval, the latter being a Test cricket venue. These grounds and the Forsyth Barr Stadium between them make this part of Dunedin one of the country's major sporting hubs. Logan Park High School, one of the city's larger high schools, is located close to the Caledonian Ground in the northeast corner of the park. The small Opoho Creek flows along the edge of Logan Park before its confluence with the Leith close to the latter's mouth. The mouth of the Leith is also the location of the Otago Yacht Club. At the eastern edge of Logan Park is the Logan Point quarry, which State Highway 88 skirts the edge of between Dunedin North and the neighbouring suburb of Ravensbourne. Housing and other attractions. Beyond the institutional heart of the suburb, Dunedin North is primarily residential, with much of the area occupied by student flats. As such, Dunedin North and the neighbouring suburbs of The Gardens and North East Valley are often considered New Zealand's principal student ghetto. There is a tradition, since the late 1930s, of student flats being named by their residents. There is little in the way of industrial property within the suburb, although there is some light industry in the southeast close to Anzac Avenue, and Gregg's coffee factory is located close to Otago Polytechnic. Other notable features of Dunedin North include Otago Museum, located immediately to the east of the University, and Dunedin Public Hospital, which lies at the southern edge of Dunedin North surrounded by university buildings which are part of the Otago Medical School. The oldest church in Dunedin still used as a church is All Saints' Church, Dunedin built in 1865, it sits on Cumberland St opposite North Ground. One of the city's most architecturally important churches, Knox Church, sits to the west of the hospital at the point where North Dunedin joins the central business district. In the north of the suburb lies the Dunedin Botanic Gardens. Above them is one of the city's most historic cemeteries, the Dunedin Northern Cemetery.

established center

4361-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=24885582

Ferranti Canada's Route Reference Computer was the first computerized mail sorter system, delivered to the Canadian Post Office in January 1957. In spite of a promising start and a great deal of international attention, spiraling costs and a change in government led to the project being canceled later that year. Technical developments pioneered for the Route Reference Computer were put to good use by Ferranti in several projects that followed over the next decade. History. Sorting problems. In the immediate post-war era, Canada experienced explosive growth in urban population as veterans returning from World War II moved into the cities looking for work in the newly industrialized country. This created logjams at mail routing offices that handled the mail for what used to be much smaller cities. Whereas the formerly rural population spread out the sorting and delivery of mail, now sixty percent of all the mail was being sorted at only ten processing stations, leading to lengthy delays and complaints that reached all the way to the House of Commons. At the time, a mail sorter could be expected to sort mail into one of about two dozen "pigeon holes", small bins that collected all of the mail being delivered to a particular mail route. The sorter had to memorize addresses and the routes that served them, reading the address off a letter and placing it into the correct pigeon hole. In a small town each pigeon hole could represent the mail carried by a single deliveryman, and each sorter could remember the streets and sort mail for any of these routes. But for mail that was being delivered across larger areas, the sorting had to be broken into a hierarchy. A receiving station in Alberta routing a letter to Ontario would sort it into the Ontario stack. The mail would then be received in Ontario and sorted at a distribution center to stacks for city or towns. If the city was large enough, it might have to be sorted several more times before it reached an individual carrier. During the 1940s the Post Office Department had introduced "postal zones" in certain cities to help spread out sorting into regional offices. For instance, as of 1943 Toronto was divided into 14 zones. Letters with zones could be routed directly to the regional sorting office, skipping one sorting step and speeding the delivery of the mail. Using the zones for addressing was not mandatory and was up to the sender to include this if they knew it, and the Post Office urged users to add the new codes to their mail. Automation. At the time, the primary constraint for the number of pigeon holes a sorter could serve was the length of the human arm, which limited the stack of holes to a cabinet about 4 feet on a side. A number of companies sold sorting equipment that overcame this by moving the mail on a conveyor to a large array of bins. One of the most widely used at that time was the Transorma, which supported up 5 sorters at a time and sorted to as many as 300 destination bins. In practice, the Transorma simply changed the limiting problem; while the number of bins was now essentially unlimited, there was no way the sorters could be expected to remember so many routes. The limitation changed from physical to mental. Convinced that automation was the proper solution to the routing problem, in 1951 O.D. Lewis at Post Office headquarters in Ottawa started looking for ways to solve the memory limitation. Although Lewis did not have a technical background, he was aware of the IBM systems being used for tallying pencil-marked punched cards. He suggested that a similar system could be used for sorting mail, but a better solution for printing the routing information would be to use "a code of vertical bars on the back of the letter. Or, if a virtually colourless conductive marking fluid could be developed, then the front cover could be used." He imagined a system where the address would simply be typed into the system and converted to barcode with no attempt by the operator to do any routing. A machine, with practically unlimited memory, would then read the route and sort it to the proper bin. Only the machine would have to know the routes, and with enough memory, any one of them could sort mail directly to its destination. Lewis noted that such a system would replace sorters with typists, which could be hired in great numbers from existing typing pools. Deputy Postmaster General William Turnbull, under pressure from the seated government to improve postal service, turned to Lewis' ideas. In 1952 Turnbull and Lewis started looking around the industry to find systems that might fill their needs, but came up empty handed. Although there were a wide variety of patents that had been filed for such systems, none had been turned into working machinery. They approached the National Research Council (NRC) for help, but found a similar lack of ideas there. Failing to find a machine that was immediately available, they installed a Transorma at their new sorting office in Peterborough, Ontario, as an interim measure. It started operations in 1955 and ran until 1963. Maurice Moise Levy had recently left the Defence Research Board to set up a Canadian subsidiary of ITT Corporation known as FEMCO, short for "Federal Electric Manufacturing Co." Turnbull met with Levy in April 1952 and asked him if a sorting machine was possible, Levy immediately answered "yes." Levy followed this up with a proposal for a $100,000 contract for detailed engineering development. After the NRC examined the proposal and passed judgement that it seemed possible, Turnbull pressed for development of the system. Under further pressure from the opposition and problems staffing the Toronto office, Postmaster General Alcide Côté announced the project in July 1952. Electronic Information Handling System. As chance would have it, Levy had recently been fired by ITT and was hired by Turnbull. He set up the small in-house Electronics Laboratory with the promise of having a prototype machine ready for testing in three years. In early 1953 he visited companies looking for potential development partners, and through this process he met with Arther Porter, head of R&D at Ferranti Canada. At the time, Ferranti was in the midst of developing the DATAR system for the Royal Canadian Navy. DATAR was a vacuum tube-based drum memory computer that stored and collected data for display. Radar and sonar operators on any of the ships in a convoy could send contact reports to DATAR using a trackball-equipped display that sent the data over a UHF PCM radio link. DATAR stored the data on the drum and periodically sent out the complete dataset to the ships, which plotted them on local displays, rotated and scaled for that ship's position in the convoy. The result was a single unified picture of the entire battlefield that could be seen on any of the ships, even those without direct contact with the targets. Porter suggested using the DATAR computer design as the basis for a sorting system. Following Lewis' suggestion, a new reader would sort the mail on the basis of the pattern of stripes on the letter provided by an operator who simply typed in the address without attempting to route it. Ferranti suggested a fluorescent ink instead of a conductive one. Routing information would be placed on the magnetic drum, which could store thousands of routes and could be easily changed on demand. Levy, however, was interested in using an optical memory system being developed at IBM by a team including Louis Ridenour (see Automatic Language Translator for details) for storage of the routing information. Turnbull overruled Levy, and on 10 August 1954 he signed a contract with Ferranti for the Electronic Information Handling System using a drum memory. In February 1955 Levy announced the system to the world at a conference in the U.S., claiming that it was able to process 200,000 letters per hour. For comparison, the largest Transnorma systems could handle about 15,000 letters an hour. Although the computer system did appear to be able to meet this claim, they were having serious problems with the non-computer portions of the project. Route Reference Computer. Levy and Turnbull pressed for development of a production system, while Porter was suggested they move to a transistorized version of the computer. Porter had made the same proposal to the Navy in order to cure the size and reliability problems they were having the tube-based DATAR, and had signed a contract for a transistorized DATAR in early 1955. Since the Navy was paying for much of the development of the circuitry, the new machine would be inexpensive to develop. Porter offered a $65,000 contract for the new computer, known as the Route Reference Computer, which Turnbull signed in August 1955. Ferranti had based both proposals on Philco's SB-100 transistor and their Transac logic circuit design. In production both proved to be less developed than hoped. The SB-100 was unreliable, and even working versions varied so widely in performance that the Transac logic circuits were unusable. Making matters worse, in late 1955 the Navy was forced to cancel development of the transistorized DATAR, placing the entire development cost on the Post Office budget. Ferranti burned through the initial $65,000 by early 1956, and several additional rounds of funding followed. Since the Post Office had no other plans on the books to address their problems, these were always forthcoming. By August 1956 the project was three times its original budget, and when Turnbull demanded an update, Ferranti finally told Levy about the problems they were having with the Transac circuitry and stated they had been forced to abandon it to develop their own. Their new design worked, but the equivalent circuits were larger and this caused problems trying to fit them into the original chassis. Levy, reporting back, was admonished by Turnbull, who was under increasing pressure to deliver the system. That month, Progressive Conservative Postmaster critic William McLean Hamilton pressed for an update on "this million dollar monster", and given an end-of-year date that was also missed. The machine was finally delivered in January 1957, and Turnbull was able to display it in working fashion that summer when the Universal Postal Union held its Congress meeting in Ottawa, the first in Canada. Interest was high, prompting postmasters from England and Germany to visit Ottawa to see the system, along with a similar visit by several U.S. Congressmen. Hopes of international sales were dimmed when the Congressmen returned to Washington and quickly arranged $5 million in funding for local development of a similar system. Burroughs Corporation won a development contract the next year, emerging as the Multiple Position Letter Sorting Machine in the early 1960s. By this point the budget for development had reached $2.5 million. During 1957 federal election the Progressive Conservative Party of Canada ran a campaign that aimed at what they characterized as Louis St. Laurent's out-of-control spending. Nevertheless, when Hamilton took over the role of Postmaster General in August 1957, instead of canceling the project he pressed Turnbull to install a production system as quickly as possible. Turnbull stated that they could have a system installed within six months, and Hamilton agreed to continue funding the project, but noted that he would accept no further delays. Turnbull's estimate proved overly optimistic, and development of the mechanical portions of the system dragged on until further funding was curtailed and Levy's Electronics Laboratory was finally shut down. Turnbull quit the Deputy position in 1958. Their initial failure using automation slowed the adoption of newer systems, and Canada was one of the last major western nations to introduce Postal Codes, which didn't appear until the 1970s. Success through failure. Although the mail sorting machine was eventually broken up for scrap, it was highly influential outside of Canada. Lewis' original suggestion that some sort of invisible or see-through ink be used to store routing information on the front face of the letters is now practically universal, as is the basic workflow of the address being converted to bar code form as soon as possible by typists and then sent into automated machinery for actual sorting. Use of bar-coded ZIP codes printed directly at the sending point when using postage meters became mandatory in the U.S. in 1973. During the 1960s the use of optical character readers replaced typists for letters with typewritten addresses, and in the 1990s, handwritten ones as well. Ferranti prospered from the development effort as they adapted their new transistorized circuit design for a series of follow-on projects. Shortly after the Route Reference Computer was delivered, they were contacted by the Federal Reserve Bank to develop a similar system for check sorting that was very successful. Ferranti later the same basic system as the basis of ReserVec, a computer reservations system built for Trans Canada Airlines (today's Air Canada) that started full operation in October 1961, beating the more famous SABRE. The basic ReserVec design would later be generalized into the Ferranti-Packard 6000 mainframe business computers, whose design became the basis for the ICT 1900 series of machines during the 1960s. Further reading. Ferranti's system received widespread press reporting in the late 1950s. Examples include: A description of the end-to-end process of sorting and delivering the mail can be found in:

the mail service depot

2395-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=25559802

REM rebound is the lengthening and increasing frequency and depth of rapid eye movement (REM) sleep which occurs after periods of sleep deprivation. When people have been prevented from experiencing REM, they take less time than usual to attain the REM state. When people are unable to obtain an adequate amount of REM sleep, the pressure to obtain REM sleep builds up. When the subject is able to sleep, they will spend a higher percentage of the night in REM sleep. After early research connected rapid eye movement with dreaming and established that it made up about 20% of normal human sleep, experimenters started depriving test subjects of only REM sleep, to test its unique importance. Every time a subject's electroencephalogram and eye movements indicated the beginning of REM sleep, the experimenter would thoroughly wake them for several minutes. As this “dream deprivation” continued, tendency to initiate REM increased, and the subjects were woken up more and more times each night. The subjects became irritable, anxious, and hungry, and several left the study early. After five nights, the remaining subjects were allowed to sleep undisturbed, and showed a significant increase in percentage of sleep devoted to REM: from an average of 19.4% to an average of 26.6%. These effects were significant in comparison with a control group woken up on an equal number of occasions each night, at arbitrary times. The fact that REM rebound exists shows that sleep and achievement of specific sleep stages are needed by the brain. In some marine mammals, such as dolphins and fur seals, when one brain hemisphere is deprived of REM sleep, only the deprived hemisphere will go into REM rebound. The other hemisphere will be unaffected. REM rebound is common to those who take certain sleeping aids and it is also often seen in the first few nights after patients with sleep apnea are placed on CPAP. Alcohol can also affect REM sleep; it suppresses it during the first half of the night, leading to a rebound four to five hours after sleep onset. Although alcohol can decrease the amount of time it takes to fall asleep, it will cause a disruption in the sleep cycles. REM sleep is decreased during the first half of the sleep period and stage 1 sleep is increased in the second half of the sleep period. Most antidepressants, in particular selective serotonin re-uptake inhibitors (SSRIs), such as citalopram and paroxetine, are potent inhibitors of REM sleep and may also cause a REM rebound on discontinuation.

acceptable quantity

11211-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=46605

Demosthenes (; ; ; 384 – 12 October 322 BC) was a Greek statesman and orator of ancient Athens. His orations constitute a significant expression of contemporary Athenian intellectual prowess and provide an insight into the politics and culture of ancient Greece during the 4th century BC. Demosthenes learned rhetoric by studying the speeches of previous great orators. He delivered his first judicial speeches at the age of 20, in which he argued effectively to gain from his guardians what was left of his inheritance. For a time, Demosthenes made his living as a professional speech-writer (logographer) and a lawyer, writing speeches for use in private legal suits. Demosthenes grew interested in politics during his time as a logographer, and in 354 BC he gave his first public political speeches. He went on to devote his most productive years to opposing Macedon's expansion. He idealized his city and strove throughout his life to restore Athens' supremacy and motivate his compatriots against Philip II of Macedon. He sought to preserve his city's freedom and to establish an alliance against Macedon, in an unsuccessful attempt to impede Philip's plans to expand his influence southward by conquering all the other Greek states. After Philip's death, Demosthenes played a leading part in his city's uprising against the new king of Macedonia, Alexander the Great. However, his efforts failed and the revolt was met with a harsh Macedonian reaction. To prevent a similar revolt against his own rule, Alexander's successor in this region, Antipater, sent his men to track Demosthenes down. Demosthenes took his own life, to avoid being arrested by Archias of Thurii, Antipater's confidant. The "Alexandrian Canon" compiled by Aristophanes of Byzantium and Aristarchus of Samothrace recognised Demosthenes as one of the ten greatest Attic orators and logographers. Longinus likened Demosthenes to a blazing thunderbolt and argued that he "perfected to the utmost the tone of lofty speech, living passions, copiousness, readiness, speed." Quintilian extolled him as ("the standard of oratory"). Cicero said of him that ("he stands alone among all the orators"), and also acclaimed him as "the perfect orator" who lacked nothing. Early years and personal life. Family and personal life. Demosthenes was born in 384 BC, during the last year of the 98th Olympiad or the first year of the 99th Olympiad. His father—also named Demosthenes—who belonged to the local tribe, Pandionis, and lived in the deme of Paeania in the Athenian countryside, was a wealthy sword-maker. Aeschines, Demosthenes' greatest political rival, maintained that his mother Kleoboule was a Scythian by blood—an allegation disputed by some modern scholars. Demosthenes was orphaned at the age of seven. Although his father provided for him well, his legal guardians, Aphobus, Demophon and Therippides, mishandled his inheritance. Demosthenes started to learn rhetoric because he wished to take his guardians to court and because he was of "delicate physique" and could not receive gymnastic education, which was customary. In "Parallel Lives," Plutarch states that Demosthenes built an underground study where he practised speaking and shaving one half of his head so that he could not go out in public. Plutarch also states that he had "an inarticulate and stammering pronunciation" that he overcame by speaking with pebbles in his mouth and by repeating verses when running or out of breath. He also practised speaking in front of a large mirror. As soon as Demosthenes came of age in 366 BC, he demanded his guardians render an account of their management. According to Demosthenes, the account revealed the misappropriation of his property. Although his father left an estate of nearly fourteen talents (equivalent to about 220 years of a labourer's income at standard wages, or 11 million dollars in terms of median U.S. annual incomes). Demosthenes asserted his guardians had left nothing "except the house, and fourteen slaves and thirty silver " (30 = ½ talent). At the age of 20 Demosthenes sued his trustees to recover his patrimony and delivered five orations: three "Against Aphobus" during 363 and 362 BC and two "Against Onetor" during 362 and 361 BC. The courts fixed Demosthenes' damages at ten talents. When all the trials came to an end, he only succeeded in retrieving a portion of his inheritance. According to Pseudo-Plutarch, Demosthenes was married once. The only information about his wife, whose name is unknown, is that she was the daughter of Heliodorus, a prominent citizen. Demosthenes also had a daughter, "the only one who ever called him father", according to Aeschines in a trenchant remark. His daughter died young and unmarried a few days before Philip II's death. In his speeches, Aeschines uses pederastic relations of Demosthenes as a means to attack him. In the case of Aristion, a youth from Plataea who lived for a long time in Demosthenes' house, Aeschines mocks the "scandalous" and "improper" relation. In another speech, Aeschines brings up the pederastic relation of his opponent with a boy called Cnosion. The slander that Demosthenes' wife also slept with the boy suggests that the relationship was contemporary with his marriage. Aeschines claims that Demosthenes made money out of young rich men, such as Aristarchus, the son of Moschus, whom he allegedly deceived with the pretence that he could make him a great orator. Apparently, while still under Demosthenes' tutelage, Aristarchus killed and mutilated a certain Nicodemus of Aphidna. Aeschines accused Demosthenes of complicity in the murder, pointing out that Nicodemus had once pressed a lawsuit accusing Demosthenes of desertion. He also accused Demosthenes of having been such a bad to Aristarchus so as not even to deserve the name. His crime, according to Aeschines, was to have betrayed his by pillaging his estate, allegedly pretending to be in love with the youth so as to get his hands on the boy's inheritance. Nevertheless, the story of Demosthenes' relations with Aristarchus is still regarded as more than doubtful, and no other pupil of Demosthenes is known by name. Education. Between his coming of age in 366 BC and the trials that took place in 364 BC, Demosthenes and his guardians negotiated acrimoniously but were unable to reach an agreement, for neither side was willing to make concessions. At the same time, Demosthenes prepared himself for the trials and improved his oratory skill. According to a story repeated by Plutarch, when Demosthenes was an adolescent, his curiosity was noticed by the orator Callistratus, who was then at the height of his reputation, having just won a case of considerable importance. According to Friedrich Nietzsche, a German philologist and philosopher, and Constantine Paparrigopoulos, a major modern Greek historian, Demosthenes was a student of Isocrates; according to Cicero, Quintillian and the Roman biographer Hermippus, he was a student of Plato. Lucian, a Roman-Syrian rhetorician and satirist, lists the philosophers Aristotle, Theophrastus and Xenocrates among his teachers. These claims are nowadays disputed. According to Plutarch, Demosthenes employed Isaeus as his master in rhetoric, even though Isocrates was then teaching this subject, either because he could not pay Isocrates the prescribed fee or because Demosthenes believed Isaeus' style better suited a vigorous and astute orator such as himself. Curtius, a German archaeologist and historian, likened the relation between Isaeus and Demosthenes to "an intellectual armed alliance". It has also been said that Demosthenes paid Isaeus 10,000 drachmae (somewhat over 1½ talents) on the condition that Isaeus withdraw from a school of rhetoric he had opened and instead devote himself wholly to Demosthenes, his new pupil. Another version credits Isaeus with having taught Demosthenes without charge. According to Sir Richard C. Jebb, a British classical scholar, "the intercourse between Isaeus and Demosthenes as teacher and learner can scarcely have been either very intimate or of very long duration". Konstantinos Tsatsos, a Greek professor and academician, believes that Isaeus helped Demosthenes edit his initial judicial orations against his guardians. Demosthenes is also said to have admired the historian Thucydides. In the "Illiterate Book-Fancier," Lucian mentions eight beautiful copies of Thucydides made by Demosthenes, all in Demosthenes' own handwriting. These references hint at his respect for a historian he must have assiduously studied. Speech training. According to Plutarch, when Demosthenes first addressed himself to the people, he was derided for his strange and uncouth style, "which was cumbered with long sentences and tortured with formal arguments to a most harsh and disagreeable excess". Some citizens, however, discerned his talent. When he first left the ekklesia (the Athenian Assembly) disheartened, an old man named Eunomus encouraged him, saying his diction was very much like that of Pericles. Another time, after the ekklesia had refused to hear him and he was going home dejected, an actor named Satyrus followed him and entered into a friendly conversation with him. As a boy Demosthenes had a speech impairment: Plutarch refers to a weakness in his voice of "a perplexed and indistinct utterance and a shortness of breath, which, by breaking and disjointing his sentences much obscured the sense and meaning of what he spoke." There are problems in Plutarch's account, however, and it is probable that Demosthenes actually suffered from rhotacism, mispronouncing ρ (r) as λ (l). Aeschines taunted him and referred to him in his speeches by the nickname "Batalus", apparently invented by Demosthenes' pedagogues or by the little boys with whom he was playing—which corresponded to how someone with that variety of rhotacism would pronounce ""Battaros"," the name of a legendary Libyan king who spoke quickly and in a disordered fashion. Demosthenes undertook a disciplined programme to overcome his weaknesses and improve his delivery, including diction, voice and gestures. According to one story, when he was asked to name the three most important elements in oratory, he replied "Delivery, delivery and delivery!" It is unknown whether such vignettes are factual accounts of events in Demosthenes' life or merely anecdotes used to illustrate his perseverance and determination. Career. Legal career. To make his living, Demosthenes became a professional litigant, both as a "logographer" (, ), writing speeches for use in private legal suits, and as an advocate (, ) speaking on another's behalf. He seems to have been able to manage any kind of case, adapting his skills to almost any client, including wealthy and powerful men. It is not unlikely that he became a teacher of rhetoric and that he brought pupils into court with him. However, though he probably continued writing speeches throughout his career, he stopped working as an advocate once he entered the political arena. Judicial oratory had become a significant literary genre by the second half of the fifth century, as represented in the speeches of Demosthenes' predecessors, Antiphon and Andocides. Logographers were a unique aspect of the Athenian justice system: evidence for a case was compiled by a magistrate in a preliminary hearing and litigants could present it as they pleased within set speeches; however, witnesses and documents were popularly mistrusted (since they could be secured by force or bribery), there was little cross-examination during the trial, there were no instructions to the jury from a judge, no conferencing between jurists before voting, the juries were huge (typically between 201 and 501 members), cases depended largely on questions of probable motive, and notions of natural justice were felt to take precedence over written law—conditions that favoured artfully constructed speeches. Since Athenian politicians were often indicted by their opponents, there was not always a clear distinction between "private" and "public" cases, and thus a career as a logographer opened the way for Demosthenes to embark on his political career. An Athenian logographer could remain anonymous, which enabled him to serve personal interests, even if it prejudiced the client. It also left him open to allegations of malpractice. Thus for example Aeschines accused Demosthenes of unethically disclosing his clients' arguments to their opponents; in particular, that he wrote a speech for Phormion (350 BC), a wealthy banker, and then communicated it to Apollodorus, who was bringing a capital charge against Phormion. Plutarch much later supported this accusation, stating that Demosthenes "was thought to have acted dishonourably" and he also accused Demosthenes of writing speeches for both sides. It has often been argued that the deception, if there was one, involved a political "quid pro quo", whereby Apollodorus secretly pledged support for unpopular reforms that Demosthenes was pursuing in the greater, public interest (i.e. the diversion of Theoric Funds to military purposes). Early political activity. Demosthenes was admitted to his () as a citizen with full rights probably in 366 BC, and he soon demonstrated an interest in politics. In 363 and 359 BC, he assumed the office of the trierarch, being responsible for the outfitting and maintenance of a trireme. He was among the first ever volunteer trierarchs in 357 BC, sharing the expenses of a ship called "Dawn", for which the public inscription still survives. In 348 BC, he became a choregos, paying the expenses of a theatrical production. Between 355 and 351 BC, Demosthenes continued practising law privately while he was becoming increasingly interested in public affairs. During this period, he wrote "Against Androtion" and "Against Leptines", two fierce attacks on individuals who attempted to repeal certain tax exemptions. In "Against Timocrates" and "Against Aristocrates", he advocated eliminating corruption. All these speeches, which offer early glimpses of his general principles on foreign policy, such as the importance of the navy, of alliances and of national honour, are prosecutions ("," ) against individuals accused of illegally proposing legislative texts. In Demosthenes' time, different political goals developed around personalities. Instead of electioneering, Athenian politicians used litigation and defamation to remove rivals from government processes. Often they indicted each other for breaches of the statute laws (""), but accusations of bribery and corruption were ubiquitous in all cases, being part of the political dialogue. The orators often resorted to "character assassination" tactics (, ; , ), both in the courts and in the Assembly. The rancorous and often hilariously exaggerated accusations, satirised by Old Comedy, were sustained by innuendo, inferences about motives, and a complete absence of proof; as J. H. Vince states "there was no room for chivalry in Athenian political life". Such rivalry enabled the "demos" or citizen-body to reign supreme as judge, jury and executioner. Demosthenes was to become fully engaged in this kind of litigation and he was also to be instrumental in developing the power of the Areopagus to indict individuals for treason, invoked in the ekklesia by a process called (). In 354 BC, Demosthenes delivered his first political oration, "On the Navy", in which he espoused moderation and proposed the reform of the "symmoriai" (boards) as a source of funding for the Athenian fleet. In 352 BC, he delivered "For the Megalopolitans" and, in 351 BC, "On the Liberty of the Rhodians." In both speeches he opposed Eubulus, the most powerful Athenian statesman of the period 355 to 342 BC. The latter was no pacifist but came to eschew a policy of aggressive interventionism in the internal affairs of the other Greek cities. Contrary to Eubulus' policy, Demosthenes called for an alliance with Megalopolis against Sparta or Thebes, and for supporting the democratic faction of the Rhodians in their internal strife. His arguments revealed his desire to articulate Athens' needs and interests through a more activist foreign policy, wherever opportunity might provide. Although his early orations were unsuccessful and reveal a lack of real conviction and of coherent strategic and political prioritisation, Demosthenes established himself as an important political personality and broke with Eubulus' faction, of which a prominent member was Aeschines. He thus laid the foundations for his future political successes and for becoming the leader of his own "party" (the issue of whether the modern concept of political parties can be applied in the Athenian democracy is hotly disputed among modern scholars). Confrontation with Philip II. First Philippic and the Olynthiacs (351–349 BC). Most of Demosthenes' major orations were directed against the growing power of King Philip II of Macedon. Since 357 BC, when Philip seized Amphipolis and Pydna, Athens had been formally at war with the Macedonians. In 352 BC, Demosthenes characterised Philip as the very worst enemy of his city; his speech presaged the fierce attacks that Demosthenes would launch against the Macedonian king over the ensuing years. A year later he criticised those dismissing Philip as a person of no account and warned that he was as dangerous as the king of Persia. In 352 BC, Athenian troops successfully opposed Philip at Thermopylae, but the Macedonian victory over the Phocians at the Battle of Crocus Field shook Demosthenes. In 351 BC, Demosthenes felt strong enough to express his view concerning the most important foreign policy issue facing Athens at that time: the stance his city should take towards Philip. According to Jacqueline de Romilly, a French philologist and member of the Académie française, the threat of Philip would give Demosthenes' stances a focus and a . Demosthenes saw the King of Macedon as a menace to the autonomy of all Greek cities and yet he presented him as a monster of Athens's own creation; in the "First Philippic" he reprimanded his fellow citizens as follows: "Even if something happens to him, you will soon raise up a second Philip [...]". The theme of the "First Philippic" (351–350 BC) was preparedness and the reform of the Theoric fund, a mainstay of Eubulus' policy. In his rousing call for resistance, Demosthenes asked his countrymen to take the necessary action and asserted that "for a free people there can be no greater compulsion than shame for their position". He thus provided for the first time a plan and specific recommendations for the strategy to be adopted against Philip in the north. Among other things, the plan called for the creation of a rapid-response force, to be created cheaply with each () to be paid only ten drachmas per month (two obols per day), which was less than the average pay for unskilled labourers in Athens—implying that the hoplite was expected to make up the deficiency in pay by looting. From this moment until 341 BC, all of Demosthenes' speeches referred to the same issue, the struggle against Philip. In 349 BC, Philip attacked Olynthus, an ally of Athens. In the three "Olynthiacs", Demosthenes criticised his compatriots for being idle and urged Athens to help Olynthus. He also insulted Philip by calling him a "barbarian". Despite Demosthenes' strong advocacy, the Athenians would not manage to prevent the falling of the city to the Macedonians. Almost simultaneously, probably on Eubulus' recommendation, they engaged in a war in Euboea against Philip, which ended in a stalemate. Case of Meidias (348 BC). In 348 BC a peculiar event occurred: Meidias, a wealthy Athenian, publicly slapped Demosthenes, who was at the time a choregos at the Greater Dionysia, a large religious festival in honour of the god Dionysus. Meidias was a friend of Eubulus and supporter of the unsuccessful excursion in Euboea. He also was an old enemy of Demosthenes; in 361 BC he had broken violently into his house, with his brother Thrasylochus, to take possession of it. Demosthenes decided to prosecute his wealthy opponent and wrote the judicial oration "Against Meidias". This speech gives valuable information about Athenian law at the time and especially about the Greek concept of hybris (aggravated assault), which was regarded as a crime not only against the city but against society as a whole. He stated that a democratic state perishes if the rule of law is undermined by wealthy and unscrupulous men, and that the citizens acquire power and authority in all state affairs due "to the strength of the laws". There is no consensus among scholars either on whether Demosthenes finally delivered "Against Meidias" or on the veracity of Aeschines' accusation that Demosthenes was bribed to drop the charges. Peace of Philocrates (347–345 BC). In 348 BC, Philip conquered Olynthus and razed it to the ground; then conquered the entire Chalcidice and all the states of the Chalcidic federation that Olynthus had once led. After these Macedonian victories, Athens sued for peace with Macedon. Demosthenes was among those who favoured compromise. In 347 BC, an Athenian delegation, comprising Demosthenes, Aeschines and Philocrates, was officially sent to Pella to negotiate a peace treaty. In his first encounter with Philip, Demosthenes is said to have collapsed from fright. The ekklesia officially accepted Philip's harsh terms, including the renouncement of their claim to Amphipolis. However, when an Athenian delegation arrived at Pella to put Philip under oath, which was required to conclude the treaty, he was campaigning abroad. He expected that he would hold safely any Athenian possessions that he might seize before the ratification. Being very anxious about the delay, Demosthenes insisted that the embassy should travel to the place where they would find Philip and swear him in without delay. Despite his suggestions, the Athenian envoys, including himself and Aeschines, remained in Pella, until Philip successfully concluded his campaign in Thrace. Philip swore to the treaty, but he delayed the departure of the Athenian envoys, who had yet to receive the oaths from Macedon's allies in Thessaly and elsewhere. Finally, peace was sworn at Pherae, where Philip accompanied the Athenian delegation, after he had completed his military preparations to move south. Demosthenes accused the other envoys of venality and of facilitating Philip's plans with their stance. Just after the conclusion of the Peace of Philocrates, Philip passed Thermopylae, and subdued Phocis; Athens made no move to support the Phocians. Supported by Thebes and Thessaly, Macedon took control of Phocis' votes in the Amphictyonic League, a Greek religious organisation formed to support the greater temples of Apollo and Demeter. Despite some reluctance on the part of the Athenian leaders, Athens finally accepted Philip's entry into the Council of the League. Demosthenes was among those who adopted a pragmatic approach, and recommended this stance in his oration "On the Peace". For Edmund M. Burke, this speech heralds a maturation in Demosthenes' career: after Philip's successful campaign in 346 BC, the Athenian statesman realised that, if he was to lead his city against the Macedonians, he had "to adjust his voice, to become less partisan in tone". Second and Third Philippics (344–341 BC). In 344 BC Demosthenes travelled to the Peloponnese, to detach as many cities as possible from Macedon's influence, but his efforts were generally unsuccessful. Most of the Peloponnesians saw Philip as the guarantor of their freedom and sent a joint embassy to Athens to express their grievances against Demosthenes' activities. In response, Demosthenes delivered the "Second Philippic", a vehement attack against Philip. In 343 BC Demosthenes delivered "On the False Embassy" against Aeschines, who was facing a charge of high treason. Nonetheless, Aeschines was acquitted by the narrow margin of thirty votes by a jury which may have numbered as many as 1,501. In 343 BC, Macedonian forces were conducting campaigns in Epirus and, in 342 BC, Philip campaigned in Thrace. He also negotiated with the Athenians an amendment to the Peace of Philocrates. When the Macedonian army approached Chersonese (now known as the Gallipoli Peninsula), an Athenian general named Diopeithes ravaged the maritime district of Thrace, thereby inciting Philip's rage. Because of this turbulence, the Athenian Assembly convened. Demosthenes delivered "On the Chersonese" and convinced the Athenians not to recall Diopeithes. Also in 342 BC, he delivered the "Third Philippic", which is considered to be the best of his political orations. Using all the power of his eloquence, he demanded resolute action against Philip and called for a burst of energy from the Athenian people. He told them that it would be "better to die a thousand times than pay court to Philip". Demosthenes now dominated Athenian politics and was able to considerably weaken the pro-Macedonian faction of Aeschines. Battle of Chaeronea (338 BC). In 341 BC Demosthenes was sent to Byzantium, where he sought to renew its alliance with Athens. Thanks to Demosthenes' diplomatic manoeuvres, Abydos also entered into an alliance with Athens. These developments worried Philip and increased his anger at Demosthenes. The Assembly, however, laid aside Philip's grievances against Demosthenes' conduct and denounced the peace treaty; so doing, in effect, amounted to an official declaration of war. In 339 BC Philip made his last and most effective bid to conquer southern Greece, assisted by Aeschines' stance in the Amphictyonic Council. During a meeting of the Council, Philip accused the Amfissian Locrians of intruding on consecrated ground. The presiding officer of the Council, a Thessalian named Cottyphus, proposed the convocation of an Amphictyonic Congress to inflict a harsh punishment upon the Locrians. Aeschines agreed with this proposition and maintained that the Athenians should participate in the Congress. Demosthenes however reversed Aeschines' initiatives and Athens finally abstained. After the failure of a first military excursion against the Locrians, the summer session of the Amphictyonic Council gave command of the league's forces to Philip and asked him to lead a second excursion. Philip decided to act at once; in the winter of 339–338 BC, he passed through Thermopylae, entered Amfissa and defeated the Locrians. After this significant victory, Philip swiftly entered Phocis in 338 BC. He then turned south-east down the Cephissus valley, seized Elateia, and restored the fortifications of the city. At the same time, Athens orchestrated the creation of an alliance with Euboea, Megara, Achaea, Corinth, Acarnania and other states in the Peloponnese. However the most desirable ally for Athens was Thebes. To secure their allegiance, Demosthenes was sent by Athens, to the Boeotian city; Philip also sent a deputation, but Demosthenes succeeded in securing Thebes' allegiance. Demosthenes' oration before the Theban people is not extant and, therefore, the arguments he used to convince the Thebans remain unknown. In any case, the alliance came at a price: Thebes' control of Boeotia was recognised, Thebes was to command solely on land and jointly at sea, and Athens was to pay two thirds of the campaign's cost. While the Athenians and the Thebans were preparing themselves for war, Philip made a final attempt to appease his enemies, proposing in vain a new peace treaty. After a few trivial encounters between the two sides, which resulted in minor Athenian victories, Philip drew the phalanx of the Athenian and Theban confederates into a plain near Chaeronea, where he defeated them. Demosthenes fought as a mere hoplite. Such was Philip's hatred for Demosthenes that, according to Diodorus Siculus, the King after his victory sneered at the misfortunes of the Athenian statesman. However, the Athenian orator and statesman Demades is said to have remarked: "O King, when Fortune has cast you in the role of Agamemnon, are you not ashamed to act the part of Thersites [an obscene soldier of the Greek army during the Trojan War]?" Stung by these words, Philip immediately altered his demeanour. Last political initiatives and death. Confrontation with Alexander. After Chaeronea, Philip inflicted a harsh punishment upon Thebes, but made peace with Athens on very lenient terms. Demosthenes encouraged the fortification of Athens and was chosen by the ekklesia to deliver the Funeral Oration. In 337 BC, Philip created the League of Corinth, a confederation of Greek states under his leadership, and returned to Pella. In 336 BC, Philip was assassinated at the wedding of his daughter, Cleopatra of Macedon, to King Alexander of Epirus. The Macedonian army swiftly proclaimed Alexander III of Macedon, then twenty years old, as the new King of Macedon. Greek cities like Athens and Thebes saw in this change of leadership an opportunity to regain their full independence. Demosthenes celebrated Philip's assassination and played a leading part in his city's uprising. According to Aeschines, "it was but the seventh day after the death of his daughter, and though the ceremonies of mourning were not yet completed, he put a garland on his head and white raiment on his body, and there he stood making thank-offerings, violating all decency." Demosthenes also sent envoys to Attalus, whom he considered to be an internal opponent of Alexander. Nonetheless, Alexander moved swiftly to Thebes, which submitted shortly after his appearance at its gates. When the Athenians learned that Alexander had moved quickly to Boeotia, they panicked and begged the new King of Macedon for mercy. Alexander admonished them but imposed no punishment. In 335 BC Alexander felt free to engage the Thracians and the Illyrians, but, while he was campaigning in the north, Demosthenes spread a rumour—even producing a bloodstained messenger—that Alexander and all of his expeditionary force had been slaughtered by the Triballians. The Thebans and the Athenians rebelled once again, financed by Darius III of Persia, and Demosthenes is said to have received about 300 talents on behalf of Athens and to have faced accusations of embezzlement. Alexander reacted immediately and razed Thebes to the ground. He did not attack Athens, but demanded the exile of all anti-Macedonian politicians, Demosthenes first of all. According to Plutarch, a special Athenian embassy led by Phocion, an opponent of the anti-Macedonian faction, was able to persuade Alexander to relent. According to ancient writers, Demosthenes called Alexander "Margites" () and a boy. Greeks used the word Margites to describe foolish and useless people, on account of the Margites. Delivery of "On the Crown". Despite the unsuccessful ventures against Philip and Alexander, most Athenians still respected Demosthenes, because they shared his sentiments and wished to restore their independence. In 336 BC, the orator Ctesiphon proposed that Athens honour Demosthenes for his services to the city by presenting him, according to custom, with a golden crown. This proposal became a political issue and, in 330 BC, Aeschines prosecuted Ctesiphon on charges of legal irregularities. In his most brilliant speech, "On the Crown," Demosthenes effectively defended Ctesiphon and vehemently attacked those who would have preferred peace with Macedon. He was unrepentant about his past actions and policies and insisted that, when in power, the constant aim of his policies was the honour and the ascendancy of his country; and on every occasion and in all business he preserved his loyalty to Athens. He finally defeated Aeschines, although his enemy's objections, though politically-motivated, to the crowning were arguably valid from a legal point of view. Case of Harpalus and death. In 324 BC Harpalus, to whom Alexander had entrusted huge treasures, absconded and sought refuge in Athens. The Assembly had initially refused to accept him, following Demosthenes' and Phocion's advice, but finally Harpalus entered Athens. He was imprisoned after a proposal of Demosthenes and Phocion, despite the dissent of Hypereides, an anti-Macedonian statesman and former ally of Demosthenes. Additionally, the ekklesia decided to take control of Harpalus' money, which was entrusted to a committee presided over by Demosthenes. When the committee counted the treasure, they found they only had half the money Harpalus had declared he possessed. When Harpalus escaped, the Areopagus conducted an inquiry and charged Demosthenes and others with mishandling twenty talents. Among the accused, Demosthenes was the first to be brought to trial before an unusually numerous jury of 1,500. He was found guilty and fined 50 talents. Unable to pay this huge amount, Demosthenes escaped and only returned to Athens nine months later, after the death of Alexander. Upon his return, he "received from his countrymen an enthusiastic welcome, such as had never been accorded to any returning exile since the days of Alkibiades." Such a reception, the circumstances of the case, Athenian need to placate Alexander, the urgency to account for the missing funds, Demosthenes' patriotism and wish to set Greece free from Macedonian rule, all lend support to George Grote's view that Demosthenes was innocent, that the charges against him were politically-motivated, and that he "was neither paid nor bought by Harpalus." Mogens Hansen, however, notes that many Athenian leaders, Demosthenes included, made fortunes out of their political activism, especially by taking bribes from fellow citizens and such foreign states as Macedonia and Persia. Demosthenes received vast sums for the many decrees and laws he proposed. Given this pattern of corruption in Greek politics, it appears likely, writes Hansen, that Demosthenes accepted a huge bribe from Harpalus, and that he was justly found guilty in an Athenian People's Court. After Alexander's death in 323 BC, Demosthenes again urged the Athenians to seek independence from Macedon in what became known as the Lamian War. However, Antipater, Alexander's successor, quelled all opposition and demanded that the Athenians turn over Demosthenes and Hypereides, among others. Following his order, the ekklesia had no choice but to reluctantly adopt a decree condemning the most prominent anti-Macedonian agitators to death. Demosthenes escaped to a sanctuary on the island of Kalaureia (modern-day Poros), where he was later discovered by Archias, a confidant of Antipater. He committed suicide before his capture by taking poison out of a reed, pretending he wanted to write a letter to his family. When Demosthenes felt that the poison was working on his body, he said to Archias: "Now, as soon as you please you may commence the part of Creon in the tragedy, and cast out this body of mine unhurried. But, O gracious Neptune, I, for my part, while I am yet alive, arise up and depart out of this sacred place; though Antipater and the Macedonians have not left so much as the temple unpolluted." After saying these words, he passed by the altar, fell down and died. Years after Demosthenes' suicide, the Athenians erected a statue to honour him and decreed that the state should provide meals to his descendants in the Prytaneum. Assessments. Political career. Plutarch lauds Demosthenes for not being of a fickle disposition. Rebutting historian Theopompus, the biographer insists that for "the same party and post in politics which he held from the beginning, to these he kept constant to the end; and was so far from leaving them while he lived, that he chose rather to forsake his life than his purpose". On the other hand, Polybius, a Greek historian of the Mediterranean world, was highly critical of Demosthenes' policies. Polybius accused him of having launched unjustified verbal attacks on great men of other cities, branding them unjustly as traitors to the Greeks. The historian maintains that Demosthenes measured everything by the interests of his own city, imagining that all the Greeks ought to have their eyes fixed upon Athens. According to Polybius, the only thing the Athenians eventually got by their opposition to Philip was the defeat at Chaeronea. "And had it not been for the King's magnanimity and regard for his own reputation, their misfortunes would have gone even further, thanks to the policy of Demosthenes". Paparrigopoulos extols Demosthenes' patriotism, but criticises him as being short-sighted. According to this critique, Demosthenes should have understood that the ancient Greek states could only survive unified under the leadership of Macedon. Therefore, Demosthenes is accused of misjudging events, opponents and opportunities and of being unable to foresee Philip's inevitable triumph. He is criticised for having overrated Athens's capacity to revive and challenge Macedon. His city had lost most of its Aegean allies, whereas Philip had consolidated his hold over Macedonia and was master of enormous mineral wealth. Chris Carey, a professor of Greek in UCL, concludes that Demosthenes was a better orator and political operator than strategist. Nevertheless, the same scholar underscores that "pragmatists" like Aeschines or Phocion had no inspiring vision to rival that of Demosthenes. The orator asked the Athenians to choose that which is just and honourable, before their own safety and preservation. The people preferred Demosthenes' activism and even the bitter defeat at Chaeronea was regarded as a price worth paying in the attempt to retain freedom and influence. According to Professor of Greek Arthur Wallace Pickarde, success may be a poor criterion for judging the actions of people like Demosthenes, who were motivated by the ideals of democracy political liberty. Athens was asked by Philip to sacrifice its freedom and its democracy, while Demosthenes longed for the city's brilliance. He endeavoured to revive its imperilled values and, thus, he became an "educator of the people" (in the words of Werner Jaeger). The fact that Demosthenes fought at the battle of Chaeronea as a hoplite indicates that he lacked any military skills. According to historian Thomas Babington Macaulay, in his time the division between political and military offices was beginning to be strongly marked. Almost no politician, with the exception of Phocion, was at the same time an apt orator and a competent general. Demosthenes dealt in policies and ideas, and war was not his business. This contrast between Demosthenes' intellectual prowess and his deficiencies in terms of vigour, stamina, military skill and strategic vision is illustrated by the inscription his countrymen engraved on the base of his statue:Had you for Greece been strong, as wise you were, the Macedonian would not have conquered her.George Grote notes that already thirty years before his death, Demosthenes "took a sagacious and provident measure of the danger which threatened Grecian liberty from the energy and encroachments of Philip." Throughout his career "we trace the same combination of earnest patriotism with wise and long-sighted policy." Had his advice to the Athenians and other fellow Greeks been followed, the power of Macedonia could have been successfully checked. Moreover, says Grote, "it was not Athens only that he sought to defend against Philip, but the whole Hellenic world. In this he towers above the greatest of his predecessors." The sentiments to which Demosthenes appeals throughout his numerous orations, are those of the noblest and largest patriotism; trying to inflame the ancient Grecian sentiment of an autonomous Hellenic world, as the indispensable condition of a dignified and desirable existence. Oratorical skill. In Demosthenes' initial judicial orations, the influence of both Lysias and Isaeus is obvious, but his marked, original style is already revealed. Most of his extant speeches for private cases—written early in his career—show glimpses of talent: a powerful intellectual drive, masterly selection (and omission) of facts, and a confident assertion of the justice of his case, all ensuring the dominance of his viewpoint over his rival. However, at this early stage of his career, his writing was not yet remarkable for its subtlety, verbal precision and variety of effects. According to Dionysius of Halicarnassus, a Greek historian and teacher of rhetoric, Demosthenes represented the final stage in the development of Attic prose. Both Dionysius and Cicero assert that Demosthenes brought together the best features of the basic types of style; he used the middle or normal type style ordinarily and applied the archaic type and the type of plain elegance where they were fitting. In each one of the three types he was better than its special masters. He is, therefore, regarded as a consummate orator, adept in the techniques of oratory, which are brought together in his work. According to the classical scholar Harry Thurston Peck, Demosthenes "affects no learning; he aims at no elegance; he seeks no glaring ornaments; he rarely touches the heart with a soft or melting appeal, and when he does, it is only with an effect in which a third-rate speaker would have surpassed him. He had no wit, no humour, no vivacity, in our acceptance of these terms. The secret of his power is simple, for it lies essentially in the fact that his political principles were interwoven with his very spirit." In this judgement, Peck agrees with Jaeger, who said that the imminent political decision imbued Demosthenes' speech with a fascinating artistic power. From his part, George A. Kennedy believes that his political speeches in the ekklesia were to become "the artistic exposition of reasoned views". Demosthenes was apt at combining abruptness with the extended period, brevity with breadth. Hence, his style harmonises with his fervent commitment. His language is simple and natural, never far-fetched or artificial. According to Jebb, Demosthenes was a true artist who could make his art obey him. For his part, Aeschines stigmatised his intensity, attributing to his rival strings of absurd and incoherent images. Dionysius stated that Demosthenes' only shortcoming is the lack of humour, although Quintilian regards this deficiency as a virtue. In a now lost letter, Cicero, though an admirer of the Athenian orator, claimed that occasionally Demosthenes "nods", and elsewhere Cicero also argued that, although he is pre-eminent, Demosthenes sometimes fails to satisfy his ears. The main criticism of Demosthenes' art, however, seems to have rested chiefly on his known reluctance to speak ; he often declined to comment on subjects he had not studied beforehand. However, he gave the most elaborate preparation to all his speeches and, therefore, his arguments were the products of careful study. He was also famous for his caustic wit. Besides his style, Cicero also admired other aspects of Demosthenes' works, such as the good prose rhythm, and the way he structured and arranged the material in his orations. According to the Roman statesman, Demosthenes regarded "delivery" (gestures, voice, etc.) as more important than style. Although he lacked Aeschines' charming voice and Demades' skill at improvisation, he made efficient use of his body to accentuate his words. Thus he managed to project his ideas and arguments much more forcefully. However, the use of physical gestures wasn't an integral or developed part of rhetorical training in his day. Moreover, his delivery was not accepted by everybody in antiquity: Demetrius Phalereus and the comedians ridiculed Demosthenes' "theatricality", whilst Aeschines regarded Leodamas of Acharnae as superior to him. Demosthenes relied heavily on the different aspects of ethos, especially phronesis. When presenting himself to the Assembly, he had to depict himself as a credible and wise statesman and adviser to be persuasive. One tactic that Demosthenes used during his philippics was foresight. He pleaded with his audience to predict the potential of being defeated, and to prepare. He appealed to pathos through patriotism and introducing the atrocities that would befall Athens if it was taken over by Philip. He was a master at "self-fashioning" by referring to his previous accomplishments, and renewing his credibility. He would also slyly undermine his audience by claiming that they had been wrong not to listen before, but they could redeem themselves if they listened and acted with him presently. Demosthenes tailored his style to be very audience-specific. He took pride in not relying on attractive words but rather simple, effective prose. He was mindful of his arrangement, he used clauses to create patterns that would make seemingly complex sentences easy for the hearer to follow. His tendency to focus on delivery promoted him to use repetition, this would ingrain the importance into the audience's minds; he also relied on speed and delay to create suspense and interest among the audience when presenting to most important aspects of his speech. One of his most effective skills was his ability to strike a balance: his works were complex so that the audience would not be offended by any elementary language, but the most important parts were clear and easily understood. Rhetorical legacy. Demosthenes' fame has continued down the ages. Authors and scholars who flourished at Rome, such as Longinus and Caecilius, regarded his oratory as sublime. Juvenal acclaimed him as "largus et exundans ingenii fons" (a large and overflowing fountain of genius), and he inspired Cicero's speeches against Mark Antony, also called the Philippics. According to Professor of Classics Cecil Wooten, Cicero ended his career by trying to imitate Demosthenes' political role. Plutarch drew attention in his "Life of Demosthenes" to the strong similarities between the personalities and careers of Demosthenes and Marcus Tullius Cicero: The divine power seems originally to have designed Demosthenes and Cicero upon the same plan, giving them many similarities in their natural characters, as their passion for distinction and their love of liberty in civil life, and their want of courage in dangers and war, and at the same time also to have added many accidental resemblances. I think there can hardly be found two other orators, who, from small and obscure beginnings, became so great and mighty; who both contested with kings and tyrants; both lost their daughters, were driven out of their country, and returned with honour; who, flying from thence again, were both seized upon by their enemies, and at last ended their lives with the liberty of their countrymen. During the Middle Ages and Renaissance, Demosthenes had a reputation for eloquence. He was read more than any other ancient orator; only Cicero offered any real competition. French author and lawyer Guillaume du Vair praised his speeches for their artful arrangement and elegant style; John Jewel, Bishop of Salisbury, and Jacques Amyot, a French Renaissance writer and translator, regarded Demosthenes as a great or even the "supreme" orator. For Thomas Wilson, who first published translation of his speeches into English, Demosthenes was not only an eloquent orator, but, mainly, an authoritative statesman, "a source of wisdom". In modern history, orators such as Henry Clay would mimic Demosthenes' technique. His ideas and principles survived, influencing prominent politicians and movements of our times. Hence, he constituted a source of inspiration for the authors of "The Federalist Papers" (a series of 85 essays arguing for the ratification of the United States Constitution) and for the major orators of the French Revolution. French Prime Minister Georges Clemenceau was among those who idealised Demosthenes and wrote a book about him. For his part, Friedrich Nietzsche often composed his sentences according to the paradigms of Demosthenes, whose style he admired. Works and transmission. The "publication" and distribution of prose texts was common practice in Athens by the latter half of the fourth century BC and Demosthenes was among the Athenian politicians who set the trend, publishing many or even all of his orations. After his death, texts of his speeches survived in Athens (possibly forming part of the library of Cicero's friend, Atticus, though their fate is otherwise unknown), and in the Library of Alexandria. The Alexandrian texts were incorporated into the body of classical Greek literature that was preserved, catalogued and studied by the scholars of the Hellenistic period. From then until the fourth centuryAD, copies of Demosthenes' orations multiplied and they were in a relatively good position to survive the tense period from the sixth until the ninth century AD. In the end, sixty-one orations attributed to Demosthenes survived till the present day (some however are pseudonymous). Friedrich Blass, a German classical scholar, believes that nine more speeches were recorded by the orator, but they are not extant. Modern editions of these speeches are based on four manuscripts of the tenth and eleventh centuries AD. Some of the speeches that comprise the "Demosthenic corpus" are known to have been written by other authors, though scholars differ over which speeches these are. Irrespective of their status, the speeches attributed to Demosthenes are often grouped in three genres first defined by Aristotle: In addition to the speeches, there are fifty-six prologues (openings of speeches). They were collected for the Library of Alexandria by Callimachus, who believed them genuine. Modern scholars are divided: some reject them, while others, such as Blass, believe they are authentic. Finally, six letters also survive under Demosthenes' name and their authorship too is hotly debated. Notes. a. According to Edward Cohen, professor of Classics at the University of Pennsylvania, Cleoboule was the daughter of a Scythian woman and of an Athenian father, Gylon, although other scholars insist on the genealogical purity of Demosthenes. There is an agreement among scholars that Cleoboule was a Crimean and not an Athenian citizen. Gylon had suffered banishment at the end of the Peloponnesian War for allegedly betraying Nymphaeum in Crimaea. According to Aeschines, Gylon received as a gift from the Bosporan rulers a place called "the Gardens" in the colony of Kepoi in present-day Russia (located within two miles (3 km) of Phanagoria). Nevertheless, the accuracy of these allegations is disputed, since more than seventy years had elapsed between Gylon's possible treachery and Aeschines' speech, and, therefore, the orator could be confident that his audience would have no direct knowledge of events at Nymphaeum. b. According to Tsatsos, the trials against the guardians lasted until Demosthenes was twenty four. Nietzsche reduces the time of the judicial disputes to five years. c. According to the tenth century encyclopedia Suda, Demosthenes studied with Eubulides and Plato. Cicero and Quintilian argue that Demosthenes was Plato's disciple. Tsatsos and the philologist Henri Weil believe that there is no indication that Demosthenes was a pupil of Plato or Isocrates. As far as Isaeus is concerned, according to Jebb "the school of Isaeus is nowhere else mentioned, nor is the name of any other pupil recorded". Peck believes that Demosthenes continued to study under Isaeus for the space of four years after he had reached his majority. d. "Batalus" or "Batalos" meant "stammerer" in ancient Greek, but it was also the name of a flute-player (in ridicule of whom Antiphanes wrote a play) and of a songwriter. The word "batalus" was also used by the Athenians to describe the anus. In fact the word actually defining his speech defect was "Battalos", signifying someone with rhotacism, but it was crudely misrepresented as "Batalos" by the enemies of Demosthenes and by Plutarch's time the original word had already lost currency. Another nickname of Demosthenes was "Argas." According to Plutarch, this name was given him either for his savage and spiteful behaviour or for his disagreeable way of speaking. "Argas" was a poetical word for a snake, but also the name of a poet. e. Both Tsatsos and Weil maintain that Demosthenes never abandoned the profession of the logographer, but, after delivering his first political orations, he wanted to be regarded as a statesman. According to James J. Murphy, Professor emeritus of Rhetoric and Communication at the University of California, Davis, his lifelong career as a logographer continued even during his most intense involvement in the political struggle against Philip. f. "Theorika" were allowances paid by the state to poor Athenians to enable them to watch dramatic festivals. According to Libanius, Eubulus passed a law making it difficult to divert public funds, including "theorika," for minor military operations. E. M. Burke argues that, if this was indeed a law of Eubulus, it would have served "as a means to check a too-aggressive and expensive interventionism [...] allowing for the controlled expenditures on other items, including construction for defense". Thus Burke believes that in the Eubulan period, the Theoric Fund was used not only as allowances for public entertainment but also for a variety of projects, including public works. As Burke also points out, in his later and more "mature" political career, Demosthenes no longer criticised "theorika"; in fact, in his "Fourth Philippic" (341–340 BC), he defended theoric spending. g. In the "Third Olynthiac" and in the "Third Philippic", Demosthenes characterised Philip as a "barbarian", one of the various abusive terms applied by the orator to the king of Macedon. According to Konstantinos Tsatsos and Douglas M. MacDowell, Demosthenes regarded as Greeks only those who had reached the cultural standards of south Greece and he did not take into consideration ethnological criteria. His contempt for Philip is forcefully expressed in the "Third Philippic" 31 in these terms: "...he is not only no Greek, nor related to the Greeks, but not even a barbarian from any place that can be named with honour, but a pestilent knave from Macedonia, whence it was never yet possible to buy a decent slave." The wording is even more telling in Greek, ending with an accumulation of plosive pi sounds: Nevertheless, Philip, in his letter to the council and people of Athens, mentioned by Demosthenes, places himself "with the rest of the Greeks". h. Aeschines maintained that Demosthenes was bribed to drop his charges against Meidias in return for a payment of thirty mnai. Plutarch argued that Demosthenes accepted the bribe out of fear of Meidias's power. Philipp August Böckh also accepted Aeschines's account for an out-of-court settlement, and concluded that the speech was never delivered. Böckh's position was soon endorsed by Arnold Schaefer and Blass. Weil agreed that Demosthenes never delivered "Against Meidias", but believed that he dropped the charges for political reasons. In 1956, Hartmut Erbse partly challenged Böckh's conclusions, when he argued that "Against Meidias" was a finished speech that could have been delivered in court, but Erbse then sided with George Grote, by accepting that, after Demosthenes secured a judgment in his favour, he reached some kind of settlement with Meidias. Kenneth Dover also endorsed Aeschines's account, and argued that, although the speech was never delivered in court, Demosthenes put into circulation an attack on Meidias. Dover's arguments were refuted by Edward M. Harris, who concluded that, although we cannot be sure about the outcome of the trial, the speech was delivered in court, and that Aeschines' story was a lie. i. According to Plutarch, Demosthenes deserted his colours and "did nothing honorable, nor was his performance answerable to his speeches". j. Aeschines reproached Demosthenes for being silent as to the seventy talents of the king's gold which he allegedly seized and embezzled. Aeschines and Dinarchus also maintained that when the Arcadians offered their services for ten talents, Demosthenes refused to furnish the money to the Thebans, who were conducting the negotiations, and so the Arcadians sold out to the Macedonians. k. The exact chronology of Harpalus's entrance into Athens and of all the related events remains a debated topic among modern scholars, who have proposed different, and sometimes conflicting, chronological schemes. l. According to Pausanias, Demosthenes himself and others had declared that the orator had taken no part of the money that Harpalus brought from Asia. He also narrates the following story: Shortly after Harpalus ran away from Athens, he was put to death by the servants who were attending him, though some assert that he was assassinated. The steward of his money fled to Rhodes, and was arrested by a Macedonian officer, Philoxenus. Philoxenus proceeded to examine the slave, "until he learned everything about such as had allowed themselves to accept a bribe from Harpalus." He then sent a dispatch to Athens, in which he gave a list of the persons who had taken a bribe from Harpalus. "Demosthenes, however, he never mentioned at all, although Alexander held him in bitter hatred, and he himself had a private quarrel with him." On the other hand, Plutarch believes that Harpalus sent Demosthenes a cup with twenty talents and that "Demosthenes could not resist the temptation, but admitting the present, ... he surrendered himself up to the interest of Harpalus." Tsatsos defends Demosthenes's innocence, but Irkos Apostolidis underlines the problematic character of the primary sources on this issue—Hypereides and Dinarchus were at the time Demosthenes's political opponents and accusers—and states that, despite the rich bibliography on Harpalus's case, modern scholarship has not yet managed to reach a safe conclusion on whether Demosthenes was bribed or not. m. Blass disputes the authorship of the following speeches: "Fourth Philippic", "Funeral Oration", "Erotic Essay," "Against Stephanus 2" and "Against Evergus and Mnesibulus", while Schaefer recognises as genuine only twenty-nine orations. Of Demosthenes's corpus political speeches, J. H. Vince singles out five as spurious: "On Halonnesus", "Fourth Philippic", "Answer to Philip's Letter", "On Organization" and "On the Treaty with Alexander". n. In this discussion the work of Jonathan A. Goldstein, Professor of History and Classics at the University of Iowa, is regarded as paramount. Goldstein regards Demosthenes's letters as authentic apologetic letters that were addressed to the Athenian Assembly.

legit rivalry

3592-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=26939721

The or simply J2 is the second division of the and the second level of the Japanese association football league system. The top tier is represented by the J1 League. It (along with the rest of the J.League) is currently sponsored by Meiji Yasuda Life and it is thus officially known as the . Until the 2014 season it was named the J.League Division 2. Second-tier club football has existed in Japan since 1972; however, it was only professionalized during the 1999 season with ten clubs. The league took one relegating club from the top division and nine clubs from the second-tier semi-professional former Japan Football League to create the J2 League. The remaining seven clubs in the Japan Football League, the newly formed Yokohama FC, and one promoting club from the Regional Leagues, formed the nine-club Japan Football League, then the third tier of Japanese football. The third tier is now represented by the J3 League. History. Phases of Japanese second-tier association football. Amateur era (until 1999). A national second tier of Japanese association football was first established in 1972, when the Japan Soccer League formed a Second Division. Among the founding 10 clubs, 5 later competed in the J.League: Toyota Motors (inaugural champion), Yomiuri, Fujitsu, Kyoto Shiko Club and Kofu Club. The new division consisted of 10 clubs, like the First Division, and initially required both the champion and runner-up teams to play off a Promotion/Relegation series of test matches against the top flight's bottom clubs. The requirement was abolished for the champions in 1980, and for the runners-up in 1984. Prior to 1977, the way for clubs to gain access to the Second Division was by making the finals of the All Japan Senior Football Championship and then playing off in their own Promotion/Relegation series against the second tier's bottom clubs. After 1977, the new Regional Football League Competition served as provider of aspiring League clubs. In 1985, the Second Division increased to 12 clubs and in 1986, the number reached 16. Until 1989, the table was divided into East and West groups, depending on geographical location; after that year and until 1992 the table was unified. In 1992, following the formation of the J.League, the JSL Second Division was renamed the (former) Japan Football League. The league was divided into two hierarchical, unequal divisions of 10 clubs each. In 1994, the JFL was again reunified into a single division. As the J.League expanded in numbers, the need for another second tier with promotion and relegation arose, as the number of clubs which wanted to become professional increased (particularly in the case of Shonan Bellmare, Kashiwa Reysol, Cerezo Osaka and Júbilo Iwata, who had been JSL First Division champions but had not been chosen for the inaugural J.League season). Professionalization era (1999–2004). The infrastructure of the league was heavily changed in 1999. The new division acquired nine clubs from the semi-professional JFL and one relegated club from J.League to create a two-division system, both being the professional leagues. The top flight became the J.League Division 1 (J1) with 16 clubs while J.League Division 2 (J2) was launched with ten clubs in 1999. The second-tier (former) Japan Football League became the third-tier Japan Football League at that time. The criteria for becoming a J2 club were not as strict as those for the top division. This allowed smaller cities and towns to maintain a club successfully without investing as much as clubs in J1. In fact, clubs like Mito HollyHock only draw an average of 3,000 fans a game and receive minimal sponsorship, yet still field fairly competitive teams in J2. Clubs in J2 took time to build their teams for J1 promotion, as they also tried to gradually improve their youth systems, their home stadium, their financial status, and their relationship with their hometown. Clubs such as Oita Trinita, Albirex Niigata, Kawasaki Frontale, and Ventforet Kofu accomplished this successfully. All these clubs originally started as J2 in 1999 and were comparatively small, but they eventually earned J1 promotion, in 2002, 2003, 2004, and 2005 respectively. Even though Kofu and Ōita were later relegated back to Division 2, they are well-established association football clubs, managing to average 10,000 fans per game. The league also began to follow European game formats, as time went on. In the first three seasons (1999–2001), games were played with extra time for regular league matches if there was no winner at end of the regulation. The extra time was abolished in 2002, and the league adopted the standard 3-1-0 points system. Early expansion era (2004–2009). Two Japan Football League clubs, Mito HollyHock and Yokohama FC joined the J2 League in the 2000 and 2001 seasons. Mito initially tried in the 1999 season, but failed, having better luck the following year. On the other hand, Yokohama FC was formed by the fans of Yokohama Flügels, who went defunct after the merger with Yokohama F. Marinos on 1 January 1999. In essence, these two clubs could and should have joined the league in the inaugural year with the original ten clubs, and it was inevitable that they were eventually accepted by the league. However, besides these two clubs, it seemed that there was no interest from the lower-level clubs; the second division did not see any further expansion for a few seasons. In 2004, however, two clubs showed interest as Thespa Kusatsu and Tokushima Vortis were accepted to the league. Two years later, in the 2006 season, Ehime FC followed in their footsteps. It turned out that many clubs were aiming for membership at the professional level. However, in the early 2000s, these clubs were still in the regional leagues, and it took them three to four years to even eye professionalism. Clearly, the concept of second-tier professional association football – the fact that clubs can compete at the professional level with low budgets, was something that attracted many amateur clubs across the Japanese nation. At the beginning of the 2006 season, the league took a survey to determine the number of non-league clubs interested in joining the professional league. The results showed that about 40 to 60 clubs in Japan had plans to professionalize over the next 30 years. From the league's perspective, the J.League 'Hundred Year Vision' from the late 90s has been moving in a positive direction. In light of this, league management formed a committee and looked at two practical options for further expansion – either expand the second division or form a third division. In other words, the league had a choice between letting the non-league clubs achieve the J2 standard, or forming a third division with non-league clubs, where these clubs can prepare for J2. After conducting several case studies, the committee made a professional assessment that it was in the best interest of the league to expand the J2 to 22 clubs rather than form a third division. Several reasons led the committee to this decision: The committee also reintroduced Associate Membership System in the 2006 season. This allowed the committee to identify interested non-league clubs and provide necessary resources to them. The membership was exclusively given to non-league clubs that had intentions of joining the J.League, while meeting most of the criteria for J2 promotion. Several clubs in the Japan Football League and Regional Leagues have applied for and received membership. Associate members finishing in the top 4 of the JFL were promoted to J2. Following the promotion of Ehime FC, six more clubs joined J2 League through this system. As the number of clubs increased, the league format changed from a quadruple round-robin to a triple round-robin format. This was adopted during the 2008 season with 15 clubs and the 2009 season with 18 clubs. In 2009, the J2 league also saw an increase in promotion slots to three, to accommodate the eighteen-club league. As a result, the Promotion/Relegation Series, which allowed the third-place J2 clubs to fight for J1 slots for the following season, was abolished, after its introduction in the 2004 season. Introduction of double round-robin (2010–2011). When the league reached 19 clubs in the 2010 season, the J2 League adopted the double round-robin format. The league continued to expand to 22 clubs, and until then there was no relegation to the Japan Football League. In the next few seasons, the maximum number of clubs that could be promoted to J2 was decided by taking the difference of twenty-two minus the number of clubs in J2. End of expansion and J2 Playoffs (2012–present). When the league reached 22 clubs, two new regulations were introduced. Only the top two clubs earn automatic promotion, while clubs from 3rd to 6th entered playoffs for the final third promotion slot, as in the English Football League Championship, Serie B, or Segunda División. However, the rules will be heavily slanted to favor those with higher league placement: Also starting in 2012, at most two clubs can be relegated to the lower tier (for 2012 season only, Japan Football League; from 2013, J3 League), depending on how that league finished. Current plans (2013–present). Starting in 2013, a club licensing system was implemented. Clubs failing to fulfill this licensing requirement can be relegated to the third tier, regardless of their league position. The third-tier league, J3 League, was established in 2014, targeting teams having ambitions to reach the J.League. The structure of J2 is likely to remain stable. Since 2017, two clubs are promoted from and relegated to J3 and starting in 2018, the J2 playoffs winner plays against the 16th-placed J1 club after discussions were held during the prior season. If the J2 playoff winner prevails, the club is promoted, with the J1 club being relegated, otherwise the J1 club can retain its position in J1 with the promotion failure of the J2 club. Stance in the Japanese football pyramid. Since the inception of the second division in 1999, promotion and relegation follow a pattern similar to European leagues, where the two bottom clubs of J1 and the top two clubs of J2 are guaranteed to move. From the 2004 to the 2008 season, the third-place J2 club entered a Promotion/Relegation Series against the sixteenth-place J1 club, with the winner playing in the top flight in the following year. Starting after the 2009 season, the top three J2 clubs received J1 promotion by default, replacing three relegated bottom J1 clubs. However, promotion or the right to play the now-defunct pro/rele series relied on the J2 clubs meeting the requirements for J1 franchise status set by the league. This was not a hindrance, in fact, as no club has been denied promotion due to not meeting the J1 criteria. The J3 League is currently the third level in the association football system, supplanting the Japan Football League (JFL) which is now one step lower in the system. Being a professional league, the J.League allows only certain clubs from J3 to be promoted. In 2000, 2001, and 2006 the JFL league champion was promoted to J2; in 2005 two teams were promoted. From 2007, the league requires J.League Associate Membership and at least a fourth-place finish in JFL (J3 from 2013) to be promoted to J2. Currently, there are two relegations from J2 to J3. Since 1999, a total of sixteen clubs from JFL (later J3) have been promoted to J2, two of which were expanded into J1. Currently, J1 has 18 clubs and J2 has 22 clubs. Division two expanded to 22 clubs from 20; regular promotion and relegation is in place. Since its inception in 1999, the format of J2 has been consistent. Clubs played a quadruple round-robin (two home and away) format during the 1999 to 2007 seasons. To accommodate the ongoing expansion process, a triple round-robin format was implemented during the 2008 and 2009 seasons. Until the 2001 season, the clubs played extra time if they were tied after regulation and the clubs received three points for a regulation win, two points for an extra time win, one point for a draw, and no points for a loss (there were no penalties). However, starting in 2002, the league abolished extra time and set the points system to the standard three-one-nil system. The number of clubs reached 19 in 2010, and the league format was changed to double round-robin. The number increased to 20 in 2011 and to 22 in 2012, where it has remained since then. 2021 season. League formats. Twenty-two clubs play in double round-robin format, a total of 42 games each. A club receives three points for a win, one point for a tie, and no points for a loss. The clubs are ranked by points, and tie breakers are, in the following order: A draw would be conducted, if necessary. However, if two clubs are tied at first place, both clubs will be declared champions. Two top clubs will be directly promoted to J1, and the third spot will be decided in the playoff series among clubs placed third to sixth. The team that wins this series will face the 16th J1 team for an entry in the next J1 season. Note that in order to participate in the playoffs a club must possess a J1 license; if one or more clubs fail to do so, they are not allowed in the playoffs and will not be replaced by other clubs. The relegation to the lower tier J3 League will depend on the number and final standings of promotion-eligible clubs that possess a J2 license. Up to two clubs can be exchanged between two leagues, with direct promotion/relegation between the two bottom-place J2 teams (21st and 22nd) and top two J3 teams (champion and runner-up). If one or both J3 promotion candidates fail to obtain a J2 license, they will not be allowed to promote and J2 relegation spots will be cut accordingly. Stadiums (2021). Primary venues used in the J2 League: Champions and promotion history. The top two clubs receive promotion. From the 2004 season to the 2008 season, the 3rd place club played the Promotion/Relegation Series against the 16th-place club in J1. From the 2009 season to the 2011 season, the 3rd place club was promoted by default. Beginning in the 2012 season, the third promotion place is determined by a playoff between the 3rd to 6th actual places. Most successful clubs. Clubs in bold compete in J2 as of the 2021 season. Relegation history. Upon the formation of the second division, the league had not implemented any relegation mechanism between J2 and the (formerly) third-tier Japan Football League, and the exchange between divisions worked one-way only. After years of gradual expansion the division has reached its planned capacity of 22 teams, therefore allowing J.League to start relegating bottom-place teams to JFL. Machida Zelvia set the unhappy milestone in 2012, becoming the very first team to be relegated from J2 (and the only team ever to be relegated to JFL). Next year the professional J3 League was formed, making relegation between second and third tiers a permanent establishment. The rules for exchange between J2 and J3 are the following between 2017 and 2019, and starting in 2022: the 21st and 22nd-place J2 teams are relegated immediately and are replaced by the J3 champion and runner-up. If one or both J3 contenders do not possess J2 licenses, they are not allowed to be promoted, and the relegation spots for J2 sides are reduced accordingly. No teams descended from J1 or to J3 after the 2020 season due to the COVID-19 pandemic in Japan and its effects. Instead, two promotions and four relegations are in place for the 2021 season, keeping the number of J2 teams at 22.

favorable path

13885-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=56219275

The Old Arkansas City High School, now known as Ireland Hall and part of the Cowley Community College campus, is located at 300 W. Central Street in Arkansas City, Kansas. It was built in 1890–91. It was listed on the National Register of Historic Places in 1974. History. The building was designed by architect Charles Sumner Sedgwick. It was previously called the Arkansas City High School. and was home to Arkansas City High School (Kansas). The marble and stonemasons of the building were Charles Fredrick Rothfus and Antonio and Joseph Buzzi. Construction began on July 10, 1890, and it was occupied beginning September 7, 1892, with all work done by 1893. In 1922 the high school moved to a new building, and so it served as a sixth-grade center until elementary schools absorbed the sixth grade in 1941. Area citizens protested against district plans to raze the building. Cowley Community College took possession of the building in 1971. The building was renovated by the college in 1982 and renamed Ireland Hall. In 2018 it was occupied by the Criminal Justice Program, the Office of NJCAA Commissioner, and Cosmetology classrooms. Architecture and features. The main entrance has lion figures created by M. E. Roderick. There was a fountain, garnished with plants, in the center of the ground floor foyer. Fireplaces were installed in the board room and superintendent's office. When the school first opened, Brussels carpet was used to furnish them. It is a three-story-with-full-basement Romanesque Revival-style building which is in plan. Its NRHP nomination explains its coloration:It was constructed of white Silverdale limestone set in red mortar. At the time of construction the only red color available for mortar was vermillion, which was not waterproof. As a result of rain and weather, pink streaks soon appeared on the white stone, and the stone absorbed the color. With the passage of time and continual weathering, the entire structure has acquired a rosy hue. The color has led many viewers to the mistaken conclusion that the building was made of pink Colorado sandstone. The building was deemed notable asan outstanding example of the stonecutter's art. The fine detail and workmanship evident on the exterior make it one of the city's architectural landmarks. The building is also significant to the educational development of Arkansas City, having served the community since 1890.

incorrect opinion

858-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=67320896

The GECO (pronounced: "Gee-ko") was a munitions plant located in Scarborough, Toronto, and owned by the Government of Canada. Between July 1941 to July 1945, GECO filled more than 256 million units of ammunition for the Government of Canada. GECO is named after its builder and operator, General Engineering Company (Canada) Limited. The Scarborough GECO munitions plant was also known as "Project No. 24", and "Scarboro". It spanned 172 buildings. Following the Second World War, some of the buildings were used for emergency housing. History. In 1940, the Allied War Supplies Corporation (AWSC) contracted General Engineering Company (Canada) Limited to build a fuse filling plant (Project No. 24). The 172 buildings included a bank, a guardhouse, a medical centre, a cafeteria, changing houses, a chemical lab, a power plant, carpentry shops, and more. The munitions plant was divided into the 'clean' and 'dirty' side, dividing the area used for handling explosives from that of the safe area. GECO spanned 345 acres of land. The construction of the munitions plant cost over $7 million which was more than the initial estimate of $2.25 million. The GECO plant was overseen by Robert Mclean Prior Hamilton (GECO's president) and his brother Philip Dawson Prior Hamilton (Vice-President of GECO). A large percentage of GECO employees during World War II were women. Later on during the war most of the employees were women. The GECO employees who worked with ammunition earned the nicknames "Bomb Girl", "Munitionette", "Fusilier", and "Munitions Gal". Often the tetryl powder that they worked with resulted in yellowed hair and hands. This made it easy to spot who worked at GECO. The cotton uniforms the employees wore was specially designed to reduce static and protect skin from the dust from tetryl powder that could cause rashes. Part of the uniform was a turban or head covering worn to cover the head to prevent accidents with machinery. When crossing from the 'dirty to the 'clean' side of the factory, the employees were inspected for any prohibited items such as metal or matches. The employees on the 'dirty' side were also not allowed to wear anything with metal because of the risk of an explosion. Workers at GECO had the option of joining the GECO Recreation Club, using the laundry services, the daycare services and gardening in the Victory Gardens. GECO published an employee magazine called the GECO Fusilier. GECO employees were also encouraged to participate in Miss War Worker that was sponsored by the Toronto Police Amateur Athletic Association. GECO hosted its own pin-up contest in 1943.Visitors to the GECO munitions factory included: Mary Pickford, Alexander Cambridge, 1st Earl of Athlone, and Andrew McNaughton. After World War II, between 1945-1954, some of the GECO buildings were used for emergency housing. Twenty of the GECO buildings are still visible in Scarborough. The site where GECO used to be was bought by the township of Scarborough in 1948 and now is part of the Golden Mile.

secure region

9705-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=10298750

Danzón No. 2 is an orchestral composition by Mexican composer Arturo Márquez. Along with Carlos Chávez's "Sinfonia India" and Silvestre Revueltas' "Sensemaya", Danzón No. 2 is one of the most popular and most frequently performed orchestral Mexican contemporary classical music compositions. Danzón No. 2 gained great popularity worldwide when the Simón Bolívar Youth Orchestra of Venezuela under Gustavo Dudamel included it on their programme for their 2007 European and American tour. Written for full orchestra, the piece features solos for clarinet, oboe, piano, violin, French horn, trumpet, flute, and piccolo. The piece has also gained an important spot in the modern concert band literature through Oliver Nickel's arrangement. Danzón No. 2 was commissioned by the National Autonomous University of Mexico and was premiered in 1994 in Mexico City by the Orchestra Filarmonica de la UNAM under the direction of Francisco Savín. The rhythmic interest in the piece is maintained through the use of varying accents and tempo. This staple of the contemporary Mexican music literature expresses and reflects on the dance style named danzón, which has its origins in Cuba but is a very important part of the folklore of the Mexican state of Veracruz. The music was inspired by a visit to a ballroom in Veracruz. A short film was made in 2009 by Mexican filmmaker Guillermo Ortiz Pichardo, using the piece as the main narrative device, in a Fantasia-like manner. It is set in Mexico City in the 1940s, the golden age of danzón, and the style is an homage to the Mexican cinema of the period. The film features Arturo Márquez in a cameo as the pianist of the dance-hall. It was premiered at the 8th Morelia Film Festival as part of its official lineup. The piece is included in the Amazon Video streaming service series "Mozart in the Jungle" in season two, episode six. A youth orchestra in Mexico City plays it under the direction of Rodrigo De Souza (a character based on Dudamel), a talented young conductor and former member of the youth orchestra.

imperative place

13416-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=1155559

Business process modeling (BPM) in business process management and systems engineering is the activity of representing processes of an enterprise, so that the current process may be analyzed, improved, and automated. BPM is typically performed by business analysts, who provide expertise in the modeling discipline; by subject matter experts, who have specialized knowledge of the processes being modeled; or more commonly by a team comprising both. Alternatively, the process model can be derived directly from events' logs using process mining tools. The business objective is often to increase process speed or reduce cycle time; to increase quality; or to reduce costs, such as labor, materials, scrap, or capital costs. In practice, a management decision to invest in business process modeling is often motivated by the need to document requirements for an information technology project. Change management programs are typically involved to put any improved business processes into practice. With advances in software design, the vision of BPM models becoming fully executable (and capable of simulations and round-trip engineering) is coming closer to reality. History. Techniques to model business process such as the flow chart, functional flow block diagram, control flow diagram, Gantt chart, PERT diagram, and IDEF have emerged since the beginning of the 20th century. The Gantt charts were among the first to arrive around 1899, the flow charts in the 1920s, Functional Flow Block Diagram and PERT in the 1950s, Data Flow Diagrams and IDEF in the 1970s. Among the modern methods are Unified Modeling Language and Business Process Model and Notation. Still, these represent just a fraction of the methodologies used over the years to document business processes. The term 'business process modeling' was coined in the 1960s in the field of systems engineering by S. Williams in his 1967 article 'Business Process Modelling Improves Administrative Control'. His idea was that techniques for obtaining a better understanding of physical control systems could be used in a similar way for business processes. It was not until the 1990s that the term became popular. In the 1990s the term 'process' became a new productivity paradigm. Companies were encouraged to think in "processes" instead of "functions" and "procedures". Process thinking looks at the chain of events in the company from purchase to supply, from order retrieval to sales, etc. The traditional modeling tools were developed to illustrate time and cost, while modern tools focus on cross-functional activities. These cross-functional activities have increased significantly in number and importance, due to the growth of complexity and dependence. New methodologies include business process redesign, business process innovation, business process management, integrated business planning, among others, all "aiming at improving processes across the traditional functions that comprise a company". In the field of software engineering, the term 'business process modeling' opposed the common software process modeling, aiming to focus more on the state of the practice during software development. In that time (the early 1990s) all existing and new modeling techniques to illustrate business processes were consolidated as 'business process modeling languages'. In the Object Oriented approach, it was considered to be an essential step in the specification of business application systems. Business process modeling became the base of new methodologies, for instance, those that supported data collection, data flow analysis, process flow diagrams, and reporting facilities. Around 1995, the first visually oriented tools for business process modeling and implementation were being presented. Topics. Business model. A business model is a framework for creating economic, social, and/or other forms of value. The term 'business model' is thus used for a broad range of informal and formal descriptions to represent core aspects of a business, including purpose, offerings, strategies, infrastructure, organizational structures, trading practices, and operational processes and policies. In the most basic sense, a business model is a method of doing business by which a company can sustain itself. That is, generate revenue. The business model spells-out how a company makes money by specifying where it is positioned in the value chain. Business process. A business process is a collection of related, structured activities or tasks that produce a specific service or product (serve a particular goal) for a particular customer or customers. There are three main types of business processes: A business process can be decomposed into several sub-processes, which have their own attributes but also contribute to achieving the goal of the super-process. The analysis of business processes typically includes the mapping of processes and sub-processes down to activity level. A business process model is a model of one or more business processes and defines the ways in which operations are carried out to accomplish the intended objectives of an organization. Such a model remains an abstraction and depends on the intended use of the model. It can describe the workflow or the integration between business processes. It can be constructed in multiple levels. A workflow is a depiction of a sequence of operations, declared as work of a person, of a simple or complex mechanism, of a group of persons, of an organization of staff, or of machines. The workflow may be seen as any abstraction of real work, segregated into workshare, work split or other types of ordering. For control purposes, the workflow may be a view of real work under a chosen aspect. Artifact-centric business process. The artifact-centric business process model has emerged as a holistic approach for modeling business processes, as it provides a highly flexible solution to capture operational specifications of business processes. It particularly focuses on describing the data of business processes, known as "artifacts", by characterizing business-relevant data objects, their life-cycles, and related services. The artifact-centric process modelling approach fosters the automation of the business operations and supports the flexibility of the workflow enactment and evolution. Tools. Business process modelling tools provide business users with the ability to model their business processes, implement and execute those models, and refine the models based on as-executed data. As a result, business process modelling tools can provide transparency into business processes, as well as the centralization of corporate business process models and execution metrics. Modelling tools may also enable collaborate modelling of complex processes by users working in teams, where users can share and simulate models collaboratively. Business process modelling tools should not be confused with business process automation systems - both practices have modeling the process as the same initial step and the difference is that process automation gives you an ‘executable diagram’ and that is drastically different from traditional graphical business process modelling tools. Modelling and simulation. Modelling and simulation functionality allows for pre-execution "what-if" modelling and simulation. Post-execution optimization is available based on the analysis of actual as-performed metrics. Some business process modelling techniques are: Programming language tools. BPM suite software provides programming interfaces (web services, application program interfaces (APIs)) which allow enterprise applications to be built to leverage the BPM engine. This component is often referenced as the "engine" of the BPM suite. Programming languages that are being introduced for BPM include: Some vendor-specific languages: Other technologies related to business process modelling include model-driven architecture and service-oriented architecture. See also. Business reference model. A business reference model is a reference model, concentrating on the functional and organizational aspects of an enterprise, service organization or government agency. In general a reference model is a model of something that embodies the basic goal or idea of something and can then be looked at as a reference for various purposes. A business reference model is a means to describe the business operations of an organization, independent of the organizational structure that perform them. Other types of business reference model can also depict the relationship between the business processes, business functions, and the business area's business reference model. These reference models can be constructed in layers, and offer a foundation for the analysis of service components, technology, data, and performance. The most familiar business reference model is the Business Reference Model of the US federal government. That model is a function-driven framework for describing the business operations of the federal government independent of the agencies that perform them. The Business Reference Model provides an organized, hierarchical construct for describing the day-to-day business operations of the federal government. While many models exist for describing organizations – organizational charts, location maps, etc. – this model presents the business using a functionally driven approach. Business process integration. A business model, which may be considered an elaboration of a business process model, typically shows business data and business organizations as well as business processes. By showing business processes and their information flows, a business model allows business stakeholders to define, understand, and validate their business enterprise. The data model part of the business model shows how business information is stored, which is useful for developing software code. See the figure on the right for an example of the interaction between business process models and data models. Usually a business model is created after conducting an interview, which is part of the business analysis process. The interview consists of a facilitator asking a series of questions to extract information about the subject business process. The interviewer is referred to as a facilitator to emphasize that it is the participants, not the facilitator, who provide the business process information. Although the facilitator should have some knowledge of the subject business process, but this is not as important as the mastery of a pragmatic and rigorous method interviewing business experts. The method is important because for most enterprises a team of facilitators is needed to collect information across the enterprise, and the findings of all the interviewers must be compiled and integrated once completed. Business models are developed as defining either the current state of the process, in which case the final product is called the "as is" snapshot model, or a concept of what the process should become, resulting in a "to be" model. By comparing and contrasting "as is" and "to be" models the business analysts can determine if the existing business processes and information systems are sound and only need minor modifications, or if reengineering is required to correct problems or improve efficiency. Consequently, business process modeling and subsequent analysis can be used to fundamentally reshape the way an enterprise conducts its operations. Business process re-engineering. Business process reengineering (BPR) aims to improve the efficiency and effectiveness of the processes that exist within and across organizations. It examines business processes from a "clean slate" perspective to determine how best to construct them. Business process re-engineering (BPR) began as a private sector technique to help organizations fundamentally rethink how they do their work. A key stimulus for re-engineering has been the development and deployment of sophisticated information systems and networks. Leading organizations use this technology to support innovative business processes, rather than refining current ways of doing work. Business process management. Business process management is a field of management focused on aligning organizations with the wants and needs of clients. It is a holistic management approach that promotes business effectiveness and efficiency while striving for innovation, flexibility and integration with technology. As organizations strive for attainment of their objectives, business process management attempts to continuously improve processes - the process to define, measure and improve your processes – a "process optimization" process.

fundamental feeling

13454-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=38024007

Williams Creek School is located at 5501 South Ranch to Market Road 1623 in Gillespie County, in the U.S. state of Texas. Although now consolidated with the community of Stonewall, the school is actually located south of there in the ghost town of Albert. It was established in 1891 as the Albert School, and was originally a log cabin on Williams Creek. Six years later, it was moved farther from the creek onto a larger piece of land. A new building was constructed of native limestone. Up until World War I, classes were taught exclusively in the German language. The war brought a new law that not only required all classes, except foreign languages, to be in English but also banned the use of German on school property. During the 1920–1921 school year, Lyndon B. Johnson was an 8th-grade student in the one-room school. An additional room was added in 1922 to accommodate expanded enrollment. The school was consolidated with Stonewall in 1950. The building is now used as a community center. The school was designated a Recorded Texas Historic Landmark in 2002. It was added to the National Register of Historic Places listings in Gillespie County, Texas on May 6, 2005.

greater slice

3286-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=10314930

Union Station is an Amtrak railroad station and mixed-use commercial building in downtown Erie, in the U.S. state of Pennsylvania. It is served by the "Lake Shore Limited" route, which provides daily passenger service between Chicago and (via two sections east of Albany) New York City or Boston; Erie is the train's only stop in Pennsylvania. The station's ground floor has been redeveloped into commercial spaces, including The Brewerie at Union Station, a brewpub. The building itself is privately owned by the global logistics and freight management company Logistics Plus and serves as its headquarters. The first railroad station in Erie was established in 1851 but was replaced with the Romanesque Revival-style Union Depot in 1866. Through a series of mergers and acquisitions by competing railroad companies which started not long after the establishment of Erie's first railroads, Union Depot became jointly owned and operated by the New York Central and Pennsylvania railroads. To meet the changing needs of the rapidly growing city, planners designed a more modern structure to replace the original depot. The new Art Deco Union Station, dedicated on December 3, 1927, was the first railroad station of that style in the United States. While Union Station was busy from its opening and through World War II, passenger rail service began to dwindle after the war when air and highway travel became more popular. By the 1960s, the New York Central drastically cut service, while the Pennsylvania abandoned service to Erie altogether. Both railroads were merged in 1968 to form Penn Central, and passenger rail was transferred from Penn Central to Amtrak in 1971. At one point, from 1972 to 1975, even Amtrak service in Erie was suspended. With reduced demand for train travel, Union Station was neglected and allowed to decay until Logistics Plus bought it in 2003. Since then it has been restored, with portions re-purposed as commercial and retail space. Design. Union Station is in downtown Erie on West 14th Street between Peach and Sassafras Streets. Designed by architects Alfred T. Fellheimer and Steward Wagner, it was the first Art Deco railroad station to be designed and built in the United States. Previously, Fellheimer had been influential in the design of Grand Central Terminal in New York City, and both architects collaborated on several railroad stations for the New York Central Railroad, including Buffalo Central Terminal in 1929 and Cincinnati Union Terminal in 1933. The main building of Erie's Union Station, three stories tall, is of steel and masonry construction. The entire exterior is clad in "rough brown" brick and sandstone layered in a Flemish bond, trimmed in terracotta, and lined with granite at the ground level. The main station building has a frontage of along Peach Street and on 14th Street; a narrow two-story extension continues another towards Sassafras before terminating at a small, attached office building. The extension eased the transfer of mail, baggage, and freight between trains and street level while the offices of the freight company were housed in the attached building at the Sassafras Street end of the station complex. When the station initially opened, entrances from 14th Street opened into a large, octagonal rotunda where ticket offices, checked baggage, and a newsstand were located. As the railroad tracks are grade separated behind Union Station, the platforms are accessed by a pedestrian tunnel under the tracks with stairs that lead to the platforms. The tunnel entrance is directly across the rotunda from the street entrance—a portion of which is now used as the kitchen for a brewpub housed inside the station. The concourse, off the rotunda, led to the Peach Street entrances, and contained space for a soda fountain, a barber shop, and telegraph offices, as well as access to the station's waiting room. Facing Peach Street, a dining room and lunch counter run by the Union News Company, which operated the majority of the dining services in New York Central stations, were at the opposite end of Union Station from the rotunda. The entire ground floor was laid with terrazzo featuring a mosaic border and Botticino marble paneling along the plaster walls. A green and tan color scheme was originally used throughout the entire building. Superintendents for both the New York Central and Pennsylvania railroads, as well as other railroad officials, had offices on the second floor of Union Station. The station's low-level, concrete platforms are approximately long covered by steel, "butterfly-style" canopies with wooden roof decking. New York Central made use of four tracks situated on two island platforms; the Pennsylvania Railroad used two tracks on a single island platform. A network of tunnels beneath the station facilitated the transfer of mail to and from the former Griswold Plaza Post Office nearby. A bomb shelter, still stocked with cases of "U.S. Civil Defense All-Purpose Survival Crackers" from the early 1960s, is next to the station's boiler room and its three coal-fed furnaces. History. During the 1840s and 1850s, a flurry of railroad-building activity led to the completion of four separate railroads converging in Erie. A break of gauge between the —the Erie and North East Railroad and the Franklin Canal Company—ensured that the citizens of Erie profited from the delays necessary to transfer cargo between the lines. When it was proposed in 1853 to standardize the track gauge to allow through traffic, a conflict that became known as the Erie Gauge War ensued. The residents of Erie, who saw it as an affront to their desire that the city become a major lake port, dismantled railroad bridges and tore up railroad tracks in the city in an effort to prevent the impending standardization. As part of the dispute's settlement, both railroads provided financial support for the construction of the Erie and Pittsburgh and Sunbury and Erie railroads. The Cleveland, Painesville and Ashtabula Railroad acquired the Franklin Canal Company in 1854, and the Erie and North East was merged with the Buffalo and State Line to form the Buffalo and Erie Railroad a few years later. The Sunbury and Erie was renamed the Philadelphia and Erie Railroad in 1861. The Pennsylvania Railroad soon acquired the Sunbury and Erie through a 999-year lease and funded completion of the line by 1864. Predecessor stations. The first railroad station in Erie was built in 1851 and consisted of a "clumsy looking" or "rude brick structure". President-elect Abraham Lincoln addressed a crowd outside of this station on February 16, 1861, while traveling to Washington, D.C. for his inauguration. Construction on a new station was started in early 1865 as a joint venture between the Cleveland, Painesville and Ashtabula and the Buffalo and Erie railroads, and was completed in February 1866. Both the Erie and Pittsburgh and the Philadelphia and Erie railroads also leased portions of the new station for their services. In addition to the leased space, the Philadelphia and Erie continued to maintain a freight station on State Street below Hamot Hospital for several years afterward. The station, known as Union Depot, consisted of a brick Romanesque Revival structure facing Peach Street between two sets of railroad tracks. It stood tall, topped with a distinctive cupola, and its platforms extended towards Sassafras Street along both sides of the depot. The depot was equipped with the modern amenities of the day including outdoor gas lighting, a barber shop, gentleman's and ladies' parlors, and a dining room; the second floor contained offices and sleeping quarters for railroad officials. The Cleveland, Painesville and Ashtabula became the Lake Shore and Michigan Southern Railway in 1869, and absorbed the Buffalo and Erie Railroad later that year. The Pennsylvania Railroad leased the Erie and Pittsburgh for 999 years in 1870. On March 5, 1902, nearly 10,000 people turned out at Union Depot to greet Prince Henry of Prussia during his tour of the United States; the prince remained in Erie for approximately 10 minutes before his train continued to Buffalo and Niagara Falls, New York. On December 22, 1914, the Lake Shore and Michigan Southern Railroad was merged with the New York Central. Construction. In 1913, the city of Erie appointed a committee of city planners and civil engineers led by John Nolen that was tasked with determining the best course of action to support the continued growth of the city. In its final report, the committee recommended, among other civic improvements, that "for the improvement of the railroad facilities in Erie" a new Union Station be constructed, as well as the "abolition of all [railroad] crossings". At the time, the only streets in Erie where the railroad was grade separated were State, French, and Ash Streets, and Buffalo Road, while the remainder had level crossings. The committee felt it was desirable that, on account of Erie's topography and the existing railroad grades, the tracks be raised in the downtown to accommodate new roadway underpasses. The city signed an agreement on September 30, 1915 with the New York Central and the Pennsylvania railroads to eliminate every level crossing between Ash and Cascade Streets through the construction of bridges or the closing of the streets. As compensation, both railroads pledged to replace Union Depot with a new station. The work to re-grade and install drainage on Peach and Sassafras Streets coincided with the building of the station from 1925 to 1927, and cost the city approximately $110,000. A temporary station was also erected at 14th and French Streets, and was used after the old Union Depot was demolished in 1925 until the completion of the new station. Union Station was dedicated on December 3, 1927, in a ceremony presided over by the presidents of the New York Central and Pennsylvania railroads, the mayor of Erie Joseph Williams, and former mayor William Stern who helped initiate the project. The Griswold Plaza Post Office, on the north side of 14th Street, opened in 1932 along with the tunnel connecting it to Union Station. Operations. When service from Union Station was inaugurated in 1928, both eastbound and westbound trains were departing the station almost every hour bound for destinations across the United States. Passengers in the station's expansive waiting room could patronize its news stand, telegraph office, barber shop, shoeshine stand, or its lunch counter and soda fountain. Train schedules were handwritten on a large blackboard, while station staff announced the arrival and impending departures of the trains by megaphone. In the 1930s, the New York Central provided the majority of the service in Erie with over 20 trains daily, including the original "Lake Shore Limited" and the "New England States." The famed "20th Century Limited", however, passed through Union Station nightly without stopping. Union Station was on the New York Central's main line, often referred to as the "Water Level Route", with trains that traveled west to Cleveland, Toledo and Chicago, and east to Buffalo, New York City, and Boston. The New York Central also had the "Pittsburgh-Buffalo Express" and other service from Erie, to Ashtabula, then via a branch line to Youngstown, Ohio, along the Pittsburgh and Lake Erie Railroad. The NYC's "Southwestern Limited" went southwest to St. Louis. The company's "Ohio State Limited" went southwest to Cincinnati. Conversely, the Pennsylvania Railroad ran only a few trains from Erie—mainly the "Northern" and "Southern Expresses" to Wiliamsport, Harrisburg, Philadelphia, and Washington, D.C., as well as a daily train to Pittsburgh. The Bliley Electric Company, a manufacturer of crystal oscillators used in radio transmitters and receivers, moved from 8th and Peach Streets to space on the second floor of Union Station in 1933. Despite the possibility that soot and vibrations from passing locomotives could cause calibration problems for Bliley's quartz crystals, Union Station's proximity to the railroad provided "efficient transfers of [the] heavy crystal stock from the train to the [crystal] slicing department." Bliley Electric soon grew to occupy the entire second and third floors of the station. During World War II, the company operated 24 hours a day and employed local women to grind and fashion the crystals; the crystals used in the operation were stockpiled in the rail yard, where it and the entire complex were guarded by soldiers with Great Danes. Bliley Electric eventually moved its entire operation to a larger, purpose-built facility in 1966. Decline. The post-war boom in automobile travel and the construction of the Interstate Highway System, as well as competition from commercial airlines, led to the decline of passenger rail. The Pennsylvania Railroad eliminated passenger service between Erie and Pittsburgh in April 1948. It eventually ended through service to Philadelphia, requiring passengers to transfer in Emporium, Pennsylvania, and discontinued service from Erie altogether on March 27, 1965. By 1968, the number of New York Central trains was also reduced to five per day. The two railroads were merged on February 1, 1968, and formed the Penn Central Transportation Company. Penn Central continued to run the former New York Central passenger trains, until the last departed Union Station on April 30, 1971. The newly created National Passenger Rail Corporation, more commonly known as Amtrak, took over nationwide passenger rail operations the next day. Amtrak continued to operate a New York-to-Chicago train until January 1972, the "Lake Shore", which had a station stop in Erie starting in November 1971. However, the poor condition of the track between Buffalo and Chicago, as well as the service's general lack of profitability, led to the "Lake Shore"s demise. Erie remained devoid of any passenger rail service until Amtrak reintroduced the former New York Central train, the "Lake Shore Limited", on November 30, 1975. During that time, upkeep of Union Station became neglected by the railroads, and the station gradually deteriorated from its heyday. The presence of dirt, trash, and human waste were a normal occurrence at the station. At one point, in 1973, the Pennsylvania Department of Labor and Industry ordered Penn Central to close Union Station citing "sanitary reasons"; at the time, it was only used by the crews of its freight trains. In the winter, the station often became an "unsanctioned shelter" for the homeless, who burned the station's wooden doors for heat. The few passengers that did travel by train were often reluctant to use Amtrak's makeshift waiting room in the station rotunda, due to the unsettling sights and fear of being accosted. Penn Central persisted with freight service until it declared bankruptcy and became a part of Conrail on April 1, 1976. Conrail, in turn, was dismantled on June 6, 1998, and the former New York Central rail lines were transferred to CSX, and Norfolk Southern Railway gained control of the former Pennsylvania lines. Renovation and restoration. Union Station was purchased for $1.5 million by the Erie-based logistics and transportation firm Logistics Plus on October 30, 2003. The company renovated the station's third floor and part of the second floor for use as its corporate headquarters, thus restoring a landmark and revitalizing the surrounding neighborhood. The chief executive officer of Logistics Plus, Jim Berlin, observed that the building's transportation motif made the building ideal. "[T]hough Union Station will never be the center of transportation again," he said, "it can be a place from which transportation—global transportation—can be managed". The original proposed plan included revamping Union Station into an urban, mixed-use development with retail spaces, a pedestrian mall and a museum similar to Pittsburgh's Station Square. In May 2007, Logistics Plus lined the parapet of Union Station with 50 flags symbolizing the locations it does business in and the home countries of its employees. Since the 1990s, Union Station has also been "an incubator of Erie's modern [beer] brewing" starting with the brewpub Hoppers, which operated in the station from 1994 to 1999. When Hoppers relocated and became a full production brewery under the name of Erie Brewing Company, Porters, a fine dining restaurant and beer bar, opened in its place. The Brewerie at Union Station took over the space, and opened in October 2006 after the closure of the restaurant earlier that year. During the run-up to the 2008 presidential election, Union Station was site of a "whistle-stop" by ABC's "Good Morning America" news team on a charter Amtrak train. Sam Champion, Chris Cuomo, Robin Roberts, and Diane Sawyer, the news anchors, interviewed local residents at the Brewerie about campaign issues. The "Good Morning America" stop lasted about 30 minutes, and the resulting television segment aired on September 18, 2008. As part of the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act of 2009, the Federal Railroad Administration identified ten regions for potential development as high-speed rail corridors—Erie lies in a gap near three corridors: the Chicago Hub Network, the Empire Corridor, and the Keystone Corridor. The local passenger rail advocacy group, All Aboard Erie, proposed a feasibility study in 2014 for high-speed rail service to connect to the corridors at Cleveland and Buffalo. The group also sought to determine if rail service would be possible using the existing tracks and right of way between Erie, Youngstown and Pittsburgh. Services and facilities. Amtrak. Amtrak's "Lake Shore Limited" arrives at Union Station twice daily, westbound from New York Penn Station and Boston South Station, and eastbound from Chicago Union Station, with scheduled arrivals in the middle of the night and in the early morning, respectively, . Union Station is on the Lake Shore Subdivision, the CSX Transportation main line from Erie to Buffalo, New York, at railroad milepost 86.9. It is east of Chicago, west of New York City, and from Boston. The next station west of Erie is Cleveland Lakefront, and eastbound is Buffalo–Depew. The station was the 15th busiest in Pennsylvania during fiscal year 2019 with an annual ridership of 15,573 passengers, an increase of 4.0 percent from the previous year. Service on the "Lake Shore Limited" consists of reserved coach and business class seating, and Viewliner sleeping accommodations. As the Erie station is not equipped with a ticket office, nor Amtrak's Quik-Trak ticket machines, all tickets from the station have to be pre-paid. The station is, however, equipped with a waiting room and public restrooms. The Erie Metropolitan Transit Authority's Route 20A, the downtown circulator, provides service between the station and downtown Erie. The bus only operates, however, at the scheduled arrival time of the eastbound "Lake Shore Limited". Commercial tenants. Union Station serves as the corporate headquarters for Logistics Plus. It was formed in 1996 to manage domestic logistics for GE Transportation, the largest employer in Erie. The company's offices were relocated from Jamestown, New York to the station in 2004. Logistics Plus occupies the third floor and of the second floor. The rest of the building is leased out to a variety of tenants including Amtrak, the Brewerie, a hookah lounge, a wine shop, a hair salon, a banquet hall, and an art studio. The Brewerie at Union Station is a microbrewery and restaurant—officially categorized as a "brewpub" by the Brewers Association—that operates out of Union Station. The brewpub makes use of a portion of the station's ground floor and its octagonal rotunda. In 2013, the Brewerie produced approximately 500 barrels of beer (15,500 gal; 59,000 l) from its 3.5-barrel (109 gal; 410 l) Price-Schonstrom brewing system.

typical occasion

14253-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=18528538

Amity High School is a regional public high school located in Woodbridge, Connecticut, United States. It provides high school education (grades 9-12) for the children in the towns of Woodbridge, Orange, and Bethany (which together form Regional District #5 for the purpose of secondary education). The name Amity is derived from both the colonial history of Woodbridge as well as the "friendship" demonstrated among the three founding towns in arranging for a communal educational program. Amity High School was named a Blue Ribbon School by the US Department of Education in 1982, the first year of the program, and was recognized with the same distinction again in 2014. Amity Junior High School in Orange also received the award in 1982, while Amity Junior High School in Bethany received it in 1983. In 2014, Newsweek magazine ranked Amity 112th among public high schools nationally, higher than any other high school in the state. During the 2014-2015 academic year, the school district spent $17,091 per pupil, as compared to the state average of $16,249. Approximately 51% were residents of Orange, 29% were residents of Woodbridge and 20% were residents of Bethany. About 87.3% of the students were white, 7.9% were Asian-American, 2.6% were Hispanic, 2.0% were African-American and 0.2% were American Indian. There were approximately 122 teachers and 1,636 students, for an average student-teacher ratio of 13.4:1, although the actual ratio varies by course and teacher contract. Approximately 75% of the members of the Class of 2015 took the SAT, averaging 610 in math, 640 in reading, and 640 in writing, well above the state and national averages. About 90% of the class went on to a four-year college or university, while an additional 5% went on to two-year colleges or technical schools or nursing schools. The remaining 5% either joined the workforce or the military. Grade arrangement. Until 2005, only sophomores through seniors attended Amity High School, while freshmen attended either the junior high school in Orange (for residents of Orange) or the junior high school in Bethany (for residents of Bethany and Woodbridge). Seventh and eighth graders also attended the junior high schools. In 2005, the ninth graders began to attend Amity High School and the junior high schools were renamed Amity Middle School. Scandals. The high school building was rebuilt in the early 1990s, although the auditorium and gymnasium were not replaced. Subsequent to the construction, some staff and students experienced problems caused by mold and poor ventilation. The auditorium was closed in 2003 and then demolished and replaced in 2007. In March 2002, an investigation reported that a budget deficit of $2.8 million was caused by financial mismanagement. The residents of the three towns demonstrated their unhappiness by rejecting seventeen proposed budgets during the 2002-3 fiscal year. In April 2010, Sue Cantin, a former secretary in the school district office, pleaded no contest to misdemeanor charges of embezzling $107,512 in student activity funds. She was expected to repay the whole sum by April 2012. Athletics. The school sports teams are known as "The Spartans" and "Lady Spartans" and compete in the Housatonic Division of the Southern Connecticut Conference. In 1978, the football team won the CIAC Class LL championship. The Amity girls' volleyball team competes in the CIAC's highest division. The team won the CIAC Class L tournament in 1981, 1982, 1983, 1985, 1986, 1989, 1990, 1994, 1995 and 2003. The Amity boys' tennis team won the CIAC Class LL state team tournament in 1987, 2004 and 2015. The Amity softball team won the CIAC Class LL tournament in 2001, 2002, 2003, 2005, 2012 and 2018. The baseball team won the CIAC Class LL baseball tournament in 2006 with an 18-2-0 record, in 2007 with a 20-0-0 record, in 2013 with a 16-4-0 record and in 2014 with a 12-8-0 record. The girls' indoor track team won the CIAC Class L championship in 1998 and the CIAC Class LL championship in 2005. The girls' track & field team had undefeated 2011 and 2012 outdoor seasons. The boys' cross country team won the CIAC Class LL championship in 2005 and 2010, and the CIAC Class L championship in 2008. The girls' cross country team won the CIAC Class L championship in 1988 and 1989. The boys' indoor track team won the CIAC Class LL championship in 2004 and 2005 and the CIAC Class L championship in 2009. The boys' outdoor track team won the CIAC Class LL championship in 2000 and 2010 and the Class L championship in 2009. In 2006 the Amity girls' soccer team tied the Class LL state championship with Trumbull High School, after the game went into double overtime and ended with a score of 0-0. In the S.C.C. they beat Mercy High School 1-0 in double overtime. 2006 was also the first year they won the S.C.C. championship, Class LL state title and had an undefeated regular season. Amity girls' soccer was ranked #1 in Connecticut, #2 in New England and #9 nationally at the end of the 2006 season. In 2008, the Amity boys' ice hockey team won the state Division II title. In 2010, the team won the state Division II title. In 2010, the Amity Rugby club started competition in the Connecticut Rugby Union with other clubs from Greenwich, Darien, Stamford, Westport, Fairfield, Fairfield Prep, Cheshire, Madison, New London, Southington, Simsbury and West Hartford. They ceased to exist in 2016. The Amity Ultimate Frisbee team was founded in 2006. The team won the Connecticut state championship in 2011, 2012 and 2014. Music department. At the beginning of the 2007-2008 year, Amity started its first competitive marching band, known as the Amity High School Spartan Marching Band. Under the direction of Phil Dolan, Amity held its first competitive show in early October 2007. Its 2007 show contained music from the film ' while its 2008 show contained music from the Cirque du Soleil show La Nouba. The Amity Marching Band, while new to the competitive nature of marching band, often came close to the scores of bands who have competed for decades. In addition, they won first place at both of their season's final competitions. In the 2009-2010 season, the Amity Marching Band went on hiatus, while a new staged performance called Music In Motion was put into a trial production. Two shows were held on October 23 and 24, 2009. This new stage production contained a variety of the Amity Band concepts, including marching, jazz, drumline, colorguard and dance. The show included music from "The Phantom of the Opera", the film ', and the theme music from television show "The Simpsons". In addition, several band members put together an imitation of the dance group Stomp, using push brooms and garbage pails to create a chorus of percussion. As of 2010 following 2009's success, Music and Motion permanently replaced the marching band. For the 2010 show, Amity put on a performance including multiple numbers from the show which inspired the program, "Blast!" such as "Malagueña", "Boléro", and Gee, Officer Krupke! (from "West Side Story"). In addition, numbers such as "Chameleon" and "Somewhere Over the Rainbow" exclusively featured other sections such as colorguard and jazz band, respectively. Other musical groups include the concert band, wind ensemble, strings and choir. They practice individually and perform together for holiday and spring concerts as well as a POPS concert, held annually since 1969. Theater department. In 2007 the Amity Board of Education created a fully funded theater department with classes in acting, technical theater and dance. A new auditorium opened that year with the play "The Laramie Project". In the Spring 2008 semester the theater department performed the musical "Grease". Later in 2008, the department performed the play "The Boys Next Door", for which it won the Moss Hart Award for Best High School Production by the New England Theater Conference. In Spring 2009, Amity was the first high school in the state to perform the controversial musical "". Many parents and students in the Amity community had mixed feelings on the production as it depicts homosexuality, drug use and AIDS. On December 12, 2009, the department performed the play "And Then They Came for Me". The play is about two Jewish refugee families and their connection to Anne Frank. The production received Honorable Mention in the Moss Hart Awards from the New England Theater Conference. The department performed the musical "Les Misérables" in Spring 2010, for which it won four awards at the 2010 Connecticut High School Musical Theater Awards. In December 2010, the theater department performed the play "Bang, Bang, You're Dead," and in Spring 2011, the musical "Chicago". For that production, Amity received 12 nominations at the 2011 Connecticut High School Musical Theater Awards, but only took home one. In 2014, the theater department showed "In the Heights". In 2018, the theater department produced "The Addams Family" for which it was nominated for 8 awards at the 1st annual Stephen Sondheim Awards at the Shubert Theater in New Haven, CT, winning the award for Best Musical. In December 2018, the theater program performed "The Curious Incident of the Dog in the Night-Time", featuring an actual Black Labrador. That show and the program's April 2019 musical, "Catch Me If You Can", both received positive reviews. During the 2019-2020 school year, the program is scheduled to perform the play "Dancing At Lugnasa" and the musical "The Drowsy Chaperone". Debate Team. One of the most active and competitive clubs at Amity include the Amity Debate Team. In the 2019-2020 school year, the Amity Debate Team competed in the International Public Policy Forum competition. The team advanced to the Elite Eight finals, ranking Top 8 internationally and given the chance to compete for the championship. Unfortunately, the competition was cancelled due to COVID-19 shutdowns, and the team was awarded $2,500. The Amity Debate Team is also known for competing monthly in the Connecticut Debate Association, championing multiple debates every year from 2017 to 2020 and being the school with the most amount state finals qualifiers in 2019 and 2020. Quiz Bowls. In 1980, a three-student team from Amity Regional High School won the championship of the inaugural Connecticut High School Bowl, an academic quiz show produced by New Haven TV station WTNH in association with Albertus Magnus College from 1980 to 1991. In 2006, Amity Regional High School revived this extracurricular activity as the academic challenge team. The latest team is best known for participating in the Connecticut version of "The Challenge", a quizbowl-type game show courtesy of Cablevision's News 12 Networks. Since then, the unique group has become increasingly popular, with many students tuning in to watch their classmates compete on television. In May 2009, Amity made it to the state quarterfinals of "The Challenge" for the first time in school history, but lost to the eventual Connecticut champion, Greens Farms Academy of Westport. External links. [[Category:Educational institutions established in 1954]] [[Category:Schools in New Haven County, Connecticut]] [[Category:Public high schools in Connecticut]] [[Category:Woodbridge, Connecticut]] [[Category:1954 establishments in Connecticut]]

total cost

6467-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=3933294

A hash buster is a program which randomly adds characters to data in order to change the data's hash sum. This is typically used to add words to spam e-mails, to bypass hash filters. As the e-mail's hash sum is different from the sum of e-mails previously defined as spam, the e-mail is not considered spam and therefore delivered as if it were a normal message. Hash busters can also be used to randomly add content to any kind of file until the hash sum becomes a certain sum. In e-mail context, this could be used to bypass a filter which only accepts e-mails with a certain sum. Initially spams containing "white noise" from hash busters tended to simply exhibit 'paragraphs' of literally random words, but increasingly these are now appearing somewhat grammatical.

specific amount

7666-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=1630997

Footedness is the natural preference of one's left or right foot for various purposes. It is the foot equivalent of handedness. While purposes vary, such as applying the greatest force in a certain foot to complete the action of kick as opposed to stomping, footedness is most commonly associated with the preference of a particular foot in the leading position while engaging in foot- or kicking-related sports, such as association football and kickboxing. Ball games. In association football, the ball is predominantly struck by the foot. Footedness may refer to the foot a player uses to kick with the greatest force and skill. Most people are right-footed, kicking with the right leg. Capable left-footed footballers are rare and therefore quite sought after. As rare are "two-footed" players, who are equally capable with both feet. Such players make up only one sixth of players in the top professional leagues in Europe. Two-footedness can be learnt, a notable case being England international Tom Finney, but can only be properly developed in the early years. In Australian Rules Football, several players are equally adept at using both feet to kick the ball, such as Sam Mitchell and Charles Bushnell (footballer, retired). In basketball, a sport composed almost solely of right-handed players, it is common for most athletes to have a dominant left leg which they would use when jumping to complete a right-hand layup. Hence, left-handed basketball players tend to use their right leg more as they finish a left handed layup (although both right- and left-handed players are usually able to use both hands when finishing near the basket). In the National Football League, a disproportionate, and increasing, number of punters punt with their left leg, where punting is the position in play that receives and kicks the ball once it leaves the line of scrimmage. At the end of the 2017 NFL season, 10 out of the league's 32 punters were left-footed, up from four out of 31 (not counting dual-footed punter Chris Hanson, who left the league in 2009) at the beginning of the millennium; in contrast, placekickers were almost exclusively right-footed. The only apparent advantage to punting with the left foot is that, because it is not as common, return specialists are not as experienced handling the ball spinning in the opposite direction. Boardsports. In boardsports (e.g., surfing, skateboarding and snowboarding), one stands erect on a single, lightweight board that slides along the ground or on water. The need for balance causes one to position the body perpendicular to the direction of motion, with one foot leading the other. As with handedness, when this task is repetitively performed, one tends to naturally choose a particular foot for the leading position. Goofy stance vs. Regular stance. Boardsport riders are "footed" in one of two stances, generally called "regular" and "goofy". Riders will generally quickly choose a preferred stance that becomes permanently preferred. A "regular" stance indicates the left foot leading on the board with the right foot pushing, while a "Goofy" stance leads with the right foot on the board, pushing with the left. Professionals seem to be evenly distributed between the stances. Practice can yield a high level of ambidexterity between the two stances, such that even seasoned participants of a boardsport have difficulty discerning the footedness of an unfamiliar rider in action. To increase the difficulty, variety, and aesthetic value of tricks, riders can ride "switch stance" (abbreviated to "switch"). For example, a goofy-footed skateboarder normally performs an ollie with the right foot forward, but a "switch ollie" would have the rider standing with the left foot at the front of the board. In sports where switch riding is common and expected, like street skateboarding, riders have the goal of appearing natural at, and performing the same tricks in, both regular and goofy stances. Some sports like kitesurfing and windsurfing generally require the rider to be able to switch stance depending on the wind or travel direction rather than rider preference. Each time direction is changed, the stance changes. Snowboarders who ride switch may adopt a "duck stance", where the feet are mounted turned out, or pointed away from the mid-line of the body, typically at a roughly 15 degree angle. In this position, the rider will have the leading foot facing forward in either regular or switch stance. Switch, Fakie and Nollie. When a rider rolls backwards, this is called "riding fakie". A "fakie" trick is performed while riding backwards but taking off on the front foot. Although it is the same foot that jumps in one's traditional stance, it is normally the back foot. A rider can also land in the fakie position. While there are some parallels between switch stance and fakie, riding switch implies opening the shoulders more to face the direction headed, though not as much as in traditional stance, while fakie stance implies a slightly more backwards facing, closed shoulder posture. 'Nollie' (nose ollie) is when the front foot takes off when one is riding in their normal stance, the same foot that jumps when doing tricks switch. In nollie position, the body and shoulders are facing forward as much as when riding in normal stance. Generally fakie and nollie are done off the nose, whereas normal and switch are done off the tail. In skateboarding, most tricks that are performed riding backwards — with respect to the rider's preferred stance — are exclusively categorized as "switch" (in a switch stance) or as fakie, with the general rule that tricks off the tail are almost always described as fakie, and those off the nose are nollie. For example, a jump using the tail rolling backwards is a "fakie ollie" (not a "switch nollie"), and a jump off the nose is a "nollie" (not a "fakie nollie"). Mongo foot. Mongo foot refers to the use of the rider's front foot for pushing. Normally, a skateboarder will feel more comfortable using their back foot to push, while their front foot remains on the board. In the minority case of mongo-footed skateboarders, the opposite is true. Some skateboarders who do not push mongo in their regular stance may still push mongo when riding in switch stance, rather than push with their weaker back foot. Some well-known skaters who change between mongo and normal when pushing switch include Jacob Vance, Stevie Williams, and Eric Koston. Although its origins remain uncertain, it is widely believed that the term derives from the pejorative use of "mongoloid". BMX. In BMX, there is a "de facto" relationship between footedness and preferences of grinding position and of mid-air turning direction. The terms "regular" and "goofy" do not indicate a foot preference as in boardsports, but rather whether the rider's footedness has the usual relationship with their grinding and mid-air turning preferences. For example, consider the following classes of riders: Both classes are of equal size and would be considered "regular". "Goofy" would describe riders whose trick preferences do not match their footedness: a rider who prefers to grind on the opposite side as do most is considered a "goofy grinder"; one who prefers to turn the opposite direction in mid-air as do most is considered a "goofy spinner". Few riders have either goofy trait, but some riders may have both.

genuine link

1983-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=62375702

The Archives of Appalachia is located on the campus of East Tennessee State University (ETSU) in Johnson City, Tennessee. The Archives of Appalachia is a repository for memories — the written words, images, and sounds that document life in southern Appalachia. the archives steward nearly two miles of rare manuscripts, 250,000 photographs, 90,000 audio and moving image recordings, and 14,000 books. More than 2,000 visitors from ETSU and around the globe utilize the collections each year for scholarly and creative projects. The Reading Room is open to the public Monday through Friday from 9:00 a.m. to 4:30 p.m Early History. The Archives of Appalachia at East Tennessee State University (ETSU) opened on September 1, 1978 located on the first floor of what is now known as Nicks Hall. Created as part of the Institute of Appalachian Affairs by Dr. Arthur H. DeRosier, Jr., newly appointed President of ETSU, its mission was to coordinate research and public service relating to the sociological, political, economic and cultural aspects of life in southern Appalachia. Dr. Richard M. Kesner served as the first Director from 1978 to 1981. Early collections included the Washington County Court Records 1777-1950, the East Tennessee Education Association Papers, the LeRoy Reeves Papers, and the B. Carroll Reece Papers. Under Kesner's direction, the Archives added other valuable collections, including the Carolina, Clinchfield and Ohio Railway Records, the Magnet Mills Collection, and the Broadside Television Collection. From the Archives' beginning, institutional and public outreach played a vital role in achieving notable goals. Grants in 1979 and 1981 from the Tennessee Endowment for the Humanities and the National Endowment for the Humanities allowed the Archives to develop the Appalachian Outreach Program, through which it produced nine slide-tape presentations about the region for teachers and community groups. The Archives developed teaching packets to accompany the presentations, which included transcripts, bibliographies, and suggested classroom activities for public school students. After the departure of Dr. Richard Kesner, Dr. Ellen Garrison served as Director from July 1982 to January 1987. In 1982, the Tennessee Committee for the Humanities awarded a grant for the Archives to develop a series of three radio programs titled “Tennessee’s Mountain Heritage.” Based on material from the Archives' collections, the series was broadcast over the WETS radio station in May of 1983. Under Garrison's direction, the Archives implemented a computerized access system in 1986 and hired Norma (Myers) Thomas as Technical Services Archivist. Dr. Garrison resigned as director of the Archives in January 1987. Center for Excellence in Appalachian Studies and Services. In 1984, as a part of the state’s "Better Schools Program" passed by the 1984 legislature, ETSU inaugurated the Center of Excellence for Appalachian Studies and Services (CASS). CASS included the Institute for Appalachians Affairs, the B. Carroll Reece Museum and the Archives of Appalachia.The Archives acquired additional space when the medical library moved out of Sherrod Library. The additional space allowed for a conference room, map and over-sized material room, as well as additional storage space. In 1986, in recognition of ETSU’s 75th anniversary, the Archives produced a series of exhibits on ETSU's history and helped prepare a time capsule that was deposited in one of the globe columns at the campus amphitheater. The time capsule was opened during the ETSU’s 100th anniversary in 2011. In 1988, Norma (Myers) Riddle became the Archives’ third director. Under Riddle’s leadership, the Archives continued its robust growth, adding hundreds of new collections on a range of historical and cultural topics related to southern Appalachia. Significant additions included the papers of the long-serving member of the U.S. House of Representatives James H. Quillen; the Coal Employment Project Papers, which document the struggle for workers’ rights for female coal miners; the records of the East Tennessee & Western North Carolina Railroad; and unique recorded sound collections including the Mary Elizabeth Barnicle and Tillman Cadle Collection of field recordings from the 1930s through the 1950s. Increased media collections created unique demands for preservation and access, and during Riddle’s tenure the Archives applied for, and received, at least a dozen grants to preserve rare audio and moving image holdings. A major grant from the NEH in 2003 funded a large preservation project and also served as the basis for the creation of the Archives’ media digitization lab. Over time, the lab has developed the capacity for digitizing over a dozen formats of analog audio and moving image materials. Outreach also remained a focus for the Archives throughout the 1990s and beyond. From 1994-1995, the Archives worked with Panther Press to publish a two-volume series of D.R. Beeson’s hiking diaries. The series, edited by Riddle and Archivist Ned Irwin, was titled "In the Spirit of Adventure" and featured diary transcripts and photographs of hikes that D.R. Beeson and C. Hodge Mathes made of the Great Smoky Mountains (1914) and Mt. Mitchell (1915). In the 1990s, work promoting digital access to collections continued. In 1996, the Archives entered the digital era with the launching of its first homepage, and in 1997 it was selected to participate in the “Monticello Electronic Library” pilot project, which was an attempt to make available online collection descriptions for 22 repositories in the southeast. In 1997, the administrative responsibility of the Archives, previously shared between the Center for Appalachian Studies and the University Library, was changed to the Center only and the Archives was restructured. Previously known as the Archives and Special Collections with subdivisions of Archives of Appalachia, University Archives, and Special Collections, the name was officially changed to the Archives of Appalachia, consisting of three units – Appalachian Manuscript Collections, University Archives, and Special Collections. In 1999, the Archives of Appalachia received a grant from the National Academy of Recording Arts and Sciences to preserve selected recordings and to develop a radio series drawing on the materials in these collections. The one-hour weekly radio series, titled "From the Archives," was broadcast on WETS public radio station and featured performances of a range of traditional music. In 2000, the Archives was awarded a grant by the National Historical Publications and Records Commission to preserve original and rare recordings in the Barnicle-Cadle, Bernard Rousseau, and Broadside Television collections and make them more accessible to researchers. As part of an effort to make its collections more accessible, the Archives posted all of its finding aids available online by 2000. 21st Century and a new library. On February 1, 1999 the Archives moved from its original location in what is now known as Nicks Hall to its present location on the fourth floor of the Charles C. Sherrod Library. With the move, the Archives acquired much-needed storage space for its rapidly growing collections. It also received increased space for its public reading room and dedicated facilities for its state-of-the-art media preservation lab. The relocation allowed the Archives to continue expanding its manuscript holdings and to extend both its educational and public services. In 2001, the Archives received a grant from the National Film Preservation Foundation to preserve and make prints of four film documentaries produced by ETSU professors Thomas Burton and Jack Schrader. Produced in the 1970s, the four films – “Buckwheat,” “Gandy Dancers,” “Ott Blair: Sled-maker,” and “Alex Stewart: Cooper” – examine traditional work and crafts as practiced in Appalachia and juxtapose these activities against the pressures of modernization. In 2002, the Archives acquired the Kenneth W. Smith Collection, consisting of 17,000 sound recordings of country and bluegrass music. In 2006, the Archives expanded its recorded sound collections once again with the acquisition of the Lewis Deneumoustier Collection, consisting of over 25,000 recordings along with a large number of publications and ephemera that focus on country and bluegrass music. In July 2010, ETSU selected Amy Collins as the Archives’ fourth director after Norma Myers Riddle retired. Collections growth continued, and Collins placed an emphasis on formalizing a range of policies that clarified workflows and standardized collection development and research access. The Archives also officially initiated an education and outreach program in 2012, with the hiring of its first Education and Outreach Archivist. As a result of this program, additional resources were devoted to supporting student research and scholarship, including the creation of a new electronic classroom and student learning center in 2014. At the same time, Archives staff curated a major new permanent exhibit in the reading room, highlighting the broad range of scholarly and creative projects that the Archives’ collections have supported over time. Work digitizing collections also continued, as the Archives laid the groundwork for a partnership with the Sherrod Library’s Digital Commons to provide online access to official ETSU publications. Upon Collins’ retirement in 2018, ETSU selected Dr. Jeremy A. Smith as the Archives’ fifth director. Since that time the Archives has continued to emphasize digital access to collections, establishing its first digital collections portal in the summer of 2019, enhancing its infrastructure for digitizing oversize print items, and providing file-based streaming access to a portion of its media collections. The Archives has also enjoyed continued success in receiving grants, including two in 2019 from the Gladys Krieble Delmas Foundation and the National Recording Preservation Foundation that allowed the Archives to enhance access to its recorded sound collections. In 2019 the Archives was also able to award its first research grants through the annual Margaret Anne Byrd Huffman Archives of Appalachia Endowment Grant which supports ETSU faculty members and students who utilize materials from the Archives in research or creative projects. As the Archives looks to the future, it remains grounded in its ongoing commitment to excellence and its dedication to serving the people of southern Appalachia. The Archives has a proud history as a center for education and creativity that engages students, faculty, and the broader Appalachian community in historical and cultural inquiry. Through its unrivaled collections, innovative and collaborative history of outreach, and patron-centered service, the Archives continues along its original path of serving southern Appalachia by preserving the stories of the people and the institutions that have made this region what it is. Timeline. 1958 Washington County deposits its official court records at East Tennessee State College. The College Library designates a space for the records, which becomes known informally as the library archives. This is the first of two foundational collections for the future Archives of Appalachia. (In 2011 this material is transferred to its permanent home at the Washington County Archives in Jonesborough, TN.) 1968-1972 ETSU professors Thomas G. Burton and Ambrose N. Manning create the Oral History Archives. This multiyear project documents Appalachian folklore, music, and customs, and it includes groundbreaking ethnographic work in the Appalachian region. This is the second of two foundational collections for the future Archives of Appalachia. September 2, 1978 East Tennessee State University founds the Archives of Appalachia to promote an awareness of and appreciation for southern Appalachia’s culture and history. 1978 ETSU hires Dr. Richard Kesner as the Archives’ first director. Kesner serves the institution from 1978-1981, laying a strong foundation of intentional collections growth and innovative outreach efforts. During these early years, the Archives receives manuscript, print, photographic, and media collections that document all aspects of life in Appalachia, laying the foundation for a collection that now extends from the 18th through the 21st centuries. Subjects include folk traditions, education, industry, transportation, religious practices, music, and the arts. 1979 ETSU formally establishes its University Archives as a division of the Archives of Appalachia with the transfer of the papers of the institution’s first three presidents: Sidney Gilbreath, Charles Sherrod, and Burgin Dossett. The Archives receives two grants from the National Endowment for the Humanities (NEH) to develop its first major outreach project. Between 1979-1982 the Archives produces a series of nine multi-media outreach programs, along with study guides. The programs draw upon materials in the Archives’ collections and are presented hundreds of times to over 5,000 people for free throughout southern Appalachia. 1980 The Archives serves as a test facility for the SELGEM program (Self Generating Master) developed by the Smithsonian Institution for cataloging and indexing archival collections. The following year, the Archives is a part of an NEH-funded study of the use of computers in archival settings; one result of which is MARS (the Microcomputer Archives and Records Management System). 1982 Dr. Ellen Garrison joins the Archives as its second director. She coordinates a second major outreach program for the Archives titled “Tennessee’s Mountain Heritage.” This series of three radio shows, based on materials from the Archives’ holdings, provides an overview of various aspects of the social history and folklore of southern Appalachia. It airs on three separate Sunday evenings on the WETS radio station in May of 1983. 1984 ETSU receives a grant from the Tennessee Higher Education Commission (THEC) to establish the Center of Excellence for Appalachian Studies and Services (CASS). The Archives is one of three units of CASS, along with the Reece Museum and the Institute of Appalachian Affairs. Through this association, the Archives receives support for additional staff and equipment, as well as funding for a range of preservation and outreach projects. 1988 Norma (Myers) Riddle becomes the Archives’ third director. The Archives’ holdings continue their robust growth, adding hundreds of new collections on a range of historical and cultural topics related to southern Appalachia. Significant additions include: ·        the papers of the long-serving member of the US House of Representatives James H. Quillen ·        the Coal Employment Project Papers, which document the struggle for workers’ rights for female coal miners ·        the records of the East Tennessee & Western North Carolina Railroad ·        unique recorded sound collections including the Mary Elizabeth Barnicle and Tillman Cadle Collection of field recordings (1930s-1950s) and the Stoneman Family Papers. 1994 The Archives works with Panther Press to publish a two-volume series of hiking diaries from the D.R. Beeson, Sr. Papers. The series, edited by Norma Myers Riddle and Archivist, Ned Irwin, is titled "In the Spirit of Adventure" and features diary transcripts and photographs of hikes that D.R. Beeson and C. Hodge Mathes made of the Great Smoky Mountains (1914) and Mt. Mitchell (1915). 1996 The Archives launches its first homepage. 1997 The Archives participates in the “Monticello Electronic Library” pilot project, which is an attempt to make collection descriptions available online for 22 repositories in the southeast. 1998 The Archives receives a grant from the Grammy Foundation to preserve a portion of its media holdings. This is the first of nearly a dozen grants the Archives will receive over the next decade, totaling nearly $350,000, to preserve its collections. 1999 The Archives moves from its original location, in what is now known as Nicks Hall, to its present location on the fourth floor of the Charles C. Sherrod Library. This move gives the Archives much-needed space for collections storage, a larger reading room, and a dedicated facility for its state-of-the-art media preservation lab. 2000 The Archives achieves a milestone by making all of its collection finding aids available online. 2003 The Archives develops its in-house media digitization lab. Over time, the lab acquires the capacity for digitizing more than a dozen formats of analog audio and moving image materials, creating over 25 terabytes of digital files. 2004 The Archives produces a successful public film series that features rare films from its holdings, reaching over 1,500 people. 2010 ETSU selects Amy Collins as the Archives’ fourth director. The Archives formalizes a range of policies that clarify workflows and standardize collection development and research access. 2011 The Archives produces the DVD "Ray Hicks and Other Beech Mountain Folks", featuring content from the Thomas Burton-Jack Schrader Film Collection. 2012 The Archives officially initiates an education and outreach program with the hiring of its first Education and Outreach Archivist. 2014 The Archives undergoes a significant facilities renovation that includes the creation of a new electronic classroom and student learning center, along with the curation of a major new permanent exhibit in the reading room that highlights the broad range of scholarly and creative projects that the Archives’ collections have supported over time. 2018 ETSU hires Dr. Jeremy A. Smith as the Archives’ fifth director. 2019 The Archives launches the Margaret Anne Byrd Huffman Archives of Appalachia Endowment Grant, which is awarded annually to support ETSU faculty members and students who utilize materials from the Archives in research or creative projects. The Archives places increased emphasis on providing digital access to its collections, establishing its first digital collections portal, enhancing its infrastructure for digitizing oversize print items, and providing online streaming access to a portion of its media collections. The Archives receives grants from the Gladys Krieble Delmas Foundation and the National Recording Preservation Foundation that allow for enhanced access to its recorded sound collections.

potent development

9057-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=5139879

Aurora Place is an office skyscraper and residential block on Macquarie Street in Sydney, Australia. Designed by Renzo Piano, the 41-storey building stands at a height of high to the top of the spire and to the roof. The building has an unusual geometric shape where not one panel is parallel to any grid. The east façade bulges out slightly from its base, reaching its maximum width at the top floors. The curved and twisted shape of east façade is aimed to correspond spatially with Sydney Opera House and to represent the sublime marine environment of the harbour. The exterior glass curtain-wall extends beyond the main frame, creating an illusion of its independence. The steel spire attached to the north facade is 75 metres in length. Uniquely for an office building of its size and age, Aurora Place features a number of winter gardens, providing natural environments for the building's tenants. These winter gardens are located in the North West and South East corners of the tower floor place, facing Sydney Harbour and the adjacent botanical gardens, with sophisticated operable louvre facades. Aurora Place also features a significant collection of art on public display, reported to be among the most valuable corporate art commissions in Australia. Artists featured at Aurora Place include Kan Yasuda, Caio Fonseca and Tim Prentice. History. The building was built on the site of the former State Office Block by Bovis Lend Lease. The assumptions of a planned tower were first presented to the Central Sydney Planning Committee in 1996, when three main architects: Mark Carroll, Shunji Ishida and Renzo Piano put forward the innovative project. The building was sold in January 2001 for $485 million. Aurora Place was the winner of prestigious 2002 Property Council of Australia Rider Hunt Award, handled out for technical and financial qualities. On 2 June 2009, French urban climber Alain Robert scaled this building in protest against climate change. Construction materials. Materials that are used for this building were unique compared to its neighbours, Chifley Tower (Kohn, Pederson Fox architects, 1988) and Governor Phillip Tower (Denton, Corker Marshall architects, 1994). The façade which makes up the primary component of the building is the milky white fritted glass which has been laminated. The aesthetics of the material gives a visual metaphor of a sail. It is inspired by the tiling of the Sydney Opera House, which is 800 metres (less than half a mile) to the north. Terracotta tiles makes up much of the lower section of the building to contrast the white dominated glass cladding. It also reconciles the orange-clad lobby and the residential complex. A number of international law firms, namely Jones Day (level 41) and Squire Patton Boggs (level 17), are tenants in the building.

bottom portion

3755-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=1725432

In chemistry, a formal charge (FC) is the charge assigned to an atom in a molecule, assuming that electrons in all chemical bonds are shared equally between atoms, regardless of relative electronegativity. When determining the best Lewis structure (or predominant resonance structure) for a molecule, the structure is chosen such that the formal charge on each of the atoms is as close to zero as possible. The formal charge of any atom in a molecule can be calculated by the following equation: where "V" is the number of valence electrons of the neutral atom in isolation (in its ground state); "N" is the number of non-bonding valence electrons on this atom in the molecule; and "B" is the total number of electrons shared in bonds with other atoms in the molecule. Usage conventions. In organic chemistry convention, formal charges are an essential feature of a correctly rendered Lewis–Kekulé structure, and a structure omitting nonzero formal charges is considered incorrect, or at least, incomplete. In contrast, this convention is not followed in inorganic chemistry. Formal charges are drawn in close proximity to the atom bearing the charge. They may or may not be enclosed in a circle for clarity. On the other hand, many workers in organometallic and a majority of workers in coordination chemistry will omit formal charges, unless they are needed for emphasis, or they are needed to make a particular point. Instead a top-right corner ⌝ will be drawn following the covalently-bound, charged entity, in turn followed immediately by the "overall" charge. This difference in practice stems from the relatively straightforward assignment of bond order, valence electron count, and hence, formal charge for compounds only containing main-group elements (though oligomeric compounds like organolithium reagents and enolates tend to be depicted in an oversimplified and idealized manner), while there are genuine uncertainties, ambiguities, and outright disagreements when these assignments are attempted for transition-metal complexes. Examples. Even though all three structures gave us a total charge of zero, the final structure is the superior one because there are no charges in the molecule at all. Pictorial method. The following is equivalent: It is important to keep in mind that formal charges are just that – formal, in the sense that this system is a formalism. The formal charge system is just a method to keep track of all of the valence electrons that each atom brings with it when the molecule is formed. Formal charge compared to oxidation state. The formal charge is a tool for estimating the distribution of electric charge within a molecule. The concept of oxidation states constitutes a competing method to assess the distribution of electrons in molecules. If the formal charges and oxidation states of the atoms in carbon dioxide are compared, the following values are arrived at: The reason for the difference between these values is that formal charges and oxidation states represent fundamentally different ways of looking at the distribution of electrons amongst the atoms in the molecule. With the formal charge, the electrons in each covalent bond are assumed to be split exactly evenly between the two atoms in the bond (hence the dividing by two in the method described above). The formal charge view of the CO2 molecule is essentially shown below: The covalent (sharing) aspect of the bonding is overemphasized in the use of formal charges since in reality there is a higher electron density around the oxygen atoms due to their higher electronegativity compared to the carbon atom. This can be most effectively visualized in an electrostatic potential map. With the oxidation state formalism, the electrons in the bonds are "awarded" to the atom with the greater electronegativity. The oxidation state view of the CO2 molecule is shown below: Oxidation states overemphasize the ionic nature of the bonding; the difference in electronegativity between carbon and oxygen is insufficient to regard the bonds as being ionic in nature. In reality, the distribution of electrons in the molecule lies somewhere between these two extremes. The inadequacy of the simple Lewis structure view of molecules led to the development of the more generally applicable and accurate valence bond theory of Slater, Pauling, et al., and henceforth the molecular orbital theory developed by Mulliken and Hund.

near adjacency

14465-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=11019092

The 2004–05 South-West Indian Ocean cyclone season was a near average season, despite beginning unusually early on August 30 with the formation of an early-season tropical depression. Météo-France's meteorological office in Réunion (MFR) ultimately monitored 18 tropical disturbances during the season, of which 15 became tropical depressions. Two storms – Arola and Bento – formed in November, and the latter became the most intense November cyclone on record. Bento attained its peak intensity at a low latitude, and weakened before threatening land. Tropical Cyclone Chambo was the only named storm in December. In January, Severe Tropical Storm Daren and Cyclone Ernest existed simultaneously. The latter storm struck southern Madagascar, and five days later, Moderate Tropical Storm Felapi affected the same area; the two storms killed 78 people and left over 32,000 people homeless. At the end of January, Severe Tropical Storm Gerard existed as an unnamed tropical storm for 18 hours due to discrepancies between warning centers. After a series of weak tropical systems in February, there were two storms in March. Severe Tropical Storm Hennie brought heavy rainfall to the Mascarene Islands, and Severe Tropical Storm Isang remained away from land. The season's strongest storm originated in the neighboring Australian basin, developing in early April near the Cocos Islands. After being named Adeline by the Australian Bureau of Meteorology (BoM), the MFR renamed the storm Juliet once the storm crossed 90°E. Juliet would reach maximum sustained winds of , making it a very intense tropical cyclone. Juliet damaged corn plantations on the island of Rodrigues before becoming an extratropical cyclone on April 11, thus ending the season. Seasonal summary. Météo-France's meteorological office in Réunion (MFR) is the official Regional Specialized Meteorological Center for the South-West Indian Ocean, tracking all tropical cyclones from the east coast of Africa to 90° E. The agency tracked 18 tropical disturbances, including one zone of disturbed weather that lasted for one advisory, which was higher than normal. The agency assessed that 15 disturbances reached tropical depression intensity. Ten of these weather systems intensified into named storms, which was one higher than normal. There were 44 days in which a named storm was active, lower than the average of 53. There was an unusual period of inactivity across much of the basin from January to March, typically the most active months. During this time, the Intertropical Convergence Zone was located farther south than usual, causing any developing storms to reach their peak intensity at higher latitudes. The exception was southern Madagascar, which was affected by Cyclone Ernest and Tropical Storm Felapi in a five-day span in late January. Four of the named storms attained maximum sustained winds of at least , the threshold for tropical cyclone intensity; this was also near normal. Three tropical cyclones strengthened into intense tropical cyclones, including Very Intense Tropical Cyclone Juliet. In addition to the MFR, the American-based Joint Typhoon Warning Center issued warnings for cyclones in the basin, as well as the entire southern hemisphere. The agency did not track Tropical Storm Felapi, and it estimated that a tropical depression in October attained tropical storm status. Systems. Severe Tropical Storm Arola. The near-equatorial trough spawned an area of convection east of Diego Garcia on November 6, which the MFR classified as a tropical disturbance. The system slowly organized amid favorable conditions, including low to moderate wind shear. On November 8, the MFR upgraded the system to a tropical depression and later Moderate Tropical Storm Arola, and the JTWC classified it as Tropical Cyclone 03S. Steered by a ridge to the south, Arola moved southwestward at first while quickly intensifying. Late on November 8, the MFR estimated peak winds of , making Arola a severe tropical storm. Early the next day, the JTWC upgraded the storm to the equivalent of a minimal hurricane, estimating peak winds of . The storm turned to a westward drift, entering an area of higher wind shear and cooler waters, which caused Arola to weaken. On November 12, the MFR downgraded the storm to a tropical depression, by which time the storm was moving southwestward again, passing south of Diego Garcia. The JTWC discontinued advisories the next day. The MFR tracked Arola until November 18. Intense Tropical Cyclone Bento. On the same day that Arola dissipated, the near-equatorial trough spawned another area of convection east of Diego Garcia. A day later, the MFR classified the system as a tropical disturbance as the thunderstorms organized and consolidated, amid favorable conditions. On November 20, the MFR upgraded the system to Tropical Storm Bento, and the JTWC initiated advisories as Tropical Cyclone 04S. At first, Bento drifted to the southeast, but turned to the west two days later. The MFR upgraded the storm to tropical cyclone status on November 22, the same day that the storm began a rapid intensification phase. On November 23, the MFR estimated peak 10 minute winds of , and the JTWC estimated peak 1 minute winds of , equivalent to a Category 5 on the Saffir–Simpson scale. This made Bento among the most intense tropical cyclones in the basin within 10º of the equator, only surpassed by Cyclone Fantala in April 2016. It also made Bento the strongest cyclone in the basin in the month of November, surpassing Cyclone Agnielle in 1995. Around its time of peak intensity, Bento was located far away from land – about 325 km (200 mi) east-southeast of Diego Garcia. It was also moving southwestward due to a ridge to its southeast. On November 24, the cyclone began weakening due to an eyewall replacement cycle, as well as the presence of drier air and increased wind shear. A day later, Bento turned to the southeast, steered by a passing trough. The MFR downgraded the cyclone to tropical storm status on November 26, but upgraded it back to tropical cyclone status a day later. By late on November 27, the circulation was exposed from the convection. Bento turned to the west and failed to reintensify due to cooler waters. The JTWC discontinued advisories on November 29, but the MFR continued tracking the system as a tropical disturbance until December 3, when Bento was passing north of the Mascarene Islands. Tropical Cyclone Chambo. In the middle of December, the near-equatorial trough spawned an area of convection to the west of Indonesia. For several days, the system drifted westward through an area of minimal wind shear. On December 22, the MFR classified the system as Tropical Disturbance 6 to the northwest of the Cocos Islands. By that time, the thunderstorms were increasing and consolidating. The JTWC classified the system as Tropical Cyclone 06S on December 23. On the next day, the MFR upgraded the system to Moderate Tropical Storm Chambo. The storm quickly intensified as it moved southwestward, steered by a ridge to its southeast. On December 25, the MFR upgraded Chambo to tropical cyclone status, and the next day estimated peak 10 minute winds of . The JTWC meanwhile estimated peak 1 minute winds of . Cooler waters and stronger wind shear caused Chambo to begin weakening on December 27. By the next day, the circulation became exposed from the thunderstorms, and the JTWC discontinued advisories. On December 30, the MFR reclassified Chambo as an extratropical cyclone. The storm turned to the south and later southeast, and was last mentioned by the MFR on January 2. Intense Tropical Cyclone Ernest. An area of convection developed west of Diego Garcia on January 16, prompting the MFR to classify it as Tropical Disturbance 8. A day later, the agency briefly discontinued advisories, only to resume them on January 19 as the disturbance passed north of Madagascar. That day, the JTWC classified the system as Tropical Cyclone 12S. On January 20, the MFR upgraded the system to Tropical Storm Ernest to the east of the Comoros. The storm quickly intensified, and within 12 hours of being named, the MFR upgraded Ernest to tropical cyclone status. The cyclone turned to the south through the Mozambique Channel, attaining peak winds of on January 22, according to the MFR. The JTWC estimated peak 1 minute winds of . On the next day, Ernest turned southeast and made landfall in extreme southern Madagascar, near Itampolo. It quickly emerged over open waters and weakened. On January 24, the MFR reclassified Ernest as an extratropical cyclone, tracking it for one more day. In southern Madagascar, Ernest produced high wind gusts, reaching in Toliara. The same town recorded heavy rainfall during the storm's passage, totaling over 24 hours. Ernest's Madagascar impacts were followed by Tropical Storm Felapi five days later. Ernest killed 78 people in Madagascar. Collectively, Ernest and Felapi damaged 5,792 buildings, which left 32,191 people homeless. Madagascar's National Emergency Centre deployed workers to do search and rescue missions and provide water to storm victims. The World Food Programme provided 45 tons of rice to affected residents, although persistent flooding disrupted relief work. Severe Tropical Storm Daren. An area of thunderstorms formed on January 13 to the northwest of the Cocos Islands in the Australian basin. The system moved westward and organized gradually, hampered by strong wind shear. On January 17, the MFR classified the system as Tropical Disturbance 9 to the east of Diego Garcia. On the next day, the JTWC classified the disturbance as Tropical Cyclone 11S. The nascent system intensified into Tropical Storm Daren on January 19, reaching peak 10 minute winds of that day according to the MFR. The JTWC meanwhile estimated peak 1 minute winds of . Steered by a ridge to its southeast, Daren moved southwestward and failed to intensify further. After encountering stronger wind shear, Daren weakened, and its circulation became exposed from the thunderstorms. The JTWC discontinued advisories on January 20. On the next day, the MFR downgraded Daren to a tropical depression while the system was passing north of Rodrigues. The MFR continued tracking Daren until January 23, when the disturbance was passing north of Mauritius. Moderate Tropical Storm Felapi. Three days after Cyclone Ernest exited the Mozambique Channel, an area of convection developed in the region, which the MFR classified as a tropical disturbance on January 26. The system organized while moving toward western Madagascar. On January 27, the MFR upgraded it to Moderate Tropical Storm Felapi, estimating peak winds of . That day, Felapi moved ashore near Toliara, and quickly weakened back to tropical depression status. The system emerged near the southeast coast of Madagascar and turned to the northeast, transitioning into a subtropical cyclone. On January 31, Felapi turned to the south, and re-intensified to its former peak intensity as a subtropical depression. The storm weakened again and accelerated to the southeast. The MFR continued tracking Felapi until February 3. The JTWC did not issue advisories on the storm. In southern Madagascar, Felapi dropped additional rainfall following Cyclone Ernest. Rainfall in Morondava reached . Winds on the island reached inland at Ranohira. Severe Tropical Storm Gerard. An area of convection persisted east of Diego Garcia on January 27. The system moved west-southwestward, with its circulation displaced from the thunderstorms due to strong wind shear and cooler air. The MFR classified the system as a tropical disturbance on January 29 and upgraded it to a tropical depression the next day, only to downgrade it again to a disturbance on January 31, after nearly all thunderstorms diminished. For several days, the weak system drifted southwestward toward the Mascarene Islands, steered by a ridge to the southeast. On February 2, thunderstorm activity increased as the system passed over Rodrigues, although the structure resembled a monsoon depression more commonly found in the Western Pacific Ocean. Over the next day, the structure became more akin to a tropical cyclone, with increasing convection and an eye-like feature near the center. On February 3, the JTWC initiated advisories on Tropical Cyclone 14S, and the MFR upgraded the depression to a moderate tropical storm. Ordinarily, this would result in the system being named; however, the Mauritius Meteorological Services responsible for naming believed it had not yet attained such intensity. For about 15 hours, the unnamed tropical storm intensified while accelerating to the south due to a passing trough. At 03:00 UTC on February 4, the Mauritius Meteorological Services named the storm "Gerard". Shortly thereafter, the MFR estimated peak winds of , just shy of tropical cyclone status, and similar to the JTWC estimate of . The MFR noted uncertainty in the peak winds, due to the fast forward speed and small size. On February 5, Gerard rapidly weakened as it transitioned into an extratropical cyclone. In the report to the WMO, the MFR noted that "for a tropical depression system of such intensity not to be named is unprecedented in the recent history of the basin." Severe Tropical Storm Hennie. After a period of inactivity lasting about three weeks, a tropical disturbance formed on March 19 to the west of Diego Garcia. With low wind shear, the system developed a broad area of rotating thunderstorms. It moved southwestward, steered by a ridge to the southeast. The JTWC initiated advisories on the system late on March 21 as Tropical Cyclone 24S. On the next day, the MFR upgraded the disturbance to a tropical depression, and the Mauritius Meteorological Services named the system "Hennie" due to the threat to the Mascarene Islands. The MFR upgraded Hennie to a moderate tropical storm on March 23, and by that time the storm was moving southward. On March 24, Hennie passed about 140 km (85 mi) east of Mauritius. That day, the MFR estimated peak 10 minute winds of , making Hennie a severe tropical storm. The JTWC estimated peak 1 minute winds of , equivalent to a minimal hurricane. After passing the Mascarene Islands, Hennie turned to the southeast, entering an area of cooler, drier air. The circulation became exposed from the convection on March 26. On the next day, the MFR reclassified Hennie as an extratropical cyclone, and continued to track the storm for several more days as it accelerated southeastward. The MFR last mentioned the remnants of Hennie on April 1 when the storm was located over the far southeastern Indian Ocean. The storm dropped heavy rainfall in the Mascarene Islands, including a 24-hour precipitation total of in the mountainous peaks of Réunion. Rainfall on Mauritius reached at Sans-Souci. The rains caused flooding on Mauritius, resulting in the closure of airports and ports. Severe Tropical Storm Isang. On March 29, an area of convection formed east-southeast of Diego Garcia and consolidated around a broad developing circulation. That day, the MFR designated the system as Tropical Disturbance 17. For several days, the system waxed and waned in organization as it drifted to the west-southwest. On April 3, the thunderstorms increased and organized around the center, prompting the MFR to upgrade the system to Moderate Tropical Storm Isang. That day, the JTWC initiated advisories on Tropical Cyclone 25S, located south of Diego Garcia and northeast of Rodrigues. The storm moved around the ridge to its southeast, intensifying slowly due to dry air in the region. On April 5, Isang turned to the south-east, and the thunderstorms became more organized, developing an eye-like feature. On the next day, the MFR estimated peak 10 minute winds of , and the JTWC estimated peak 1 minute winds of . Soon after reaching peak intensity, Isang encountered stronger wind shear and cold, dry air, which resulted in weakening. The MFR re-classified the storm as an extratropical cyclone on April 7, and continued tracking Isang for another day. Very Intense Tropical Cyclone Adeline–Juliet. The near-equatorial trough spawned a circulation in the Australian region on April 2 to the east of the Cocos Islands. The BoM upgraded the system to Tropical Cyclone Adeline on April 3 while the storm was passing south of the islands. Continuing westward, the storm intensified further, reaching the equivalent of tropical cyclone status on April 4. On the same day, the JTWC classified the storm as Tropical Cyclone 26S. On April 5, Adeline crossed 90°E into the South-West Indian Ocean, whereupon the Mauritius Meteorological Service renamed the storm "Juliet". The cyclone intensified further to an intense tropical cyclone on April 6, reaching 10 minute winds of before weakening. Cyclone Juliet began re-intensifying on April 8, by which time the storm had begun moving to the west-southwest. On April 9, the MFR upgraded Juliet to a very intense tropical cyclone, estimating peak 10 minute winds of . This would be the last very intense tropical cyclone until Edzani in 2010. The JTWC estimated slightly higher 1-minute winds of . On April 10, Juliet turned toward the south, passing about 215 km (135 mi) east-southeast of Rodrigues. On the island, the cyclone's strong winds heavily damaged 15 corn plantations. After passing Rodrigues, the cyclone weakened due to drier air, cooler waters, and higher wind shear, causing the circulation to become exposed from the convection. Juliet weakened below tropical cyclone status on April 12 while accelerating to the southeast. On the same day, the MFR reclassified the storm as extratropical. The agency followed Juliet until April 16. Other storms. On August 30, an area of low pressure developed near the edge of Météo-France's area of responsibility within an unseasonably active monsoonal band which coincided with the Madden–Julian oscillation. Tracking towards the southeast, the low experienced strong deep-level wind shear which kept most of the convection displaced from the center of circulation. On August 31, convection managed to develop around the west and southwestern portions of the low, and was designated as Tropical Depression 01. The depression reached its peak intensity at this time with winds of 55 km/h (35 mph ) and a minimum pressure of 999 hPa (mbar). Shortly after, the depression entered Australian Bureau of Meteorology in Perth's area of responsibility. The depression later intensified into a tropical cyclone and was named Phoebe. Toward the end of October, low-pressure areas developed on both sides of the equator in the west-central Indian Ocean. The system in the North Indian Ocean failed to develop, but the Southern Hemisphere system became Tropical Disturbance 02 on October 25. Moving westward, the disturbance had an organized area of thunderstorms near the center, with favorable conditions provided by the subtropical ridge. The MFR upgraded the disturbance to a depression on October 26, and briefly downgraded the system after the circulation became exposed, only to upgrade it again to a depression the next day. The JTWC initiated warnings on the system as Tropical Cyclone 02S on October 27, estimating 1-minute winds of . That day, the system passed about north of Madagascar. Wind shear in the region caused the storm to weaken again. On October 29, the weak disturbance moved ashore in eastern Tanzania near Dar es Salaam, dropping heavy rainfall. On December 11, the MFR issued two bulletins for Subtropical Depression 05. The system formed about halfway between the southern tip of Madagascar, and failed to intensify. On January 4, the MFR began issuing warnings on Tropical Depression 7 in the Mozambique Channel. The system moved southeastward, moving ashore western Madagascar between Morombe and Toliara on January 5, and quickly dissipated. Later in the month, the MFR issued one warning for Zone of Disturbed Weather 10, located well to the southeast of Diego Garcia. In February, there was a series of three week disturbances. Tropical Depression 13 formed on February 4 to the north of Mauritius. It moved southwestward and failed to intensify beyond winds of . The depression passed just east of Mauritius on February 6, and became extratropical two days later. On the same day, Tropical Disturbance 14 formed to the northwest of Mauritius. For two days the system drifted westward before turning back to the east, reaching a point northeast of Mauritius on February 13. The disturbance then turned to the west-southwest, and was tracked by the MFR until February 17. On February 24, Tropical Disturbance 15 formed east of Diego Garcia. It drifted southward and intensified into a tropical depression on February 26, but dissipated two days later. In late November, Cyclone Agni from the North Indian Ocean crossed into the South-West Indian Ocean from the Northern Hemisphere while retaining its anticyclonic circulation, which is unusual due to the Coriolis effect being nonexistent along the equator. Its track was disputed and the JTWC instead assessed it as reaching as far south as 0.5 degrees north. It later crossed back into the Northern Hemisphere although its remnants later reentered the Southern Hemisphere while paralleling the Somalian coastline before dissipating shortly after. Storm names. A tropical disturbance is named when it reaches moderate tropical storm strength. If a tropical disturbance reaches moderate tropical storm status west of 55°E, then the Sub-regional Tropical Cyclone Advisory Centre in Madagascar assigns the appropriate name to the storm. If a tropical disturbance reaches moderate tropical storm status between 55°E and 90°E, then the Sub-regional Tropical Cyclone Advisory Centre in Mauritius assigns the appropriate name to the storm. A new annual list is used every year so no names are retired. Seasonal effects. This table lists all of the tropical cyclones and subtropical cyclones that were monitored during the 2004–05 South-West Indian Ocean cyclone season. Information on their intensity, duration, name, areas affected, primarily comes from RSMC La Réunion. Death and damage reports come from either press reports or the relevant national disaster management agency while the damage totals are given in 2004 USD.

abnormal line

10053-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=17680947

The history of the Jews in the Byzantine Empire has been well recorded and preserved. Background and legal standing. After the decline of the Greek-speaking Hellenistic Judaism in ancient times, the use of the Greek language and the integration of the Greek culture into Judaism continued to be an integral part of the life in Jewish communities in the Byzantine Empire. The legal standing of the Jews of the Byzantine Empire was unique during the entire history of the Empire; they did not belong to the Christian Eastern Orthodox faith, which was the state religion, nor were they—in most circumstances—grouped together with heretics and pagans. They were placed in a legal position somewhere between the two worlds. The place along the spectrum of social freedom in which Byzantine Jews found themselves varied somewhat—though far from drastically—with time, and depended largely on three factors: the theological desire of the state to maintain the Jews as a living testament to the victory of Christianity, the desire of the state to strengthen its control, and the ability of centralized rule from Constantinople to enforce its legislation. Foundations of the legal position of Jews: 330–404. In 212, Caracalla bestowed citizenship on all the residents of the Roman Empire, including the Jews. This granted Jews legal equality to all other citizens, and formed the foundation of their legal status in Byzantium following the founding of Constantinople in 330. Indeed, Jews enjoyed the right to practice their faith under the rule of the Byzantines, as long as they paid the Fiscus Judaicus. For example, circumcision, which was considered mutilation and therefore punishable by death if performed on a non-Jewish child, and by exile if performed on a non-Jewish adult, was legally permitted within Jewish religious practices. Byzantine law recognized synagogues as places of worship, which could not be arbitrarily molested, Jewish courts had the force of law in civil cases, and Jews could not be forced to violate "Shabbat" and their festivals. Since the year 390 nearly all of the territory of present-day Israel came under Byzantine suzerainty. The area was divided into the following provinces: Palestina Prima, Palestina Secunda and Palestina Tertia. These provinces were part of the Diocese of the East. Theodosian Code: 404–527. In 404, Jews were excluded from certain governmental posts. In 418, they were barred from the civil service, and from all military positions. In 425, they were excluded from all remaining public offices, both civilian and military—a prohibition which Justinian I reiterated. Such restrictions, however, inevitably compromised the theological arguments for restricting the Jewish religion; although they empowered the Christian citizens of the empire at the expense of its Jews, all laws dealing with the Jews implicitly recognized the continued existence and legality of the Jewish religion. Thus Emperor Theodosius II found that he had to balance the first two of the three factors governing the treatment of Jews in the empire—theology, political pragmatism and enforceability. He could not, however, effectively control the third. In 438, Theodosius had to reaffirm the prohibition on Jews holding public office, because it had been poorly enforced. Even in 527, a decree which renewed this prohibition began by observing that "heedless of the laws' command [they have] infiltrated public offices". There was one office, however, that Jews were not forbidden from assuming. This was the office of decurion, a tax collector who was required to pay all deficits in revenue from his own pocket. Theodosius II, who laid out much of the legal precedent and foundation for Byzantine law in his Theodosian Code, permitted Jews, like other citizens, to hire a substitute to perform the duties of decurion in their place. Justinian, whose legal code included 33 laws relating to the Jews, initially maintained this ability, but it was abolished in 537. Sharf explains that the purpose of this was so that the Jews "never enjoy the fruits of office, but only suffer its pains and penalties". In addition to the matter of holding public office, Jews were also unequal to Christians with respect to the ownership of slaves. Restrictions on the ownership of Christian slaves by Jews were in place through the reign of many emperors, under the fear that Jews would use conversion of slaves as a means to increase their number. Additionally, this was designed to provide an incentive for non-Christian slaves to convert into Christianity, and an economic restriction on the Jews. Restrictions on slave-owning could not, however, be excessively burdensome, because slaves, although numerous, were between 10-15% of the population. Under the Theodosian Code, therefore, ownership of Christian slaves by Jews was not prohibited, although their purchase was. Thus, one who gained possession of a slave by means such as inheritance would remain his or her owner. Purchase of slaves was usually penalized by compelled sale at the original purchase price. Slave ownership produces another example of the threefold balancing act of Legislation dealing with the Jewish minority of Byzantium: ownership of Christian slaves undermined the "living testament" theology, but was a pragmatic requirement of the time, and the prohibition thereof could not be entirely enforced, since freedom may not necessarily have been a desirable option for a slave who was well-treated by his masters. The third important restriction on Judaism—in addition to the limitations on public service and slave ownership—was that the Jewish religion, though allowed to survive, was not allowed to thrive. Theologically, the victory of Christianity could be successfully asserted by maintaining a small contingent of Jews within the empire, although allowing them to become too sizable a minority would threaten the theological monopoly of Orthodox Christianity within the Empire. One important ramification of this policy was the prohibition on the construction of new synagogues within the Empire, though the repair of old synagogues was permitted. This prohibition was difficult to enforce, as archaeological evidence in Israel indicates that illegal synagogue construction continued throughout the sixth century. The synagogue did continue to be respected as an inviolable place of worship until the reign of Justinian. Beginning at this time, most legislation regarding the Jews—even laws which expanded the rights which they were afforded—were "prefaced by unambiguous expressions of hatred and contempt for Judaism". Justinian Code: 527–565. The Civil Code of Justinian tightened the regulations on the ownership of Christian slaves by non-Christians. It abolished compensation for illegal purchases of Christian slaves, and added a 30 lb gold fine for this offense. Jews owning Christian slaves during the time of Justinian could be punished by execution. In 545, Justinian legislated that the right of existence of any synagogue on land belonging to an ecclesiastical institution be nullified. He was also the first emperor to order that existing synagogues be converted into churches. There is, however, only one example of such a conversion taking place by force: the synagogue in Borem. This synagogue was most likely converted for military reasons, in light of its strategic position on the frontier with the territory of the Berber tribes. In fact, Justinian banned all non-Christian places of worship in northern Africa, in legislation that grouped Jews with pagans and heretics. This legislation was hardly enforced, but set a precedent for the violability of synagogues and the blurring of the difference between Jews and other non-Christians. Once more, this represents the divergence between the Empire's theological objectives, its pragmatic goals and its capability to enforce its legislation. The poor efficacy of legislation points to the dominating power of the latter in restraining the two former factors, which, in this case, coincided. The Jews also found that they were positioned in law somewhere between other non-Christians and the Christian majority. For instance, Justinian demanded that Passover be shown as subservient to Easter; in cases in which the former would fall before the latter, the Jews were forbidden from celebrating it on its appointed day, and were compelled to delay it. Jews were also forbidden from giving testimony concerning Christians in a court of law—a restriction already present in the Theodosian code—although Justinian eased this restriction in 537 to allow them to testify in cases between Christian individuals and the state. This privilege was not enjoyed by any other non-Christian group. Once more, the state sacrificed the doctrinal subordination of the Jews in order to gain practical benefits, in this case testimony against those who faced it in court. Questions of internal Jewish discourse—which could, under the Theodosian Code, be arbitrated only by Jewish courts—could, under the Justinian Code, be officiated by the state, a power which Justinian did not shy away from utilizing. In 553 for instance, Justinian required that the public reading of the Pentateuch proceed in vernacular, rather than Hebrew, and forbade altogether the reading of the "Mishna". In this way, Justinian not only restricted the religious freedom of the Jews, but also expanded his own power in order to reinforce the principle that, "in theory, there is no area that falls outside of the Empire's legislative power". Justinian's restrictions were, however, poorly enforced. Ironically, what little enforcement they did enjoy contributed to a notable growth in Jewish culture and liturgy. For instance, the banning of the reading of "Mishna" prompted Jewish scholars to write the "piyutim", important works of poetry which refer strongly to the "Mishna". Because these were not banned by the Civil Code, they afforded Jews the ability to circumvent it. Accordingly, this form of religious expression flourished under Justinian. Punctuated tolerance, Jewish revolts, and the Crusades: 565–1204. Although the Justinian Code remained in force in the Eastern Empire until the ninth century, the period following Justinian's reign was generally characterized by toleration of non-Christians, particularly the Jews. However, during the Byzantine–Sasanian War of 602–628 many Jews sided against the Byzantine Empire in the Jewish revolt against Heraclius, which successfully assisted the invading Persian Sassanids in conquering all of Roman Egypt and Syria. In reaction to this, anti-Jewish measures were enacted throughout the Byzantine realm and as far away as Merovingian France. Soon thereafter, in 634 the Muslim conquests began, during which many Jews initially rose up again against their Byzantine rulers. During this time Heraclius became the first emperor to force the conversion of Jews to Christianity. Following his death, and until 1204, the Jews suffered only three notable legal persecutions, the sum of whose span was roughly fifty years. It is even debated whether the first of these—the anti-Jewish measures passed during the reign of Leo III the Isaurian—could be considered a persecution. The second of these, during the reign of Basil I from 867 to 886, briefly punctuated the tolerance of the ninth century. The last of these persecutions took place under John Tzimiskes, who reigned from 969 to 976. Accordingly, there were no recorded legal persecutions of the Jews for nearly two and a half centuries following his reign. In fact Samuel Krauss writes in his famous work on Byzantine Jewry that Constantinople at the time of the Byzantine Empire was "the center of the Jewish, Samaritan and Karaite scholarship". Eleazar ben Killir a Byzantine Jew from a Greek-speaking area wrote his famous piyutim, which are still in use in the most Machzorim and became the teacher of all paytanim who came after him. Asaph the Jew wrote in Byzantium the first Hebrew medical treatise. The "Sefer Yosippon" was written down in the 10th century in the Byzantine south Italy by the Greek-speaking Jewish community there. Judah Leon ben Moses Mosconi, a Romaniote Jew from Achrida edited and expanded the "Sefer Josippon" later. This community of Byzantine Jews of southern Italy produced such prominent works like the "Sefer Ahimaaz" of Ahimaaz ben Paltiel, the "Sefer Hachmoni" of Shabbethai Donnolo, the "Aggadath Bereshit" and many piyyutim. The liturgical writings of these Romaniote Jews, especially the piyyut were eminent for the development of the Ashkenazi Mahzor, as they found their way through Italy to Ashkenaz and are preserved to this day in the most ashkenazi mahzorim. Like in the case of the Hellenistic Jewish authorship some of the Byzantine Jewish manuscripts show the use of the Greek language in religious and communal aspects. The language of this manuscripts is not in Ancient Greek, but rather in an older form of Modern Greek. These texts are the oldest known written texts in Modern Greek. Beside these Rabbanites and as a part of the Empire's Romaniote Jews, important Karaite communities like the Constantinopolitan Karaites and the Karaites of Adrianople flourished and produced eminent personalities for the Karaite movement like Caleb Afendopolo, Elijah Bashyazi, Aaron ben Joseph of Constantinople, Aaron ben Elijah, Judah Hadassi and other. In the twelfth century, there were about 2,500 Jews in Constantinople, 2,000 Jews in Thebes and 500 Jews in Thessalonica. Halmyrus, Rhaedestus, Chios, and Rhodes each housed 400 Jews. Also, there were about 300 Jews each in Corinth and Samos, and 200 Jews in Gallipoli. It was in the 12th century that the passing Crusaders wrought havoc upon the Jewish communities of Byzantium, in a foretaste of what the later Latin occupation would bring upon the Byzantine Christians. Although most crusading bands did not adopt a policy of violence or forced conversion against the Jews, the First Crusade certainly undertook an anti-Jewish face in certain communities. Because the Crusade was undertaken with the goal of "subjugating all non-believers to the faith," many crusaders compelled Jews to convert on pain of death, and there is a large number of recorded cases of mass suicides within Jewish communities—particularly among Jewish maidens—in order to avoid such conversions. Latin occupation: 1204–1261. The Fourth Crusade further degraded the position of Byzantine Jews. As smaller states separated from a weakened empire, the rulers of these states found themselves more capable of enforcing legislation than their Byzantine counterparts. The most powerful protection on the rights of Jews—governmental impotence to enforce laws—was thus abolished. Theodore Doukas, who crowned himself emperor of Epiros after he conquered Thessalonica, was known for his persecution of the Jews, which began in 1229, a year before the end of his reign. Theodore's disdain for the Jews is well-established. Still, his waiting until 1229—five years after capturing Thessalonica and declaring himself emperor—indicates that antisemitism may not have been the cause of his anti-Jewish edicts. Rather, they appear to have been motivated by a desire to confiscate Jewish property at a time when his empire was short of funds. This explains the expropriations of Jewish property under Theodore, as well as his regime's abstention from religious persecution for its own sake. John Vatatzes, the emperor of Nicaea, commenced legal persecution of the Jews in 1253. Unlike Theodore, Vatatzes ordered that the Jews within the Empire of Nicaea be converted to Christianity, though he did not order the expropriation of Jewish property. Although these measures began only a year before Vatatzes' death, they seemed to have set a precedent of persecution which his son, Theodore II Laskaris, followed. It was in this environment of persecution that the Palaiologoi rose to the imperial throne. Michael VIII Palaiologos largely ended persecution of the Jews. Bowman writes the following: Michael's road to the throne had been of questionable legality, and that fact earned him many enemies. Additionally, he oversaw an empire which was strongly dependent on foreign powers, and had an immense need for gold to fund its great military expenses. It is not surprising, therefore, that he turned to the Jews and other minorities (most notably the Armenians) as a source of support in an embattled state of affairs, and when the ethnic majority and the mainstream elite had grown unfriendly toward him. A decaying Empire: 1261–1453. Andronikos II Palaiologos followed his father's precedent. The tolerance of Andronikos was quite notable, even drawing condemnation from Patriarch Athanasius III of Alexandria, against what he saw as "excessive" tolerance of Jews and other non-Christians, in particular for permitting them to live amongst Christians. The patriarch's complaint indicates that, in spite of the tolerance of the Palaiologoi, the norm of imperial law was to require non-Christians to live separately from Christians. This apparent trend of segregation between the peoples of Byzantium, which certainly included the Jews, is confirmed in a letter by John, bishop of Citrus, in the latter half of the twelfth century, which declared that, "People of alien tongues and alien beliefs, such as Jews, Armenians, Ishmaelites, Hagarites and other such as these were permitted from of old to dwell in Christian countries and cities, except that they had to live separately and not together with the Christians". In Constantinople, there was a Jewish quarter near the eponymous gate in the modern Yenikapı area. By the fourteenth century, the Jewish question of Byzantium seemed to be most concerned with Venetian Jews. Venetians had come to reside in the Empire in large numbers by the early 14th century, and treaties between the Empire and Venice granted the Venetians living in the empire, including Jews of Venetian origin, special privileges, though they also carried certain minor economic prohibitions. Under the aegis of these treaties, Venetian Jews could buy, sell or rent land anywhere in Constantinople. They also enjoyed a more favorable tax structure than Byzantine citizens, as well as the freedom of movement and settlement anywhere in the Empire. Further complicating this legal status, some Jews obtained Venetian citizenship either "by coming from areas subject to the Republic or by purchasing naturalization", thus obtaining the same privileges as Venetian nationals in the Empire. At this time, the Empire was in rapid decay, and could not seriously enforce laws intended to curtail these rights and regain economic control within its borders. Thus, an exception to the general trend of Byzantine history emerged during this century, whereby Jews were entitled to a broader set of rights than Christians. However, it is important to note that these liberties were conferred based on their being Venetian, not based on their Jewish identity. Non-Venetian Jews did not profit from the Venetian-Byzantine treaties, and non-Jewish Venetians enjoyed the same liberties as their Jewish compatriots.

about a quarter of a millennium

4482-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=26729347

Ruskin Heights is a neighborhood in southeast Kansas City, Missouri, Jackson County. This neighborhood was made in the early 1950s as a postwar suburb on former farmland. It had a total population of 23,874 people in 2020, making it one of the most densely populated neighborhoods of Kansas City. It has a total land area of approximately . It is mostly flat, but slightly elevated at some points. The ZIP Code is 64134. It is infamous for its high crime rates and poverty rates. As of February 2021, Ruskin Heights has no known culture or media sourced from Ruskin Heights. History. The May 19, 1957 Ruskin Heights tornado. Io May 19, 1957, a tornado cut a significant 71-mile path through major businesses and neighborhoods of Ruskin Heights. Rated an F5 on the fujita scale, the tornado was the largest of the May 1957 Central Plains tornado outbreak sequence, and has been called the Ruskin Heights tornado in parts of the neighborhood. The town has since mostly recovered, but critics have criticized Ruskin Heights for building the cheapest homes it could during the tornado, and not actually putting effort into its homes. The tornado had found its way into Jackson County through Williamsburg, and moved northeast through several counties in Missouri. Major damage occurred in many rural areas and suburbs, that including Ruskin Heights. Entire blocks of homes were completely leveled, many of which were swept way with debris and thrown long distances away through nearby fields. Some homes had their sub flooring ripped away, leaving only basements behind. Many businesses including a grocery store, a shopping center, and restaurants were completely destroyed. A few of the businesses at the shopping center sustained F5 damage. Vehicles were thrown through the air and destroyed, and the steel-reinforced Ruskin Heights High School was badly damaged. The housing boom. In the 1970s, 1960s, and 1950s, the suburb of Ruskin Heights experienced a record high in homeowners and general population. People were moving into Ruskin Heights at record speed, even in the aftermath of the F5 tornado that had just hit it in 1957. Ruskin Heights managed to rebuild in about 10 years, but critics have criticized it, saying that it is still not the same. A total of 3,106 houses were made during the Ruskin Boom of the 1960s and 1950s. Ever since, the rate and amount of houses being built have significantly stagnated. As Kansas City's African-American population expanded, Ruskin Heights became more diversified during the 1970s and saw its first African-American families move into the area. Along with Kansas City, Ruskin Heights has also undergone extensive rebuilding and infrastructure development. However, this has led to a soaring high in crime rates, due to poor-quality housing, and poverty. The Ruskin Heights crime-rate is 348% higher than Missouri's crime rate. Modern age (1980–present). In the 1980s, Bannister Mall was originated in Ruskin Heights, peaking in the same decade it was created. However, due to lack of demand and rising operation costs, it closed down for good in 2007. Since 1990 Ruskin Heights population has fallen by 9%. During that time, many white families moved away, which set off the population decline. Caucasians made up 86 percent of the population in 1990, and 53 percent by 2000. In 2010, the area was 38 percent white and 59 percent African-American. Due to declining population, the construction and housing industries of Ruskin Heights had come to a full-stop. Other industries that revolved around physical business also started to slow down their growth as well. In the 21st century, Ruskin Heights did not find good but kept going down the same path it already was in. Demographics. Racial statistics. In the 2020 U.S. Census, the racial composition of Ruskin Heights was as follows: Male and female residents in Ruskin Heights as of 2020. There is no data for non-binary, transgender, and any other gendered residents as of 2020. Modern day economy. The 1990s. The economy of Ruskin Heights in the 1990s was stagnating, mostly due to White Americans leaving, and higher crime rates. This is also when Bannister Mall began to stagnate in growth and development just like Ruskin Heights. Even though the dot com crash of 1999 did not have a direct impact on Ruskin Heights, the 2007 financial crisis did have a direct impact on Ruskin Heights, making it sink deeper into poverty and crime. This decade is also where Ruskin Heights started to gain a bad reputation, because the stereotype of African Americans as criminals and thugs were at its peak in the 1990s.

recognized artistic endeavors

3084-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=18411414

Devil's Punch Bowl is a 37-metre ribbon waterfall on the Niagara Escarpment, in the Stoney Creek community of Hamilton, Ontario, Canada. It is found in the Devil's Punchbowl Conservation Area, maintained by the Hamilton Conservation Authority, and features an escarpment access trail with connections to a recently improved section of the Bruce Trail. Stoney Creek's Dofasco 2000 Trail is nearby. The Punch Bowl is also known as Horseshoe Falls for the distinctive shape of the cliff-face, which somewhat resembles its much larger cousin in Niagara Falls. In addition to the 800 km-long Bruce Trail, nearby attractions include the historic Battlefield House Museum and Nash-Jackson House; on Lake Ontario, Fifty Point Conservation Area and Confederation Park; and Mohawk Sports Park and the Hamilton Museum of Steam & Technology in the city proper. There's also a convenience store, restaurant, motel, gas station and retail stores nearby. Lower Punch Bowl Falls is a curtain waterfall located a few metres north of the Punch Bowl, spanning 7 metres in height and width. History. The history of the Devil’s Punch Bowl dates back to over 450 million years ago. It was formed throughout the years by many glacial waters; it withholds different layers of colourful stratified rock segments. The falls drops about 108.25 feet. Another monument that is considered part of the Devil’s Punch Bowl is the ten-metre high cross that overlooks the Stoney Creek community and Hamilton Harbour. This cross was made in December 18, 1966 by William Sinclair (1925-1994). He built the cross to bring light to the community. Originally the cross was only planned on being lit up during Christmas and Easter for six weeks. However, with the help of the donations from the Knights of Columbus the cross lights up automatically every night. Geology and Geography. The Devil’s Punch Bowl originated 450 million years ago when materials that form the Niagara escarpment were originally deposited in an inland sea. Corals and other organisms that lived in the area became fossilized as the sea bottom deposits changed into rocks. The formation of the Devil’s Punch Bowl occurred 1 million years ago after one of the four great ice ages. As the ice slabs that covered the area melted at the end of the ice age, high levels of water occurred. These streams of fast moving waters carved out the land and formed what would become the Devil’s Punch Bowl. Formation of the Devil’s Punch Bowl has declined since its original formation; it often dries up or is only a trickle. However, the stream still picks up during rain and as snow is melting. The site also has two distinct waterfalls in the upper and lower regions. Today it has become a famous landmark amongst geologists worldwide because of its exposed rock strata. The stratigraphy of the Punch Bowl has been studied by geologists, including McMaster University students. From the top of the escarpment a beautiful view of various locations can be seen such as; East Hamilton, Burlington, Stoney Creek and weather permitting, the Toronto skyline can become visible as well. The geology of the upper and lower falls was described in the popular Toronto blog "Hiking the GTA" in Dec. 2015. Entertainment. Devil's Punch Bowl has been used as a location for movies, television shows, and attractions. The 2006 film "Silent Hill", opens with a young girl trying to jump off a cliff, which was the edge of the Devil's Punch Bowl overlooking the waterfall and rock bottom below. In the film, "The Big Hit" (1998), scenes filmed in the area highlight the waterfall and the surrounding area. In 1989 Super Dave Osborne performed a human yo-yo stunt at the Devil’s Punch Bowl.

first emergence

771-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=3368157

The Project Initiation Documentation (PID) is one of the most significant artifacts in project management, which provides the foundation for the business project. PID bundles the information, which was acquired through the Starting up a project and Initiating a Project processes in a PRINCE2 controlled project environment. PRINCE2's 2009 renaming Document to Documentation indicates a collection of documentation that has been collected up creating a project rather than all the information in the system. The Project Initiation Document provides a reference point throughout the project for both the customer and the Project Team. A Project Initiation Document often contains the following: A Project Charter could be created instead of a PID; the two document types are highly similar. But a Project Charter is less detailed, which makes it more suitable for cases in which content producers are less available. Project Initiation Documentation in terms of PRINCE2. The Project Initiation Documentation is a PRINCE2 term representing the plan of approach in project management. It is assembled from a series of other documents, including the business case, the Terms of Reference, the communication plan, the risk register, the Project Tolerances, the project plan, and any specific project controls or inspections as part of a departmental quality plan or common project approach. The PID represents a detailed version of the basic project start-up document called the Project Brief. The PID bundles together documentation to form the logical document that brings together all of the key information needed to start and run the project on a sound basis. It should be conveyed to all stakeholders and agreed and signed off by the business sponsors. In short, this is the, "who, why, and what", part of the project. It defines all major aspects of a project and forms the basis for its management and the assessment of overall success. The project initiation document builds upon the business case (if it exists) using the information and analysis data produced during initiation activities. A common part of formal project methodologies such as PRINCE2 the document is a major milestone in the "Initiating a Project" process. It is the document that goes before the "Project Board" for sign- off to commence a project. The Project Initiation Document provides a reference point throughout the project for both the customer and the Project Team. Writing a Project Initiation Document (PID). Purpose. The purpose of the Project Initiation Document (PID) is to capture and record basic information needed to correctly define and plan the project. The PID should expand upon the Project Mandate and state what the project is aiming and planning to achieve and the reason for the importance of meeting these aims. It also contains the list of people who are participating in the project development from the very beginning until project closure, along with their roles and responsibilities. The PID also includes the date when the PID was approved by the Project Board. The PID is not regularly updated during project stages. Any revisions or updates which are needed are to be done at the end of the each stage in order to incorporate detailed milestones for the next steps. The Project Initiation Document is the basis of decisions taken for the project and it is unhelpful when the PID is queried or altered at a later stage with no reference to why, by whom or when. Project Scope Statement. One of the most important sections of the PID. Project Scope Statement is divided into three parts: Project Scope Statement, Proposed Solution and In Scope for Project Example. That part of PID explaining in depth what the project is delivering for Stakeholders and customers. Proposed Solution explains what innovations, changes and aspects the project will bring within the environment and the society and which changes and renewals it will cause. The Project Scope Statement should include as much detail as possible, as it helps to avoid proliferating problems and questions in the project lifecycle (requirements are needed in order to succeed in In Scope Category). In Scope phase helps the Project Manager to make decisions of financial aspects and projects' expenses. Project Background. Project Background establish why and how the project was created. Phase 1 of the project will deliver the online functionality required together with the changes to the necessary Business Systems impacted, whilst Phase 2 will deliver the Digital Rights Management and real-time advert insertion. The person, who has played a pivotal role in project participation should be mentioned in the section of PID. It is rational way of make the specific project above others emphasizing the attention of participation of most active candidate of a team. It is because someone important within the company wants to see it. The result should be that the resources and equipment are made available to you to ensure your project happens. Assumptions, Dependencies and Constraints. Assumptions, Dependencies and Constraints detail the Project Initiation Document. Those details are assumed ahead of the Project Management Requirements and Business Requirements Specification being documented. Project Constraints in the PID identifies the outer impact, such as unavailability of resources or competitor (another project). Organization and Governance. In order to complete the organization stage, the team needs to complete the Organization Chart. The project will be achieved by a cross-functional team with experienced representatives from multiple departments including Development, Interactive, Test, Networking, Infrastructure and Business Systems, Security and Marketing. The involvement of the different areas will vary as the project progresses of the initial project. The SMG (Senior Management Group) will be notified of key findings and developments. Communication Plan. During the whole process of creating the Project Initiation Document the Project manager is aware that they will be attending meetings with Third Party Project Managers, Lead Architects and Team Leaders where discussions of Project Management Reports, Weekly project team meetings, Fortnightly supplier meetings and Weekly programme board meetings will take place. Quality Plan. Project Quality Plan is usually written by ITQA (IT Quality Assurance) and it identifies aspects, which will be delivered as part of a project (Baselined Project Plan, Business Requirements (BRS), Use Cases, High Level Design (HLD), Software Requirements Spec (SRS), Test Scripts, Test Report, Post Development Review (PDR), Stage Assessments in a Project Quality Plan). ITQA also determines when the End Stage Assessment (ESA) will be taking place. These are basically checkpoints during the life of the project which ensure that a Quality product is being delivered. ESA's implies the meeting where considering Baselined Project Plan to ensure it is up to date and on schedule, Project Management Reports, Project Workstream Checkpoint Reports, Team Meeting Minutes, Actions and Agenda, Project Risk and Issues Log, and a Quality Plan Tip. Initial Project Plan. Writing the Initial Plan for PID implies adequate reconsideration of proposed date and detail phases accordingly. Often business stakeholders ask project to be delivered to impossible dates, which requires the highlight of that fact. In that case most of stakeholders are flexible and about to reconsider the launch date or reducing the scope. Relaunching date or reducing the scope need to be supported with justifications, on which stakeholders making a decision of delaying the launch date. The sooner the worker starts building that sort of relationships with stakeholders, the easier will be later on when more pressing concerns regarding scope are raised. Project Controls. There are specific number of sections, which needed to be completed in terms of controlling the whole project: Project Controls, Project Stages and Exception Process. Those could include Budget Actuals and forecasts produced for each financial period, Exceptions to be escalated to the Corporate Programme Manager, Product reviews from the Quality Plan, Project Tolerance, Risk Mitigation Plan, identifying project risks and plans for their mitigation, an Issues Log, Existing Change Control Processes, weekly Highlight Report for Corporate Program Board, weekly supplier meetings, weekly project teams meetings, etc. Initial Risks and Issues Log. The rule says the more we are about to commit, the more we will need to deliver. The project stages are Initiation, Requirements, Design, Development, Test, Project Launch and Close with the Exception Process stage. The last stage is the most unstable, as covers how much the Budget, Time and Project Scope could increase without the project being forced to go into Exception. In a situation when stakeholders decide to relocate project into Exception, a detailed Exception Plan is needed to be introduced which will replace the versions of the project/stage plans which were in use before the Exception. And on top of all this additional paperwork, the Project Manager will also have to keep the project moving forward and ensure their team is motivated. Once the PID is formally approved, it means that there is an additional contingency to utilize before having to move into Exception. This can make all the difference to the successful delivery of a project in much the same way as good cash flow is key to the success of any growing business. Boehm has identified six risk management stages: Identification, Assessment, Prioritisation, Management Planning, Resolution and Monitoring, which take place in PID. Getting a PID Approved. The last stage of writing PID is the Approval, which implies the distribution to all Stakeholders on the Distribution List within the PID and other interested parties such as Operations or HR for Resources by e-mails with the request of comments. Then the lead of the team will amass the comments and then followed the final meeting where Stakeholders and Interested Parties are about to discuss the PID in further detail. It is only after these stages are complete that your PID will be of a sufficient standard to be approved and passed onto the Programme Board for funding. Depending on the complexity and the size of the project the stages are about to be completed in five Informal and four Formal reviews. Some problems could appear such as shortage or resources and lack of finance. It is pivotally important to identify how prioritized is your project before starting the PID, which will help to avoid huge expenses if the project is about to appear in Exception Stage. Characteristics of PID. Specifying the importance of the project, Project Initiation Documentation identifies that it is the contract between the project management and sponsor. The aim of PID is understanding the premises of the project. The correct format of PID represents the understanding of the background, objectives and benefits. A good project manager is not only interested in delivering an output or a capability to their customer, but interested in the wider context and the benefits that this capability will ultimately bring about. PID identifies what is in scope within the project with the use of flow diagrams and Product Breakdown Structures. The pivotal role plays the identification of responsibilities, which implies roles of project manager, team leader, sponsor, supplier, user representative, stakeholders and members of steering committee. There are key aspects which need consideration before starting a project and creating a Project Initiation Document, such as: how will the project be delivered? What type of approach: variegates techniques (e.g. waterfall, agile methodology)? What ways of communication with stakeholders, keeping on top of risks, issues and changes. For a PID it is sufficient to include the place, which emphasize on main phases and activities of the project. The success of the PID and the whole project builds up on visual aspects, such as graphics, galvanizing the better visual memorizing the project. Risks are needed to be identified before they appear as a problem within the whole project. The problem could be resolved by creating the list of top projects' risks and what precautionary measures have to be taken. Financial side of the project is needed to be considered. PID scheme needs to be included along any budgetary constrains and provided the assumptions the team used when they estimate as well as details about how often the review will be estimates. The important aspect should avoided isolations, as it might cause mistakes such as spelling or jargon. In order to improve the PID, a presentation could be created, identifying and emphasizing on main points.

complete triumph

7209-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=10929505

An unstructured interview or non-directive interview is an interview in which questions are not prearranged. These non-directive interviews are considered to be the opposite of a structured interview which offers a set amount of standardized questions. The form of the unstructured interview varies widely, with some questions being prepared in advance in relation to a topic that the researcher or interviewer wishes to cover. They tend to be more informal and free flowing than a structured interview, much like an everyday conversation. Probing is seen to be the part of the research process that differentiates the in-depth, unstructured interview from an everyday conversation. This nature of conversation allows for spontaneity and for questions to develop during the course of the interview, which are based on the interviewees' responses. The chief feature of the unstructured interview is the idea of probe questions that are designed to be as open as possible. It is a qualitative research method and accordingly prioritizes validity and the depth of the interviewees' answers. One of the potential drawbacks is the loss of reliability, thereby making it more difficult to draw patterns among interviewees' responses in comparison to structured interviews. Unstructured interviews are used in a variety of fields and circumstances, ranging from research in social sciences, such as sociology, to college and job interviews. Fontana and Frey have identified three types of in depth, ethnographic, unstructured interviews - oral history, creative interviews (an unconventional interview in that it does not follow the rules of traditional interviewing), and post-modern interviews. Possible characteristics of a less structured interview. While the method of the unstructured interview varies widely, the chief feature of the unstructured interview is to reveal information from the respondent in a more neutral environment with less attached bias from the interviewer. This gives the unstructured interview an advantage over the structured interview in that it produces more reliable information and may enable the interview subject to bring forward experiences and knowledge that the interviewer had not previously considered. Each unstructured depends on the interviewer and interviewee together to create knowledge, and therefore the characteristics of the interview can vary from one conversation to another. Light structure and preparation. To achieve the level of depth and detail sought after using the method of the unstructured interview, the researcher or interviewer may choose main questions to focus on, probing questions and follow-up questions. A central idea or topic is typically chosen before beginning an unstructured interview. Because the interview is occurring as a way of collecting data, it is also typical for the interviewer to gather knowledge of his or her respondent, whether that is about their career, studies, or work, as a place to start and continue the conversation. While the unstructured interview does not always have all these features, these main topics or questions serve to provide the conversation's "skeleton". Sometimes too much preparation is made when attempting to conduct an unstructured interview, and while not a negative method, such planning may lead to a semi-structured interview rather than an unstructured interview. Open-ended questions. Open-ended questions have no prepared response choices which enables and empower the interviewee to shift the direction of the interview and to bring in unanticipated information. Whereas closed-ended questions require only that the interviewer read the question and marks the appropriate answer, open-ended questions "can require the interview to transcribe a lengthy statement". It can require a skillful interviewer to bring a talkative respondent back on topic. However, these open-ended questions give the ability for the respondent to reply about a topic which neither the interviewee nor the interviewer may have thought about before. Some evidence shows that using open-ended questions in interviews "result in greater reporting of sensitive or socially disapproved behavior than when closed-ended questions on a self-reporting questionnaire are used". Although open-ended questions can be used in both quantitative and qualitative studies, they are much more prominent and favored in qualitative work as they produce information from the respondents with greater detail and depth. Neutral probes/non-biased encouragement. Although the method of the unstructured interview allows for social interaction and different modes of communication between the interviewer and interviewee, some maintain that it is important that interviewers resist the urge to agree, disagree, or give biased probes and encouragement to interviewees so that they do not potentially introduce biased topics. Interviewers must remember to minimize any form of bias within the conversation. This way, the interviewee is able to freely discuss the topic given or their work from their own point of view, typically something the researcher hopes for in their search for information. Others maintain that the interviewer may introduce encouraging nods, expressions and non-directive, neutral probes. From the participant, "They are generally very short, such as 'Why?' or 'Uh, huh' or 'That’s interesting.' The non-directive interview originated in psychotherapy, intending to neutrally probe the respondent's deepest and most subjective feelings". These acknowledgments such as "yeah," "right," "great," "okay," and "mhm" show response or influence from the interviewee's answers can have on interviewer, not through contributions to the development of the topic but through minimal feedback. If these acknowledgements are not used then the conversation can be seen as problematic. However, at its extremes, these neutral probes may activate repressed feelings that the respondent may or may not know he or she had or was not willing to admit to him or herself originally before the conversation. Typically these probes uncover important issues and topics that can eventually guide future inquiries. Silence. Silence, being the apparent opposite of speech, is sometimes used in the method of the unstructured or non-directive interview. It is often suggested that silences may often be seen as awkward and are an enduring feature of human interaction. During more organized and highly structured interviews, questions are given and answered one after another, typically transcribed with little or no silences evident in between the responses. Oftentimes, it is up to the interviewer to present their interviewing skills by making sure the conversation does not hold any silences. However, with the fact that the unstructured interview is more like an everyday conversation, silence or the use of silence can be observed as a very important aspect of a natural conversation and in fact current research suggests that being attentive to silences will tell us a lot about how knowledge is constructed. Typically silence is overlooked in qualitative research, keeping in mind that there are multiple meanings involved in the conversation involving the interplay between speech and silence, it can be seen as one of the best types of probes used in interviews. Silences are profoundly meaningful as they can signify a withholding or resistance, can reflect a cultural mode of self-representation, or may represent a topic or idea as unthinkable. Many see the possible utility of silence as a strategic device to enhance data collection, while others argue that silence can be seen to represent failure on the part of the interviewer to ‘draw out’ information from the respondent. Advantages. More complex issues can be probed. An unstructured interview allows for the interviewer to build better rapport with the interviewee due to its parallels with a normal conversation. Unstructured interviews can be particularly useful when asking about personal experiences. In an unstructured interview the interviewer is able to discover important information which did not seem relevant before the interview and the interviewer can ask the participant to go further into the new topic. For this reason they are often considered to be a better methodology for researching sensitive subjects, such as domestic violence, whereas structured interviews are often considered intimidating due to their formality and can often make the interviewee subject to social desirability bias, a tendency for participants to answer questions inaccurately to suit response that can be viewed favorably by others. Readability and validity of the unstructured interview. It is argued that the unstructured interview can sometimes be more valid than the highly structured interview. According to Gorden, more valid responses may be created by letting the respondent follow what he calls "the natural paths of free association". "The universe of discourse" varies from respondent to respondent so that the interviewer must change the question wording to meet the understanding of each individual participant. Another situation where the unstructured interview is said to be more valid than the structured interview is where the respondent is experiencing memory failure. The unstructured interview enables the interviewer to return to the same topic numerous times, allowing the interviewee is able to produce information with stimulated memory. With the interview being more like an everyday conversation, a safe and relaxed environment can be created within the space of the interview; unlike the highly structured interview where the respondent may feel stressed in its more hurried and formal environment and may not respond accurately if they feel the need to move on to the next question. Balance in power relationships. The in-depth non-directive interviewing method implies an egalitarian relationship between the interviewer and the interviewee. Rather than focusing on the interview as a method of data retrieval, it is the interviewee's unique account which is being sought and highly valued. Instead of entering into the conversation formally with structure where the interviewer holds power over the conversation and determines how it evolves, "the interviewer attempts to retrieve interviewee's world by understanding their perspective in a language that is natural to them". Ethnographic interviewing methods are a large example of how unstructured interviews can balance power relationships between the interviewer and interviewee. Ethnographic interviewing originated in studies of cultural anthropology, emphasizing on the quality of the relationship with respondents. Ethnographic interviews are normally conducted in the form of the unstructured interview with participants from a particular culture in which the interviewer or researcher wishes to obtain knowledge from. The key feature to this approach is that the "researcher is there to learn from the respondent rather than impose an external frame of reference, epitomized in Spradely's (1979: 34) representation of the researcher's posture as being that 'I want to know what you know in the way that you know it...Will you become my teacher and help me understand?'". Life history interviews can be seen as a form of the ethnographic interview using the unstructured interview approach as they often share emphases documenting the respondent's life, or an aspect of it that has developed over the life course. Disadvantages. Time-consuming. Unstructured interviews are a lot more time-consuming in comparison to other research methods. This is because there are typically no prearranged questions asked during an unstructured interview, and if there are questions prepared, they are open-ended questions, which can result in elaborate answers. These open-ended questions "can require the interviewer to transcribe a lengthy statement". As a result, the unstructured interview is sometimes expensive and only feasible with small samples, affecting the data's generalizability and representativeness. However, current research shows there is a need to take up the unstructured interview in order to address unbalanced minority representation in research methods. Opportunity for bias. It is important to understand that bias or the use of bias during an interview from the researcher is an important aspect that greatly affects validity of the interview's gathered knowledge. Since the interview is more like an everyday conversation, some claim that there are opportunities for the interviewer's bias to be brought into discussion and to intervene than with the structured interview. Others maintain that "Although there is invariable potential for the interviewer bias in qualitative interviews, it is offset, at least to some extent, by the greater participation and involvement of the interviewer in the interaction aimed at reaching greater depth". While the unstructured interview can be seen to be unreliable due to the interviewer, bias can be easily be built into a highly structured interview. However, it is important to find where one stands with their bias, acknowledging their biases rather than trying to do away with it. The notion of bias is evident in that anything quantitative already holds bias and biases are already built into everyday form. "Although typical of the selection process, the research on interviews suggests that unstructured procedures are vulnerable to a variety of biases that can lower the quality of decisions," such as gathering information on an applicant's traits during a job interview and selecting applicants determined by their qualifications. Any interview can also be subject to stereotypes and discrimination. Newell and Rice suggest that many of the problems involved with predictive validity during interviews are due to interpersonal perception, the interpretation of the interviewee's personality or social identity. Race, gender, class, religion, [and forms of disabilities] are all aspects of society that feed into the development of our social identity, however these can also be factors which bias people's interpretations in an interview. Perceived difficulties in comparing data. The outcome of unstructured interviews results in diverse types of information collected from interviewees who are asking different questions. While the data from an unstructured interview has more quality than that obtained from a structured interview, in the sense that the participant has more of an opportunity to say what they like freely, the data collected in unstructured interviews is also prone to digression and much of the data collected could be worthless. Some suggest that this limits the comparability of responses and the outcome is thereby a less systematic and comprehensive set of data which may make organization and analysis of the data difficult. The data gathered though unstructured interviews are difficulty to analyze because the kind of data obtained during the interview are unpredictable and open in nature, thereby making it hard to make comparisons across data. Types of use in feminist research methods. Feminist researchers often use unstructured interviews as opposed to more structured interview in terms of research techniques because it attempts to eliminate power imbalances in the relationship between the interviewer and the interviewee. Some feminist researchers are influenced by the works of writer and researcher, Ann Oakley, who pioneered an interview methodology based on an anti-oppression framework. Oakley argues that the form of structured interviews positions the interviewee as a subordinate, which supports the masculine "paradigm of inquiry" and produces a "perfect interview" that is "morally indefensible". As an alternative, Oakley writes that "the best way to find out about someone else's lives is through non-hierarchical relationships where the interviewer is prepared to invest their own personal identity in the research relationship, answering questions and sharing knowledge". Oakley argues that interviews need to be conducted as equal relationships so that the research can lead to a retrieval of more fruitful and significant data. Together, Howard Becker and Oakley have argued that interviews should be more natural and more like an everyday conversation. Oakley argues that traditional guidelines contradict the aims of feminist research and that for a feminist interviewing women, the "use of prescribed interviewing practice is morally indefensible [and] general and irreconcilable contradictions at the heart of the textbook are exposed". This approach is viewed by many contemporary researchers as ethically responsible and it is very relevant in terms of developing research approaches that are grounded by the experience of in minorities. "Feminists have argued that the production of atomistic 'facts' and figures fracture people's lives" and letting others speak for themselves allows work to be produced which challenges stereotypes, oppression, and exploitation. Only one small part of experience is abstracted typically from structured interviews and questionnaires as the focus for attention as it is only "a simple matrix of standardized variables which is unable to convey an in-depth understanding of, feeling of, the people under the study". To break down imbalances of power within the relationships of the interviewer and the interviewee, the unstructured interview approach to research maximizes the ability to explore a full account of life experience. It can be seen that the principle belief of feminist research "must begin with an open-ended exploration of women's experiences, since only from that vantage point is it possible to see how their world is organized and the extent to which it differs from that of men". It is also important to note that this approach to research is used to explore life experience from those belonging to all other minority groups. Notable examples. Ann Oakley. Distinguished British sociologist, feminist, and writer, Ann Oakley has written numerous academic works focusing on the lives and roles of women in society. Oakley is a well-known pioneer in the unstructured interview research approach directed towards qualitative research that challenges existing power imbalances within the relationships of the interviewer and the interviewee. Oakley sees both issues as interlinked or, as she puts it "no intimacy without reciprocity". In 1974, Oakley interviewed women twice before the birth of their children and then twice afterwards. Each woman was interviewed for around nine hours on average. The women also asked her questions during the interviews and Oakley responded as openly and honestly as she wished for them to respond. Oakley wanted the respondents to be collaborators in her research rather than just interviewees causing the women to become increasingly interested in the research and contacting her with any information they thought important after the interviews. Oakley as well used the unstructured interview approach to study women's experiences of both house work and maternity care. Oakley interviewed 40 women about how much housework they did and how they and their partners organised domestic work. Both unstructured interview studies "were aimed at raising awareness of women's experiences and of promoting policy changes - for example, Oakley called for domestic work to be recognized as 'work' and to be given an appropriate status in relation to paid employment". These are prime examples of the advantages of rapport and the depth of information even beyond the interview using the unstructured interview research approach.

notable case

4360-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=48958144

PIX, Inc was an early New York City photo bureau which followed European, particularly German, precedents. From 1935 to 1969 it supplied news and feature photos to magazines, especially "Life" and, later, "Sports Illustrated." Formation. The agency was founded in New York City at 250 Park Avenue in November 1935 by Leon Daniel and Celia Kutschuk. It pre-dates the more famous Magnum (begun in 1947). Born in the Ukraine, Kutschuk had studied photojournalism at Rhine University, and both had worked as picture editors at the Associated Press office in Berlin, which was headed by American Louis Lochner from 1928 until 1941, when Germany and the United States declared war and Lochner was held and then deported as an enemy alien. Jewish employees were sacked, and many fled Europe. European roots. PIX acted as an intermediary between émigré photographers and the American magazine and newspaper market, profiting from the development of photojournalism in the USA in the 1930s onwards. As many of the photographers for PIX were naturalized American citizens, they were not allowed in the war theaters during WWII, so they stayed home and covered the home front, though during the Korean War and Cold War, Ed Feingersh produced striking reportage. The photographers. The first-signed photographers of the agency were Alfred Eisenstaedt and Georg Karger. Eisenstaedt (1898–1995) was the best-known member of PIX and until the 1950s credited his work to PIX, Inc. He left PIX about 1957 over a royalty disagreement. Robert Capa and Cornell Capa were also briefly associated with PIX (Cornell worked as a printer in the laboratory). German George Karger (1909–1973) left banking for a career in stage photography. Jerry Cooke (b. Yuri Kutschuk, 1922–2005) was the nephew of Celia Kutschuk and initially worked in the agency darkroom before becoming a photographer and producing work for "Life," "Fortune," "Collier's", "Time", "Sports Illustrated" and European publications. Lawrence Fried (1926-1983), a World War II veteran, worked steadily as a photo-journalist for "The Saturday Evening Post", "The New York Times", "Vogue", "Collier's", and "Parade Magazine" with over 70 covers for "Newsweek". He was the recipient of the Photographer of the Year award by the Overseas Press Club, the Outstanding Service to ASMP award and the Benjamin Franklin Award. Eileen Darby (Lester) (1916 – April 21, 2004) worked in the PIX darkroom from 1937, in the same way as Cornell Capa, but from 1939 started photographing for the agency, which sent her on theatrical assignments, since players and producers were used to female photographers, and she subsequently founded her own agency, Graphic House, in 1941. Other PIX photographers included Hans Knopf (1907–1967), Ed Feingersh, Bob Schwalberg, Lawrence Fried, Bob Henriques, Garry Winogrand, and George Zimbel. Cessation. PIX was dissolved in 1969 with the rise of television which displaced the big picture magazines and most of its members moved their business to other picture agencies. Legacy. An archive of PIX photos was amassed by Emil Klinsky (1899–? ), the bulk of which is now at the Art Gallery of Ontario (AGO). The Spaarnestad collection in the National Archives of The Netherlands in The Hague contains photos distributed by PIX to Dutch publishing companies. The Spaarnestad collection does not contain a separate PIX archive. The photos in these archives coming from publishing companies are filed away according to subject not by the names of the photo bureaus. As far as the information goes of Spaarnestad Photo the copyrights of PIX material remained with the photographers.

most popular associate

7736-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=41443125

SM City General Santos is a large shopping mall in General Santos, South Cotabato. It is the 45th shopping mall by SM Prime Holdings, the Philippines' largest shopping mall and retail operator. Making it the largest mall in Soccsksargen Region. It has a gross floor area of 95,764 m2. It opened to the public on August 10, 2012. History. Planning. It was reported in 2008 that SM Prime Holdings, the Philippines' largest shopping mall and retail operator, was interested in developing a shopping mall in General Santos City. Rival developer Robinsons Land had started construction on a ₱1 trillion (US$75.2 billion) shopping mall set to open in 2009, challenging long-established malls Gaisano and KCC Mall. Construction. In September 2011, four construction workers working on the mall were injured when a portion of the third floor collapsed as the workers were pouring wet cement. The floor crashed down to the second floor, pinning the workers below. The workers were confined in a local hospital for treatment. Another construction accident occurred in December 2011, when a platform collapsed as construction workers were installing insulators on the ceiling of the third floor. The workers, who were not wearing safety belts, fell to the concrete floor, resulting in seven workers sustaining varying degrees of injury. The victims were employees of Irvine Construction, one of the construction firms hired by SM Prime Holdings to build the mall. Opening. SM City General Santos opened on August 10, 2012. At the time of its opening, it was 80% occupied.

security harness

13945-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=41136107

The original Royal Barge Anantanakkharat, with 7-headed Nakkharat, is a royal barge in Thailand, created and built during the reign of Rama III (King Nangklao) Rattanakosin Era (Estimated 1840-1851). History. King Rama III created the Nakkharat Barge because he already had The Garuda Barge. (Garuda is Sanskrit: गरुड garuḍa, "eagle", a large mythical bird or bird-like creature). King Rama III commissioned his brother, Prince Kromkhun Rajsrihawikrom to build the Royal Barge Anantanakkharat by crafting it from a single trunk, 40 meters long and made the bow in 7 headed Nakkharat (Nakkharat means King of Nāga (IAST: nāgá, IPA: [naːgá]) which is a Sanskrit and Pāli word for a deity or class of entity or being, taking the form of a very great snake — specifically the king cobra, found in Hinduism, Buddhism and Jainism. In Hindu regions of Asia (India, Nepal, and the island of Bali). Nāgas are considered nature spirits and the protectors of springs, wells and rivers. They bring rain, and thus fertility, but are also thought to bring disasters such as floods and drought. They are generally regarded as guardians of treasure). “Anantanakkharat” (or Ananta Shesha) is the king of the serpent deities, commonly shown with thousand heads where Vishnu, the Supreme God of Hinduism reclines and rests on, in Ksheera Sagara (the ocean of milk). King Rama III named his new 7 headed Nakkharat Barge the “Anantanakkharat” or he greatest King of Nagas. During the reign of Rama IV (King Mongkut), Anantanakkharat was used as his primary Royal Barge where he stayed The Royal Barge Procession for The Royal Kathin Ceremony (a presentation of Kathin robes and earns merit by honoring and supporting the Buddhist Monks), the movement of the sacred image of Buddha and for important occasions of state. Thailand's Royal Barge Procession (Thai: กระบวนพยุหยาตราชลมารค; RTGS: Krabuan Phayuhayattra Chonlamak) is a ceremony of both religious and royal significance which has been taking place for nearly 700 years. The current Anantanakkharat Royal Barge was built during the Reign of Rama VI (King Vajiravudh) and launched on 15 April 1914. The bow is carved into the 7-headed Nakkharat, the mystical snake-like creature, in gold lacquer and glass jewels. The current Anantanakkharat was built to replace the old Anantanakkharat that was damaged. It has been on duty since Rama IV’s reign up to now; however, the major design of the 7-headed Nakkharat remains the same. During the reign of King Bhumibol Adulyadej, spanning over 60 years, The Royal Barge Procession has taken place rarely, typically coinciding with only the most significant cultural and religious events. The Royal Barge Procession, at present, consists of 52 barges: 51 historical Barges, and the Royal Barge “Anantanakkharat” is one of the historic one, lying in the center of the Procession. The Procession proceeds down the Chao Phraya River, from the Wasukri Royal Landing Place in Khet Dusit, Bangkok, passes the Temple of the Emerald Buddha, the Grand Palace, Wat Po (Thai: วัดโพธิ์), and finally arrives at Wat Arun (Thai: วัดอรุณ, Temple of the Dawn).

chief pattern

4742-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=37159503

Poor Folk (, "Bednye lyudi"), sometimes translated as "Poor People", is the first novel by Fyodor Dostoevsky, written over the span of nine months between 1844 and 1845. Dostoevsky was in financial difficulty because of his extravagant lifestyle and his developing gambling addiction; although he had produced some translations of foreign novels, they had little success, and he decided to write a novel of his own to try to raise funds. Inspired by the works of Gogol, Pushkin and Karamzin, as well as English and French authors, "Poor Folk" is written in the form of letters between the two main characters, Makar Devushkin and Varvara Dobroselova, who are poor third cousins twice removed. The novel showcases the life of poor people, their relationship with rich people, and poverty in general, all common themes of literary naturalism. A deep but odd friendship develops between them until Dobroselova loses her interest in literature, and later in communicating with Devushkin after a rich widower Mr. Bykov proposes to her. Devushkin, a prototype of the clerk found in many works of naturalistic literature at that time, retains his sentimental characteristics; Dobroselova abandons art, while Devushkin cannot live without literature. Contemporary critics lauded "Poor Folk" for its humanitarian themes. While Vissarion Belinsky dubbed the novel Russia's first "social novel" and Alexander Herzen called it a major socialist work, other critics detected parody and satire. The novel uses a complicated polyphony of voices from different perspectives and narrators. Initially offered by Dostoyevsky to the liberal-leaning magazine "Fatherland Notes", the novel was published in the almanac, "St. Petersburg Collection", on January 15, 1846. It became a huge success nationwide. Parts of it were translated into German by Wilhelm Wolfsohn and published in an 1846/1847 magazine. The first English translation was provided by Lena Milman in 1894, with an introduction by George Moore, cover art design by Aubrey Beardsley and publication by London's Mathews and Lane. Plot. Varvara Dobroselova and Makar Devushkin are second cousins twice-removed and live across from each other on the same street in terrible apartments. Devushkin's, for example, is merely a portioned-off section of the kitchen, and he lives with several other tenants, such as the Gorshkovs, whose son groans in agonizing hunger almost the entire story. Devushkin and Dobroselova exchange letters attesting to their terrible living conditions and the former frequently squanders his money on gifts for her. The reader progressively learns their history. Dobroselova originally lived in the country, but moved to St. Petersburg (which she hates) when her father lost his job. Her father becomes very violent and her mother severely depressed. Her father dies and they move in with Anna Fyodorovna, a landlady who was previously cruel to them but at least pretends to feel sympathy for their situation. Dobroselova is tutored by a poor student named Pokrovsky, whose drunken father occasionally visits. She eventually falls in love with Pokrovsky. She struggles to save a measly amount of money to purchase the complete works of Pushkin at the market for his birthday present, then allows his father to give the books to him instead, claiming that just knowing he received the books will be enough for her happiness. Pokrovsky falls ill soon after, and his dying wish is to see the sun and the world outside. Dobroselova obliges by opening the blinds to reveal grey clouds and dirty rain. In response Pokrovsky only shakes his head and then passes away. Dobroselova's mother dies shortly afterwards, and Dobroselova is left in the care of Anna for a time, but the abuse becomes too much and she goes to live with Fedora across the street. Devushkin works as a lowly copyist, frequently belittled and picked on by his colleagues. His clothing is worn and dirty, and his living conditions are perhaps worse than Dobroselova's. He considers himself a rat in society. He and Dobroselova exchange letters (and occasional visits that are never detailed), and eventually they also begin to exchange books. Devushkin becomes offended when she sends him a copy of "The Overcoat", because he finds the main character is living a life similar to his own. Dobroselova considers moving to another part of the city where she can work as a governess. Just as he is out of money and risks being evicted, Devushkin has a stroke of luck: his boss takes pity on him and gives him 100 rubles to buy new clothes. Devushkin pays off his debts and sends some to Dobroselova. She sends him 25 rubles back because she does not need it. The future looks bright for both of them because he can now start to save money and it may be possible for them to move in together. The writer Ratazyayev, who jokes about using Devushkin as a character in one of his stories offends him, but genuinely seems to like him. Eventually Devushkin's pride is assuaged and their friendship is restored. The Gorshkovs come into money because the father's case is won in court. With the generous settlement they seem to be destined to be perfectly happy, but the father dies, leaving his family in a shambles despite the money. Soon after this, Dobroselova announces that a rich man, Mr. Bykov who had dealings with Anna Fyodorovna and Pokrovsky's father, has proposed to her. She decides to leave with him, and the last few letters attest to her slowly becoming accustomed to her new money. She asks Devushkin to find linen for her and begins to talk about various luxuries, but leaves him alone in the end despite his improving fortunes. In the last correspondence in the story, on September 29, Devushkin begs Dobroselova to write to him. Dobroselova responds saying that "all is over" and to not forget her. The last letter is from Devushkin saying that he loves her and that he will die when he leaves her and Now she will cry. Creation. Dostoevsky showed interest in literature since his childhood. His mother's subscription to the "Library of Reading" enabled the family entry into the leading contemporary Russian and non-Russian literature. Gothic tales, such as by Ann Radcliffe, was the first genre Dostoevsky was introduced to. Other formative influences were the works by the poets Alexander Pushkin and Vasily Zhukovsky, heroic epics usually by Homer and chivalric novels by Cervantes and Walter Scott. Dostoevsky initially attended the best private school in Moscow, the Chermak boarding school. Founded by a Czech immigrant who moved to Russia after the Napoleonic Wars, it put strong emphasis on literature. As the school required 800 rubles per year, his father had to do additional work and ask his aristocratic relatives, the Kumanins, for money. Although Dostoevsky settled in well, he had to leave after his mother's death on 27 September 1837 led to financial problems for his family. He was sent to the Military Engineering-Technical University; he had problems adjusting to life there, but nevertheless managed to graduate on 12 August 1843 as a military engineer. After his graduation, he lived a quite liberal lifestyle, attending many plays and the ballets of composers Ole Bull and Franz Liszt, and renting an expensive apartment, the Prianishnikov House, for 1,200 rubles, even though he was only earning 5,000 rubles per year. These events and his introduction to casinos were responsible for his deteriorating financial situation. He worked as a translator, but the translations he completed in 1843, such as Balzac's "Eugénie Grandet" and Sand's "La dernière Aldini", were not very successful. His gambling and betting on billiard games were a huge drain on his funds because of his frequent losses. As a consequence, Dostoyevsky was often forced to ask his relatives for money, but he felt uncomfortable doing so and decided to write a novel to raise money. "It's simply a case", Dostoevsky wrote to his brother Mikhail, "of my novel covering all. If I fail in this, I'll hang myself." Dostoevsky began working on "Poor Folk" in early 1844. He first mentioned the upcoming work in a letter to Mikhail on 30 September 1844: "I am finishing up a novel of the size of "Eugénie Grandet". It's a rather original work." Dostoevsky later wrote to his brother on 23 March 1845, "I finished the novel in November, then rewrote it in December, and again in February–March. I am seriously satisfied with my novel. It is a serious and elegant work ..." Sometime around April 1845, his friend Dmitry Grigorovich, with whom he had shared an apartment since the autumn of 1844, proposed giving the manuscript to poet Nikolay Nekrasov, who was planning to issue an anthology in 1846. Dostoevsky took the manuscript to Nekrasov and returned home. Shortly afterwards the doorbell of his house rang, and he opened the door to the excited Nekrasov and Grigorovich, both of whom congratulated him on his debut novel, of which they had only read 10 pages. They finished the full 112-page work during the night at Dostoevsky's apartment. The next morning, the three men went to the critic Vissarion Belinsky; Nekrasov proclaimed Dostoevsky "the New Gogol" though Belinsky replied sceptically "You find Gogols springing up like mushrooms". Dostoevsky himself did not believe his book would receive a positive review from Belinsky, but when Nekrasov visited Belinsky in the evening, the latter wanted to meet Dostoevsky to congratulate him on his debut. Dostoevsky proposed to issue "Poor Folk" in the "Fatherland Notes", but it was instead published in the almanac "St. Petersburg Collection" on January 15, 1846. Themes and style. "Poor Folk" explores poverty and the relationship between the poor and the rich, common themes of literary naturalism. Largely influenced by Nikolai Gogol's "The Overcoat", Alexander Pushkin's "The Stationmaster" and "Letters of Abelard and Heloise" by Peter Abelard and Héloïse d’Argenteuil, it is an epistolary novel composed of letters written by Varvara and her close friend Makar Devushkin. The name of the book and the main female character were adapted from Nikolai Karamzin's "Poor Liza". Additional elements include the backgrounds of the two protagonists and the tragic ending, both typical characteristics of a middle-class novel. Belinsky and others saw "The Overcoat" as the inspiration for the novel. Later critics stated that the sentimental-humanitarian "Poor Folk" contained a great deal of parody and satire of Gogol books; however, there are some dissenters. Karin Jeanette Harmon guesses in "Double Parody Equals Anti-Parody" that Dostoyevsky mixes the parody of the sentimental epistolary novel with the parody of the naturalistic sketch of the clerk. Robert Payne rejects the idea of any satiric content; he notes that satire began in "". A similar view was held by Belinsky, who also stated that "Dostoyevsky's talent is ... not descriptive, but to the highest degree creative." Victor Terras thought that Dostoyevsky did not use satire except in a few cases, but instead employed a "humor derived from the eternal conflict between the simple soul of a good man and the complex apparatus of the soulless, institutionalized society run by 'clever' people." Joseph Frank, who suggested that the whole work is a "serious parody", recalled that "Poor Folk" burlesques the "high-society adventure novel, the Gogolian humorous local color-tale" and "the debunking physiological sketch". Victor Terras dubbed it a "travesty of the sentimental epistolary love story." "The Contemporary" stated "In this work comedy is somehow explored and includes an appreciable tone, colour and even the language of Gogol and Kvitka". "Through his tale", wrote "The Northern Bee", "Dostoyevsky wanted to utilize Gogol's humour with naive simplicity of the undisturbed Osnovyanenko [pen name of Kvitka]." Another perspective that describes the connection between "Poor Folk" and "The Overcoat" is the position that the former is considered the continuation of the latter, that Dostoevsky picked up where Gogol left off in his tale about poor civil servants. This view does not imply that Dostoevsky did not offer innovations since this novel also distinguished itself by humanizing those that that were – in Gogol's tale - mechanical and lifeless. This is aligned with the theory that Dostoevsky attempted – both in "Poor Folk" and "The Double" – to penetrate into the psychology of Gogol's characters. It is claimed that the result of Dostoevski's unequivocal humanization of the Gogolian model intensified its effect. Gogol's debonair portrayal of social-psychic frustrations is a case in point. Dostoevski took a different path by highlighting its tragic aspect. According to critic Rebecca Epstein Matveyev, Pushkin's "The Stationmaster" serves as a "thematic subtext, as a basis for Devushkin's literary experiments, and as a resource for his epistolary relationship." Both, "The Stationmaster" and "The Overcoat", are mentioned in the letters between Dobroselova and Devushkin. Dostoyevsky may have chosen the epistolary genre to include his personal critical observations, similar to real-life letters between writer and addressee. According to Yakubovich, Dostoyevsky uses "Poor Folk" as his diary. However, as an external narrator is missing the only source for the character's motivation and personality is available in the letters and Dobroselova's diary. The numerous different voices, that is Devushkin's quotations from stories, his commentaries about these books and his own works, is an example of polyphony. These effects confuse the reader and hide the narrator. Sexual guilt is another recognizable theme in "Poor Folk". This is demonstrated, for instance, in the suggestion of something dishonorable in Varvara's past as well as the fact that she and Devushkin are distantly related, hinting an incestuous love. Other sources contributed in this view such as Konstantin Mochulsky who said that "the motif of an old man's loving a girl with its vague interweaving of eroticism and 'paternal affection' is one of Dostoevsky's favorite themes." Reception. "Poor Folk" received nationwide critical acclaim. Dostoevsky observed that "the whole of Russia is talking about my "Poor Folk"". As soon as he read the manuscript for "Poor Folk", Belinsky named it Russia's first "social novel". Alexander Herzen praised the book in his essay "About the Progress of Revolutionary Ideas in Russia", noting the book's "socialistic tendencies and animations". The work was classified by critic Pavel Annenkov as a work of the so-called "natural school". The newspaper "The Northern Bee" recorded: Nikolay Dobrolyubov, in the 1861 essay "Downtrodden People", wrote that Dostoevsky studies poor reality and expresses humanistic ideas. He also praised him for illustrating human nature and taking out "souls in the centre of the depth which are caged after protesting for identity against the exterior, violent pressure, and presents it to our verdict". Apollon Grigoriev wrote in "The Finnish Herald": "Dostoevsky starts to play in our literature the same role Hoffmann played in German literature ... He became so deeply immersed in the life of civil servants that the dull and uninteresting everyday life became for him a nightmare close to madness". Count Vladimir Sollogub also liked the novel, stating that "it was written with force and simplicity by a great talent". Valerian Maykov noted after a number of publications by Dostoevsky: "Gogol was usually the leading social poet, while Dostoevsky usually the leading psychological poet. The former is known as the representative of the contemporary society or contemporary circle, for the latter the society itself becomes interesting through its influence on other people". Translations. The following is a list of English versions (publication date in parentheses):

big sink

1853-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=23702699

The 2009 season for the , its first, began in February with the Tour of Qatar and ended in October with the Giro di Lombardia. Though they applied for UCI ProTour status after their formation, the team competed in 2009 as a UCI Professional Continental team with wildcard status. This means that although they were not automatically invited to UCI ProTour events, they were eligible to be invited. Despite not being a ProTour team, they effectively competed at the highest level available in the sport - seventeen of the twenty-four UCI World Ranking events invited the team, including all three Grand Tours. The team formed for the 2009 season after their title sponsor, Cervélo, was outbid to remain the bicycle frame sponsor of . The owners of the company wanted to remain at the highest level of pro cycling, and formed the TestTeam. The team's leader is 2008 Tour de France winner Carlos Sastre, who was one of the first riders to join the team. Cervélo TestTeam established itself as a strong classics team in its first year of existence, with three victories and seven other podium finishes in the spring season. The team was also prolific in winning individual stages in stage races, while they did not have an overall win in a stage race this season. The team's general manager is Thomas Campana, who the owners of Cervélo actively sought to lead the team in the weeks after its formation. 2009 roster. Ages as of January 1, 2009 Genesis of the new team. The founding of Cervélo TestTeam was a direct reaction to Team CSC Saxo Bank switching to Specialized. A press release issued by the team at the time they were first founded indirectly stated that Specialized had outbid them to become Saxo Bank's new supplier. Sastre and Roger Hammond were two of the first cyclists to be rumored to be joining the new team. Cervélo cofounder Gerard Vroomen has said that bicycle manufacturers have for long not gotten much out of sponsorship and supplier deals with professional teams and that their money was better spent fronting their own team. He approached Sastre two days after the conclusion of the 2008 Tour de France and told him about the new team, at which time Sastre verbally indicated to Vroomen that he would join the team. The other highly prominent cyclist on the squad is former Tour de France green jersey winner Thor Hushovd, who needed a new team following the collapse of after the 2008 season, and brought a number of Crédit Agricole riders to the team after signing. Hushovd has stated that Sastre's presence on the team legitimized it in his eyes and in those of other top pro cyclists. In the six months between the end of the Tour de France and the team's first training camp in Portugal in January 2009, a roster of 25 riders and an entire supporting staff was hired. The team is one of the most broadly international in professional cycling, with 13 nations represented by those 25 riders. At the first presentation of the team in Portugal, Vroomen also evoked legendary cyclist Fausto Coppi having ridden for a team sponsored by the bicycle industry (that sponsor being Bianchi Bicycles) as a motivation for sponsorship of the new team. On February 11, the team was one of thirteen assigned "Wild Card" status by the UCI, allowing the organizers of UCI ProTour events to select them to race in their event despite not having ProTour status as a team. One-day races. Spring classics. Right away, Cervélo established itself as a strong classics team. Hushovd won Omloop Het Nieuwsblad as he outsprinted seven others in a chasing pack that caught two leading riders, including teammate Heinrich Haussler, just before the finish. The next day, the team finished on the podium at two different events, with Simon Gerrans finishing third in a sprint finish at the Gran Premio di Lugano and Jeremy Hunt likewise third in a sprint at Kuurne–Brussels–Kuurne. The team got its second victory at the Giro del Mendrisiotto two weeks later, as Ignatas Konovalovas soloed to the finish line ahead of a 12-man chase pack. The team took two of three podium places in Milan–San Remo later in March. The race came down to its traditional closing sprint, which Haussler opened early with what seemed to be an insurmountable lead, only to be pipped for the victory by Mark Cavendish. Their speed was so great that they attained a 2-second gap over the other 32 riders in the sprint after only a few hundred meters of sprinting. Hushovd came in third. While the team was pleasantly surprised to get two podium places in the classic, Haussler himself appeared quite despondent at losing the sprint to Cavendish when talking to reporters after the race. At the Tour of Flanders in April, Haussler took another second place, although this one more resembled a victory as it was a 29-man sprint for second a minute behind the event's winner Stijn Devolder. Hushovd returned to the podium at Paris–Roubaix, getting to the line ahead of Leif Hoste and Johan Van Summeren in third just over a minute behind Tom Boonen. Haussler also did well in this event, finishing seventh, three minutes behind Boonen. It was after this event that Haussler became the leader of the inaugural UCI World Ranking. Dominique Rollin made the podium at Scheldeprijs Vlaanderen, finishing third in a sprint behind Alessandro Petacchi and Kenny Van Hummel. In June, as the early season one-day races were coming to an end, Haussler claimed a victory in the GP Triberg-Schwarzwald, outsprinting seven breakaway companions. In addition to their victories and numerous podiums, the team also had several close misses to that level of success. Dwars door Vlaanderen, E3 Prijs Vlaanderen, Brabantse Pijl, the Gran Premio Miguel Indurain, the Amstel Gold Race, La Flèche Wallonne, and Liège–Bastogne–Liège all had Cervélo riders finish in the top ten. The only major race on their busy spring one-day schedule to not see a Cervélo rider finish at least this high was the Gran Premio dell'Insubria, where their best-placed rider was 13th. Fall races. Gerrans picked up his first career win in a one-day race at the GP Ouest-France, outsprinting four breakaway companions for the win. The team had come to the event thinking Hushovd would be their leader, but he pulled out mid-race after feeling himself to be on poor form. The win came a day after Emma Pooley of the women's won the GP de Plouay-Bretagne. Roger Hammond took two other strong results in the fall season, second place at the Sparkassen Giro and fourth in Paris–Bourges. The team also sent squads to the Sparkassen Münsterland Giro, Paris–Tours, the Giro del Piemonte, and the Giro di Lombardia, with Martin Reimer in ninth at Paris–Tours their best result. Stage races. The first race of the season, and thus in the history of Cervélo TestTeam, was the Tour of Qatar. Though the race's general classification was won by Tom Boonen, Cervélo was quite successful in the event as well. Roger Hammond won the second stage, into Al Khor Corniche, gaining the golden jersey as race leader in the process. It was seen at the time, and attributed by Hammond, as having been a total team effort. With four top-five finishes in the Tour of Qatar, Haussler won the event's points classification and was also the best young rider. Behind Tour of Qatar winner Boonen in the event's final general classification were five Cervélo riders second through sixth, giving the team a convincing victory in the team classification. The next stage race in which the team got a victory was the Tour of California, with Hushovd winning a mass sprint finish in the third stage, after Cervélo's leadout train successfully outmaneuvered 's. Haussler took two stage wins later in the month at the Volta ao Algarve. In March, Haussler got a stage win in Paris–Nice, winning a mass sprint in Stage 2. The win briefly gave him the lead in the points classification, as he wore the green jersey in the following stage. The team next took stage wins in the Volta a Catalunya, which was concurrent to the Giro d'Italia. Hushovd, who had chosen to skip the Giro in order to better focus on the Tour de France, won the Stage 1 time trial and a mass sprint finish to Stage 6. He was notably defeated, however, in a sprint finish to Stage 5 by an unheralded rider from , Nikolay Trusov. In August, Jeremy Hunt won a stage in Danmark Rundt, while Roger Hammond finished on the event's final podium, in third. Though the team did not win any stage in the Vuelta a Burgos, they were the only to finish with two riders (Íñigo Cuesta and Philip Deignan) in the top ten overall. After finishing second in the first stage of the Tour du Limousin, Xavier Florencio maintained his high positioning and finished on the event's final podium in third. A strong squad, headed by the team's most prolific winners Hushovd and Haussler, was sent to the Tour du Poitou-Charentes. Brett Lancaster took third in the stage 3 individual time trial, to move into second overall, and held that position through the conclusion of the race. Hushovd and Haussler took back-to-back stage wins to close out the event, with Hushovd's stage 4 win coming the same day as the stage 3 time trial, just hours later. In the Tour of Missouri in September, Hushovd won the mass sprint finish to stage 3, becoming the only rider on the season to defeat Mark Cavendish in a group sprint on two occasions. The victory had been achieved by a change in tactics from the previous flat stages – instead of a proper leadout, members of Hushovd's train instead made repeated attacks in the race's final two kilometers. That, along with the finish's rolling profile, gave Hushovd his winning advantage, and the stage win briefly gave him the overall race lead. Despite a surprising defeat to Philippe Gilbert in a sprint finish to the race's concluding stage, Hushovd won the Tour of Missouri's points classification. The team did not get any more stage wins on the season, but Hammond finished on the final podium at two events, the Tour of Britain and Franco-Belge. The team's success was not as frequent in short stage races as it was in one-day races; they sent squads to the Tour de Langkawi, Tirreno–Adriatico, the Vuelta a Castilla y León, the Vuelta al País Vasco, the Tour de Romandie, Bayern-Rundfahrt, the Tour de Suisse, the Ster Elektrotoer, the Giro del Trentino, Tour of Austria, the Brixia Tour, and the Tour of Ireland, but did not obtain a notable result in any of them. Grand Tours. Giro d'Italia. The team was one of 22 to participate in the Giro d'Italia. Sastre was the team's leader in the race, with finishing on the podium his explicit goal. After mostly lying low in the race's first two weeks, with Sastre shadowing the other overall contenders to stay within striking distance, the team claimed four stage victories in the race's third week. Simon Gerrans won stage 14, attacking his breakaway companions (including teammate Philip Deignan, who worked for Gerrans once it was clear that the two of them wouldn't be needed to support Sastre on the stage) to reach the race's summit finish first. Two days later, Sastre won what was called the Giro's queen stage, riding away on his own from race leader Denis Menchov and a group of overall contenders to the top of Monte Petrano to win the grueling, seven-hour-plus climbing-intensive stage. Though the victory at the time propelled Sastre into third in the overall classification, he lost significant time two days later on the stage into Blockhaus, seeming off the form he had had going into Monte Petrano. Sastre rebounded to win the stage into Mount Vesuvius, two days after Blockhaus, with another long solo attack. The Giro's final time trial was won by Ignatas Konovalovas, while Sastre finished the race in fourth place. Thanks to Sastre's stage wins and high overall placing, and Gerrans' and Konovalovas' stage wins, Cervélo TestTeam was briefly the leader of the World Ranking team classification, in the standings published after the Giro. Tour de France. The team was one of 20 invited to the Tour de France. Sastre, the champion from 2008, announced that he intended to defend that title in November 2008. His status as defending champion was largely overshadowed by the intra-squad rivalry from the team between Alberto Contador and Lance Armstrong, and by the latter's return to the Tour for the first time in four years. Armstrong and Sastre also touched off some controversy with each other, when Armstrong called the 2008 Tour "a bit of a joke" for Sastre having won it and for Christian Vande Velde finishing fifth overall. Sastre claimed Armstrong needed to show more respect after that statement. Armstrong eventually apologized to Sastre for the comments, which put the spat behind them. Sastre himself had a somewhat bizarre relationship with the media during the Tour, blasting them for calling the race "boring" and for focusing, in Sastre's opinion, too much on the Contador-Armstrong rivalry, while Sastre did not seem particularly motivated to win the race. Sastre apologized four days later, saying he was in a "bad frame of mind" when he made the comments. On the road, Hushovd emerged as a favorite to win the green jersey for a second time (having previously won it with in 2005). He won the uphill sprint finish to Stage 6 in Barcelona after having lost out to Mark Cavendish in sprints in Stages 2 and 3. Hushovd and Cavendish quickly emerged as the top if not only contenders for the points classification title, as Hushovd claiming two intermediate sprints in Stage 8 gave him the green jersey, but only by 11 points. Cavendish reclaimed the jersey after his victory in Stage 11, his fourth, but Hushovd won it back after the medium-mountain Stage 13, when he finished in the yellow jersey group. The two were in a sprint for the green jersey points available for 13th place in Stage 14, after a 12-man breakaway survived to the finish line. Cavendish originally finished ahead of Hushovd, but was relegated to the last position in the peloton, 154th, for irregular sprinting, maneuvering Hushovd toward a barricade in the final 300 meters. In Stage 17, Hushovd staged a daring solo breakaway, after the morning's initial breakaway was caught, and stayed away over the second and third of five climbs on the course and, more importantly, got top points in two intermediate sprints. Though he lost almost 30 minutes at the finish line, the move gave him a 30-point lead in the points classification and the Stage 17 combativity award. Though he did not score again until his sixth-place finish on the Champs-Élysées, where Cavendish took his sixth stage win of the Tour, Hushovd was successful in coming away with the green jersey. Apart from Hushovd, the team claimed another win in Stage 13, when Haussler attacked three breakaway companions 40 kilometers from the finish line and soloed to victory more than four minutes ahead of them. It was seen as a redemption for Haussler's near misses at Milan–San Remo and the Tour of Flanders, and also garnered him the stage's combativity award. Sastre, for his part, was quiet, finishing in the top ten of a stage only once, in Stage 15. Sastre never threatened the race lead, finishing 17th overall, more than 26 minutes behind Contador as Tour champion. It is his worst Grand Tour time-wise since the 2006 Giro d'Italia, when he rode in support of Ivan Basso. Vuelta a España. The team was one of 22 invited to the Vuelta a España. Roger Hammond contested sprints in two of the three mass-start stages held in the Netherlands, finishing third behind Gerald Ciolek in Stage 2 and seventh behind Greg Henderson in Stage 3. As the squad sent to the Vuelta lacked riders with any serious climbing prowess, the team was quiet, without so much as a top ten in a stage, until the undulating tenth stage into Murcia. The breakaway that morning comprised 19 riders from 18 teams, four of whom stayed out front to the finish – Alexander Vinokourov, Ryder Hesjedal, Jakob Fuglsang, and Cervélo rider Simon Gerrans. They were able to contest a sprint finish among themselves, with Gerrans coming around Vinokourov's early leadout to take the win. The win gave Gerrans stage wins in all three Grand Tours for his career (having previously won a stage in the Giro d'Italia earlier this season, and in the 2008 Tour de France while riding for ), and the team stage victories in all three Grands in its first season of existence. The eighteenth stage also featured a Cervélo win from a breakaway, but this one had additional significance. After being part of a 16-man group that escaped on the first-category Puerto de Mijares, Philip Deignan continued to shed his breakaway companions on the way to the finish line, last outsprinting Roman Kreuziger for the stage win. Deignan had begun the day 18th in the overall classification, but finishing 9' 41" ahead of the peloton on the day propelled him into ninth. It was the first Grand Tour stage win for an Irish cyclist since Stephen Roche in 1992. Deignan went on to hold ninth place through the conclusion of the race, the best overall finish for an Irishman since Roche in the 1992 Giro d'Italia and Cervélo TestTeam's best-placed finisher. Deignan and Juan José Cobo were the only two of the top ten overall in the Vuelta to have won a stage in the race.

initial division

11316-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=26168420

WinDirStat is a free and open-source graphical disk usage analyzer for Microsoft Windows. It is notable for presenting a sub-tree view with disk use percentage alongside a usage-sorted list of file extensions that is interactively integrated with a colorful graphical display (a treemap). Created as an open source project released under the GNU GPL, it was developed using Visual C++/MFC 7.0 and distributed using Sourceforge. The project was inspired by SequoiaView, an application based on research done by the Visualization Section of the Faculty of Mathematics and Computer Science at the Technische Universiteit Eindhoven. Popularity. WinDirStat has been downloaded more than 9.2 million times from the official source since the original release in October 2003. As of July 2014, it is the second most downloaded "Filesystems" software on SourceForge with over 13,000 downloads per week. The tool is still up to date and its usage is designed for all platforms. Project status. The most recent release was in September 2007 and development stopped for some time after that. However, the project's blog noted that development resumed in May 2009 and some updates to the code were added in 2016. Source code. Source code is provided for all released versions on the SourceForge page in ZIP format. WinDirStat is developed via Mercurial revision control. Media reception. FossHub (official download mirror of WinDirStat) reported 6,912,000 downloads in January 2019, being the most downloaded software from "Disk Analysers" category." Steve Bass of "PC World" provided a brief review of the 1.1.2 release of WinDirStat, summarizing its usefulness: "Windirstat is [a] colorful and nifty tool to check the makeup of your hard drive -- especially if you're looking for immense files. It scans your drive and produces a treemap that shows each file as a colored rectangle that's proportional to the file's size..." In 2006, WinDirStat was "Download of the day" on "Lifehacker". Reviewer Adam Pash praised WinDirStat for its ability to easily clean up unnecessary files, by stating: "If you find a large file or two taking up loads of space that you had forgotten was there and don't need, it's easy to clean up directly from WinDirStat. " CNET reviewed the most recent release of WinDirStat and gave it 5 of 5 stars. It called WinDirStat a "great piece of freeware" and noted: "It's one of those tools that you didn't know you needed until you started using it, but once installed, it's hard to imagine life without it..." Gizmo's Freeware directory featured WinDirStat in a January 2010 list of best free disk analysis software with a 4 of 5 stars review, noting: "The open source program WinDirStat is [an] outstanding program. It uses three ways to display the disk usage: a directory list, a file extension list and a rectangular treemap. The visual presentation, overall usability and scan speed makes this a great tool to visualize disk usage." The German computer magazine "c't (magazin für computertechnik)" published a review of WinDirStat with it bundled in a CD in October 2006. In 2011, Jack Wallen from TechRepublic called WinDirStat: "one of those simple little apps you are going to be very thankful you have when you need it." He also highlighted its usability: "If space is an issue ... you will see just how much time this tool can save you." However, Jack Wallen criticized the documentation, stating: "The biggest issue with WinDirStat is the documentation. The minute you try to create your own user-configured cleanup routines you will quickly experience a complete lack of documentation, which makes the task rather challenging, if not impossible." Derived Programs. Because WinDirStat is open source, other programs have been created based on WinDirStat. A popular version called AltWinDirStat was started in 2015. This software removes some features (such as multiple language support) from the original, but features massively faster speed. Development is ongoing.

authoritative origin

6260-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=37961872

The Ego in Freud's Theory and in the Technique of Psychoanalysis is the 1988 English-language translation of () published in Paris by Le Seuil in 1977. The text of the Seminar, which was held by Jacques Lacan at the Hospital of Sainte-Anne in Paris between the Fall of 1954 and the Spring of 1955 and is the second one in the series, was established by Jacques-Alain Miller and translated by Sylvana Tomaselli. Background. In July 1953, the Société Française de Psychanalyse (with Jacques Lacan, Françoise Dolto and Serge Leclaire) secedes from the Société Psychanalytique de Paris (member of the International Psychoanalytical Association) over growing tensions between the practice of Lacan and his contemporaries and the emerging ego psychology trend of the previous generation. Nevertheless, the S.F.P. is allowed to be present in at the Congress of Rome in the summer of 1953 where Lacan delivers his report: "The Function and Field of Speech and Language in Psychoanalysis". The positive reception of the expression "the return to Freud" and of his report and discourse in Rome give Lacan the will to reelaborate all the analytical concepts. In the Fall of 1953 he starts his seminars at the Hospital of Sainte-Anne every Wednesday and presents cases of patients on Fridays. Contents. In "Seminar II" Lacan deliberates on the distinction made in his first seminar between discourse analysis and the analysis of the ego, both in relation to psychoanalytical theory and practice. He claims that "analysis deals with resistances." He reviews three works by Freud: "Beyond the pleasure principle" (on the death drive), "Group Psychology and the Analysis of the Ego", and "The Ego and the Id". Consciousness is transparent to itself, whereas the I ("je") is not. The I is outside the field of consciousness and its certainties (where we represent ourselves as ego, where something exists and is expressed by the I). But it is not enough to say that "the I of the unconscious is not the ego" since we tend to think this I as the true ego. Lacan proceeds to re-assert the locus of the ego and reinstate the excentricity of the subject vis-à-vis the ego. The ego is a particular object within the experience of the subject, with a certain function: an imaginary one. When in the specular image the ego is recognized as such by the subject, this image becomes self-conscious. "The mirror stage is based on the rapport between, on one hand, a certain level of tendencies which are experienced as disconnected and, on the other, a unity with which it is merged and paired. In this unity the subject knows itself as unity, but as an alienated, virtual one." However, for a consciousness to perceive another consciousness, the symbolic order must intervene on the system determined by the image of the ego, as a dimension of "re-connaissance". In "The Dream of Irma's Injection" the most tragic moment occurs in the confrontation with the Real. The ultimate Real, "something in front of which words stop." "In the dream the unconscious is what is outside all of the subjects. The structure of the dream shows that the unconscious is not the ego of the dreamer." "This subject outside the subject designates the whole structure of the dream." "What is at stake in the function of the dream is beyond the ego, what in the subject is of the subject and not of the subject, that is the unconscious." In his analysis of Poe's "Purloined Letter", Lacan speaks of "an other beyond all subjectivity." The question concerns the "confrontation of the subject beyond the ego with the Id, the quod (what-is-it?) which seeks to come into being in analysis." "The purloined letter is synonymous with the original, radical subject of the unconscious. The symbol is being displaced in its pure state: one cannot come into contact with without being caught in its play. There is nothing in destiny, or casualty, which can be defined as a function of existence. When the characters get hold of this letter, something gets hold of them and carries them along. At each stage of the symbolic transformation of the letter, they will be defined by their position in relation to this radical object. This position is not fixed. As they enter into the necessity peculiar to the letter, they each become functionally different to the essential reality of the letter. For each of them the letter is the unconscious, with all its consequences, namely that at each point of the symbolic circuit, each of them becomes someone else." When Jean Hyppolite asks: "What use does the Symbolic have?" Lacan answers: "The Symbolic, the Imaginary and the Real are useful in giving its meaning to a particularly pure symbolic experience, that of analysis." Since the symbolic dimension is the only dimension that cures, "The symbolic order is simultaneously non-being and insisting to be, that is what Freud has in mind when he talks about the death instinct as being what is most fundamental: a symbolic order in travail, in the process of coming, insisting in being realized." The "Schema L", systematized in "La lettre volée" ("Écrits", 1966), is elaborated in this seminar. A four-term structure maps the Real, the Imaginary and the Symbolic as replacing the second Freudian topography: ego/"id"/superego. Two diagonals intersect, while the imaginary rapport links "a" (the ego) to "a"' (the other), the line going from "S" (the subject, the Freudian "id") to "A" (the Other) is interrupted by the first one. The Other is difficult to define: it is the place of language where subjectivity is constituted; it is the place of primal speech linked to the Father; it is the place of the absolute Other, the mother in the demand. The Other makes the subject without the subject knowing it. With Lacan in Freud's "Wo Es war, soll Ich werden", "Es" is the subject. "It" knows him or doesn't. The further, more exacting insight, is "It" speaks or doesn't. At the end of analysis, it is "It" who must be called on to speak, and to enter in relation with real Others. Where S was, there the "Ich" should be.

particular job

12992-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=61775938

The Panama Papers are 11.5 million leaked documents that detail financial and attorney–client information for more than 214,488 offshore entities. The documents, some dating back to the 1970s, were created by, and taken from, Panamanian law firm and corporate service provider Mossack Fonseca, and were leaked in 2015 by an anonymous source. This page details related allegations, reactions, and investigations, in Africa. Former South African president Thabo Mbeki, head of the African Union's panel on illicit financial flows, on April 9 called the leak "most welcome" and called on African nations to investigate the citizens of their nations who appear in the papers. His panel's 2015 report found that Africa loses $50 billion a year due to tax evasion and other illicit practices and its 50-year losses top a trillion dollars. Furthermore, he said, the Seychelles, an African nation, is the fourth most mentioned tax haven in the documents. Algeria. Minister of Industry and Mines Abdeslam Bouchouareb has been sole owner of a Panamanian-registered offshore company known as Royal Arrival Corp since 2015. The company, active in Turkey, Great Britain and Algeria, is managed through Compagnie d'Etude et de Conseil (CEC), based in Luxembourg, and has an account in the Swiss NBAD Private Bank. CEC confirmed the ownership of Royal Arrival and said it managed the minister's inherited assets with transparency. Algeria estimates it has lost 16 billion dollars offshore between 2004 and 2014, a cause for concern given the drop in the price of oil, which accounts for 95% of Algeria's external revenue. Angola. The Panama Papers exposed a link between an American oil company's oil concessions and several powerful politicians in Angola. According to the leaked documents approximately fifteen shell companies funneled money through UBS bank accounts to elites in Portugal with direct ties to Helder Bataglia dos Santos of Escom, which describes itself as one of the largest investors in Angola and the Democratic Republic of Congo. The account of one company, Markwell Inc, received and sent on over $12 million in 2008 and 2009. Petroleum Minister José Maria Botelho de Vasconcelos had power of attorney for an offshore company in 2002, when he became petroleum minister after previously being employed for a number of years as an executive at Sonangol, according to the leaked documents. He denies wrongdoing. ICIJ partner "Le Monde" says it has seen documents that show he was the proxyholder for Medea Investments Limited, founded in Niue in 2001, and moved to Samoa five years later. The company, which issued only bearer bonds, had a capitalization of $1 million, and closed in 2009. He has never previously been accused of corruption. Angola's $5 billion sovereign wealth fund, the Fundo Soberano de Angola (FSDEA), promotes itself as a vehicle of development and prosperity for Angola. The FSDEA is headed by José Filomeno de Sousa "Zenu" dos Santos, the son of President José Eduardo dos Santos, who has been in power since 1979. Funded by the state-owned petroleum company Sonangol, the FSDEA has critics who say that its record-keeping is murky and that it seems to engage in nepotism and cronyism. Botswana. Ian Kirby, head of the Court of Appeal, owns seven holding companies in the British Virgin Islands. He has said they were intended for investment, and lost money. Republic of the Congo. In 2015, Congo produced 290,000 barrels of oil a day. Philia's attorney denied receiving advantageous pricing and said it only received 2.5% of Coraf oil. Sassou-Nguesso. Denis Christel Sassou-Nguesso is the son of Denis Sassou Nguesso, in power for 32 years and re-elected in March in a disputed election. Daniel is a representative for Oyo, a member of the ruling Parti congolais du travail or Congolese Party of Labour. He is also the assistant director-general of the Société nationale des pétroles du Congo (SNPC), and general manager of the national refinery, Coraf. According to leaked documents he had Mossack Fonseca establish a shell company in the British Virgin Islands for him named Phoenix Best Finance Ltd. His name also appears in 2002 as a director of Geneva-based Philia SA alongside oil merchant Jean-Philippe Amvame Ndong. He has denied all knowledge of any of these matters. According to Swiss non-profit Berne Declaration, Philia has an exclusive no-bid contract for Congolese oil exports from the Coraf refinery, and for the last three years the country has not received any payment at all for oil shipped to the refinery. Bruno Itoua. Bruno Itoua was the president's advisor on oil and director-general of the SNPC until 2005. A US federal court found that he diverted funds to fictitious companies, but he nonetheless became minister of energy. Panama Papers documents seen by "Le Monde" reveal he has also held the power of attorney since 2004 for Denvest Capital Strategies and Grafin Associated SA, registered by Mossack Fonseca in Panama and the British Virgin Islands. Itoua is currently minister for scientific research. Democratic Republic of Congo. From 1999 to 2002, the Kabila regime "transferred ownership of at least $5 billion of assets from the state-mining sector to private companies under its control ... with no compensation or benefit for the State treasury", a United Nations investigation found. The US Dodd-Frank Act was supposed to help bring about the end of conflict diamonds and minerals in the US. The idea was that public opinion would force divestment over time. Section 1502 does not require divestment, but does mandate disclosure. But instead the disclosure requirement has simply meant new business opportunities for money launderers. As recently as 2014 the UN found that 70 percent of DRC gold was sold in Dubai without any problem, while gold continued to provide important funding for both the army and armed rebel groups. Dan Gertler and Beny Steinmetz. In March 2005, Dan Gertler International formed a new company, Global Enterprises Corporate (GEC), with Global Resources, owned by Beny Steinmetz. A former DRC mines minister, Simon Tuma-Waku, was "special adviser". The company formed a joint copper and cobalt mining venture with DRC agency La Générale Des Carriers et Des Mines (Gécamines), which held 25%, and GEC 75%, which they placed into an Isle of Man holding company, Nikanor plc. The IPO raised £400 million in London and the company eventually reached a market capitalization of $1.5 billion for an initial investment of $3 million. Steinmetz appears in 282 leaked documents; Gertler of Dan Gertler Inc, who had ties to Joseph Kabila and his closest aide, more than 200. The presidential decree that ratified the agreement was issued despite the recommendation against it by the anti-corruption Lutundula Commission. Jaynet Désirée Kabila Kyungu. According to the Panama Papers, Kabila's twin sister owns part of an offshore company with interests in Congo that include a part of mobile-phone company Vodacom Congo. The government called a press conference to warn journalists against printing the names of any Congolese figures that might appear in the documents. Kabila's sister, Jaynet Désirée Kabila Kyungu and Feruzi Kalume Nyembwe, an advisor to their late father and former president Laurent-Désiré Kabila are both directors of Keratsu Holding Limited, a company registered in Niue through Mossack Fonseca a few months after the elder Kabila's assassination. Keratsu held 19.6% of the shares in Congolese Wireless Network, which held 49% of Vodacom Congo. Lucien Ebata. Lucien Ebata, a Kinshasa businessman, runs Orion Group SA, registered in the Seychelles in 2009 by Mossack Fonseca through the Luxembourg-based Figed, according to the Panama Papers. Ebata, who receives a salary of a million dollars, does a business volume of around a billion, and counts both Shell and the Société nationale des pétroles du Congo (SNPC) among his customers. Dubai. In theory American and European buyers of gold in Africa are required to review their supply chain and report any use of conflict resources, such as gold from eastern Congo. In practice the requirement is widely ignored, and an investigation by African Network of Centers for Investigative Reporting (ANCIR) found examples in the leaked Mossack Fonseca documents of anonymous shell companies doing the sourcing. For a start, most of the DRC gold winds up in Dubai by way of Uganda. Dubai's $75 billion gold industry is regulated with a very light hand by the quasi-private Dubai Multi Commodities Centre (DMCC). Kalotti, which exports about 40% of Dubai's gold, bought about $5.2 billion in gold in 2012 with little to no paperwork, according to Ernst & Young partner Amjad Rihan. Rijan has said that both the DMCC and his employer squashed his concerns, and the DMCC changed its audit procedures to ensure a more favorable outcome in the future. ANCIR journalists obtained records showing that Kalotti has sold "scrap gold" to other refiners including Valcambi. Leaked documents show PAMP Holding Mauritius signed an agreement with MKS Holding BV and two shell companies described as its beneficial owners: Panama-based Mountside Investment and Hong Kong-based Dynamic Bonus Limited. In 2010 MKS Holdings owned 72% of a joint venture between MMTC Ltd., owned by the State of India, and Switzerland's PAMP. This joint venture does supply big multinationals like Apple. Egypt. Alaa Mubarak, son of former president Hosni Mubarak, was cited as owning, through holding companies, real estate properties in London. The assets of his Virgin Islands-registered firm Pan World Investments were frozen in response to a European Union order when his father stepped down in 2011 during the Arab Spring. Mossack Fonseca was fined $37,500 in 2013 for lack of due diligence. Alaa and his brother were convicted last year of embezzling state funds and still face trial for insider trading. Egyptian businessmen Mohamed Abu El-Enein, Ahmed Bahgat, Ashraf Marwan, Ibrahim Kamal, Mohamed Nosseir, Mohamed Mansour, Raouf Ghabbour, and Mohamed Al-Maghraby are all named in the leaked documents, as well as the Orascom Development Holding company, headed by Samih Sawiris, and also the Bank of Alexandria, Banque Misr, and Banque du Caire. Former Sudanese President Ahmed al-Mirghani was a client of Mossack Fonseca also. Al-Mirghani lived in Egypt after the 1989 coup that ended his presidency and was active in the Democratic Unionist Party. Orange Star Corporation bought a long-term lease in a tony London neighborhood near Hyde Park for $600,000 the same year al-Mirghani created it, and at the time of his death held assets worth $2.72 million. Gabon. Every Ramadan he fed 500 people; he financed about 20 pilgrimages to Mecca every year. Described as a billionaire, Seydou Kane holds diplomatic passports from Senegal, Gabon and Mali. The protocol officer of the Senegalese Embassy in Paris was waiting for him when his plane landed at Roissy-Charles-de-Gaulle in November 2015. But Kane, a close associate of the Gabonese ruling family, was questioned and jailed in Nanterre for ten hours by anti-corruption agents in connection with an investigation opened in July 2007. In January 2013 Kane was briefly questioned while in transit to Miami at Le Bourget by French authorities whose curiosity was piqued by €2.5 million cash he had on his person. According to Senegalese daily "Libération", the money-laundering unit Tracfin became interested in 2006 in a €300,000 payment from Groupe Marck, a French company specializing in military uniforms and anti-riot gear, to a Monaco-based entity called Citp. Citp was managed by Kane, a close friend of the president's chief of staff, Maixent Accrombessi, himself held in Paris and interrogated in August 2015. French officials wanted to ask Accrombessi about a contract between Marck and the Gabonese Ministry of the Interior for €7 million. The head of Marck, Philippe Belin, was also held and questioned. The investigation was assigned to , who also conducted the so-called "ill-gotten goods" investigation, which targeted a number of African leaders including the father and predecessor of Ali Bongo Ondimba, the current president of Gabon. Mossack Fonseca opened two holding companies for Kane in 2013 and 2014: Maxi Gold International Limited and Smart Key LTD, which according to their paperwork traded in sundries on the one hand and gym equipment on the other. Ghana. John Addo Kufuor, son of John Agyekum Kufuor, had Mossack Fonseca manage his trust starting in 2001 when his father took office. The trust held $75,000 in a bank account in Panama; his mother was also a beneficiary. He was linked to two other offshore companies also registered during his father's term. They are now inactive. Kojo Annan, son of former Secretary-General of the United Nations Kofi Annan, appears with Laolu Saraki, the son of the late Nigerian senator Abubakar Olusola Saraki, as shareholders in Blue Diamond Holding Management Corp, registered by Mossack Fonseca in the British Virgin Islands in 2002. The two were directors of Sutton Energy Ltd, also registered in the British Virgin Islands in 2002, then transferred to Samoa. In 2015, Annan used another shell company first registered in the British Virgin Islands, then transferred to Samoa, to purchase an apartment in London for $500,000. Guinea. In 2008–2009, the Beny Steinmetz Group Resources (BSGR) and its owner Beny Steinmetz paid just $165 million for the mining rights to the northern portion of Simandou mine, located in the Nzérékoré region of Guinea's interior. Soon after, he sold 51 percent of the rights to Vale for $2.5 billion. Rio Tinto, which had previously held the concession, had invested $450 million into infrastructure at the site. Global Witness says BSGR in fact paid nothing for the rights, and the $165 million represents BSGR's self-reported investment in improvements at the site. It adds that either way BSGR's profit exceeded the national budget of Guinea. US authorities say that Steinmetz paid Mamadie Touré $5.3 million for her help in obtaining the concession from her husband Lansana Conté, president of Guinea, shortly before he died. According to Global Witness, an offshore company belonging to Touré, Matinda, received a payment of $2.4 million from a company named Pentler Holdings. Several more payments were promised as well as 5% of BSGR shares in Simandou. Pentler owned 17.65% of BSGR Guinea. Guinean President Alpha Condé launched an investigation after he was elected in 2010. Separately, so did the US Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) and the US justice department, suspecting violations of the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act. In August 2014 Mossack Fonseca received a Tax Information Exchange Agreement (TIEA) notice from the US government inquiring into ownership of Pentler and two other BSGR companies administered by Mossack Fonseca's Geneva office. However, the president of Pentler's financial management firm, Menachem Eitan, was a fugitive from the US SEC facing charges over a $55 million Ponzi scheme. Guinea's Mines Minister Mohamed Lamine Fofana said in 2012 that BSGR "didn't follow the law". Ivory Coast. Jean-Claude N'Da Ametchi, an advisor to former president Laurent Gbagbo, who refused to accept that he lost an election in 2010, is also mentioned in the leaked documents. The European Union sanctioned banker N'Da Ametchi in 2011 for helping to finance the Gbagbo regime. His offshore company, Cadley House Ltd, was registered in the Seychelles with bearer bonds and a bank account in Morocco. N'Da Ametchi sent email in 2011 to the Geneva office of Mossack Fonseca, naming the Geneva bank Pasche financial managers of the company. In September 2012 he acted as sole director to request they transfer its registration to Abidjan. Neither Mossack Fonseca nor the banks mentioned the European sanctions; these were eventually lifted in 2012. The company was apparently still active in 2015, according to documents seen by "Le Monde". He is currently an advisor to former prime minister Charles Konan Banny, who lost the October 2015 presidential election. Kenya. Former Deputy Chief Justice Kalpana Rawal was a director or shareholder in four holding companies and was active in two after she took office. Her husband owns another seven. The companies were used for real estate transactions in Britain. Rawal and her husband were shareholders and directors of Highworth Management Services, where Ajay Shah, a former director of Trust Bank, was also a shareholder and director. The Central Bank of Kenya ordered Shah's assets auctioned to repay depositors after Trust Bank collapsed, but he went into hiding and the assets have not been recovered. Morocco. Mounir Majidi, personal secretary of King Mohammed VI was designated in March 2006 as the representative of SMCD Limited created in 2005 through Geneva financial advisor Dextima Conseils. According to the ICIJ, through SMCD Majidi bought the "Aquarius W", a 1930s-era luxury sailboat, which was then registered in Morocco as "El Boughaz", belonging to the king. SMCD, according to the ICIJ, also made a loan to a Luxembourg company, Logimed Investissements Co SARL, for which details are not available. Following this loan, SMCD was liquidated in 2013. Namibia. Diamond Ocean Enterprises, a Mossack Fonseca entity set up in 2005, reported its purpose as financial consulting to a Namibian diamond manufacturer and polisher. According to the law firm's records, Deutsche Investment Consultants (Asia) Limited, a Mossack Fonseca company set up in the British Virgin Islands for the now-imprisoned Mafioso Vito Palazzolo by Wolf-Peter Berthold, a German banker based in Hong Kong, is a director of the firm. Its shareholders include Peter von Palace Kolbatschenko, Palazzolo's son, Berthold, and Giovanni Agusta. Also in 2005, Zacharias (Zacky) Nujoma, youngest son of Sam Nujoma, set up two holding companies, Avila Investments and Marbella Investments, and licensed them to buy and cut diamonds. Shortly afterwards 90% of the stock was transferred to Diamond Ocean. In 2006 Nujoma established Ancash Investments, which obtained seven exclusive uranium prospecting licenses. Palazzolo loaned the company US$10 million. Canadian mining company announced it would partner with Ancash in its uranium contracts and said it based its decision in part on Ancash's strong international support in Natural Earth International Ltd. of Hong Kong. Natural Earth is another Deutsche Investment company. Nigeria. "Corrupt officials have stolen $150 billion from Nigeria in the last 10 years," said Nigerian President Muhammadu Buhari said April 7, 2016. He added that he planned to ask United States President Barack Obama for help. Bukola and Toyin Saraki. President of the Nigerian Senate Bukola Saraki was found, through the Panama Papers leak, to have ties to at least four offshore companies he failed to declare to the Code of Conduct Bureau as Nigerian law requires. His wife Toyin also had shell companies listed in her name in the Mossack Fonseca documents: Girol Properties Ltd, Sandon Development Limited and *Landfield International Developments Ltd. Saraki has said that the assets in these holding companies belong to his wife's family and therefore he was not required to report them. ANCIR dismisses this because: However, leaked documents do link her to the firm. But a handwritten note suggests Mossack Fonseca was aware that she was a nominee director. Aliko Dangote. Aliko Dangote, chief executive of the Dangote Group, is tied in the leaked documents to four offshore companies, and to as many as 13 if his family and business associates are included. Dangote, with an estimated $17 billion worth, is currently involved in the construction of a $14 billion oil refinery in Lagos. James Ibori. Former Delta State governor James Ibori is also mentioned in the leak. Ibori pleaded guilty in London in 2012 to siphoning $75 million out of Nigeria while he was in office from 1999 to 2007. All charges against him in Nigeria had been dropped in Nigeria following an election. Ibori was sentenced to 13 years. Mossack Fonseca, the registered agent for his four offshore entities, received a request in 2008 for information about his accounts from British Crown Prosecutors. His family's Julex Foundation was the shareholder in Stanhope Investments, a company incorporated in 2003 on the island of Niue, to which he funneled millions of dollars so he could buy a private jet. The United Kingdom returned £6.8 million to Nigeria from funds it had seized from accounts determined to have belonged to Ibori. The anti-corruption taskforce of the Olusegun Obasanjo government, the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, questioned at the time whether the Yar'Adua administration has refrained or was loath to pursue members of the Nigerian elite suspected of corruption, including leading financiers of the ruling party, or those like Ibori who supported had their election. David Mark. Former Senate President David Mark was also listed as owner of eight shell companies in the leaked Panama Papers: Sikera Overseas S.A., Colsan Enterprises Limited, Goldwin Transworld Limited, Hartland Estates Limited, Marlin Holdings Limited, Medley Holdings Limited, Quetta Properties Limited and Centenary Holdings Limited. Hakeem Belo-Osagie. A portion of the wealth owned by former Chairman of the United Bank for Africa (UBA), Hakeem Belo-Osagie, is domiciled in trusts and shell companies in some notorious tax havens around the world. Rwanda. The government of Rwanda uses an offshore company to lease a private jet for its senior politicians. Leaked documents show that Brigadier-General Emmanuel Ndahiro, using a London address, become a director of a British Virgin Islands company, Debden Investments Ltd. in 1998, owner of a jet aircraft. Ndahiro, a close advisor of president Paul Kagame, was then spokesman for Kagame's military. According to the Panama Papers the owner of the company was Hatari Sekoko, who ran a number of real estate and hotel ventures such as the Marriott in Kigali. Senegal. Karim Wade. ICIJ partner Ouestaf.com was able to establish through the Panama Papers the existence of secret contracts between and DP World FZE (DP)and Mamadou Pouye, the bribery codefendant of Karim Wade, son of former prime minister Abdoulaye Wade. This information was not available at their trial; Ouestaf confirmed their financial ties to the corporation for the first time during the Panama Papers investigation. Wade was sentenced in 2015 to a six-year prison term by the Cour de répression de l'enrichissement illicite (Crei), a specialized anti-corruption court. Wade was accused of illegally amassing assets of more than $240 million; and his childhood friend Pouye was sentenced to five years for allegedly helping him. Both denied wrongdoing and the United Nations and Amnesty International said their rights had been violated at trial. Ouestaf's investigation did not address the legality of their trial. It did conclude that they had succeeded in tracing a payment to Pouye's oversea shell company from a subsidiary of DP. Wade remains a member of the Senegalese Democratic Party (PDS) and is still the PDS candidate for the 2017 presidential election. Mossack Fonseca documents show that Pouye owned three offshore companies, Seabury Inc, Regory Invest and Latvae Inc. Seabury seems to have been set up solely for doing business with DP World. It was started in 2008, a year after Senegal signed a contract with DP World for rights to the container terminal at the Autonomous Port of Dakar. In April 2009 Wade became minister of international cooperation, of territorial development, air transport and infrastructure, which he remained until his father's defeat by Macky Sall in the 2012 election. Regory Invest acted as a Seabury subcontractor, receiving €65,000 a month, according to the documents. According to "Ouestaf" the documents make it clear that while Crei investigators were interested in the funds in Pouye's Monaco account, they did not know that their source was an offshore account he created himself. The two contracts prove that there was in fact a relationship between the defendants and DP World. Investigator Papa Alboury Ndao told the court in February that he had discovered two payments of $13 million each from a subsidiary of DP World FZE to a Singapore bank account belonging to Karim Wade. However the bank in Singapore refused to cooperate and Ndao was forced to drop that line of inquiry. Others. Mossack Fonseca opened several offshore companies for multinationals. For example: Anglogold, owner of Anglogold Investments Senegal Ltd et Anglogold Exploration Senegal Ltd (both based in the British Virgin Islands). Senegalese architect Pierre Atepa Goudiaby, a special advisor to former president Abdoulaye Wade, is also mentioned in the leaked documents. The Swiss law firm Fidinam SA had Mossack Fonseca open the offshore Atepa Engineering Corp en 2006, the same year Goudiaby opened his Paris office on the Champs-Elysées. Sierra Leone. The ICIJ investigation traces out many levels of offshore holdings in multiple countries related to the business dealings of Beny Steinmetz, with many serious findings such as a request that Mossack Fonseca backdate the revocation of a power of attorney. Mossack Fonseca records show that Sierra Leone diamond exporter Octea, based in the British Virgin Islands with the Steinmetz family as its beneficiaries, is wholly owned by Guernsey-based BSGR Resources, linked to a bribery scandal in Guinea. Foundations in Switzerland and Liechtenstein, among them Nysco and Balda, own BSGR. In 2007, one of Nysco's bank accounts contained $27.7 million. Steinmetz, who has a personal fortune of $6 billion, supplies diamonds to Tiffany and DeBeers and is Sierra Leone's largest private investor. Yet, according to a detailed report in "The Namibian", his Octea subsidiary owes, among other debts, property taxes of $700,000 to the city of Koidu. These unpaid taxes are discounted, according to mayor Saa Emerson Lamina, because Octea promised a 5% profit−sharing agreement, and payment 1% of its annual profit to a community development fund, but it did not do this either. Octea's subsidiary, Koidu Holdings, obtained the mine for $28 million, which was supposed to be a deposit, in 2002. Fighting had stopped in Sierra Leone, and the mine had previously been held and worked by South African firm Branch Energy, in payment for the services of its parent company, Executive Outcomes, "effectively...a military battalion for hire," against rebel fighters in the area. Steinmetz has since put $300 million into the project. According to reporting by the African Network of Centers for Investigative Reporting (ANCIR), the company produces 60–90% of Sierra Leone's diamond exports, and in some months between 2012 and 2015 exported more than US$330 million in rough diamonds. Octea owes US$150 million in unpaid loans. Although government records show taxes paid by other diamond companies, none are listed for Octea. The National Mineral Agency (NMA) until 2005 valued diamonds for export using a price book based on 1996 figures. Companies also often seek to minimize the value of their diamond exports to reduce taxes and move profits abroad. Once transferred to a subsidiary elsewhere where their value is not taxed, the same diamonds are frequently worth more. Diamonds from Koidu average $330 a carat, roughly 50% more than De Beers's Jwaneng mine in Botswana, the world's biggest. Tiffany has first pick of some of the best stones mined at Koidu and the remainder are sold to other trade buyers, according to "Bloomberg". According to the World Bank, Sierra Leone for a long time based its growth forecasts on the success of two companies, one of which was Octea parent BSGR South Africa. Two men linked to Fidentia, a South African asset management company that looted 1.2 billion rand from pension funds meant to provide for 46,000 widows and orphans of mineworkers, had accounts with Mossack Fonseca, which was willing to help hide the money even after South Africa made their names public. The former chief executive of Fidentia, J. Arthur Brown, was sentenced in 2014 to concurrent 15-year sentences. The FBI arrested one man, Steven Goodwin, in Los Angeles in 2008. Sent back to South Africa, Goodwin was sentenced to 10 years in prison for fraud and money laundering. The other, Graham Maddock, was also later jailed in South Africa for fraud. Khulubuse Zuma, nephew of South African President Jacob Zuma, has links in the documents to an offshore company with oil interests in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. He has denied any wrongdoing. According to leaked documents President Zuma also has ties to an oil mining deal between a British Virgin Islands-based oil company, Caprikat Limited, and Joseph Kabila, President of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), and helped Caprikat obtain oil fields in the DRC then sent his nephew to the DRC to run the firm. Sudan. Former President Ahmed al-Mirghani surfaced as a client of Mossack Fonseca. Al-Mirghani, who was president from 1986 to 1989, created Orange Star Corporation in the British Virgin Islands through the Panama firm in 1995, when he was living in Egypt after the coup that ended his presidency. He was active in the Democratic Unionist Party there. Orange Star Corporation bought a long-term lease in a tony London neighborhood near Hyde Park for $600,000 the same year al-Mirghani created it, and at the time of his death held assets worth $2.72 million. Tunisia. The trial court prosecutor in Tunis ordered a judicial inquiry into the Panama Papers and Tunisian political figures suspected of hiring the firm. A judge from a Tunisian court specializing in financial crimes was assigned to the case. The Tunisian Assembly of the Representatives of the People established a parliamentary commission of inquiry as well Newspaper "Inkyfada" had access to the documents and reported a dozen politicians, former government officials and lawyers had been implicated, as well as a leading media figure. Monday April 4, 2016 it reported that the former secretary-general of the Nidaa Tounes political party, Mohsen Marzouk, who was also the coordinator of the new political party, Machrouu Tounes, was on the point of creating his own account in December 2014, in the first presidential elections. Marzouk had written Mossack Fonseca about a company in the Virgin Islands, emphasizing a desire to hold funds and conduct business overseas. Marzouk denies this and has filed a defamation complaint. "Inkyfada" was forced to briefly shut down its website following the report due to a cyberattack that attempted to insert names of politicians who had not been mentioned in the leaked documents. Uganda. Mossack Fonseca documents provide new insight and confirmation for a previously-litigated tax case where an offshore company transferred its registration to avoid paying capital gains tax in Uganda. The documents show that Heritage Oil and Gas Limited (HOGL) knew in advance of a capital gains tax that Uganda planned to enact. HOGL was then operating in Uganda and planned to sell half its Ugandan assets. It "urgently" moved its registration from the Bahamas to Mauritius to avoid the tax. Mauritius has a double taxation agreement with Uganda, meaning that HOGL would pay tax in only one of the two countries. But Mauritius does not have a capital gains tax, so by moving there Heritage reduced its capital gains tax to zero. Emails clearly show that this was the reason for the transfer, although company attorneys deny it. In 2010, HOGL sold its 50 percent stake in Ugandan oil fields to Tullow Uganda for US$1.5 billion. The Uganda Revenue Authority (URA) applied a US$404 million capital gains tax on the transaction and HOGL refused to pay. A four-year battle in various courts ensued. Ugandan officials, including President Yoweri Museveni and the then-URA Commissioner-General Allen Kagina demanded the payment from Tullow, threatening not to renew its exploration licenses, which were about to expire, unless it deducted the tax from its payment to Heritage and remitted it to the URA. Eventually Tullow made a down payment and deposited the rest in escrow, pending legal resolution of its appeal, which came in 2013. Tullow also successfully sued HOGL to recover taxes they had paid on its behalf. Heritage Gas and Oil is a subsidiary of Heritage Oil, founded by Conservative Party donor Tony Buckingham, who has given the party more than £100,000. As of December 31, 2008, he still owned 33.1% of Heritage Oil. Uganda's ratio of tax to gross domestic product, at less than 14%, is one of the lowest in East Africa. Zimbabwe. An arms dealer and a mining tycoon with close links to President Robert Mugabe operated offshore companies despite US and European sanctions against them until 2013, more than four years after the sanctions were announced, according to the leaked documents. According to the Panama Papers, Zimplats Holdings, a large platinum mining concern, set up a shell company to pay the salaries of its senior managers. Zimplats denies knowledge of the company, HR Consultancy. The company, which was still active in 2015, was unknown to the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe, which may indicate externalization of funds and tax evasion if, as it appears, the salaries were for citizens of Zimbabwe performing work in Zimbabwe.

more options

7049-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=42904

Suva () is the capital of Fiji, and its largest metropolitan city. It is located on the southeast coast of the island of Viti Levu, in Rewa Province, Central Division. In 1877, it was decided to make Suva the capital of Fiji. At that time, the colony was being administered from what had been the main European settlement: Levuka, on the Fijian island of Ovalau, in Lomaiviti Province. But the geography of Luvuka and its environs had proven too restrictive. The administration of the colony was transferred from Levuka to Suva in 1882. As of the 2017 census, the city of Suva had a population of 93,970, and Suva's metropolitan area, which includes the independent suburbs, had a population of 185,913. The combined urban population of Suva and the towns of Lami, Nasinu, and Nausori that border it was around 330,000: over a third of the nation's population. (This urban complex, excluding Lami, is also known as the Suva-Nausori corridor.) Suva is the political, economic, and cultural centre of Fiji. It is also the economic and cultural capital of the South Pacific, hosting the majority of the regional headquarters of major international corporations international agencies, and diplomatic missions. The city also has a thriving arts and performance scene, and a growing reputation as the region's fashion capital. History. In 1868, when Suva was still a small village, the Bauan chieftain, Seru Epenisa Cakobau, granted of land to the Australian-based Polynesia Company, in exchange for the company's promise to pay off debts owed to the United States. More than a tenth of this land area, , was located near Suva. The company's original intention was to develop a cotton farming industry, but the land and climate proved unsuitable. In 1874, control of the Fiji Islands was ceded to the United Kingdom. In 1877, the colonial authorities decided to move the capital to Suva from Levuka, Ovalau, Lomaiviti, because Levuka's location between a steep mountain and the sea made any expansion of the town impractical. Colonel F.E. Pratt of the Royal Engineers was appointed Surveyor-General in 1875 and designed the new capital in Suva, assisted by W. Stephens and Colonel R.W. Stewart. The transfer to Suva was made official in 1882. In 1910, Suva acquired the status of a municipality, under the Municipal Constitution Ordinance of 1909. Its area remained one square mile until 1952, when Suva annexed the Muanikau and Samabula wards, expanding its territory to . In October of that year, Suva was officially designated a city – Fiji's first. Suva later annexed Tamavua. Most recently, Suva further extended its boundaries by incorporating the Cunningham area at its northern edge. Since then, urban sprawl has led to the growth of a number of suburbs that remain outside the city limits. Together with the city, they form the metropolitan area known as the Greater Suva Area. Suva hosted the South Pacific Games in 2003 for the third time in the event's 40-year history. In preparation for hosting the event, the Fijian government, with the help of a $16 million aid package from the People's Republic of China, funded the construction of a new gymnasium, indoor sports centre, swimming pool, stadium, field hockey pitch, and grandstands in the area around Suva. Geography and physical characteristics. Suva is not only the capital of Fiji, but also its commercial and political centre (though not necessarily its cultural centre), and its main port city. It has a mix of modern buildings and colonial-period architecture. Suva is located around a harbour on a hilly peninsula in the southeast corner of Viti Levu Island, between Laucala Bay and Suva Harbour. The mountains to its north and west catch the southeast trade winds, producing year-round moist conditions. Although Suva is on a peninsula, and almost surrounded by sea, its coast is lined with mangroves, and the nearest beach is 40 kilometres (25 mi) away, at Pacific Harbour. A significant part of the city centre, including the Parliament buildings, is built on reclaimed mangrove swampland. Central. Suva is divided into six wards. Its central business district, which is in what is known as the Central Ward, occupies almost the whole southwestern side of the peninsula. City wards. Below is a list of the city's six wards, beginning with the city centre, followed by the northernmost ward, and then in clockwise order: Suva–Nausori Corridor. Suva sits in the middle of a metropolitan area, sometimes known as the Suva Urban Complex, and sometimes informally known as Suva, even though it encompasses a total of four areas with their own town or city names and their own separate local governments. This conurbation stretches from Lami (immediately west of the city of Suva) along the Queens Highway, through Nasinu (immediately east of the city of Suva), to the Rewa River, along the Kings Highway, and then to Nausori across the river. To the north and northeast are the rainforest-park areas of Colo-i-Suva and Sawani, along the Princes Road, which connect at the Rewa River Bridge. This whole area (excluding Lami) is also formally referred to the Suva–Nausori Corridor. It is the most populous area in Fiji, with over 330,000 inhabitants. Climate. Suva has a tropical rainforest climate, according to the Köppen climate classification system. But because of its trade winds and occasional cyclones, it is not an equatorial climate. The city sees a copious amount of precipitation throughout the year, with no true dry season; no month has an average rainfall below . Suva averages of precipitation annually. Its driest month, July, averages . Suva experiences so much precipitation during all 12 months of the year that the term "fine weather" in a weather report means only "not actually raining". As in many other cities with a tropical rainforest climate, temperatures are relatively constant throughout the year, with an average high of about and an average low of about . Suva has a markedly higher rainfall than Nadi or the western side of Viti Levu (known to Suva inhabitants as "the burning west"). The second governor of Fiji, Sir Arthur Gordon, is said to have remarked that he had never seen it rain anywhere the way it rains in Suva, and that there was hardly a day without rain. The most copious rainfall is observed from November to May, while the slightly cooler months from June to October see considerably more moderate rainfall. Demographics. Suva is a multiracial and multicultural city. Indigenous Fijians and Indo-Fijians, the two principal ethnic groups of Fiji, comprise the bulk of Suva's population, and the city is home to most of Fiji's ethnic minority populations, which include Rotumans, Lauans, Rambians, Caucasians (Europeansknown as "Kaivalagi"), part-Europeans (of European and Fijian descent, known as “Kailoma") land Chinese, amongst others. The most widely spoken language is English, but Fijian, Hindustani, and other languages are also spoken by their respective communities. Suva's inhabitants are representative of all the major indigenous Pacific groups: it is sometimes referred to as the “New York of the Pacific". The city has a reputation as a major economic centre in the region, and is the site of University of the South Pacific's main campus: This has led to an influx of Pacific migrants, who study, work, and live in the city and its boroughs. Municipal government. Suva has municipal status and, until 2009, was governed by a lord mayor and a 20-member city council. The Suva City Council was the municipal law-making body of the city of Suva, Fiji's capital. It consisted of 20 councillors, elected for three-year terms from four multi-member constituencies, called wards. Councillors were elected by residents, landowners, and representatives of corporations owning or occupying taxable property in Suva councillors in turn elect, from among their own members, a lord mayor and deputy lord mayor, who served one-year terms and were eligible for re-election. However, in 2009, the military-backed interim Fijian government dismissed all municipal government officials throughout Fiji and appointed special administrators to run the urban areas. , elected municipal government had not been restored. The special administrator of Suva, along with nearby Nasinu, is Chandu Umaria, a former lord mayor of Suva. Landmarks. A well-known landmark is the Suva City Carnegie Library, built in 1909. It is one of many colonial-period buildings in the city. Another landmark is Suva's governmental building complex. It sits on what was once the flowing waters of a creek. In 1935, the creek was drained, and the complex's foundations were created by driving more than five kilometres of reinforced concrete pilings into its bed. The foundation stone was laid in 1937, the building complex was completed in 1939, and a new wing was completed in 1967. However, in 1992, the seat of Fiji's parliament was moved out of that complex and into a new one on Ratu Sukuna Road. Government House was formerly the residence of Fiji's colonial governors and, after Fijian independence in 1970, governors-general. Today, it is the official residence of Fiji's president. The original house on the site was built in 1882, but a fire caused by a lightning strike destroyed it in 1921. It was rebuilt in 1928. The Suva campus of the University of the South Pacific (USP) occupies what was originally a New Zealand military base. It is the largest of the many USP campuses dotted throughout the South Pacific. USP is the largest university in the Pacific Islands outside Hawaii, and its courses are internationally recognised and endorsed. The Fiji Museum, now located in Thurston Gardens, was founded in 1904, and originally occupied the old town hall. It was moved to its present location in 1954. The museum houses the most extensive collection of Fijian artifacts in the world, and is also a research and educational institution, specialising in archaeology, the preservation of Fiji's oral tradition, and the publication of material on Fiji's language and culture. Suva has about 78 parks. The new Takashi Suzuki Garden, in Apted Park at Suva Point, is a popular spot for viewing sunrise and sunset. Thurston Gardens, which opened in 1913, features flora from throughout the South Pacific. Suva has many shopping and retail areas, notably Cumming Street, which has been a vibrant and colourful shopping area since colonial times. The Cumming Street area features original colonial buildings and narrow roads. Suva also has modern shopping malls, such as the Suva Central Shopping Mall, the Mid-City Mall, and MHCC, along with other developments give much of the city a modern and sophisticated look. TappooCity is Fiji's largest shopping mall, and the largest in the South Pacific outside of Australia and New Zealand. This low-rise (six-storey) building was constructed in December 2009 in a joint venture between by FNPF and the Tappoo Group of Companies. It is valued at US$25.7 million (FJD50 million). Construction work began in January 2011 for a FJD30 -million mini-mall complex at Grantham Road, behind the Sports-City Complex and close to the Suva campus of the University of the South Pacific. It was scheduled to be completed in 2012, and to house restaurants, retail outlets, and cinemas. Economy. Unlike most cities and towns in Fiji, and many around the world, Suva did not grow up around a single industry. It has gradually developed to become the largest and most sophisticated city in the Pacific Islands, and a regional hub. Fijians of Indian descent have largely shaped the economy of Fiji, contributing immensely to the growth of Suva and to its status as the economic and political capital of Fiji. Suva is the commercial center of Fiji: Most international banks have their Pacific headquarters here, including ANZ and the Westpac Bank. In addition, most Fijian financial institutions, non-governmental organisations, and government ministries and departments are headquartered here. At one point, both Air Pacific (now Fiji Airways) and Air Fiji were headquartered in Suva. A large part of Fiji's international shipping, as well as the docking of international cruise ships, takes place at Suva's Kings Wharf. This has led to the growth of Suva's tourism industry. The largest of Suva's several industrial areas is Walu Bay, which is home to factories, warehouses, import-export companies, shipyards, container yards, a brewery, and many printeries. Other notable industrial areas are in Vatuwaqa, Raiwaqa and Laucala Beach. Suva boasts many thriving markets and shopping complexes. Among the most popular areas for shopping and commerce are Cumming Street and Victoria Parade. Institutions. Suva is host to more international and regional intergovernmental agencies and NGOs than any other Pacific Island capital. Some of the bodies with a presence in Suva are: Entertainment and culture. Suva is the cultural and entertainment capital of Oceania, and is host to many regional, national and local events. The city has very developed and advanced entertainment and event infrastructure, and hosts a busy calendar of events every year. Venues. Suva has many multipurpose venues, the main ones being the Vodafone Arena, which can seat up to 5,000 people, the ANZ National Stadium, which can seat up to 30,000 people, the FMF National Gymnasium Suva, which can seat up to 2,000 people, and the Civic Auditorium, which can seat up to 1,000 people. Parks and gardens. Suva has a number of parks and a few gardens. Albert Park, in the City centre, is famous as the stage for many national-historical events such as the Independence of Fiji, the landing by Kingsford Smith on the Southern Cross and many parades and carnivals. Sukuna Park, also in the CBD is a popular recreational park and has many performances and events on a weekly basis. Thurston Gardens (named for Governor of Fiji John Bates Thurston) is the city's main botanical garden and the location of the Fiji Museum. Queen Elizabeth Drive is popular as a scenic walk along Suva's foreshore. Many city residents go to the Colo-i-Suva Forest Reserve, a short drive from the city centre, to swim under the waterfalls. Music. Many concerts are held in Suva, some coming from other countries to enjoy world-class performances. Concerts and shows are usually staged at one of the above-mentioned venues on a monthly basis. Some of the famous music artists to hold shows in Suva include UB40, Lucky Dube, O'Yaba, Sean Kingston and many others. Due to a favoured interests in Bollywood by all, some prominent singers and actors have held shows in the capital which includes singers like Shaan, Sonu Nigam, Sunidhi Chauhan and movie artists like Shah Rukh Khan, Priyanka Chopra, Johnny Lever, Dino Morea, Rajpal Yadav, Sunny Leone and the like. Food. Suva offers a varied and interesting culinary experience where almost every if not all major cuisines are represented. Particularly popular cuisines are Fijian, Indian, Chinese, American and foods from other cultural and ethnic backgrounds. Fijians of Indian descent have influenced Fiji's cuisine, in the process creating the uniquely Fiji Indian curry. Indentured labourers brought with them spices, chilies and other herbs and vegetables which now are part of the Fijian culinary experience. Festivals. During the course of the year, arts, music and trade festivals are held in Suva, albeit on a small scale. There are a few large and notable festivals that occur annually and these include the Hibiscus Festival (largest carnival in the South Pacific islands), the New Years Street Party, and the Fiji Show Case tradeshow that includes carnival rides, food as well as magic and circus performances. Night life. Suva has a vibrant nightlife where most nightclubs and bars open in the late afternoon and remain open until 5 am. Suva's nightlife caters to all tastes, moods and likes. Food stalls are open throughout the night and the city is well policed at night. Apart from nightclubs, there are lounges and bars that cater to those seeking low-key entertainment. The seedier side of Suva is Victoria Parade where night clubs such as Signals Night Club, East Court Restaurant, and Angel Night Club are located in the same stretch. Cinema. Downtown Suva has one main cinema complex, Village Six, owned by the Damodar Brothers. The Regal and Phoenix theatres, once prominent cinema/theatre haunts before the new millennium owned by the Sharan Brothers, have since closed down. A second cinema complex is the Damodar City Complex, in the shopping area of Laucala Bay, which has a further six screens, along with shopping and eating outlets and cafes. Another interesting feature of Suva is the increasing number of Bollywood films being shot in the capital. Sports. Suva plays host to many regional and national sporting events, most notably at the ANZ National Stadium. A special highlight is the Coca-Cola Games, the largest secondary school athletics meet in the world. The Capital City is represented in major sporting events by its respective rugby, netball and soccer teams. Suva was the host of the first Pacific Games, in 1963. Forty years later in 2003 the Games returned to Fiji's capital, with a full program of 32 sports introduced for the first time. Suva held the games for the second time in 1979. Having hosted the event three times, Suva has held the Pacific Games more often than any other city. Mass media. Headquartered in Suva are the three main national television stations, Fiji One, FBC TV and MAI TV along with the Fiji Ministry of Information, which produces government programs as well as national news and current affairs bulletins. Fiji One produces and airs its evening 'National News' bulletin from its studios in Gladstone Road in Central; FBC TV airs its 'FBC News' bulletin from its studios, also on Gladstone Road. Sky Pacific and Pacific Broadcasting Services Fiji are the two pay satellite television company headquartered here. Suva is home to the national radio broadcasters Fiji Broadcasting Corporation (FBC) and Communications Fiji Limited (CFL), between them providing 12 of the national radio stations. The two dailies, "The Fiji Times" and "The Fiji Sun" are printed here (and, formerly, the "Fiji Post"). Many other weekly newspapers are headquartered and published in Suva, including "Inside Fiji", "Nai Lalakai" (iTaukei language weekly), "Shanti Dut" (Fiji Hindi weekly), national magazines such as "Repúblika" and "Mai Life" as well as regional magazines such as "Islands Business". Shopping and fashion. Suva is one of the most shopper friendly cities in the Pacific. The city offers its shops in a cluster that is referred to as Suva Central. Areas like Cumming Street and Marks Street are for clothing, jewellery, food, electronics, pharmaceuticals and more. Terry Walk and the Flea Market offer handicrafts and local ware. Close by, huge, new shopping complexes dominate the canal area, such as MHCC (Morris Hedstrom City Center), Tappoo City and Suva Central. There are telecommunication and electronic stores, as well as sporting gear stores in the outer areas of this radius. Suva also hosts the headquarters of the Fashion Council of Fiji, the regions most significant fashion organisation. The Fijian Fashion Festival, the regions largest trade and consumer fashion platform, occurs annually at the Grand Pacific Hotel in Suva. Transportation. Nausori International Airport caters mainly to the domestic market, connecting Suva with Fiji's other international airport, Nadi International Airport, and serves smaller international aircraft, at one time servicing Brisbane and Sydney routes. As of August 2010, Fiji Airways will operate a twice weekly flight from Nausori International Airport to Auckland, New Zealand to complement its 13 weekly flights from Nadi to Auckland, furthermore, the Nausori – Sydney route has resumed. The airport provides services to its immediate Pacific neighbours Tonga, Tuvalu and Vanuatu as well as the dependency of Rotuma. Suva has a public transport system consisting of buses (Central Transport Co.) and taxis servicing the metropolitan area as well as the cities of Nasinu, Nausori and Lami town. There are bus services connecting Suva with other towns and cities on Viti levu by way of either the Kings, Queens or Princes highways, all originating within Suva, although the latter terminates at Rewa Bridge in Nausori. There is a domestic ferry services from the Princess Wharf to the outer islands of Fiji as well as Vanua Levu. International ships and cruise liners dock at Suva's Kings Wharf. Notable residents. This is a list of famous people who are either living in, or are originally from Suva. Twin towns – sister cities. Suva is twinned with:

comprehensive list

1860-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=60207576

A pink rickshaw (also known as pink auto) is an alternative to normal auto rickshaws for female passengers in some cities of India. This initiative was taken by the Government of India to prevent women from being harassed and mistreated while commuting in rickshaws. Special features like panic buttons and GPS tracking systems are installed for the safety of women. Pink rickshaws are either fully pink rickshaws or their rooftop is pink colored. pink rickshaws were first launched 2013 in Ranchi by the government of India to protect women against sexual assaults and rapes. Eventually it was introduced in many other cities in India. The autos are driven by the trained professionals, either men or women, after completion of legal verification and documentation. Women's empowerment. The pink rickshaw scheme was initiated by the Ranchi government for improving the condition of women. By providing women safe transportation, the Ranchi government is empowering women, enabling them to work and be self sufficient. Traditionally in India, men are the wage earners. Safe transportation enables women to become independent and contribute to the family income. Pink rickshaw operation by location. Ranchi. Ranchi was the first city in India to launch the pink rickshaw scheme. It was launched in 2013 for the safety of women after the 2012 Delhi gang rape. Jharkhand Police introduced around 200 pink roofed rickshaws in capital Ranchi for transportation of women passengers. These autos had special features such as panic button and GPS system for the safety of women passengers. Police tried to appoint female drivers for these rickshaws, but due to less response by females they appointed male drivers. All the male drivers were verified through standard procedures set by the government authorities. Only those who cleared were given special identity cards and were allowed to ferry women. But this service is no longer available for women passengers only because drivers have to wait a long duration to get female passengers, due to which drivers started ferrying male passengers too in pink autos in order to make more trips in less time. Jharkhand High Court ordered the Regional Transport Authority to get rid of all autos in the city without legal permits. Out of total 12,000 rickshaws in Ranchi, only 2,335 autos had legal permits. Out of those 2,335 autos, no pink rickshaw had the legal permit to operate. Due to the suspension of trade permits, pink rickshaw drivers went on a strike demanding the issuance of lifetime legal permits to ply the trade. Surat. Surat Municipal Corporation launched pink auto on 2 July 2017. The corporation selected and trained women to drive automobiles as it is a service for women by women. SMC helped these women to get loans at a 7% interest rate with a benefit of 25% subsidy by Central Government to procure the rickshaw. The Municipal Corporation identified 70 women in which 15 were trained and others were under training. They have concentrated on girl's school areas for ferrying school children in the daytime. Bongaigaon. Bongaigaon is one of the biggest commercial and industrial hubs of Assam. The National Urban Livelihood Mission (NULM) launched pink rickshaws driven by women, for the safety of women while commuting. Before women got licensed, they were trained by Dispur motor driving school for two months. There were a total of 13 rickshaws in the city providing the service from 6 am to 6 pm. Odisha. Pink Auto Rickshaw project was launched in Bhubaneswar (capital of Odisha) on 27 June 2015 by Chief Minister of Odisha. It was introduced by the Commissioner of Odisha police to enlighten their 'We care motto' for women. The autos will be driven by men, but only those men will drive who stand to set standards by the government and will be trained to take care of female passengers in any situation. The auto is mainly for women and children to promote the safety of women commuters in city. Within a year of launch there were 353 pink autos operating in Bhubaneswar in all parts including isolated areas with a positive feedback by the women travelers. Eventually, it was also launched in Rourkela in Odisha. Gurgaon. In 2010, for the first time pink rickshaws were launched in Gurgaon after several women were sexually assaulted by taxi drivers. Pink rickshaws did not receive a positive response from commuters at that time, which led to failure in sustaining the programme, which was soon suspended in Gurgaon. In January 2013 pink autos were relaunched in Gurgaon by the Gurgaon Traffic Police. The decision was made due to a rape case by an Uber taxi driver and at the same time a horrific gang rape case of a paramedical student by six men in a bus in Delhi in December, 2012. This time, rickshaws were designed by keeping in mind special safety measures like panic buttons and a GPS system. The government even created an auto stand specifically for Pink Autos at MG Road Metro Station. There were 22 rickshaws launched at this time. Within a month and a half they failed to function in the city and faced a shutdown again. One of the major reasons behind the shutdown was increasing popularity of online cab services available in the city. The Deputy Commissioner of Traffic Police said that they launched rickshaws but they do not have to play any role in implementation as it depends on the market forces and how people accept it. After facing two failures, in 2015 pink rickshaw service was relaunched with total of 61 rickshaws. The initiative was taken to reduce the number of cases of sexual harassment in the city.

kids attending class

8311-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=599572

An ushanka (, ), also called an "ushanka-hat" (), is a Russian fur cap with ear covering flaps that can be tied up to the crown of the cap, or fastened at the chin to protect the ears, jaw, and lower chin from the cold. An alternative is to bend the flaps back and tie them behind the head, which is called "ski-style" — this offers less protection from the elements, but much better visibility, essential for high-speed skiing. The dense fur also offers some protection against blunt impacts to the head. The word derives from (), "ears" in Russian and many Slavic languages. Basic materials. Ushankas are often made from inexpensive sheepskin ("tsigeyka"), rabbit or muskrat fur. Artificial fur hats are also manufactured and are referred to as "fish fur" since the material is not from any real animal. The simplest "fish fur" of "ushanka"s was made of wool pile with cloth substrate and cloth top, with the exception of the flaps, which had the pile exposed. Mink fur ushankas are widely used in the Arctic regions of Russia, protecting the ears and chin of the wearer even from "deep frost", which is around . History. Hats with fur earflaps have been known for centuries, especially in the Slavic Balkan countries Serbia, Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, North Macedonia, Bulgaria, as well as in Northeastern Italy, in the Julian March, Trieste, and surrounding areas where there has been a large Slavic population for centuries. Such hats are also seen in Scandinavian countries Sweden, Norway and Finland, in the Eurasian and European Slavic countries Russia, Ukraine, Slovenia, and in Caucasus region in Georgia and Armenia. The design of ushanka with a perfectly round crown was developed in the 17th century when in central and northern Russia a hat with earflaps called treukh was worn. The modern ushanka design from 1917 is also inspired by the Norwegian "norvezhka", a hat which was invented by Norwegian arctic explorers. The main difference from the treukh is that the earflaps of the norvezhka were much longer. In addition, Russian Cossacks of the Kuban have influenced the design of modern Ushanka through interaction with peoples from Central Asia and Caucasus. In 1917 during the Russian Civil War, the ruler of Siberia, Aleksandr Kolchak, introduced a winter uniform hat, commonly referred to as a "kolchakovka", c. 1918. It was similar to the ushanka. In 1933, W. C. Fields wore a kolchakovka in the short film "The Fatal Glass of Beer". However, Kolchak and the White Army lost the war, and their headgear was not adopted in the new Soviet Union. Red Army soldiers instead wore the budenovka, which was made of felt. It was designed to resemble historical bogatyr helmets, and did not provide much protection from the cold. During the Winter War against Finland, organizational failures and inadequate equipment left many Soviet troops vulnerable to cold, and many died of exposure. The Finnish army had much better equipment including an ushanka-style fur hat, the turkislakki M36, introduced in 1936. In 1939, shortly before the Winter War, the slightly improved turkislakki M39 was introduced, and is still in use today. After the winter war, the Red Army received completely redesigned winter uniforms. "Budenovkas" were finally replaced with ushankas based on the Finnish example. Officers were issued fur ushankas; other ranks received ushankas made with plush or "fish fur". When they experienced the harsh Russian winter, for example during the Battle of Moscow, German soldiers started to wear ushankas and other Soviet-type winter gear, as their uniforms did not provide adequate protection. WW2 ushanka presented in the Army museum (Russia) and Saumur tank museum (France). The ushanka became a symbol and media icon of the Soviet Union and later the Russian Federation. Photographs of U.S. President Gerald Ford wearing the cap during a 1974 visit to the Soviet Union were seen as a possible sign of détente. Current use. Identified with Soviet rule and issued in all Warsaw Pact armies, the ushanka has since become a part of the winter uniform for military and police forces in Canada and other Western countries with a cold winter. Gray (American civilian police), green (for camouflage), blue (police, United States Post Office) and black versions are in current usage. In 2013, the Russian army announced that the ushanka was being replaced by new headgear, which is essentially the same ushanka with a rounder crown and small sealable openings in the flaps for wearing headphones. The ushanka was used by the East German authorities before German reunification, and remained part of the German police uniform in winter afterwards. In the Finnish Defence Forces, a gray hat is used with M62 uniform and a green one of different design is a part of M91 and M05 winter dress. Armoured troops have a black hat (M92), while generals may wear a white M39 hat. The Royal Canadian Mounted Police use a "regulation hat" (between an ushanka and an aviator hat), made of muskrat fur. This replaced the former Astrakhan (hat). Similar ones are used by Toronto Transit Commission staff during winter. A similar type of headgear is worn in China's People's Liberation Army's winter uniform. Featured in an iconic image of Lei Feng, this type of hat is often called by Chinese "the Lei Feng hat" (雷锋帽, "Lei Feng mao"). It is claimed that British wartime airmen visiting the Kola Inlet to help to protect the Arctic convoys quickly started to wear ushankas because their own uniform hats were not warm enough, but "kept the ear flaps tied up to the crown as any Russian would, because it was considered unmanly to wear them down." However, in the Russian military up to this day, the way of wearing the ushanka — up flaps, down flaps or ski-style — is considered a part of uniform of the day and is usually decided by a unit commander at reveille, so the Russian soldiers aren't actually free about the way they wear their hats. A variant of the ushanka is popular in Norway, especially in the north. It is infamous for its name, "bjørnefitte" (bear's vagina), which is considered vulgar in most parts of the country. Similar hats. Trapper hats are "a sort of hybrid between the aviator cap and the ushanka—they combine the style of the former with the furriness of the latter". They are considered more casual than the military-derived ushanka.

likely message

13011-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=44049750

Weeding is the systematic removal of resources from a library based on selected criteria. It is the opposite of selecting material, though the selection and de-selection of material often involve the same thought process. Weeding is a vital process for an active collection because it ensures the collection stays current, relevant, and in good condition. Weeding should be done on a continuous, on-going basis. Educating the staff with workshops and presentations on collection quality, maintenance and the importance and positive benefits of weeding the collection are important components for a library to consider. Reasons to weed. A "well-maintained, well-pruned collection is far more useful than one filled with out-of-date or unused materials." Weeding a physical collection has many benefits: With many collections having a digital component, space is not an issue for concern. However, this does not mean digital collections should not be weeded. "Clearing out unused materials makes a patron’s searching experience better by reducing the number of old and irrelevant records the patrons must wade through in their search results to find what they really want." The digital collection, like the physical collection, should be kept current and easily accessible. Weeding criteria. Weeding should be addressed in a library's collection development policy, and the criteria should be outlined. The following list outlines some considerations for weeding resources. Weeding issues. Weeding may be viewed as controversial by community members. John N. Berry III has discussed these is his essay, "The Weeding War". The controversial nature of collection weeding necessitates the educating of library staff. It provides them with "the tools they need to counter common perceptions or misperceptions regarding weeding", especially those encountered from faculty in an academic library.

major step

4384-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=15171570

The history of Memphis, Tennessee and its area began many thousands of years ago with succeeding cultures of indigenous peoples. In the first millennium, it was settled by the Mississippian Culture. The Chickasaw Indian tribe emerged about the 17th century, or migrated into the area. The earliest European exploration may have encountered remnants of the Mississippian culture by Spanish explorer Hernando de Soto. Later French explorers led by René-Robert Cavelier, Sieur de La Salle likely encountered the Chickasaw. The European-American city of Memphis was not founded until 1819. The city was named after the ancient capital of Egypt on the Nile River in North Africa. It rapidly developed as a major trading center for cotton cultivated at the region's large plantations and dependent on the work of enslaved African Americans. In the 19th century, and especially 1878 and 1879, the city suffered severe yellow fever epidemics. In 1878 tens of thousands of residents fled and more than 5,000 died, with hundreds more dying in the next year's epidemic, causing the city to go bankrupt and give up its charter until 1893. In the early 20th century cotton was still a major commodity crop; Memphis grew into the world's largest spot cotton market and the world's largest hardwood lumber market. During the 1960s the city was at the center of civil rights actions, with a major strike by city sanitation workers in 1968. Having come to the city to support the workers, Rev. Martin Luther King, Jr. was assassinated by a lone sniper on April 4, 1968, at the Lorraine Motel. Many notable blues musicians grew up in and around the Memphis and northern Mississippi area. These included such musical greats as Muddy Waters, Robert Johnson, B.B. King, Howlin' Wolf, Isaac Hayes, Tay Keith, and Elvis Presley Early history. From about 10,000 BCE, Paleo-Indians and later Archaic-Indians lived as communities of hunter-gatherers in the area that covers the modern-day southern United States. Approximately 800 CE to 1600 CE, the Mississippi River Delta was populated by tribes of the Mississippian culture, a mound-building Native American people who had developed in the late Woodland Indian period. The Tipton Phase people were a local expression of the Mississippian culture. They inhabited the region of modern-day Tipton, Lauderdale and Shelby counties during the time of first contact with Europeans, at the arrival of the de Soto Expedition. By the end of the Mississippian period, the land was claimed and populated by the Chickasaw tribe. The exact origins of the Chickasaw are uncertain. Noted historian Horatio Cushman indicates that the Chickasaw, along with the Choctaw, may have had origins in present-day Mexico and migrated north. When Europeans first encountered them, the Chickasaw were living in villages in what is now Mississippi, with a smaller number in the area of Savannah Town, South Carolina. Twentieth-century scholar Patricia Galloway says that the Chickasaw may have been migrants to the area from the west and may not have been descendants of the pre-historic Mississippian culture. Their oral history supports this, indicating they moved along with the Choctaw from west of the Mississippi in pre-history. European explorers - 16th/17th centuries. European exploration came years later, with Spanish explorer Hernando de Soto believed to have visited what is now the Memphis area as early as the 1540s. By the 1680s, French explorers led by René-Robert Cavelier, Sieur de La Salle built Fort Prudhomme in the vicinity, the first European settlement in what would become Memphis, predating English settlements in East Tennessee by more than 70 years. Fort Assumption was a French fortification constructed in 1739 on the fourth Chickasaw Bluff on the Mississippi River by Jean-Baptiste Le Moyne, Sieur de Bienville's French army. The fort was used as a base against the Chickasaw in the abortive Campaign of 1739. Despite such early outposts, the land comprising present-day Memphis remained in a largely unorganized territory throughout most of the 18th century in terms of European settlement. The boundaries of what would become Tennessee continued to evolve from its parent — the Carolina Colony, later North Carolina and South Carolina. In 1796, the site became the westernmost point of the newly admitted "state" of Tennessee in the newly independent United States. However, West Tennessee was at that time occupied and historically controlled by the Chickasaw tribe, owned by possession and tribal rights. 19th century. Foundation - 1819. The area of West Tennessee became available for white settlement after the Federal Government purchased it from the Chickasaw Nation in the 1818 Jackson Purchase. Memphis was founded on May 22, 1819 by a group of investors, John Overton, James Winchester, and Andrew Jackson, and was incorporated as a city in 1826. The city was named after the ancient capital of Egypt on the Nile River, itself named Memphis in Greek after the Egyptian name "Mennefer" for the Pyramid complex of pharaoh Pepi I. The founders planned for a large city to be built on the site and laid out a plan featuring a regular grid of streets interrupted by four town squares, to be named Exchange, Market, Court, and Auction. Of these squares Market, Court, and Auction remain as public parks in downtown Memphis. The Exchange square site was developed in the 20th century as the Cook Convention Center. Memphis was a departure point on the Mississippi River for Native Americans removed in the 1830s from their historic lands to Indian Territory on the Trail of Tears. In 1831 French writer Alexis De Tocqueville witnessed "a numerous band of Choctaws" crossing the River at Memphis. The city grew in the 19th century as a center for transporting, grading and marketing the growing volumes of cotton produced in the nearby Mississippi Delta (for background, see "King Cotton"). The cotton economy of the antebellum South depended on the forced labor of hundreds of thousands of African-American slaves, and Memphis became a major slave market. Prior to the Civil War, one quarter of the city's population were slaves. Seeking their freedom, many slaves turned to the Underground Railroad to escape to the free states of the North, and the Memphis home of Jacob Burkle was a way-station on their route to freedom. The Gayoso House Hotel was built overlooking the Mississippi River in 1842 and became a Memphis landmark; it stood until 1899, where it burned down. The original Gayoso House was a first-class hotel, designed by James H. Dakin, a well-known architect of that era, and was appointed with the latest conveniences, including indoor plumbing with marble tubs, silver faucets and flush toilets. In 1857 the Memphis & Charleston Railroad was completed, linking an Atlantic Ocean port and one on the Mississippi River. Memphis was one of the two eastern termini of the Butterfield Overland Mail route to California from 1857 to 1861. Through the railroad, Memphis traders could export cotton through Charleston, South Carolina to London and the continent. Competing towns: Hopefield, AR and Randolph, TN. Hopefield, Arkansas was founded by the Spanish Governor in 1795, across from Memphis near present-day West Memphis, Arkansas. Hopefield became the eastern terminal for the Memphis and Little Rock Railroad in 1857 and prospered until the Civil War. It was burned by Union forces in retaliation for Confederate Raids. Although Hopefield was rebuilt afterward, it was destroyed in a flood. The area of Crittenden County, Arkansas has been subject to some of the country's most disastrous floods, due to the Mississippi River backing into the St. Francis River. These frequent disasters have prevented much population growth on the Arkansas side. Because of its location on a bluff, Memphis was not subject to flooding. Randolph, Tennessee was founded in the 1820s at the second Chickasaw Bluff upriver of Memphis; for a time it was a major competitor to Memphis for commerce along the Mississippi River. However, Randolph gradually lost commerce and influence to Memphis, particularly after it was bypassed by railroad construction. Civil War. At the time of the American Civil War, Memphis was already an important regional city because of its river trade and railroad connections, particularly the Memphis and Charleston Railroad, the only east–west rail link across the South. Tennessee seceded from the Union in June 1861 and Memphis briefly became a Confederate stronghold. Union forces moving down the Mississippi River captured Memphis from the Confederacy in the Battle of Memphis on June 6, 1862. The city remained under Union control for the duration of the war, except for a dramatic raid conducted by Nathan Bedford Forrest. During that time the Gayoso House Hotel was a Union headquarters. According to local legend, General Forrest's brother Captain William Forrest, an escort on the raid, rode his horse into the lobby seeking to capture a Union general. Memphis became a Union supply base and continued to prosper throughout the war. The city became a focus for illicit trade in raw cotton, which was in great demand by northern cotton mills because of the Union blockade and the Confederate embargo. In January 1863 Charles Dana, a special investigator for the Federal War Department, reported from Memphis that a "mania" for illicit cotton had "corrupted and demoralized" Union Army officers. Thousands of slaves with families fled from rural plantations to Union lines, and the Army established a contraband camp south of the city lines. By 1865 there were 20,000 blacks in the city, a sevenfold increase from the 3,000 before the war. The presence of black Union soldiers was resented by ethnic whites in the city; thousands of Irish had immigrated since the mid-19th century. In 1866 there was a major massacre with whites attacking blacks. Forty-five blacks were reported killed, and nearly twice as many wounded; much of their makeshift housing was destroyed. By 1870, the black population was 15,000 in a city total of 40,226. Post Civil War. Memphis emerged from the Civil War undamaged from the fighting, and Tennessee was on July 24, 1866 the first southern state to be re-admitted to the Union. The Memphis Cotton Exchange was founded in 1873 by a group of cotton traders led by Napoleon Hill. Hill became immensely wealthy with interests in wholesale groceries, railroads, steel and banking, as well as cotton, and was known to his contemporaries as "the merchant prince of Memphis." He built an ornate French Renaissance style mansion in Downtown Memphis. Yellow fever epidemics - 1870s. Extensive yellow fever epidemics in the 1870s (1873, 1878 and 1879) devastated the city. In 1873 some 2,000 people died, the highest fatalities of any inland city. Because of the severity of the 1873 epidemic, when yellow fever was diagnosed on August 5, 1878, more than 25,000 people left the city within two weeks. Many moved permanently to other cities such as St. Louis and Atlanta. It was reported that such terror gripped the town in August 1878 that fleeing families "left their houses with the doors wide open and silver standing on the sideboards." The population had been roughly 50,000 before the start of the epidemic. Of the 19,000 who stayed in Memphis, 17,000 came down with yellow fever, and 5,150 died. At that time it was not known that this fatal disease was carried by mosquitoes, so public health measures were unsuccessful. Remaining in the city to care for the sick, a number of Catholic Franciscan Sisters of Mary, Episcopalian nuns of the Sisterhood of St. Mary and clergymen sacrificed themselves. An epidemic also broke out in 1879, in which several hundred people died. So many people died or fled the epidemics that in 1879 Memphis lost its city charter and went bankrupt. Until 1893 Memphis was governed by the state as a Taxing District. Robert R. Church, Sr., a freedman who became known later as the South's first African-American millionaire (although his total wealth is believed to reach "only" $700,000), was the first citizen to buy a $1,000 bond to pay off the debt and help restore the city's charter. He built much of his wealth by having bought real estate when the city became depopulated after the epidemics. He founded the city's first black-owned bank, Solvent Savings Bank, ensuring that the black community could get loans to establish businesses and buy houses. Because of the drop in city population, blacks gained other opportunities. They were hired to the police force as patrolmen and retained positions in it until 1895, when imposed segregation forced them out. Under a commission form of government, the city made improvements in sanitation, particularly the construction of an innovative sewer system designed by George E. Waring, Jr.. Construction of the sewers began in January 1880, and by 1893 had expanded to over 50 miles of sewers. This removed the breeding grounds of the mosquito vector. It is likely that survivors' acquired immunity from the 1870s epidemics contributed more to lesser fatalities from the disease in future years. In 1887, a source of abundant and pure artesian water was found beneath the city, which guaranteed its water supply and aided its recovery. In 1892 the first Mississippi River bridge at Memphis opened. As a result, the city began to prosper again, and it regained its charter and home rule in 1893. African Americans in the city were closed out of many opportunities by the segregated school system, in which their facilities were underfunded, and disenfranchisement by state laws passed in the late 1880s, which resulted in their exclusion from voting and other participation in the political system. State law and local custom imposed a system of Jim Crow based on white supremacy, and in the late 1890s the police force was closed against blacks. In 1897 as a conspicuous claim to its revival, Memphis had a pyramid-shaped pavilion prominently displayed at the Tennessee Centennial exposition. 20th century. Business development. Memphis developed as the world's largest spot cotton market and the world's largest hardwood lumber market, both commodity products of the Mississippi Delta. Into the 1950s, it was the world's largest mule market. Attracting workers from rural areas as well as new immigrants, from 1900 to 1950 the city increased nearly fourfold in population, from 102,350 to 396,000 residents. Memphis developed an extensive network of parks and public works as part of the national City Beautiful Movement. The Memphis Park and Parkway System (including Overton Park and the later M.L. King Riverside Park) was designed as a comprehensive plan by landscape architect George Kessler at the beginning of the 20th century. Clarence Saunders, a Memphis inventor and entrepreneur, opened a self-service grocery store in 1916 and founded the first supermarket chain, Piggly Wiggly. Saunders, who became very wealthy from these ventures, lost his fortune on Wall Street and was forced to sell his partly completed Memphis mansion, dubbed the Pink Palace. The Pink Palace was adapted for use as the City's historical and natural history museum. Other parts of the Saunders estate were developed for upscale residences, known as Chickasaw Gardens. The storied Peabody Hotel opened in 1923 and became a symbol of upper-class Southern elegance. In 1935 Mississippi author David Cohn wrote, The Mississippi Delta begins in the lobby of the Peabody and ends on Catfish Row in Vicksburg. The Peabody is the Paris Ritz, the Cairo Shepheard's, the London Savoy of this section. If you stand near its fountain in the middle of the lobby, where ducks waddle and turtles drowse, ultimately you will see everybody who is anybody in the Delta. To the east of the city lay a large railroad yard, with tracks of four railroads of that era. While the railroads were integral to the city's commerce, by the late 1920s the yard had become a barrier to automobile traffic and, hence, to eastward expansion of the city. In 1927 - 1928 the "Poplar Boulevard Viaduct" was constructed to span the railyards and allow eastward expansion. The viaduct was a joint effort between the City of Memphis and the railroads. Crump machine. From the 1910s to the 1950s, Memphis was a locus of machine politics under the direction of E. H. "Boss" Crump, a Democrat. He obtained a state law in 1911 to establish a small commission to manage the city. The city retained a form of commission government until 1967 But Crump was in full control at all times, Using all the familiar techniques of the big city boss, who is willing to engage in ballot manipulation, patronage for friends, and frustrating bureaucratic obstacles for the opposition. Crump build a complex alliance with established power figures at the local state and national levels. He ensured the dissidents had little or no voice. At the center of his network was Cotton Row—The business elite that dominated the cotton industry. Second he included the modernizers, the business-oriented progressives who were most concerned with upgrading the infrastructure in terms of the waterfront, parks, highways and skyscrapers, as well as a moderately good school system. Working-class whites got their share of jobs. AFL labor unions were of marginal influence; CIO unions were not tolerated. Roger Biles argues that the political system was virtually unchanged from 1910 into the 1950s and 1960s, thanks to Crump's wire-pulling. Crump Was the leading Tennessee supporter of Franklin Roosevelt and the New Deal . In turn the city received ample relief programs – which provided jobs for the unemployed, as selected by local machine lieutenants. As well the city was provided with major federal building projects, which helped fund the business community. Crump incorporated the black leadership in his outer circle, dispensing patronage in return for the black vote. Memphis was one of the largest southern cities in which blacks could vote, but segregation was as rigid as anywhere. Crump successfully lobbied Washington for large-scale public housing projects. The city installed a revolutionary sewer system and upgraded sanitation and drainage to prevent another epidemic. Pure water from an artesian well was discovered in the 1880s, securing the city's water supply. The commissioners developed an extensive network of parks and public works as part of the national City Beautiful movement, but did not encourage heavy industry, which might have provided substantial employment for the white working-class population. The lack of representation in city government resulted in the poor and minorities being underrepresented. The majority controlled the election of all the at-large positions. World War II - 1950s. During the Second World War, the War Department constructed large supply depots in Memphis for the Army and the Army Air Force. The Memphis Army Depot also served as a prisoner-of-war camp, housing 800 Axis prisoners. By the time it closed in 1997, the Memphis Army Depot had 130 buildings on site with more than of enclosed industrial space. Meanwhile, in 1942, the US Navy built the Millington Naval Air Station (now the Naval Support Activity Mid-South) in Millington, Tennessee, just north of Memphis. This facility provided pilot training during World War II, and later became the major naval air technical training center for enlisted personnel aviation specialty training. It is currently used as a naval personnel center and Headquarters for the US Army Corps of Engineers Finance Center. Its flight facilities have been transferred to civilian use as the Millington Regional Jetport. The first national motel chain, Holiday Inn, was founded in Memphis by Kemmons Wilson in 1952. His first inn was located in Berclair near the city limit on Summer Avenue, then the main highway to Nashville, Tennessee. Population change. In 1970, the Census Bureau reported Memphis' population as 60.8% white and 38.9% black. Suburbanization was attracting wealthier residents to newer housing outside the city. After the riots and court-ordered busing in 1973 to achieve desegregation of public schools, "about 40,000 of the system's 71,000 white students abandon[ed] the system in four years." The city now has a majority-black population; the larger metropolitan area is narrowly majority white. Memphis is well known for its cultural contributions to the identity of the American South. Many renowned musicians grew up in and around Memphis and moved to Chicago and other areas from the Mississippi Delta, carrying their music with them to influence other cities and listeners over radio airwaves. These included such musical greats as Elvis Presley, Jerry Lee Lewis, Muddy Waters, Carl Perkins, Johnny Cash, Robert Johnson, W. C. Handy, B.B. King, Howlin' Wolf, Isaac Hayes, Booker T. Jones, Eric Gales, Al Green, Alex Chilton, Justin Timberlake, Three 6 Mafia, the Sylvers, Jay Reatard, Zach Myers, and many others. Aretha Franklin was born in Memphis. Geographical expansion. At the start of the 1950s, Memphis was a compact city with limited boundaries, compared to the sprawl seen today. The southern boundary of the city was an irregular line starting on the Mississippi opposite President's Island, about two miles (3 km) north of Nonconnah Creek. The northern boundary was close to Chelsea Avenue, not much south of the Wolf River but with an unpopulated wetland area beyond the city before reaching the Wolf River. The Eastern Boundary of the city was near Highland Street. By the mid-1950s Memphis stretched southward to the Mississippi State Line, but only directly south of President's Island. Such communities as West Junction, Nonconnah, Raines and Oakville still remained beyond the city boundaries, with the southern city line running on the north side of Nonconnah Creek. On the east, most of White Station, Tennessee had been annexed. The Northern boundary of Memphis was the Wolf River. By the mid-1960s Memphis had annexed Frayser, Tennessee on the north side of the Wolf River. It had also annexed Berclair, Tennessee and all of White Station on its eastern border, extending south-westward along Poplar Avenue, past the recently built freeway that is today designated I-240, and bordering on Germantown, Tennessee, Memphis' current eastern limit. Civil Rights Movement. During the 1960s, the city was a center of activity during the Civil Rights Movement, as its large African-American population had been affected by state segregation practices and disenfranchisement in the early 20th century. African-American residents drew from the civil rights movement to improve their lives. In 1968, the Memphis sanitation strike began for living wages and better working conditions; the workers were overwhelmingly African American. They marched to gain public awareness and support for their plight: the danger of their work, and the struggles to support families with their low pay. Their drive for better pay had been met with resistance by the city government. Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference, known for his leadership in the non-violent movement, came to lend his support to the workers' cause. He stayed at the Lorraine Motel in the city, where he was assassinated by a sniper on April 4, 1968, the day after giving his prophetic "I've Been to the Mountaintop" speech at the Mason Temple. Grief-stricken and enraged after learning of King's murder, some in the city rioted, looting and destroying businesses and other facilities, some by arson. The governor ordered Tennessee National Guardsmen into the city within hours, where small, roving bands of rioters continued to be active. Fearing the violence, more of the middle-class began to leave the city for the suburbs. Recent history. The entertainer and philanthropist Danny Thomas helped open St. Jude Children's Research Hospital in downtown Memphis in 1962. St. Jude specializes in the study and treatment of catastrophic diseases affecting children, especially leukemia and other childhood cancers, AIDS, sickle cell disease, and inherited immune disorders. Its success rates and free treatment for its patients have made it one of the most reputable children's hospitals in the world. FedEx Corporation (originally, "Federal Express") was founded in Little Rock, Arkansas in 1971, but moved its operations to Memphis in 1973 to take advantage of its more extensive airport facilities. As Memphis developed as the major hub of operations for FedEx, the Memphis International Airport became the largest airfreight terminal in the world. In 1974 Harold Ford, Sr. of Memphis was elected to Congress, becoming the first black elected national official from Tennessee; he was re-elected for several terms. He was one of several Ford brothers who became active in politics in Memphis, Shelby County and the state; his son Harold Ford, Jr. also became a Congressman. In 1991 the city of Memphis elected its first African-American mayor, Dr. W.W. Herenton. Cultural history. Memphis is well known for its cultural contributions to the identity of the American south. Col. Henry Van Pelt began publishing "The Appeal" newspaper, ancestor of today's "Commercial Appeal," in a wooden shack along the Wolf River in 1841. A pro-Confederacy newspaper, "The Appeal" moved frequently during the Civil War to avoid capture by Union forces. "The Commercial Appeal" was awarded a Pulitzer Prize in 1923 for its coverage of, and editorial opposition to, the activities of the Ku Klux Klan, which was at a peak in urban areas following the Klan's revival in 1915. Riverboats. From the earliest days of the steamboat, through the present day, Memphis has been a major center of river transportation. Passenger steamers linked Memphis with river ports up and down the Mississippi, Ohio and Missouri Rivers as late as the 1920s. Tom Lee Park on the Memphis riverfront is named for an African-American riverworker who became a civic hero. Tom Lee could not swim. But, he single-handedly rescued thirty-two people from drowning when the steamer "M.E. Norman" sank in 1925. Today, Memphis Riverboats offers tourist excursions from the Memphis waterfront on paddlewheel steamers. African-American music. Beginning in the early 20th century, Memphis became famous for its innovative strains of African-American music, including gospel, blues, jazz, soul, and Rhythm and Blues genres, a tradition that continues to this day. Many notable blues musicians grew up in and around the Memphis and northern Mississippi, and performed there regularly. These included such musical greats as Muddy Waters, Robert Johnson, B.B. King, and Howlin' Wolf. Stax Records, which opened in Memphis in 1957, produced almost exclusively African-American music. Stax was a major factor in the creation of the Southern soul and Memphis soul music styles, also releasing gospel, funk, jazz, and blues recordings. Stax recordings and artists included Rufus and Carla Thomas, Sam and Dave, Otis Redding, William Bell, The Bar-Kays and their house band, Booker T. & the MG's. Several Stax hits were written and produced by the team of Isaac Hayes and David Porter. Rock and Roll. In 1950, Sam Phillips opened the "Memphis Recording Service," where he recorded for his Sun Records label. B.B. King, Howlin' Wolf, Elvis Presley, Johnny Cash, Jerry Lee Lewis, Carl Perkins, and Roy Orbison were all recorded there in its early years. The young Elvis Presley frequently listened to gospel and soul music, and many of his early recordings were inspired or written by African-American composers and recording artists in the Mid-South area. Firsts in Radio. The first African American-formatted radio station, WDIA, was founded in the city in 1947 by Bert Ferguson and John Pepper. A young B. B. King worked there as a disc jockey. B. B. King's moniker was derived from his WDIA nickname, "Beale Street Blues Boy", a reference to Memphis' Beale Street on which many nightclubs and blues venues were located. WHER, the first all-female station ("All-Girl Radio"), was founded in 1955 by the recording studio owner Sam Phillips and Holiday Inn founder Kemmons Wilson. Culinary history. In addition to a rich musical heritage, Memphis also boasts a long culinary legacy dominated by regional barbecue. Memphis barbecue is rendered distinct by its sole usage of pork (as opposed to beef), focus on rib and shoulder cuts of meat, and multiple locally owned barbecue restaurants. Celebration of this local culinary tradition reaches its climax each year in May, when the Memphis in May Festival holds its annual World-Championship Barbecue Cooking Contest. Historically significant districts. "Downtown Memphis" is the oldest section of the city, built on a bluff overlooking the Mississippi River. Downtown includes the old central business and government districts. Beale Street and the Lorraine Motel (now preserved and operating as the National Civil Rights Museum, where Martin Luther King, Jr. was assassinated on April 4, 1968) are located in the Downtown area. The "Pinch District" or just "The Pinch" is an area of Uptown, Memphis that played an important role in local immigration patterns beginning in the early 19th century. Memphis' first business district, the Pinch encompassed all of Memphis north of Adams Street, from the River to Third Street. The name was originally a term of derision, referring to emaciated Irish immigrants who fled the Great Famine. Later, Italian, Russian, Greek and, especially, Jewish immigrants also called it home before migrating to more affluent sections of the city. "Victorian Village" is a series of grand Victorian-era mansions built just east of Downtown Memphis in what was then the outskirts of the city. Several of these homes have been opened to the public for tours. "Orange Mound" was the first African-American neighborhood in the United States to be built by and for African Americans. Orange Mound was developed on the grounds of a former plantation beginning in the 1890s; it provided affordable land and residences for the less affluent. The neighborhood provided a refuge for blacks moving to the city for the first time from the rural South. Orange Mound residents largely owned their own homes and enjoyed a strong sense of community and identity. "Midtown, Memphis", a very diverse area in the center of the city, has buildings largely dating from the first half of the 20th century. Midtown is Memphis' most ethnically and culturally diverse area. Many educational and cultural institutions are located in Midtown, including the University of Tennessee Health Science Center, Rhodes College, the Memphis Brooks Museum of Art, the Memphis Zoo, and the Memphis College of Art. "Evergreen Historic District", one of Memphis' oldest residential districts, is located in Midtown. Tennessee Williams wrote his first produced play, "Cairo, Shanghai, Bombay!" at the Midtown home of his grandparents in 1935. It was performed by a Midtown Memphis amateur theater group that year. Education. The first Memphis schools were chartered in 1826, but until 1848 all Memphis schools were private. During this time the Memphis City Schools was formed in the early 1830s. The first "free" public schools opened in 1848, but at first nominally charged a $2 tuition. By 1852, there were 13 public schools supported by taxpayers. The first city school for black students opened in 1868 during Reconstruction, when the biracial state legislature founded public education. For a century the city maintained separate, racially segregated school facilities. A federal court order in 1973 required the city to provide busing to fully integrate the schools. This order was so unpopular with white families that within four years 40,000 white students were pulled out of the public system; many white families moved out of the city. Within a short time other white families enrolled their children in private schools, some founded at this time as "segregation academies". The University of Tennessee College of Dentistry was founded in 1878, making it the oldest dental college in the South, and the third-oldest public college of dentistry in the United States. The University of Tennessee College of Medicine in Memphis was created in 1911 through the merger of five independent Tennessee medical schools following the influential Flexner Report. The University of Memphis first opened as the "West Tennessee State Normal School" in 1912. Christian Brothers University was founded in 1871, first on Adams Street downtown before moving to its current location on East Parkway. Rhodes College, then known as "Southwestern at Memphis", moved to Memphis from Clarksville, Tennessee in 1925. LeMoyne-Owen College a private, historically black, church-affiliated college traces its history to 1862 when the American Missionary Association (AMA) opened an elementary school for freedmen and escaped slaves. Historical and genealogical resources. The "Memphis and Shelby County Room" in the Benjamin L. Hooks Central Library provides facilities for researchers to view items from the library's archives and its manuscript collections. These include historical records of people and families, maps, photographs, newspaper vertical files, books, city directories, and music and video recordings. These materials document the development of the community, government, economy, culture, and heritage of Memphis and Shelby County, Tennessee. The Genealogy Collection includes microfilmed and indexed Memphis and Shelby County records. The Tennessee Genealogical Society maintains a "Regional History and Genealogy Center Library" in suburban Germantown, TN. The "Shelby County Register of Deeds" website has many important records available on-line, including real estate transactions, court cases and vital records.

uneven stripe

3962-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=27309

Sierra Leone first became inhabited by indigenous African peoples at least 2,500 years ago.The Limba were the first tribe known to inhabit Sierra Leone. The dense tropical rainforest partially isolated the region from other West African cultures, and it became a refuge for peoples escaping violence and jihads. Sierra Leone was named by Portuguese explorer Pedro de Sintra, who mapped the region in 1462. The Freetown estuary provided a good natural harbour for ships to shelter and replenish drinking water, and gained more international attention as coastal and trans-Atlantic trade supplanted trans-Saharan trade. In the mid-16th century, the Mane people invaded, subjugated nearly all of the indigenous coastal peoples, and militarised Sierra Leone. The Mane soon blended with the local populations and the various chiefdoms and kingdoms remained in a continual state of conflict, with many captives sold to European slave-traders. The Atlantic slave trade had a significant impact on Sierra Leone, as this trade flourished in the 17th and 18th centuries, and later as a centre of anti-slavery efforts when the trade was abolished in 1807. British abolitionists had organised a colony for Black Loyalists at Freetown, and this became the capital of British West Africa. A naval squadron was based there to intercept slave ships, and the colony quickly grew as liberated Africans were released, joined by West Indian and African soldiers who had fought for Britain in the Napoleonic Wars. The descendants of the black settlers were collectively referred to as the Creoles or Krios. During the colonial era, the British and Creoles increased their control over the surrounding area, securing peace so that commerce would not be interrupted, suppressing slave-trading and inter-chiefdom war. In 1895, Britain drew borders for Sierra Leone which they declared to be their protectorate, leading to armed resistance and the Hut Tax War of 1898. Thereafter, there was dissent and reforms as the Creoles sought political rights, trade unions formed against colonial employers, and peasants sought greater justice from their chiefs. Sierra Leone has played a significant part in modern African political liberty and nationalism. In the 1950s, a new constitution united the Crown Colony and Protectorate, which had previously been governed separately. Sierra Leone gained independence from the United Kingdom on April 27, 1961 and became a member of the Commonwealth of Nations. Ethnic and linguistic divisions remain an obstacle to national unity, with the Mende, Temne and Creoles as rival power blocs. Roughly half of the years since independence have been marked by autocratic governments or civil war. Early history. Archaeological finds show that Sierra Leone has been inhabited continuously for at least 2,500 years, populated by successive movements of peoples from other parts of Africa. The use of iron was introduced to Sierra Leone by the 9th century, and by the end of the 10th century agriculture was being practiced by coastal tribes. Sierra Leone's dense tropical rainforest partially isolated the land from other African cultures and from the spread of Islam. This made it a refuge for people escaping subjugation by the Sahelian kingdoms, violence and jihads. European contacts with Sierra Leone were among the first in West Africa. In 1462, Portuguese explorer Pedro de Sintra mapped the hills surrounding what is now Freetown Harbour, naming the oddly shaped formation "Serra Lyoa" (Lioness Mountain). At this time the country was inhabited by numerous politically independent native groups. Several different languages were spoken, but there was similarity of religion. In the coastal rainforest belt there were Bulom-speakers between the Sherbro and Freetown estuaries, Loko-speakers north of the Freetown estuary to the Little Scarcies River, Temne-speakers found at the mouth of the Scarcies River, and Limba-speakers farther up the Scarcies. In the hilly savannah north of all of these lands were the Susu and Fula tribes. The Susu traded regularly with the coastal peoples along river valley routes, bringing salt, clothes woven by the Fula, iron work, and gold. European contact (15th century). Portuguese ships began visiting regularly in the late 15th century, and for a while they maintained a fort on the north shore of the Freetown estuary. This estuary is one of the largest natural deep-water harbours in the world, and one of the few good harbours on West Africa's surf-battered "Windward Shore" (Liberia to Senegal). It soon became a favourite destination of European mariners, to shelter and replenish drinking water. Some of the Portuguese sailors stayed permanently, trading and intermarrying with the local people. Slavery. Slavery, and in particular the Atlantic slave trade, had a great effect on the region—socially, economically and politically—from the late 15th to the mid-19th centuries. There had been lucrative trans-Saharan trade of slaves in West Africa from the 6th century. At its peak (c. 1350) the Mali Empire surrounded the region of modern-day Sierra Leone and Liberia, though the slave trade may not have significantly penetrated the coastal rainforest. The peoples who migrated into Sierra Leone from this time would have had greater contact with the indigenous slave trade, either practicing it or escaping it. When Europeans first arrived at Sierra Leone, slavery among the African peoples of the area was believed to be rare. According to historian Walter Rodney, the Portuguese mariners kept detailed reports, and so it is likely if slavery had been an important local institution that the reports would have described it. There was mention of a very particular kind of slavery in the region, which was: According to Rodney, such a person would likely have retained some rights and had some opportunity to rise in status as time passed. If the Africans were not much interested in acquiring slaves, the Portuguese—as well as the Dutch, French, and English who arrived later—certainly were. Initially, their method was to cruise the coast, conducting quick kidnapping raids when opportunities presented themselves. Soon, however, they found locals willing to partner with them in these affairs: some chiefs were willing to part with a few of the less-desirable members of their tribes for a price; others went into the war business—a large group of battle captives could be sold for a fortune in European rum, cloth, beads, copper, or muskets. This early slaving was essentially an export business. The use of slaves as labourers by the local Africans appears to have developed only later. It may first have occurred under coastal chiefs in the late 18th century: For example, in the late 18th century, chief William Cleveland, an anglo-scott had a large "slave town" on the mainland opposite the Banana Islands, whose inhabitants "were employed in cultivating extensive rice fields, described as being some of the largest in Africa at the time". The existence of an indigenous slave town was recorded by an English traveler in 1823. Known in the Fula language as a "rounde", it was connected with the Sulima Susu's capital city, Falaba. Its inhabitants worked at farming. Rodney has postulated two means by which slaving for export could have caused a local practice of using slaves for labour to develop: There are possible additional reasons for the adoption of slavery by the locals to meet their labour requirements: This local African slavery was much less harsh and brutal than the slavery practiced by Europeans on, for example, the plantations of the United States, the West Indies, and Brazil. The local slavery has been described by anthropologist M. McCulloch: Slaves were sometimes sent on errands outside the kingdoms of their masters and returned voluntarily. Speaking specifically of the era around 1700, historian Christopher Fyfe relates that, "Slaves not taken in war were usually criminals. In coastal areas, at least, it was rare for anyone to be sold without being charged with a crime." Voluntary dependence reminiscent of that described in the early Portuguese documents mentioned at the beginning of this section was still present in the 19th century. It was called pawning; Arthur Abraham describes a typical variety: Some observers consider the term "slave" to be more misleading than informative when describing the local practice. Abraham says that in most cases, "subject, servant, client, serf, pawn, dependent, or retainer" would be more accurate. Domestic slavery was abolished in Sierra Leone in 1928. McCulloch reports that at that time, amongst Sierra Leone's largest present-day ethnolinguistic group, the Mende, who then had about 560,000 people, about 15 per cent of the population (i.e., 84,000 people) were domestic slaves. He also says that "singularly little change followed the 1928 decree; a fair number of slaves returned to their original homes, but the great majority remained in the villages in which their former masters had placed them or their parents." Export slavery remained a major business in Sierra Leone from the late 15th century to the mid-19th century. According to Fyfe, "it was estimated in 1789 that 74,000 slaves were exported annually from West Africa, about 38,000 by British firms." In 1788, a European apologist for the slave trade estimated the annual total exported from between the Nunez River (110 km north of Sierra Leone) and the Sherbro as 3,000. The Atlantic slave trade was banned by the British in 1807, but illegal slave trading continued for several decades after that. Mane invasions (16th century). The Mane invasions of the mid-16th century had a profound impact on Sierra Leone. The Mane (also called Mani), southern members of the Mande language group, were a warrior people, well-armed and well-organized, who lived east and possibly somewhat north of present-day Sierra Leone, occupying a belt north of the coastal peoples. Sometime in the early 16th century they began moving south. According to some Mane who spoke to a Portuguese (Dornelas) in the late 16th century, their travels had begun as a result of the expulsion of their chief, a woman named Macario, from the imperial city in Mandimansa, their homeland. Their first arrival at the coast was east of Sierra Leone, at least as far away as River Cess and likely farther. They advanced northwest along the coast toward Sierra Leone, conquering as they went. They incorporated large numbers of the people they conquered into their army, with the result that by the time they reached Sierra Leone, the rank and file of their army consisted mostly of coastal peoples; the Mane were its commanding group. The Mane used small bows, which enabled Manes to reuse their enemies' arrows against them, while the enemy could make no use of the Manes' short arrows. Rodney describes the rest of their equipment thus: The rest of their arms consisted of large shields made of reeds, long enough to give complete cover to the user, two knives, one of which was tied to the left arm, and two quivers for their arrows. Their clothes consisted of loose cotton shirts with wide necks and ample sleeves reaching down to their knees to become tights. One striking feature of their appearance was the abundance of feathers stuck in their shirts and their red caps. By 1545, the Mane had reached Cape Mount, near the south-eastern corner of present-day Sierra Leone. Their conquest of Sierra Leone occupied the ensuing 15 to 20 years, and resulted in the subjugation of all or nearly all of the indigenous coastal peoples—who were known collectively as the Sapes—as far north as the Scarcies. The present demographics of Sierra Leone is largely a reflection of these two decades. The degree to which the Mane supplanted the original inhabitants varied from place to place. The Temne partly withstood the Mane onslaught, and kept their language, but became ruled by a line of Mane kings. The present-day Loko and Mende are the result of a more complete submersion of the original culture: their languages are similar, and both essentially Mande. In their oral tradition, the Mende describe themselves as being a mixture of two peoples: they say that their original members were hunters and fishers who populated the area sparsely in small peaceful settlements; and that their leaders came later, in a recent historical period, bringing with them the arts of war, and also building larger, more permanent villages. This history receives support from the facts that their population consists of two different racial types, and their language and culture show signs of a layering of two different forms: they have both matrilineal and patrilineal inheritance, for instance. The Mane invasions militarised Sierra Leone. The Sapes had been un-warlike, but after the invasions, right until the late 19th century, bows, shields, and knives of the Mane type had become ubiquitous in Sierra Leone, as had the Mane battle technique of using squadrons of archers fighting in formation, carrying the large-style shields. Villages became fortified. The usual method of erecting two or three concentric palisades, each 4–7 metres (12–20 ft) high, created a formidable obstacle to attackers—especially since, as some of the English observed in the 19th century, the thigh-thick logs planted into the earth to make the palisades often took root at the bottom and grew foliage at the top, so that the defenders occupied a living wall of wood. A British officer who observed one of these fortifications around the time of the 1898 Hut Tax war ended his description of it thus: He also said that English artillery could not penetrate all three fences. At that time, at least among the Mende, "a typical settlement consisted of walled towns and open villages or towns surrounding it." After the invasions, the Mane sub-chiefs among whom the country had been divided began fighting among themselves. This pattern of activity became permanent: even after the Mane had blended with the indigenous population—a process which was completed in the early 17th century—the various kingdoms in Sierra Leone remained in a fairly continual state of flux and conflict. Rodney believes that a desire to take prisoners to sell as slaves to the Europeans was a major motivation to this fighting, and may even have been a driving force behind the original Mane invasions. Historian Kenneth Little concludes that the principal objective in the local wars, at least among the Mende, was plunder, not the acquisition of territory. Abraham cautions that slave trading should not be exaggerated as a cause: the Africans had their own reasons to fight, with territorial and political ambitions present. Motivations likely changed over time during the 350-year period. The wars themselves were not exceptionally deadly. Set-piece battles were rare, and the fortified towns so strong that their capture was seldom attempted. Often the fighting consisted of small ambushes. In these years, the political system was that each large village along with its satellite villages and settlements would be headed by a chief. The chief would have a private army of warriors. Sometimes several chiefs would group themselves into a confederacy, acknowledging one of themselves as king (or high chief). Each paid the king fealty. If one were attacked, the king would come to his aid, and the king could adjudicate local disputes. Despite their many political divisions, the people of the country were united by cultural similarity. One component of this was the Poro, an organisation common to many different kingdoms and ethnolinguistic groups. The Mende claim to be its originators, and there is nothing to contradict this. Possibly they imported it. The Temne claim to have imported it from the Sherbro or Bulom. The Dutch geographer Olfert Dapper knew of it in the 17th century. It is often described as a "secret society", and this is partly true: its rites are closed to non-members, and what happens in the "Poro bush" is never disclosed. However, its membership is very broad: among the Mende, almost all men, and some women, are initiates. In recent years it has not (as far as is known) had a central organisation: autonomous chapters exist for each chiefdom or village. However, it is said that in pre-Protectorate days there was a "Grand Poro" with cross-chiefdom powers of making war and peace. It is widely agreed that it has a restraining influence on the powers of the chiefs. Headed by a fearsome principal spirit, the "Gbeni", it plays a major role in the rite of passage of males from puberty to manhood. It imparts some education. In some areas, it had supervisory powers over trade, and the banking system, which used iron bars as a medium of exchange. It is not the only important society in Sierra Leone: the "Sande" is a female-only analogue of it; there is also the "Humoi" which regulates sex, and the "Njayei" and the "Wunde". The "Kpa" is a healing-arts collegium. The impact of the Mane invasions on the Sapes was obviously considerable, in that they lost their political autonomy. There were other effects as well: trade with the interior was interrupted, and thousands were sold as slaves to the Europeans. In industry, a flourishing tradition in fine ivory carving was ended; however, improved ironworking techniques were introduced. 1600–1787. In 17th century, Portuguese imperialism waned and, in Sierra Leone, the most significant European group became the British. By 1628, they had a "factory" (trading post) in the vicinity of Sherbro Island, about 50 km (30 mi) south-east from present-day Freetown. At that time the island was easily accessible from the coast, and elephants were still living there. In addition to ivory and captives, another commodity they purchased was camwood, a hard timber, from which also could be obtained a red dye. The Portuguese missionary, Baltasar Barreira, left Sierra Leone in 1610. Jesuits, and later in the century, Capuchins, continued the mission. By 1700 it had closed, although priests occasionally visited. A company called the Royal Adventurers of England Trading into Africa received a charter from Charles II of England in 1663 and subsequently built a fort in the Sherbro and on Tasso Island in the Freetown estuary. They were plundered by the Dutch in 1664, the French in 1704, and pirates in 1719 and 1720. After the Dutch raid, the Tasso Island fort was moved to nearby Bunce Island, which was more defensible. The Europeans made payments, called "Cole", for rent, tribute, and trading rights, to the king of an area. At this time the local military advantage was still on the side of the Africans, and there is a 1714 report of a king seizing Company goods in retaliation for a breach of protocol. Local Afro-Portuguese often acted as middlemen, the Europeans advancing them goods to trade to the local people, most often for ivory. In 1728, an overly aggressive Company governor united the Africans and Afro-Portuguese in hostility to him; they burnt down the Bunce Island fort and it was not rebuilt until about 1750. The French wrecked it again in 1779. During the 17th century the Temne ethnolinguistic group was expanding. Around 1600, a Mani still ruled the Loko kingdom (the area north of Port Loko Creek) and another ruled the upper part of the south shore of the Freetown estuary. The north shore of the estuary was under a Bullom king, and the area just east of Freetown on the peninsula was held by a non-Mani with a European name, Dom Phillip de Leon (who may have been a subordinate to his Mani neighbour). By the mid-17th century this situation had changed: Temne, not Bullom was spoken on the south shore, and ships stopping for water and firewood had to pay customs to the Temne king of Bureh who lived at Bagos town on the point between the Rokel River and Port Loko Creek. (The king may have considered himself a Mani—to this day, Temne chiefs have Mani-derived titles—but his people were Temne. The Bureh king in place in 1690 was called Bai Tura, "Bai" being a Mani form.) The Temne had thus expanded in a wedge toward the sea at Freetown, and now separated the Bulom to the north from the Mani and other Mande-speakers to the south and east. In this period there are several reports of women occupying high positions. The king of the south shore used to leave one of his wives to rule when he was absent, and in the Sherbro there were female chiefs. In the early 18th century, a Bulom named Seniora Maria had her own town near Cape Sierra Leone. During the 17th century, Muslim Fula from the Upper Niger and Senegal rivers moved into an area called Fouta Djallon (or Futa Jalon) in the mountainous region north of present-day Sierra Leone. They were to have an important impact on the peoples of Sierra Leone because they increased trade and also produced secondary population movements into Sierra Leone. Though the Muslim Fula first cohabited peaceably with the peoples already at Fouta Djallon, around 1725 they embarked on a war of domination, forcing the migration of many Susu, Yalunka, and non-Muslim Fula. Susu—some already converted to Islam—came south into Sierra Leone, in turn displacing Limba from north-west Sierra Leone and driving them into north-central Sierra Leone where they continue to live. Some Susu moved as far south as the Temne town of Port Loko, only 60 km (37 mi) upriver from the Atlantic. Eventually a Muslim Susu family called Senko supplanted the town's Temne rulers. Other Susu moved westward from Fouta Djallon, eventually dominating the Baga, Bulom, and Temne north of the Scarcies River. The Yalunka in Fouta Djallon first accepted Islam, then rejected it and were driven out. They went into north-central Sierra Leone and founded their capital at Falaba in the mountains near the source of the Rokel. It is still an important town, about 20 km (12 mi) south of the Guinea border. Other Yalunka went somewhat farther south and settled amongst the Koranko, Kissi, and Limba. Besides these groups, who were more-or-less unwilling emigrants, a considerable variety of Muslim adventurers went forth from Fouta Djallon. A Fula called Fula Mansa ("mansa" meaning "king") became ruler of the Yoni country 100 km (62 mi) east of present-day Freetown. Some of his Temne subjects fled south to the Banta country between the middle reaches of the Bagu and Jong rivers, where they became known as the Mabanta Temne. In 1652, the first slaves in North America were brought from Sierra Leone to the Sea Islands off the coast of the southern United States. During the 18th century, there was a thriving slave trade from Sierra Leone to the plantations of South Carolina and Georgia where their rice-farming skills made them particularly valuable. Britain and British seafarers—including Sir Francis Drake, John Hawkins, Frobisher and Captain Brown—played a major role in the transatlantic trade in captured Africans between 1530 and 1810. The Treaty of Utrecht of 1713, which ended the Spanish War of Succession (1701–1714), had an additional clause (the Asiento) that granted Britain (among other things) the exclusive rights over the shipment of captured Africans across the Atlantic. Over 10 million captured Africans were shipped to the Caribbean Islands and the Americas and many more died during the raids, the long marches to the coast and on the infamous middle passage due to the inhumane conditions in slave ships. The Province of Freedom (1787–1789). Conception of the Province of Freedom (1787). In 1787, a plan was established to settle some of London's "Black Poor" in Sierra Leone in what was called the "Province of Freedom". This was organised by the Committee for the Relief of the Black Poor, founded by British abolitionist Granville Sharp, which preferred it as a solution to continuing to financially support them in London. Many of the Black Poor were African Americans, who had been given their freedom after seeking refuge with the British Army during the American Revolution, but also included other West Indian, African and Asian inhabitants of London. The Sierra Leone Resettlement Scheme was proposed by entomologist Henry Smeathman and drew interest from humanitarians like Granville Sharp saw it as a means of showing the pro-slavery lobby that black people could contribute towards the running of the new colony of Sierra Leone. Government officials soon became involved in the scheme as well, although their interest was spurred by the possibility of resettling a large group of poor citizens elsewhere. William Pitt the Younger, prime minister and leader of the Tory party, had an active interest in the Scheme, because he saw it as a means to repatriate the Black Poor to Africa, since "it was necessary they should be sent somewhere, and be no longer suffered to infest the streets of London". Establishment, destruction and re-establishment (1789). The area was first settled by 400 formerly enslaved Black Britons, who arrived off the coast of Sierra Leone on 15 May 1787, accompanied by some English tradesmen. They established the Province of Freedom or Granville Town on land purchased from local Koya Temne subchief King Tom and regent Naimbana, a purchase which the Europeans understood to cede the land to the new settlers "for ever". The established arrangement between Europeans and the Koya Temne did not include provisions for permanent settlement, and some historians question how well the Koya leaders understood the agreement. Half of the settlers in the new colony died within the first year. Several black settlers started working for local slave traders. The settlers that remained forcibly captured land from a local African chieftain, but he retaliated, attacking the settlement, which was reduced to a mere 64 settlers comprising 39 black men, 19 black women, and six white women. Black settlers were captured by unscrupulous traders and sold as slaves, and the remaining colonists were forced to arm themselves for their own protection. King Tom's successor King Jemmy attacked and burned the colony in 1789. Alexander Falconbridge was sent to Sierra Leone in 1791 to collect the remaining Black Poor settlers, and they re-established Granville Town (later renamed Cline Town) near Fourah Bay. Although these 1787 settlers did not establish Freetown, which was founded in 1792, the bicentennial of Freetown was celebrated in 1987. After establishing Granville Town, disease and hostility from the indigenous people eliminated the first group of colonists and destroyed their settlement. A second Granville Town was established by 64 remaining black and white 'Old settlers' under the leadership of St. George Bay Company leader, Alexander Falconbridge and the St. George Bay Company. This settlement was different from the Freetown settlement and colony founded in 1792 by Lt. John Clarkson and the Nova Scotian Settlers under the auspices of the Sierra Leone Company. Freetown Colony (1792–1808). Conception of the Freetown settlement (1791). The basis for the Freetown Colony began in 1791 with Thomas Peters, an African American who had served in the Black Pioneers and settled in Nova Scotia as part of the Black Loyalist migration. Peters travelled to England in 1791 to report grievances of the Black Loyalists who had been given poor land and faced discrimination. Peters met with British abolitionists and the directors of the Sierra Leone Company. He learned of the company's plan for a new settlement at Sierra Leone. The directors were eager to allow the Nova Scotians to build a settlement there; the London-based and newly created Company had decided to create a new colony but before Peters' arrival had no colonists. Lieutenant John Clarkson was sent to Nova Scotia to register immigrants to take to Sierra Leone for the purpose of starting a new settlement. Clarkson worked with Peters to recruit 1,196 former American slaves from free African communities around Nova Scotia such as Birchtown. Most had escaped Virginia and South Carolina plantations. Some had been born in Africa before being enslaved and taken to America. Settlement by Nova Scotians (1792). The settlers sailed in 15 ships from Halifax, Nova Scotia and arrived in St. George Bay between 26 February and 9 March 1792. Sixty-four settlers died en route to Sierra Leone, and even Lieutenant Clarkson was ill during the voyage. Upon reaching Sierra Leone, Clarkson and some of the Nova Scotian 'captains' "despatched on shore to clear or make roadway for their landing". The Nova Scotians were to build Freetown on the former site of the first Granville Town which had become a "jungle" since its destruction in 1789. (Though they built Freetown on Granville Town's former site, their settlement was not a rebirth of Granville Town, which had been re-established at Fourah Bay in 1791 by the remaining Old Settlers.) Clarkson told the men to clear the land until they reached a large cotton tree. After this difficult work had been done and the land cleared, all the settlers, men and women, disembarked and marched towards the thick forest and to the cotton tree, and their preachers (all African Americans) began singing: On 11 March 1792, Nathaniel Gilbert, a white preacher, prayed and preached a sermon under the large Cotton Tree, and Reverend David George preached the first recorded Baptist service in Africa. The land was dedicated and christened 'Free Town' according to the instructions of the Sierra Leone Company Directors. This was the first thanksgiving service in the newly christened Free Town and was the beginning of the political entity of Sierra Leone. Later, John Clarkson would be sworn-in as the first governor of Sierra Leone. Small huts were erected before the rainy season. The Sierra Leone Company surveyors and the settlers built Freetown on the American grid pattern, with parallel streets and wide roads, with the largest being Water Street. On 24 August 1792, the Black Poor or Old Settlers of the second Granville Town were incorporated into the new Sierra Leone Colony but remained at Granville Town. It survived being pillaged by the French in 1794, and was rebuilt by the Nova Scotian settlers. By 1798, Freetown had 300–400 houses with architecture resembling that of the American South, with 3- to 4-foot stone foundations and wooden superstructures. Eventually this style of housing (brought by the Nova Scotians) would be the model for the 'bod oses' of their Creole descendants. Settlement by Jamaican Maroons and freed slaves-in-transit (1800). In 1800, the Nova Scotians rebelled and it was the arrival of over 500 Jamaican Maroons which caused the rebellion to be suppressed. Thirty-four Nova Scotians were banished and sent to either the Sherbro or a penal colony at Gore. Some of these were eventually allowed back into Freetown. Following their capture of the rebels, the Maroons were granted the land of the Nova Scotian rebels. Eventually the Jamaican Maroons in Sierra Leone had their own district at the newly named Maroon Town. The Maroons were a free community of blacks from Cudjoe's Town (Trelawny Town) who had been resettled in Nova Scotia after surrendering to the British government followed the Second Maroon War of 1795–6. They had petitioned the British government for settlement elsewhere due to the climate in Nova Scotia. After the abolition of the slave trade in 1807, the Royal Navy's West Africa Squadron was stationed in Freetown to intercept and seize ships participating in the illegal slave trade. The slaves that were held on these vessels were released into Freetown and were called 'Captured negroes', 'Recaptives' or 'Liberated Africans'. Slave trade outlawed. Britain outlawed the slave trade throughout its empire on 29 March 1807 with the Slave Trade Act 1807 and the British Navy operating from Freetown took active measures to stop the Atlantic slave trade. However, the institution of slavery itself continued to be practised in the British Empire until it was abolished in the 1830s. Colonial era (1808–1961). Establishment of the British Crown Colony (1808). In 1808, the British Crown Colony of Sierra Leone was founded, with Freetown serving as the capital of British West Africa. The city's population expanded rapidly with freed slaves, who established suburbs on the Freetown Peninsula. They were joined by West Indian and African soldiers who settled in Sierra Leone after fighting for Britain in the Napoleonic Wars. Intervention and acquisition of the hinterland (1800s–1895). In the early 1800s, Sierra Leone was a small colony extending a few kilometres (a few miles) up the peninsula from Freetown. The bulk of the territory that makes up present-day Sierra Leone was still the sovereign territory of indigenous peoples such as the Mende and Temne, and was little affected by the tiny population of the Colony. Over the course of the 19th century, that gradually changed: the British and Creoles in the Freetown area increased their involvement in—and their control over—the surrounding territory by engaging in trade, which was promoted and increased through treaty-making and military expeditions. In their treaties with the native chiefs, the British were largely concerned with securing local peace so that commerce would not be interrupted. Typically, the British government agreed to pay a chief a stipend in return for a commitment from him to keep the peace with his neighbours; other specific commitments extracted from a chief might include keeping roads open, allowing the British to collect customs duties, and submitting disputes with his neighbours to British adjudication. In the decades following Britain's prohibition of the slave trade in 1807, the treaties sometimes also required chiefs to desist from slave-trading. Suppression of slave-trading and suppression of inter-chiefdom war went hand-in-hand because the trade thrived on the wars (and caused them). Thus, to the commercial reasons for pacification could be added anti-slavery ones. When friendly persuasion failed to secure their interests, the British were not above (to borrow Carl von Clausewitz's phrase) "continuing diplomacy by other means". At least by the mid-1820s, the army and navy were going out from the Colony to attack chiefs whose behaviour did not conform to British dictates. In 1826, Governor Turner led troops to the Bum–Kittam area, captured two stockaded towns, burnt others, and declared a blockade on the coast as far as Cape Mount. This was partly an anti-slaving exercise and partly to punish the chief for refusing territory to the British. Later that year, acting-Governor Macaulay sent out an expedition which went up the Jong river and burned Commenda, a town belonging to a related chief. In 1829, the colonial authorities founded the Sierra Leone Police Corps. In 1890, this force was divided into the Civilian Police and the Frontier Police. The British developed a modus operandi which characterised their interventions throughout the century: army or frontier police, with naval support if possible, would bombard a town and then usually torch it after the defenders had fled or been defeated. Where possible, local enemies of the party being attacked were invited by the British to accompany them as allies. In the 1880s, Britain's intervention in the hinterland received added impetus because of the "Scramble for Africa": an intense competition between the European powers for territory in Africa. In this case, the rival was France. To forestall French incursion into what they had come to consider as their own sphere, the British government renewed efforts to finalise a boundary agreement with France and on 1 January 1890 instructed Governor Hay in Sierra Leone to get from chiefs in the boundary area friendship treaties containing a clause forbidding them to treat with another European power without British consent. Consequently, in 1890 and 1891 Hay and two travelling commissioners, Garrett and Alldridge, went on extensive tours of what is now Sierra Leone obtaining treaties from chiefs. Most of these were not, however, treaties of cession; they were in the form of cooperative agreements between two sovereign powers. In January 1895, a boundary agreement was signed in Paris, roughly fixing the line between French Guinea and Sierra Leone. The exact line was to be determined by surveyors. As Christopher Fyfe notes, "The delimitation was made almost entirely in geographical terms—rivers, watersheds, parallels—not political. Samu chiefdom, for instance, was divided; the people on the frontier had to opt for farms on one side or villages on the other." More generally, the arbitrary lumping-together of disparate native peoples into geographical units decided by the colonial powers has been an ongoing source of trouble throughout Africa. These geographical units are now attempting to function as nations but are not naturally nations, being composed in many cases of peoples who are traditional enemies. In Sierra Leone, for example, the Mende, Temne and Creoles remain as rival power blocs between whom lines of fission easily emerge. Establishment of the British Protectorate and further land acquisition (1895). In August 1895, an Order-in-Council was issued in Britain authorising the Colony to make laws for the territory around it, extending out to the agreed-upon boundary (which corresponds closely to that of present-day Sierra Leone). On 31 August 1896, a Proclamation was issued in the Colony declaring that territory to be a British Protectorate. The Colony remained a distinct political entity; the Protectorate was governed from it. Most of the chiefs whose territories the Protectorate subsumed did not enter into it voluntarily. Many had signed treaties of friendship with Britain, but these were expressed as being between sovereign powers contracting with each other; there was no subordination. Only a handful of chiefs had signed treaties of cession, and in some of those cases it is doubtful whether they had understood the terms. In remote areas no treaties had been obtained at all. Strictly speaking, a Protectorate does not exist unless the people in it have agreed to be protected. The Sierra Leone Protectorate was more in the nature of a unilateral acquisition of territory by Britain. Almost every chieftaincy in Sierra Leone responded to the British arrogation of power with armed resistance. The Protectorate Ordinances (passed in the Colony in 1896 and 1897) abolished the title of King and replaced it with "Paramount Chief". Chiefs and kings had formerly been selected by the leading members of their own communities; now all chiefs, even paramount ones, could be deposed or installed at the will of the Governor, and most of the judicial powers of the chiefs were removed and given to courts presided-over by British "District Commissioners". The Governor decreed that a house tax of 5"s" to 10"s" was to be levied annually on every dwelling in the Protectorate. To the chiefs, these reductions in their power and prestige were unbearable. Hut Tax War – Temne and Mende uprisings (1898). When attempts were made to collect the house tax in 1898, the chiefs and their people rose up: first in the north, led by a dominant Temne chief called Bai Bureh, and then in Mende country to the south. The two risings together are referred to as the Hut Tax War of 1898, though they had quite different characteristics. Bai Bureh's forces conducted a disciplined and skillfully executed guerrilla campaign which caused the British considerable difficulty. Hostilities began in February; Bureh's harassing tactics confounded the British at first but by May they were gaining ground. The rainy season interrupted hostilities until October, when the British resumed the slow process of eliminating the Africans' stockades. When most of these defences had been eliminated, Bureh was captured or surrendered (accounts differ) in November. The Mende war was a mass uprising, planned somehow to commence everywhere on 27 and 28 April, in which almost all "outsiders"—whether European or Creole—were seized and summarily executed. Although more fearsome than Bai Bureh's rising, it was amorphous, lacked a definite strategy, and was suppressed in most areas within two months. Some Mende rebels in the centre of the country were not beaten until November, however; and Mende king Nyagua's son Maghi, in alliance with some Kissi, continued to fight in the extreme east of the Protectorate until August 1899. The principal of the uprisings, Bai Bureh, Nyagua and Be Sherbro (Gbana Lewis), were exiled to the Gold Coast on 30 July 1899; a large number of their subordinates were executed. Creole dissent in the high colonial period (1898–1956). In the early 19th century Freetown served as the residence of the British governor who also ruled the Gold Coast (now Ghana) and the Gambia settlements. Sierra Leone also served as the educational centre of British West Africa. Fourah Bay College, established in 1827, rapidly became a magnet for English-speaking Africans on the west coast. For more than a century, it was the only European-style university in western Sub-Saharan Africa. After the Hut Tax War there was no more large-scale military resistance to colonialism. Resistance and dissent continued, but took other forms. Vocal political dissent came mainly from the Creoles, who had a sizeable middle and upper class of business-people and European-educated professionals such as doctors and lawyers. In the mid-19th century they had enjoyed a period of considerable political influence, but in the late 19th century the government became much less open to them. They continued to press for political rights, however, and operated a variety of newspapers which governors considered troublesome and demagogic. In 1924, a new constitution was put in place, introducing elected representation (3 out of 22 members) for the first time, with the first elections held on 28 October. Prominent among the Creoles demanding change were the bourgeois nationalist H.C. Bankole-Bright, General Secretary of the Sierra Leone Branch of the National Congress of British West Africa (NCBWA), and the socialist I.T.A. Wallace-Johnson, founder of the West African Youth League (WAYL). African resistance was not limited to political discussion. Sierra Leone developed an active trade union movement whose strikes were often accompanied by sympathetic rioting among the general population. Besides the colonial employers, popular hostility was targeted against the tribal chiefs who the British had transformed into functionaries in the colonial system of indirect rule. Their role was to provide policing, collect taxes, and obtain corvee labour (forced labour exacted from those unable to pay taxes) for the colonialists; in return, the colonialists maintained them in a privileged position over the other Africans. Chiefs not willing to play this role were replaced by more compliant ones. According to Kilson, the attitude of the Africans toward their chiefs became ambivalent: frequently they respected the office but resented the exactions made by the individual occupying it. From the chiefs' point of view, the dilemma of an honourable ruler faced with British ultimatums cannot have been easy. Throughout the 20th century, there were numerous riots directed against tribal chiefs. These culminated in the Protectorate-wide riots of 1955–1956, which were suppressed only by a considerable slaughter of peasants by the army. After those riots, reforms were introduced: the forced-labour system was completely abolished and reductions were made in the powers of the chiefs. Sierra Leone remained divided into a Colony and a Protectorate, with separate and different political systems constitutionally defined for each. Antagonism between the two entities escalated to a heated debate in 1947, when proposals were introduced to provide for a single political system. Most of the proposals came from the Protectorate. The Krio, led by Isaac Wallace-Johnson, opposed the proposals, the main effect of which would have been to diminish their political power. It was due to the astute politics of Sir Milton Margai that the educated Protectorate elite was won over to join forces with the paramount chiefs in the face of Krio intransigence. Later, Margai used the same skills to win-over opposition leaders and moderate Krio elements for the achievement of independence. In November 1951, Margai oversaw the drafting of a new constitution, which united the separate Colonial and Protectorate legislatures and—most importantly—provided a framework for decolonization. In 1953, Sierra Leone was granted local ministerial powers, and Margai was elected Chief Minister of Sierra Leone. The new constitution ensured Sierra Leone a parliamentary system within the Commonwealth of Nations. In May 1957, Sierra Leone held its first parliamentary election. The Sierra Leone People's Party (SLPP), which was then the most-popular political party in the colony of Sierra Leone, won the most seats in Parliament. Margai was also re-elected as Chief Minister by an overwhelming majority. Sierra Leone in World War II. Throughout the war, Freetown served as a critical convoy station for Allied ships. 1960 Independence Conference. On April 20, 1960, Sir Milton Margai led the Sierra Leonean delegation in the negotiations for independence at the constitutional conferences held with Queen Elizabeth II and British Colonial Secretary Iain Macleod, at Lancaster House in London. All twenty-four members of the Sierra Leonean delegation were prominent and well-respected politicians including Sir Milton's younger brother lawyer Sir Albert Margai, trade unionist Siaka Stevens, SLPP-strongman Lamina Sankoh, Creole activist Isaac Wallace-Johnson, Paramount chief Ella Koblo Gulama, educationist Mohamed Sanusi Mustapha, Dr John Karefa-Smart, Professor Kande Bureh, lawyer Sir Banja Tejan-Sie, former Freetown Mayor Eustace Henry Taylor Cummings, educationist Amadu Wurie, and Creole diplomat Hector Reginald Sylvanus Boltman. On the conclusion of talks in London, Britain agreed to grant Sierra Leone Independence on 27 April 1961. Stevens was the only delegate who refused to sign Sierra Leone's Declaration of Independence, on the grounds that there had been a secret defence-pact between Sierra Leone and Britain; another point of contention by Stevens was the Sierra Leonean government's position that there would be no elections held before independence which would effectively shut Stevens out of Sierra Leone's political process. Upon their return to Freetown on 4 May 1960, Stevens was promptly expelled from the People's National Party (PNP). Opposition to the SLPP government. In 1961, Siaka Stevens, a trade unionist and outspoken critic of the SLPP government, took advantage of the dissatisfaction with the ruling SLPP among some prominent politicians from the Northern part of Sierra Leone. He formed an alliance with Sorie Ibrahim Koroma, Christian Alusine-Kamara Taylor, Mohamed.O.Bash-Taqi, Ibrahim Bash-Taqi, S.A.T. Koroma and C.A. Fofana, and formed a new political party called the All People's Congress (APC) in opposition of the SLPP government, using the northern part of Sierra Leone as their political base. Early independence (1961–1968). Sir Milton Margai administration (1961–1964). On 27 April 1961, Sir Milton Margai led Sierra Leone to Independence from Britain and became the country's first prime minister. Sierra Leone retained a parliamentary system of government and was a member of the Commonwealth of Nations. In May 1962, Sierra Leone held its first general election as an independent nation. The Sierra Leone People's Party (SLPP) won plurality of seats in parliament and Sir Milton Margai was re-elected as prime minister. The years just after independence were prosperous, with money from mineral resources being used for development and the founding of Njala University. Sir Milton Margai was very popular among SierraLeoneans during his time in power. An important aspect of his character was his self-effacement; he was neither corrupt nor did he make a lavish display of his power or status. His government was based on the rule of law and the notion of separation of powers, with multiparty political institutions and fairly viable representative structures. Margai used his conservative ideology to lead Sierra Leone without much strife. He appointed government officials with a clear eye to satisfy various ethnic groups. Margai employed a brokerage style of politics by sharing political power between political groups and the paramount chiefs in the provinces. Sir Albert Margai administration (1964–1967). Upon Sir Milton Margai's death in 1964, his half-brother, Sir Albert Margai, was appointed as Prime Minister by parliament. Sir Albert's leadership was briefly challenged by Sierra Leone's Foreign Minister John Karefa-Smart, who questioned Sir Albert's succession to the SLPP leadership position. Kareefa-Smart received little support in Parliament in his attempt to have Margai stripped of the SLPP leadership. Soon after Margai was sworn in as Prime Minister, he immediately dismissed several senior government officials who had served under his elder brother's government, as he viewed them as traitors and a threat to his administration. Unlike his late brother, Sir Milton, Sir Albert Margai proved unpopular and resorted to increasingly authoritarian actions in response to protests, including the enactment of several laws against the opposition All People's Congress (APC) and an unsuccessful attempt to establish a one-party state. Unlike his late brother, Sir Albert was opposed to the colonial legacy of allowing the country's paramount chiefs executive powers, and he was seen as a threat to the existence of the ruling houses across the country—almost all of whom were strong supporters and key allies of the previous administration. In 1967, riots broke out in Freetown against Sir Albert's policies. In response, Margai declared a state of emergency across the country. He was accused of corruption and of a policy of affirmative action in favour of his own Mende ethnic group Sir Albert had the opportunity to perpetuate himself in power, but he elected not to do so even when the opportunities presented themselves. He had the police and the army on his side and nothing could have prevented him from achieving his ambition to hold on to power, but he chose not to and called for free and fair elections. Three military coups (1967–1968). The APC narrowly won a small majority of seats in Parliament over the SLPP in a closely contested 1967 Sierra Leone general election, and APC leader Siaka Stevens was sworn-in as Prime Minister on 21 March 1967 in Freetown. Within hours of taking office, Stevens was ousted in a bloodless military coup led by the commander of the army, Brigadier General David Lansana, a close ally of Sir Albert Margai who had appointed Lansana to the position in 1964. Lansana placed Stevens under house arrest in Freetown and insisted the determination of office of the prime minister should await the election of the tribal representatives to the house. On 23 March, a group of senior military officers in the Sierra Leone Army led by Brigadier Andrew Juxon-Smith overrode this action by seizing control of the government, arresting Lansana, and suspending the constitution. The group constituted itself as the National Reformation Council (NRC) with Juxon-Smith as its chairman and Governor-General. On 18 April 1968, a group of senior military officers who called themselves the Anti-Corruption Revolutionary Movement (ACRM) led by Brigadier General John Amadu Bangura overthrew the NRC junta. The ACRM juntas arrested many senior NRC members. The democratic constitution was restored, and power was handed back to Stevens, who assumed the office of prime minister. Stevens government and one-party state (1968–1985). Stevens assumed power in 1968 with a great deal of hope and ambition. Much trust was placed upon him as he championed multi-party politics. Stevens had campaigned on a platform of bringing the tribes together under socialist principles. During his first decade or so in power, Stevens renegotiated some of what he called "useless prefinanced schemes" contracted by his predecessors, Albert Margai of the SLPP and Juxon-Smith of the NRC, which were said to have left the country in an economically deprived state. Stevens reorganized the country's refinery, the government-owned Cape Sierra Hotel, and a cement factory. He cancelled Juxon-Smith's construction of a church and mosque on the grounds of Victoria Park. Stevens began efforts that would later bridge the distance between the provinces and the city. Roads and hospitals were constructed in the provinces, and paramount chiefs and provincial peoples became a prominent force in Freetown. Under pressure of several coup attempts—real and perceived—Stevens' rule grew more and more authoritarian, and his relationship with some of his ardent supporters deteriorated. He removed the SLPP from competitive politics in general elections, some believed, through the use of violence and intimidation. To maintain the support of the military, Stevens retained the popular John Amadu Bangura as the head of the Sierra Leone Armed Forces. After the return to civilian rule, by-elections were held (beginning in autumn 1968) and an all-APC cabinet was appointed. Calm was not completely restored. In November 1968, unrest in the provinces led Stevens to declare a state of emergency. Many senior officers in the Sierra Leone military were greatly disappointed with Stevens' policies, but none could openly confront Stevens. Brigadier General Bangura, who had reinstated Stevens as Prime Minister, was widely considered the only person who could put the brakes on Stevens. The army was devoted to Bangura and it was believed, in some quarters, that this made him potentially dangerous to Stevens. In January 1970, Bangura was arrested and charged with conspiracy and plotting to commit a coup against the Stevens government. After a trial that lasted a few months, Bangura was convicted and sententenced to death. He was hanged on 29 March 1970 in Freetown. Stevens named a junior officer, Joseph Saidu Momoh, as the head of the Sierra Leone Military. Major General Momoh was a close ally and very loyal to Stevens. On 23 March 1971, soldiers loyal to the executed Brigadier John Amadu Bangura held a mutiny in Freetown and other parts of the country in opposition of the Stevens government. Several soldiers were arrested for their involvement in the mutiny, including Corporal Foday Sankoh who was convicted of treason and jailed for seven years at the Pademba Road Prison. At Stevens' request to Guinean President Sekou Toure, a close ally, Guinean soldiers were stationed in Sierra Leone from 1971 to 1973 to help protect the government. In April 1971, a new republican constitution was adopted under which Stevens became president. In the 1972 by-elections, the opposition SLPP complained of intimidation and procedural obstruction by the APC and militia. These problems became so severe that the SLPP boycotted the 1973 general election; as a result the APC won 84 of the 85 elected seats. In the early 1970s, Siaka Stevens formed his own personal force known as the State Security Division (SSD), in order to protect him and to maintain his hold on power. Many of the SSD officers were from the provinces, and were very loyal to Stevens. The SSD was very powerful and operated independently under Stevens' direct command. The SSD officers guided Stevens and were deployed across Sierra Leone to put down any rebellion or demonstration against the Stevens government. An alleged plot to overthrow President Stevens failed in 1974. On 19 July 1975, 14 senior army and government officials including Brigadier David Lansana, former cabinet minister Dr. Mohamed Sorie Forna, former cabinet minister and journalist Ibrahim Bash-Taqi and Lieutenant Habib Lansana Kamara were executed after they were convicted for attempting a coup. In March 1976, Stevens was re-elected president, without opposition. In 1977, a nationwide student demonstration against the government disrupted Sierra Leone politics. However, the demonstration was quickly put down by the army and SSD officers. A general election was called later that year in which corruption was again endemic. The APC won 74 seats and the SLPP won 15 seats. In May 1978, the Sierra Leone Parliament, dominated by close allies of President Steven's APC administration, approved a new constitution, which made the country a one-party state. On 12 July 1978, official figures released by the government showed 97 percent of Sierra Leoneans voted in favour of the one-party state. The SLPP, other opposition parties and civil right groups said the referendum votes were massively rigged, and that voters were intimidated by security forces loyal to Stevens. The 1978 constitution referendum made the APC the only legal political party; all other political parties were banned, including the main opposition (the SLPP). This move led to another major demonstration against the government in many parts of the country, which was put down by the army and the SSD officers. The first elections under the new one-party constitution took place on 1 May 1982. Elections in about two-thirds of the constituencies were contested. Because of irregularities, the government cancelled elections in 13 constituencies. By-elections took place on 4 June 1982. The new cabinet appointed by Stevens after the election included several prominent members of the disbanded SLPP who had defected to the APC, including the new Finance Minister Salia Jusu-Sheriff, a former leader of the SLPP. Jusu-Sheriff's accession to the cabinet was viewed by many as a step toward making the APC a true national party. Stevens, who had been head-of-state of Sierra Leone for 18 years, retired from that position in November 1985 at the end of his term, although he continued his role as chairman of the ruling APC party. Many in the country had expected Stevens to name his vice president and loyal ally, Sorie Ibrahim Koroma, as his successor. However, at the APC convention in August 1985, the APC named Major General Joseph Saidu Momoh as Stevens' choice to succeed him as president. Momoh was very loyal to Stevens who had appointed him to head of the military fifteen years earlier; Momoh and Stevens were both members of the minority Limba ethnic group. Momoh retired from the military and was elected president without opposition on 1 October 1985. A formal inauguration was held in January 1986, and new parliamentary elections were held in May 1986. Siaka Stevens is generally criticised for dictatorial methods and government corruption, but he reduced the ethnic polarization in government by incorporating members of various ethnic groups into his all-dominant APC government. Another legacy of Stevens was that for eighteen years while he was in power, he kept the country safe from civil war and armed rebellion. Despite his dictatorial governing style, Stevens regularly interacted with the people of Sierra Leone by making surprise visits. Stevens also regularly made surprise visits to the poor merchants, where he was often seen buying his own food at a local market with his security team keeping their distance. Stevens often stood and waved to the Sierra Leonean people from an open car when travelling with his convoy. Momoh government and RUF rebellion (1985–1991). President Momoh's strong links with the army and his verbal attacks on corruption earned him much-needed initial support among Sierra Leoneans. With the lack of new faces in his cabinet, however, criticisms soon arose that Momoh was simply perpetuating the rule of Stevens. Momoh differed himself by integrating the powerful and independent State Security Force (SSD) into the Sierra Leone Police force. The first years under the Momoh administration were characterised by corruption, which Momoh defused by sacking several senior cabinet ministers. To formalise his war against corruption, President Momoh announced a "Code of Conduct for Political Leaders and Public Servants". After an alleged attempt to overthrow Momoh in March 1987, more than 60 senior government officials were arrested, including Vice-President Francis Minah, who was removed from office, convicted for plotting the coup, and executed by hanging with five others in 1989. In October 1990, due to mounting domestic and international pressure for reforms, President Momoh created a commission to review the 1978 one-party constitution. Based on the commission's recommendations, a constitution re-establishing a multi-party system, guaranteeing fundamental human rights and the rule of law, and strengthening democratic structures, was approved by a 60% majority of the APC Parliament, ratified by referendum in September 1991 and became effective on 1 October. There was great suspicion that President Momoh was not serious about his promise of political reform, as APC rule continued to be increasingly marked by abuses of power. Several senior government officials in Momoh's administration resigned to oppose the APC in upcoming elections. Salia Jusu Sheriff, Abass Bundu, J.B. Dauda and Sama Banya resuscitated the previously disbanded SLPP, while Thaimu Bangura, Edward Kargbo and Desmond Luke formed their own respective political parties to challenge the ruling APC. However, the vast majority of government officials including Victor Bockarie Foh, Edward Turay, Hassan Gbassay Kanu and Osman Foday Yansaneh remained loyal to Momoh and the APC. Meanwhile, an increasing burden was placed on the country by the rebellion in the eastern part of Sierra Leone. Civil war (1991–2002). The brutal civil war in neighbouring Liberia played an undeniable role in the outbreak of fighting in Sierra Leone. Charles Taylor—leader of the National Patriotic Front of Liberia—reportedly helped form the Revolutionary United Front (RUF) under the command of former Sierra Leonean army corporal Foday Sankoh, a critic of both the Stevens and Momoh administrations. Sankoh had been an ally of Brigadier General Bangura and was among those who mutinied following Bangura's execution. Sankoh was British-trained and had undergone guerrilla training in Libya. Taylor's aim was for the RUF to attack the bases of Nigerian-dominated peacekeeping troops in Sierra Leone who were opposed to his rebel movement in Liberia. Sankoh's RUF rebels entered the country in March 1991, and within a month controlled much of Eastern Sierra Leone, including the diamond-mining area in Kono District. The government of Sierra Leone, overwhelmed by a crumbling economy and corruption, was unable to mount significant resistance. At this time, the Momoh government was crumbling. Several senior government officials had resigned to form opposition parties, while there were suspicions that President Momoh was not serious about political reform. Abuses of power had continued and the APC was alleged to have been hoarding arms and planning a violent campaign against the opposition parties ahead of multi-party general elections scheduled for late 1992. The state had been unable to play civil servants, leading to the looting of government property and a population of aimless youth when schools were closed. NPRC Junta (1992–1996). On 29 April 1992, twenty-five-year-old Captain Valentine Strasser led a group of young Sierra Leone Army officers—including Lieutenant Sahr Sandy, Seargent Solomon Musa, Lieutenant Tom Nyuma, Captain Komba Mondeh, Captain Julius Maada Bio and Captain Komba Kambo—from their baracks in Kailahun District and launched a military coup in Freetown, which sent President Momoh into exile in Guinea. The young soldiers established the National Provisional Ruling Council (NPRC) with Strasser as its chairman and Head of State of the country. Captain Solomon Musa, a close friend of Strasser and one of the leaders of the coup, became the deputy leader of the NPRC Junta. The coup was largely popular because it promised to bring peace, but the NPRC Junta immediately suspended the constitution, banned all political parties, limited freedom of speech and freedom of the press and enacted a rule-by-decree policy, in which soldiers were granted unlimited powers of administrative detention without charge or trial. The NPRC established a Supreme Council, consisting of the highest-ranking soldiers in the Junta government. On the same day the NPRC Junta took power, one of the coup leaders, Lieutenant Sahr Sandy, was assassinated—reportedly by Major Sim Turay, the head of Sierra Leone Military Intelligence, and a close ally of the deposed president. A heavily armed military manhunt took place across Sierra Leone to find Turay and others suspected to have participated in the assassination, forcing Turay to flee to Guinea. The NPRC Junta fought the RUF rebels, recaptured most of the RUF-held territories, and pushed the rebels back to the border with Liberia. The NPRC Junta maintained relations with the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and strengthened support for Sierra Leone-based ECOWAS Monitoring Group (ECOMOG) troops fighting in Liberia. In December 1992, an alleged coup attempt against the NPRC administration of Strasser was foiled; it had aimed at freeing from detention Colonel Yahya Kanu, Lt-Colonel Kahota M.S. Dumbuya and former inspector-general of police Bambay Kamara. Seargent Mohamed Lamin Bangura and some junior army officers were identified as being behind the coup. Seventeen soldiers were executed, including Bangura, Kanu and Dumbuya. Several prominent members of the Momoh government who had been in detention at the Pa Demba Road prison, including former inspector-general of police Bambay Kamara were also executed. On July 5, 1994, deputy NPRC leader Solomon Musa was arrested and sent into exile in Guinea. Musa was accused by Strasser, on the advice of high-ranking NPRC soldiers, that he had become too powerful and was a threat to Strasser. Musa, who was a close ally and childhood friend of Strasser, denied the allegation and claimed his accusers were the threat. Strasser replaced Musa as deputy NPRC chairman with Captain Julius Maada Bio, and immediately promoted him to brigadier. Due to internal divisions between soldiers loyal to Musa and those who supported Strasser's decision to oust him, the NPRC's campaign against the RUF became ineffectual. More and more of the country fell to RUF fighters, and by 1994 the RUF held much of the diamond-rich Eastern Province and were at the edge of Freetown. In response, the NPRC hired several hundred mercenaries from the private firm Executive Outcomes. Within a month, they had driven RUF fighters back to enclaves along Sierra Leone's borders and cleared the RUF from the Kono diamond-producing areas of Sierra Leone. On 16 January 1996, after about four years in power, Strasser was arrested by his own bodyguards in a coup led by Bio and backed by many high-ranking soldiers of the NPRC junta. Strasser was immediately flown into exile in Conakry, Guinea. Bio stated in a public broadcast that his support for returning Sierra Leone to a democratically elected civilian government and his commitment to ending the civil war were his motivations for the coup. Return to civilian rule and first Kabbah Presidency (1996–1997). Promises of a return to civilian rule were fulfilled by Bio, who handed power over to Ahmad Tejan Kabbah of the Sierra Leone People's Party (SLPP), after the conclusion of elections in early 1996. President Kabbah took power with a great promise of ending the civil war, opened dialogues with the then-defeated RUF and invited RUF-leader Sankoh for peace negotiations, signing the Abidjan Peace Accord on 30 November 1996. In January 1997, under international pressure, the Kabbah government ended their contract with Executive Outcomes even though a neutral monitoring force had not arrived. This created an opportunity for the RUF to regroup and renew military attacks. Sankoh was arrested in Nigeria, and by the end of March 1997 the peace accord had collapsed. AFRC junta (1997–1998). On May 25, 1997, a group of seventeen soldiers in the Sierra Leone army led by Corporal Tamba Gborie freed and armed 600 prisoners from the Pademba Road prison in Freetown. One of the prisoners, Major General Johnny Paul Koroma, emerged as the leader of the group. Calling itself the Armed Forced Revolutionary Council (AFRC), the group launched a military coup and sent President Kabbah into exile in Guinea. Koroma became head of state, with Gborie as deputy-in-command of the AFRC. Koroma suspended the constitution, banned demonstrations, closed all private radio stations, and granted unlimited powers to soldiers. Koroma invited the RUF rebels to join his coup. Facing little resistance from army loyalists, five thousand rag-tag rebel fighters overran the capital. Koroma appealed to Nigeria for the release of Foday Sankoh, appointing the absent leader to the position of deputy chairman of the AFRC. The joint AFRC/RUF coalition government then proclaimed the war had been won, and gave the soldiers and rebels unlimited powers in a great wave of looting and reprisals against civilians in Freetown (dubbed "Operation Pay Yourself" by some of its participants). The AFRC Junta government was not recognized by any country—whereas President Kabbah's government in exile in Conakry, Guinea was recognized by the United Nations, the African Union, the United States, the United Kingdom and ECOWAS as the legitimate government of Sierra Leone. The Kamajors, a group of traditional fighters mostly from the Mende ethnic group under the command of Deputy Defence Minister Samuel Hinga Norman, remained loyal to President Kabbah and defended the Southern part Sierra Leone from the rebels. The Kamajors and rebels, including the RUF soldiers, regularly fought each other, and human rights violations were committed by both sides. ECOWAS, led by Nigerian Head of State Sani Abacha, created a military force to defeat the AFRC/RUF junta in Freetown and to reinstate president Kabbah's government. Many West-African countries sent troops to reinstate the Kabbah Government, assembling a force largely from Nigeria but also including soldiers from Guinea, Ghana, Togo, Gambia, Mali, Ivory Coast and Senegal. After 10 months in office, the AFRC junta government was ousted and driven out of Freetown by the Nigeria-led ECOMOG forces. The democratically elected government of President Kabbah was reinstated in March 1998. Koroma fled to the rebel strongholds in the east of the country. President Kabbah's return and the end of civil war (1998–2001). Kabbah returned to power with Albert Joe Demby as vice president. President Kabbah named Solomon Berewa as attorney general and Sama Banya as foreign minister. On 31 July 1998, President Kabbah disbanded the Sierra Leone military and introduced a proposal for a new military. On 12 October 1998, twenty-five soldiers—including Gborie, Brigadier Hassan Karim Conteh, Colonel Samuel Francis Koroma, Major Kula Samba and Colonel Abdul Karim Sesay—were executed by firing squad after they were convicted by court martial for orchestrating the 1997 coup. AFRC leader Johnny Paul Koroma was tried in absentia and sentenced to death. ECOMOG was unable to achieve a tactical victory over the RUF, and the international community promoted peace negotiations. The Lomé Peace Accord was signed on 7 July 1999 to end the civil war, granting amnesty for all combatants, and controversially granting Sankoh the position of vice president and chairman of the commission that oversaw the diamond mines. In October 1999, the United Nations established the UNAMSIL peacekeeping force to help restore order and disarm the rebels. The first of the 6,000-member force began arriving in December, and the UN Security Council voted in February 2000 to increase the force to 11,000, and later to 13,000. In May, when nearly all Nigerian forces had left and UN forces were trying to disarm the RUF in eastern Sierra Leone, the RUF took over 500 peacekeepers hostage, some of the rebels using captured weapons and armoured personnel carriers to advance on the capital. The 75-day hostage crisis resulted in more fighting between the RUF and government forces as UN troops launched Operation Khukri to end the siege. The Operation was successful with Indian and British Special Forces being the main contingents. The situation in the country deteriorated to such an extent that British troops were deployed in Operation Palliser, originally simply to evacuate foreign nationals. However, the British exceeded their original mandate, and took full military action to finally defeat the rebels and restore order. The British were the catalyst for the cease-fire that ended the civil war. Elements of the British Army, together with administrators and politicians, remained in Sierra Leone, helping to train the new armed forces, improve the infrastructure of the country and administer financial and material aid. Tony Blair, the prime minister of Britain at the time of the British intervention, is regarded as a hero by the people of Sierra Leone, many of whom are keen for more British involvement. Sierra Leoneans have been described as "The World's Most Resilient People". In 2004, Parliament passed a Local Government Act of 2004 which re-introduced local government councils back to Sierra Leone after thirty years. On 4 August 2006 in a broadcast to the nation, President Kabbah announced that 2007 presidential and parliamentary elections would be held on 28 July 2007. Between 1991 and 2001, about 50,000 people were killed in Sierra Leone's civil war. Hundreds of thousands of people were forced from their homes and many became refugees in Guinea and Liberia. In 2001, UN forces moved into rebel-held areas and began to disarm rebel soldiers. By January 2002, President Kabbah declared the civil war officially over. In May 2002, Kabbah was re-elected president by an overwhelming majority. By 2004, the disarmament process was complete. Also in 2004, a UN-backed war crimes court began holding trials of senior leaders from both sides of the war. In December 2005, UN peacekeeping forces departed from Sierra Leone. 2002 to present. Kabbah re-elected (2002–2007). Elections were held in May 2002. President Kabbah was re-elected, and the SLPP won a majority of the parliamentary seats. In June 2003, the UN ban on the sale of Sierra Leone diamonds expired and was not renewed. The UN disarmament and rehabilitation program for Sierra Leone's fighters was completed in February 2004, by which time more than 70,000 former-combatants had been helped. UN forces returned primary responsibility for security in the area around the capital to Sierra Leone's police and armed forces in September 2004; it was the last part of the country to be turned over. Some UN peacekeepers remained to assist the Sierra Leone government until the end of 2005. The 1999 Lomé Accord called for the establishment of a Truth and Reconciliation Commission, which would provide a forum for both victims and perpetrators of human rights violations during the conflict to tell their stories and facilitate genuine reconciliation. Subsequently, the Sierra Leonean Government and the UN agreed to establish the Special Court for Sierra Leone to try those who "bear the greatest responsibility for the commission of crimes against humanity, war crimes and serious violations of international humanitarian law, as well as crimes under relevant Sierra Leonean law within the territory of Sierra Leone since 30 November 1996." Both the Truth and Reconciliation Commission and the Special Court began operating in the summer of 2002. The Truth and Reconciliation Commission released its Final Report to the government in October 2004. In June 2005, the government issued a White Paper on the commission's final report which accepted some but not all of its recommendations. Members of civil society groups dismissed the government's response as too vague and continued to criticize the government for its failure to follow-up on the report's recommendations. In March 2003, the Special Court for Sierra Leone issued its first indictments. Foday Sankoh, already in custody, was indicted, along with notorious RUF field commander Sam "Mosquito" Bockarie, Johnny Paul Koroma, and Hinga Norman (the Minister of Interior and former head of the Civil Defence Force), among several others. Norman was arrested when the indictments were announced, while Bockarie and Koroma remained in hiding. On 5 May 2003, Bockarie was killed in Liberia, allegedly on orders from President Charles Taylor, who feared Bockarie's testimony before the Special Court. Koroma was also rumoured to have been killed, though his death remains unconfirmed. Two of the accused, Foday Sankoh and Hinga Norman, have died while incarcerated. On 25 March 2006, with the election of Liberian President Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf, Nigerian President Olusegun Obasanjo permitted the transfer of Charles Taylor—who had been living in exile in the Nigerian coastal town of Calobar—to Sierra Leone for prosecution. Two days later, Taylor attempted to flee Nigeria, but he was apprehended by Nigerian authorities and transferred to Freetown under UN guard. Koroma's government (2007–2018). In August 2007, Sierra Leone held presidential and parliamentary elections. They had a good turnout and were initially judged by official observers to be "free, fair and credible". However, no presidential candidate won the 50% plus one vote majority stipulated in the constitution on the first round of voting. A run-off election was held in September 2007, and Ernest Bai Koroma, the candidate of the APC, was elected president and sworn-in the same day. In his inauguration address at the national stadium in Freetown, President Koroma promised to fight corruption and the mismanagement of the country's resources. By 2007, there had been an increase in the number of drug cartels, many from Colombia, using Sierra Leone as a base to ship drugs to Europe. It was feared that this might lead to increased corruption and violence and turn the country, like neighbouring Guinea-Bissau, into a narco state. President Koroma quickly amended the existing legislation against drug trafficking—inherited at independence in 1961—to address the international concerns, increasing punishment for offenders in terms of prohibitive fines, lengthier prison terms, and provision for extradition of offenders wanted elsewhere, including the United States. In 2008, an aircraft carrying almost 700 kg of cocaine was caught at Freetown's airport and 19 people, including customs officials, were arrested, and the minister for transport was suspended. In 2014, the country was impacted by the 2014 Ebola virus epidemic in Sierra Leone. Julius Maada Bio presidency (2018-present). In 2018, Sierra Leone held a general election. The presidential election, in which neither candidate reached the required threshold of 55%, went to a second round of voting, in which Julius Maada Bio was elected with 51% of the vote.

benevolent enticement

12845-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=7840795

The Belgrade Metro () is a planned rapid transit system in Belgrade, Serbia. The construction of the full metro system has been delayed repeatedly, mostly due to lack of funding. Belgrade has a population of around 1.7 million people, making it the largest city by population without a rapid transit system in Europe. Traffic congestion is common and poor infrastructure has put additional strain on the city, while the existing public transport system is incapable of efficiently shuttling passengers even from the suburbs to the downtown and back, let alone from one outlying end of the city to another. At the same time, the suburban railway system BG Voz, which runs underground through the city centre, is only considered to have a role of an S-Train. The construction of a metro is meant to alleviate these problems in the near future. As a result of the decades of misfortune concerning the construction of the metro system, using play-on-words, Belgrade has been jokingly called "half of a metropolis" (in Serbian: "metropolis" - "metropola"; "subway" - "metro"; "half" - "pola"), or the project has been humorously referred to as "Waiting for Metro" (), which in Serbian rhymes with the title of Samuel Beckett's play "Waiting for Godot" (Serbian Latin: "Čekajući Godoa"), in which the title character actually never arrives. History. 1920s. A subway was mentioned for the first time in 1923. It was envisioned by the first urban plan of Belgrade adopted after an international design competition. 1930s. In 1938 the first three routes were proposed: Bulevar kralja Aleksandra-Zemun, Kalemegdan-Autokomanda and Topčider-Viline Vode (Railway station "Dunav"). The Kalemegdan line was planned to be a touristic line, which would be connected with the regular above-ground tracks and continue to Avala, a mountain outside the city. The plans were abandoned due to the outbreak of World War II. 1950s. After the war ended, the city's authorities concentrated on reconstructing the demolished urban infrastructure, pushing the introduction of trolleybuses. City planners have contemplated the possibility of introducing a metro to Belgrade's transit system since the early 1950s, but there were no real projects in that direction. Several ideas have been discussed since the 1950s "General Urban Plan" discussions as to how to build the metro. The first proper plan came in 1958, when architect Nikola Dobrović suggested a line that runs along Kalemegdan, Terazije, Slavija, and Čubura. 1960s. The first specialized traffic surveys for the purpose of the future subway were conducted in 1965, only three years after the first such surveys were conducted in Chicago. In 1968, a comprehensive plan came about, led by Savo Janjić. The plan envisioned three lines, totaling a length of , with 35 stations. The neighborhoods, projected for the inclusion in the metro grid were: Zemun, New Belgrade, Zvezdara, downtown, Dorćol, Čubura, Banjica, Čukarica, Palilula, Višnjica with the later addition of Braće Jerković and Dunavski Venac. According to the city's general urban plan (GUP) in the 1960s, Cvetni trg was envisioned as the location of the future central underground subway station of Belgrade, which would also replace the Belgrade Main railway station. Tunnels would conduct traffic in the north to south direction. However, the railroad authorities opposed the project, so the plans were abandoned. 1970s. Proper work on creating the metro project began with the tenure of mayor Branko Pešić. In 1972, the decision was made to build the new Belgrade railway junction, which would include tunnels under Vračar and Dedinje. Upon completion of the railway junction, construction of a subway system was planned. For that purpose, the Subway section within the city administration was formed in the early 1970s, headed by Branislav Jovin, Belgrade's chief urban planner at the time. Jovin, and members of his team, visited Munich, Germany, prior to the 1972 Summer Olympics. Munich was chosen specifically as a city with one of the best traffic schematics in Europe, while its subway, Munich U-Bahn, which was finished in 1971, was constructed using the fastest and most modern techniques of the day. The Section produced the most comprehensive of all metro plans in 1976. The planners envisioned five different metro lines and four additional regional lines. Over 150 experts worked in the section. Geotechnical and geodetic surveys were conducted before the plans were drafted. First lines were supposed to be Zemun-Vukov Spomenik (via New Belgrade and Terazije; with later extension to Mali Mokri Lug) and Kalemegdan-Autokomanda, and it was planned that they would be finished in eight or nine years. The projected price of the first of metro was €1 billion (in 2009 rates). The other three planned lines were Dorćol-Braće Jerković, Bežanija-Jajinci and Dorćol-Kneževac. From those outer stations, Belgrade would be directly connected via trains with the towns of Zrenjanin, Ruma, Požarevac and Pančevo. The plan envisioned that Zemun and Terazijska Terasa would be connected by the 1980s, and for that purpose an additional, metro bridge over the Sava was to be built, which would extend from Nemanjina Street. The entire grid was to have of tracks and 84 stations while the final deadline for the completion of all lines and other planned objects above the ground was 2021. 1980s. In December 1981, the plan Metro Belgrade was finished and was presented to the city council in 1982. One of the ideas was that the Soviet Union could build the metro, and in doing so free itself of debt owed to Yugoslavia. This was however opposed by the republics Slovenia and Croatia. Due to their objections, this plan was not carried out. The city organized a compulsory, self-imposed tax ("samodoprinos") charged on the salaries of all employed Belgraders. Set specifically for the construction of the subway, the fund grew to $200 million. In comparison, Vienna, Austria, built its first metro line in 1967 for $100 million. Suddenly, the idea was declared "too expensive" and the chief city executive Radoje Stefanović suspended the original subway construction plan from 1976 in favor of the expansion of the existing Belgrade tram system network in 1982 ("With trams into the 21st century" project). According to architect Dragoljub Bakić, Stefanović summoned the engineers who had worked on the project for 12 years, told them to dig a hole and bury all the metro projects in it. This brought the first chapter of the idea to build a subway system in Belgrade to an ignominious end. The same project was later re-launched a number of times, but it was used for short-term political gains. In 1986, new chief city executive Živana Olbina restored the subway section. 1990s. The economic crisis facing Yugoslavia in the late 1980s became worse in the 1990s. War in the neighbouring republics and economic sanctions only helped to make things worse. Mayor Milorad Unković rejected the project in 1991 and accepted the concept of the light rail transit (LRT). Yet, discussion of a metro system returned, after the completion of the Belgrade railway junction, in 1995. According to officials' talks on the bridge across the Sava for the metro was planned in 1998. At first, two underground stations, Vukov Spomenik and Karađorđev Park were opened in 1995 and integrated into the suburban rail system of Beovoz. These are located in tunnels which were constructed for the abandoned metro project and they resemble conventional column metro stations. Mayor Zoran Đinđić in 1997 revitalized the idea of the full subway, but as he was soon ousted from the office, the new chief city executive Spasoje Krunić later that year suspended the subway section again. 2000s. On 3 July 2004, the BELAM project was presented to the public. A feasibility study from 2004 estimated that the construction of the full subway would be unprofitable as the city is not growing as much as it did in the 1970s, thus the number of commuters is not growing that much either. The project of LTR, partially above and partially under the ground was favored. Price is also taken in account as the study claimed that the LTR line Zemun (Tvornička street)-Konjarnik (Ustanička street) line would cost half the amount, or some €500 million. The project of LTR was pushed by mayor Nenad Bogdanović. After hiring two companies to do a study; Juginus, a local company from Belgrade, and the Spanish Ineco, a conclusion was reached that a light rail system should be built. Construction was included in the city's new general plan of 2003 and construction was intended to start in 2006. The opening of the first section was due for 2012 with all two lines to be completed by 2021. Ineco projected that the train will go above the ground through the longest street in central Belgrade, Bulevar Kralja Aleksandra, but by 2009 that idea was dropped. This decision was severely criticized by a large number of urban planners, led by Branislav Jovin, while architects close to city authorities were advocating the construction, resulting in a substantial polarization between the opponents and proponents of the light metro plan. Announcements were made that the construction would start next spring. Yet, this never came, and the plan for the construction of the light railway system inconspicuously faded out. As time went on beyond 2004, the plan was altered. The light metro was to have three lines. Construction was supposedly set to begin in 2008, with the first line opening in 2013 at a cost of €450 million. Later, mayor Dragan Đilas returned to the idea of the full metro, contrary to the light version. In late 2008, he announced that a metro along the lines of the 1976 plan would be more likely than a light metro. At the session of the National Council for Infrastructure, the Belgrade Metro is, according to the Minister of Infrastructure Milutin Mrkonjić, the third most important project in Serbia, after road and railway networks. Though the Metro became a national issue, there were still no definite plans. In 2009, a Russian delegation visited Belgrade and a loan of €500 million for the subway was arranged. However, it failed as Belgrade had no finished project. It was announced that it will take at least two years to finish the project and whether it will be the full or the light metro was still not decided. 2010s. 2010–2013. In 2010, it was stated that the construction of the metro would begin in two years. The first line would be an east–west line, going above ground in Novi Beograd and underground in the centre and neighbouring districts. The second line was planned from north to south, going underground in the centre through the already-constructed tunnels. The two lines would cross in the city centre near the incomplete main railway station Beograd Centar (Prokop). Funding has not been allocated for the project yet, but it is expected that French or Russian funding sources will be used. In November 2011, it was stated that the metro would be built with close cooperation/assistance from French companies. The Egis Group would produce an overall metro concept for the city, while the company Alstom envisaged being responsible for tracklaying, electrification, signalling equipment and rolling stock. Again, it was also announced that construction would start in two years. Some sources say that the system will initially have , and 55 stations, while others say it will have and 25 stations. The average speed should be . The construction work should take 10 years, as was previously estimated, with each kilometer (0.6 miles) costing some €60 million. In December 2011, the French government talked about allocating €1 billion worth of credit for financing the construction of the metro. In 2011, it was said that the first metro line was expected to open in 2017 and run from Ustanička street in Central Belgrade to Tvornička street in Zemun. 2014–2019. In 2014, Belgrade's Mayor Siniša Mali talked about the construction of the metro starting by 2016, and that even the French government may support the building and financing of the subway. In 2015, he stated that the price would be from €800 million to €1.1 billion, but in 2016 increased it to €2 billion. As of July 2017 nothing had been done on any of the projects and the metro was still on hold. Instead, a new plan was announced on 3 July 2017, which envisions first two lines as the long Makiš-Mirijevo (via Sava Amphitheatre and Karaburma) and the long Zemun-Ustanička. Construction was supposed to start at the end of 2019 or the beginning of 2020 and was to be finished in three to four years. Unlike any of the previous projects, the metro was to be complement the existing rail system BG Voz, including the transfer of passengers. The pre-feasibility study is to be conducted by the Egis Group. The plan is that the study will take nine months to complete and then the main project is to be drafted. The project also differs from all the previous ones as it sets the crossing of the major lines under the Belgrade Waterfront on the Sava bank, a highly controversial pet project of President of Serbia Aleksandar Vučić and mayor Mali, instead under the central city squares of Terazije or Republic Square as planned in the previous decades. Mali also announced that the first line is actually going to be Makiš Field-Mirijevo (that is, Višnjičko Polje). Architects and engineers reacted negatively, especially since both terminuses are at the moment nothing more than still un-urbanized heaths, though mayor Mali said that this line will connect the future projects which will "with the development of metro, bring billions of euros in investments and millions of square meters of the new business areas". Dr Ratomir Vračarević, traffic engineer and professor at the University of Belgrade's Faculty of Technical Sciences said how the surveys showed that this direction has a very low number of potential commuters, well below the profitability level. He added that we still don't know how much of it will go below or above the ground and the Belgrade Waterfront section is going to be costly in general, especially if it goes underground because the area had been built on a landfill. Branislav Jovin, who authored the 1970s subway project, said that everything in the city is being subordinated to the Belgrade Waterfront. He addressed the right of 1.65 million inhabitants of Belgrade who deserve more to have a metro instead of the, still non-existing, population of Belgrade Waterfront, as not one building has been done yet. As the project is made as an ultra luxurious complex for the rich, Jovin asked "do you really believe that people who live in those luxurious apartments will commute via metro?". He also believes that Makiš was chosen because of the announced project of "Tesla Grad" ("Tesla City") by Bogoljub Karić, Karić, a tycoon who fled the country so that he wouldn't be trialed for financial schemes, returned after the change of government and announced the "Tesla Grad", a business-residential complex in the Makiš Field. The critics also pointed to the fact that Makiš is the major water purification facility in Belgrade and made negative remarks on mayor's assessment that his SMART plan is the "first serious survey" on the subject. Some architects, like Marin Krešić, openly called the Makiš project "pesty". Stanko Kantar, head of the city's rail transportation section defended the new, meadow-to-meadow, orientation. He basically disputed the 1976 study calling numerous parts of it an error: population density, directions with highest number of commuters, bad connection of the traffic changing points, distance from the proposed stations. He added that Makiš is good because there is enough space for a depot, station and parking and that city will "make money" because the price of the surrounding land will grow. He added that the old study is also bad because it was allegedly made for the projected city of 3 to 3.5 million people while projections set number of 1.9 million by year 2033. Architect Jovin called the entire explanation a manipulation. He claims that Belgrade had 1.4 million people at the time, that grid was made for the city of 2 million and that "distributive journey" envisioned by the plan actually allows for 80% of the inhabitants to arrive from any point A to point B in maximum 30 minutes. He also asserted that the methodology used for the 2017 project (number of passengers, projected loading) was abandoned in Europe right after World War II and remarked that people who made the plan, in general, are not experts on the matter. Mayor Mali issued a statement in February 2018 saying that "nowhere in the world the subway is built in densely populated sections of the city". This caused a massive public mockery of his statement in social media, while experts published maps and explanations refuting his claim. Criticism of the pushed Makiš-Višnjica route continued. Members of the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts, transportation engineer Dušan Teodorović and a public transportation expert Vukan Vučić disapproved the project. Vučić said that the projected crossing of two lines at Belgrade Waterfront is pointless because both the main bus and railway stations will be dislocated from that position. Teodorović asserted that investors and city administration draw all sorts of lines (metro, railway, etc.) like children do with the markers. Nenad Kecman, executive manager of Serbian Railways, stated that this is the only case in the world where the metro is not connected to any railway stations. Former head of Belgrade's Urban Institute and architect Borislav Stojkov also pointed to the disconnection of the planned system with the other routes of the urban transportation and a fact that professionals from the field were not consulted. In February and March 2018 the future metro was one of the focal points of the city government in the campaign for the local elections in Belgrade. Fast construction of the metro was promised and the slogan "as quick as saying 'metro'" was coined. Celebrities were enlisted to promote it and buy the tickets for the future subway. After winning the elections, later in March the city administration announced a new spatial plan which prioritized a whole series of other projects and pushed the construction of the metro. The new schedule included finishing the paperwork and starting of the first phase of the first line (Makiš-Ada Huja or Mirijevo) in 2027; finishing of the second phase of the first line (e.g., completing it), finishing the paperwork for the second line (Ustanička-Zemun) and beginning its construction in 2033. The timeline was changed once again in June 2018 when the city parliament adopted a new plan. It envisioned drafting the plan in the next 27 months, beginning construction in 2020 and ending the first line by 2022. Still, deputy mayor Goran Vesić stated that he is not optimistic that the project will be finished as planned. In the mid-2000s complete geological surveys were conducted to examine the Zemun-Ustanička route. For the newly proposed route, no actual surveys of any kind were done, and 1.5 to 2 years are needed for that alone. In September 2018, the City Assembly of Belgrade approved the incorporation of a public agency called "Belgrade Metro & Rail" with the purpose of coordinating the upcoming metro project. Deputy mayor Vesić reiterated that the entire project will cost €3 billion, with the first phase expected to cost €1.3 billion. The first phase would see the aforementioned Makiš-Mirijevo line only being built up to Karaburma. "Belgrade Metro & Rail" will also handle the existing "BG Voz" infrastructure, as that system will be integrated with the upcoming metro lines along with a connection to Belgrade Nikola Tesla Airport. Construction of the first phase of the project was said to begin in 2020. The total length of the two lines from the first phase should be . Kantar was appointed to head the new metro company. Despite previous arrangements between Serbian and French governments, in April 2019 deputy mayor Vesić announced that the metro will be funded by the Chinese company "Power China" and built in partnership with the city. Criticism about almost everything about the adopted project continued: routes (starting in non-urbanized areas, missing some of the major streets and medical and university centers, crossing at Belgrade Waterfront instead of in downtown), price (announced by the Egis Group to be €4 billion for the first two lines, €1.8 billion for the first and €2.2 billion for the second), selection of the construction companies without public bidding, lack of numerous studies still needed for the works to be conducted, etc. Deputy mayor Vesić announced that "if everything goes well", the construction will start "by the end of 2020" and that all the needed surveys and studies won't be finished first, before construction commences, but that the project will develop "as it goes". Price turned out to be a major issue. While the same number of lines with roughly the same length was expected to cost €2.2 billion during the previous administration, the estimated price began to grow: €3 billion (mid-2018), €3.6 billion (December 2018), €4.4 billion (June 2019; €2.33 + €2.07). Critics from the NGO sector pointed out to other troublesome facts about the project, following the statements of transportation minister Zorana Mihajlović, Mali (now a finance minister) and Vesić, after the meeting of the French and Serbian presidents Emmanuel Macron and Aleksandar Vučić. After the meeting, Mali stated that "we are closer to the subway than we have ever been." Concerns include: apparently already chosen French and Chinese contractors even though no official contracts for the actual construction of the subway have been signed; lack of an actual project by the government, as the negotiating with the companies includes the possible routes which are being adjusted to the contractors, not to the transportation problems in the city; still non-existing financial construction; absolute bypassing of all the obligatory legal procedures and total lack of transparency, as the deals are being made in direct conversations between few domestic politicians and foreign companies. On 19 September 2019, it was decided that the Government of the Republic of Serbia, and not the City of Belgrade, will be the investor. The projected finish of the Tesla City project was set for 2030. 2018–2019 project. Lines Two lines were planned, with 43 stations, connected to the BG Voz system. Line 1 should start in Železnik and finish in Mirijevo, while Line 2 will start in Mirijevo and finish in Zemun. It was also proposed that in the future, a third line from Banjica will be built. Deputy mayor Goran Vesić also announced a third line, but from Voždovac to the New Belgrade Railway Station, in order to connect the system with Belgrade Centre railway station as the first two lines go around it completely. However, transportation minister Zorana Mihajlović said that Line 3 is not the "subject of conversations" with the French companies. The following metro lines are proposed at Phase 1: Stations Characteristics of the lines and stations include: Line 1 Železnik-Makiš marshalling yard-Žarkovo and Bele Vode-Trgovačka Street-Požeška Street-Banovo Brdo farmers market-Ada Bridge-Belgrade Fair-Gazela Bridge-Palace of Justice-Sava Square-Republic Square-Francuska Street-Port of Belgrade-Dunav Station-Pančevo Bridge-Karaburma railway station-Diljska Street-Višnjička Street-Mirijevo Boulevard-Mirijevo Gymnasium-Mirijevo Line 2 Zemun railway station-New Novi Sad Road-Filipa Višnjića Street-Zemun Stadium-Senjski Trg-Aleksandra Dubčeka Street-New Belgrade Municipality-Mercator Center Belgrade-Belgrade Arena-Sava Centar-Sava Square-Manjež-Makenzijeva Street-Južni Bulevar-Šumatovačka Street-Vojislava Ilića Street-Cvetkova Pijaca-Mite Ružića Street-Ustanička Street-Mirijevo 2020s. In February 2020, deputy mayor Vesić confirmed the construction will start by the end of 2020, but in May he moved the starting date again, saying they are doing everything for construction to start "by the end of 2021". Company Alstom announced its project, which includes the new bridge across the Sava, and stated that the construction of Line 1 will take five years. France donated €8.3 million for the feasibility and environmental studies and conceptual design, both of which still haven't been done. Minister Mihajlović also lifted the total price to €4.5-5.5 billion. When the contract for drafting the feasibility study was ceremonially signed on 21 July 2020, Mihajlović and Vesić stated that the construction will start in a "year-and-a-half", now claiming the length of and lifting the price to €6 billion. Mihajlović's ministry then issued a statement saying that this includes the unidentified third line, but that everything is arbitrary anyway as there are no finished studies of any kind yet. The first object, whose construction should start at the end of 2021, should be the depot in Makiš. In November 2020, minister Mali and French foreign trade minister Franck Riester signed a treaty worth €581 million, which includes funds for the subway. Mali confirmed that construction will start by the end of 2021. Yet another document, a Memorandum of understanding, between Serbian, French (technology, tracks, trains) and Chinese (construction works) side, was signed on 22 January 2021. Belgrade's chief urbanist, Marko Stojčić, announced new starting dates: November 2021 for the Makiš depot, spring of 2022 for the first line, and 2030 as the date when the first two lines will be finished, Line 1 in 2028 and Line 2 in 2030. References. 2020-10-05

test one

13521-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=2949045

Throughout the history of criminal justice, evolving forms of punishment, added rights for offenders and victims, and policing reforms have reflected changing customs, political ideals, and economic conditions. Background. Primates often have notions of fairness and sharing, with violations punished by exclusion or banishment from social groups. In human history, prior to agriculture, more nomadic cultures had systems of punishment for behavior or resistance. With the development of agriculture, which led to more closely populated cities and cultures and behavior to address fears of persons taking advantage of or causing harm to others, more formal systems of punishment for crimes developed, independently around the world, or based upon other cultures, including those developed in the early Babylonian laws of Hammurabi and the Hammurabic Code. Ancient Egypt. In Ancient Egypt a police force was created by the time of the Fifth Dynasty (25th - 24th century BC). The guards, chosen by kings and nobles from among the military and ex-military, were tasked with apprehending criminals and protecting caravans, public places and border forts before the creation of a standing army. The police used lethal and non-lethal tools (such as wooden staffs) and utilized monkeys and dogs. During the reign of Amenemhat I (1991 BC - 1962 BC) the role of professional judges were established and employed to decide court cases. The police was specifically focused on law enforcement, while a newly created standing military was utilized to fulfill the police's other, previous tasks. Ancient China. Law enforcement in Ancient China was carried out by "prefects". The notion of a "prefect" in China has existed for thousands of years. The prefecture system developed in both the Chu and Jin kingdoms of the Spring and Autumn period. In Jin, dozens of prefects were spread across the state, each having a limited authority and employment period. In Ancient China, under the rule of Dang Lin Wang, a new judicial system emerged. This new system had prefects appointed by local magistrates, who in turn were appointed by the head of state, usually the emperor of the dynasty. The prefects oversaw the civil administration of their "prefecture", or jurisdiction. Prefects usually reported to the local magistrate, just as modern police report to judges. Under each prefect were "subprefects" who helped collectively with law enforcement of the area. Some prefects were responsible for handling investigations, much like modern police detectives. Eventually the concept of the "prefecture system" would spread to other cultures such as Korea and Japan. Law enforcement in Ancient China was also relatively progressive, allowing for female prefects. Some examples of ancient Chinese prefects include: Chong Fu, prefect of the Ying District in the East Han Dynasty, and Ching Chow, prefect of the modern Shang-tung Province. An example of a female prefect would be Lady Qu of Wuding (serving 1531 – c. 1557). In ancient China, when minor judicial incidents such as robberies occur, the client reports to a police officer (a.k.a. constable) at the prefectural office. To catch a thief, a constable can arrest another thief by baiting him with a forged opportunity and use the thief's same-field knowledge to predict the one in question. The assisting thief would still be punished for robbery but since he assisted the officer his punishment would be lowered. By Ming law, police officers have a strict time schedule to arrest the criminals. They usually have thirty days to arrest the issued criminals. If officers have not capture their assigned criminals after thirty days or assigned deadline, they would subject to physical punishments. Successfully arresting criminals earns police officers promotions. However, this method was often subject to abuse in order to quickly earn promotions. Police officers were appointed by the head officials from the populations. These selected officers, however, were not recognized as part of the magistrates for they were merely runners. Approximately one out of four court cases features corrupted officers who accepts bribes to ignore certain crimes, or sometimes even assisting the criminals. Officers focusing on building social network which may include criminals instead of making examples of preventing crimes. Pre-modern Europe. For the most part, crime was viewed as a private matter in Ancient Greece and Rome. Even with offenses as serious as murder, justice was the prerogative of the victim's family and private war or vendetta the means of protection against criminality. Publicly owned slaves were used by magistrates as police in Ancient Greece. In Athens, a group of 300 Scythian slaves was used to guard public meetings to keep order and for crowd control, and also assisted with dealing with criminals, manhandling prisoners, and making arrests. Other duties associated with modern policing, such as investigating crimes, were left to the citizens themselves. The Roman Empire had a reasonably effective law enforcement system until the decline of the empire, though there was never an actual police force in the city of Rome. When under the reign of Augustus the capital had grown to almost one million inhabitants, he created 14 wards, which were protected by seven squads of 1,000 men. If necessary, they might have called on the Praetorian Guard for assistance. Beginning in the 5th century, policing became a function of clan chiefs and heads of state. During the Middle Ages, crime and punishment were dealt with through blood feuds (or trial by ordeal) between the parties. Payment to the victim (or their family), known as wergild, was another common punishment, including for violent crimes. For those who could not afford to buy their way out of punishment, harsh penalties included various forms of corporal punishment. These included mutilation, whipping, branding, and flogging, as well as execution. Västgötalagen specifies exactly how much to pay, if anything, depending on who was slain. The primary form of state-administered punishment during ancient times and the Middle Ages was banishment or exile. Though a prison, Le Stinche, existed as early as the 14th century in Florence, incarceration was not widely used until the 19th century. Rather, it was used to detain prisoners before trial or for imprisoning people without judicial process. The Anglo-Saxon system of maintaining public order was a private system of tithings, since the Norman conquest led by a constable, which was based on a social obligation for the good conduct of the others; more common was that local lords and nobles were responsible to maintain order in their lands, and often appointed a constable, sometimes unpaid, to enforce the law. Colonial America. When early colonists first came to America, they did not include trained lawyers or other law-knowledgeable persons. Many parts of the criminal justice system in colonial America were similar to those in England, France, and the Dutch Republic. Gradually French and Dutch influences disappeared in the islands. What remained was the basic idea many had of the English common law system. This system was the best-known to seventeenth-century colonists. The common law system included a set of rules that were used to solve problems in society. It was based on the history of decisions previous judges had made instead of lawmaking codes or laws. This system made a distinction between two basic types of crimes: felonies and misdemeanors. The legal process, mostly for more serious crimes, involved a grand jury, composed of members of the community, which decided whether there was enough evidence for prosecution. However, in these proceedings no district attorneys or public prosecutors were available. The victim of the crime was responsible for instigating the prosecution and financing it. It was these fundamental principles that stuck with the colonists and were used selectively to create a new and unique criminal justice system. Many factors influenced the colonists’ selection process by which they constructed their approach to criminal justice. As previously mentioned, there were no professional legal experts and few law resources available. This left a lot of room for creativity and mistakes. The colonists were largely left to their own devices concerning the details of their developing criminal justice system. The new environment the colonists encountered in the New World, especially the western frontier, also affected the way the law was shaped. The system was molded to fit the colonists’ needs as they settled further and further west. Vigilantism was an inevitable byproduct of the faults of the development of justice in America. Religion, especially early on in the colonial period, exerted a strong influence on law making. Legal codes, such as the 1648 Book of the General Laws and Liberties of the Massachusetts Bay Colony, contained very strong biblical references, more so than did the ones in England. Although this religious impact was felt most strongly in Puritan colonies, similar ideas were evident among other colonists as well. Many colonial makeshift criminal codes considered lying, idleness, drunkenness, certain sexual offenses, and even bad behavior to be crimes. These moralistic crimes stemmed from the relation of crime to sin and sin to crime. Adding to the religious factor, the colonists held individual liberty in high regard. This later influenced more contemporary criminal codes. County sheriff. Besides being one of the most important criminal justice officials of the colonial period in America, the county sheriff had other responsibilities. These included collecting taxes, running and supervising elections, and handling any other legal business in the community. With such a workload, sheriffs were usually the most important political figures in the county and represented the governor and the English government. In the criminal justice system of the period, the sheriff acted as a reactive official. His job was to follow up on complaints or information of misconduct from the other citizens. He was paid through a system of fees rather than a set salary which came mostly from tax collecting. This discouraged many sheriffs from concentrating heavily on law enforcement. Such high powers often led to corruption in this field with embezzlement and other irregularities with tax collections and fees. Judges and magistrates. Judges are also known as magistrates or justices of the peace. Even though a judge held very influential positions in their counties, they were far from the professionals that they are today. They were usually religious or political leaders. The county judge was in charge of the court for the area he presided in and vehemently believed their role in society was to enforce God's will. Their understanding of God's will usually caused colonial justices to seek confessions and repentance from the accused rather than just punishment. The main goal was to bring order back to society. Most of the minor cases in the county only involved the judge while more serious crimes were heard by a court of several judges. The courts met only periodically, slowing down the sentencing of serious crimes. Colonial courts. Although the colonial courts did closely mimic the proceedings of the courts of England, they were much simpler and more informal. They were also made available to everyone and used to relieve tensions and conflicts in the community. In addition to hearing the disputes of the local colonists, the courts also held the responsibilities of the legislature, executive, and judicial branches of the county's government. These responsibilities illustrated the highly unspecialized nature of colonial government agencies. The courts became connected to an informal role in the county's social and economic life. Although some county courts were presided over by one judge, some consisted of ten to fifteen judges. However, the courts with many judges met very infrequently and this made it almost impossible to conduct any legal business in a fast and efficient way. The matter was even worse in the back country where there often was a complete lack of courts to settle any conflicts or perform governmental services. Legal process. The legal process of trials in colonial America was quite different from the modern one in many ways. After an alleged crime was reported, a magistrate, or judge, would consider the presented evidence and decide whether it was a true crime. If the magistrate decided that a crime was indeed committed the accused was apprehended and sent to be questioned by the magistrate. The interrogation was usually held in the magistrate's own house with a few marshals or deputies as witnesses. However, during this step in the procedure, no lawyers were involved on behalf of either party. After the hearing the accused was usually free to leave until the trial without bail. Just as in the interrogation, there was no defense attorney present at the trial and the proceedings moved quickly as each witness testified against the defendant. However, a district attorney, who was often appointed by the governor and assigned to a certain district or county, usually handled the prosecution. Unlike the prosecutors in England, who worked privately and for a payment from the victim, the district attorneys of colonial America handled the prosecution in almost all trials. The district attorney's position soon became one of the most important political position in county government because they often had to be elected. The role of the defense attorney was minuscule, if not unheard of, in the colonial period. This stemmed from an English legal tradition of severely restricting the role of the defense to challenging or question narrow points of the law. In time the American practice of trials allowed a greater and more vigorous role to the defense of the accused. However, at that current time there were few trained lawyers to begin with and most defendants could not afford one. Juries were also not used at that time and those who requested them were thought to be challenging the authority of the judge. Since the magistrate who had proclaimed the trial necessary was also the judge who presided over the trial, the verdict was quite often guilty. The main purpose of the trial was to give the defendant a chance to admit their guilt and repent. The theory behind the trial and punishment being very public was that they would serve to reinforce the rules of conduct and discourage others from acting out and breaking laws. Protection of cities. The colonists soon realized that a sheriff was not enough to keep their colonies safe and crime-free. Many villages and cities began adding other criminal justice agents to help maintain order. The rising populations were proving to be too much to handle for just one law enforcement agent in the county. The mayor was originally the chief law enforcement official, but he acted only in extreme circumstances. In addition to the sheriff, the mayor appointed a high constable and several lesser constables and marshals to help him. Those holding such positions had powers similar to those of the sheriff. To protect their citizens during the night, many counties established a night watch, an institution of criminal justice originally inherited from Europe. The night watch consisted of a group of civilians who patrolled and kept watch over the city, making sure to look for fires, suspicious individuals, or possible riots. This was a collective responsibility, but few were willing to serve. Certain cities imposed fines on those who refused. The night watch, though relatively effective, only served during the night. During the day, the responsibility of protecting innocent citizens and apprehending criminals fell to the constables and marshals. Soon a day watch was implemented in many areas. In extreme situations, such as riots, the colonial communities often had to call out the militia. Riots, a common disturbance in colonial America, occurred for many reasons including to contest elections, to protest economic conditions, or to enforce standards of morality. Even at the first sign of a riot the mayor or some other official would appear and literally read the riot act to the assembled crowd. Punishments. Depending on the crimes that the colonists committed, there were plenty of punishments to choose from. Most of the punishments were public, where heavy use of shame and shaming was included. Through the method of shaming, the criminal justice system meant more to teach a lesson than simply punish the offender. The “criminal” was almost always male. However, punishment for such crimes as witchcraft, infanticide, and adultery fell heavily on the women. In addition, much of the blame and punishment for crimes was attributed to those in the lowest rank in society. Whipping was the most commonly used form of punishment, especially in the south with slaves. Other frequently used punishments included branding, cutting off ears, and placing people in the pillory. These punishments were sometimes harsher, depending on the crimes committed. In the American colonies, executions were less common than in England. However, when such a method was used, it was most often a public hanging. Usually capital offenses, such as murder or rape, or repeated serious offenses constituted a need for an execution. Imprisonment was uncommon in colonial America since the budding colonies did not have people to spare to keep the community in order. Every person was valuable for their working ability, and losing even one worker to lawkeeping was neither reasonable nor an efficient use of resources. In addition, colonial communities rarely had enough extra money to build a prison and feed prisoners. Since probation was not yet known to the colonists, they used a system of nods to guarantee troublemakers would not cause any problems. Courts began to require many problem-causing people to put up money to make sure they would stay out of trouble. This system worked especially well in communities where everyone minded each other's business. County jails. In the early colonial period, prisons were not yet a major staple in the criminal justice system. They were used mainly for holding people who were awaiting trial rather than punishment. The early jails resembled ordinary houses in many aspects and had no distinctive architectural features. Prisoners were placed in rooms instead of cells and were not classified or segregated in any way. Men, women, and juveniles were mixed together causing many problems. Overcrowding soon became a big concern, as well as poor sanitation. The jails turned into breeding houses of illness. Furthermore, the jails were even unable to fulfill their basic purpose of containing offenders within its walls. Escapes were very frequent. The prisons held not only those who were awaiting trial but also people who owed money, called debtors. These people were free during the day so they could work to pay off their debt but they returned to the jail at night. Other prisoners included the homeless, unemployed, or impoverished. They were expected to learn good work ethic during their stay. The financial arrangements of the jailer were similar to those of the sheriff, especially since the same person usually held both jobs. He was paid by the county through a system of fees. Specific items such as food, clothing, and other things were submitted to the county commissioners for money. Just like other criminal justice positions with a lot of power, the jailer was often corrupt and was notoriously known for embezzling public funds, soliciting bribes from prisoners and their families, selling whiskey to the prisoners, and abusing the inmates. Administration of justice in colonial America. Crime problem. The gradual development of a sophisticated criminal justice system in America found itself extremely small and unspecialized during colonial times. Many problems, including lack of a large law-enforcement establishment, separate juvenile-justice system, and prisons and institutions of probation and parole. Criminal matters were also not the top priority of the sheriff and the courts. The lack of a large institutional framework was a result of relatively small and homogenous colonial communities. These colonies were self-policing and social control was maintained by an omnipresent set of informal restrictions. They also depended on community pressure to regulate human conduct. Invention of "police". In Western culture, the contemporary concept of a police paid by the government was developed by French legal scholars and practitioners in the 17th century and early 18th century, notably with Nicolas Delamare's "Traité de la Police" ("Treatise of the Police", published between 1705 and 1738). The German "Polizeiwissenschaft" (Science of Police) was also an important theoretical formulation of police. The first statutory police force is believed to be the High Constables of Edinburgh, who were created by the Scottish parliament in 1611 to "guard their streets and to commit to ward all person found on the streets after the said hour". The first police force in the modern sense was created by the government of King Louis XIV in 1667 to police the city of Paris, then the largest city of Europe and considered the most dangerous European city. The royal edict, registered by the "Parlement" of Paris on March 15, 1667 created the office of "lieutenant général de police" ("lieutenant general of police"), who was to be the head of the new Paris police force, and defined police as the task of "ensuring the peace and quiet of the public and of private individuals, purging the city of what may cause disturbances, procuring abundance, and having each and everyone live according to their station and their duties". This office was held by Gabriel Nicolas de la Reynie, who had 44 "commissaires de police" (police commissioners) under his authority. In 1709, these commissioners were assisted by "inspecteurs de police" (police inspectors). The city of Paris was divided into 16 districts policed by the 44 "commissaires de police", each assigned to a particular district and assisted in their districts by clerks and a growing bureaucracy. The scheme of the Paris police force was extended to the rest of France by a royal edict of October 1699, resulting in the creation of lieutenants general of police in all large French cities or towns. However, this early conceptualization of police was quite different from today's police forces, exclusively in charge of maintaining order and arresting criminals. As conceptualized by the "Polizeiwissenschaft", the police had an economical and social duty ("procuring abundance"). It was in charge of demographics concerns and of empowering the population, which was considered by the mercantilist theory to be the main strength of the state. Thus, its functions largely overreached simple law enforcement activities, and included public health concerns, urban planning (which was important because of the miasma theory of disease; thus, cemeteries were moved out of town, etc. ), surveillance of prices, etc. Development of modern police was contemporary to the formation of the state, later defined by sociologist Max Weber as detaining "the monopoly on the legitimate use of physical force", primarily exercised by the police and the military. Modern police. After the troubles of the French Revolution the Paris police force was reorganized by Napoléon I on February 17, 1800 as the Prefecture of Police, along with the reorganization of police forces in all French cities with more than 5,000 inhabitants. On March 12, 1829, a government decree created the first uniformed policemen in Paris and all French cities, known as "sergents de ville" ("city sergeants"), which the Paris Prefecture of Police's website claims were the first uniformed policemen in the world. In London, there existed watchmen hired to guard the streets at night since 1663. Watchmen were the first paid law enforcement in the country, augmenting the force of unpaid constables, but were not professionally organized. The word "police" was borrowed from French into the English language in the 18th century, but for a long time it applied only to French and continental European police forces. The word, and the concept of police itself, was "disliked as a symbol of foreign oppression" (according to "Britannica 1911"). Prior to the 19th century, the only official use of the word "police" recorded in the United Kingdom was the appointment of Commissioners of Police for Scotland in 1714 and the creation of the Marine Police in 1798 (set up to protect merchandise at the Port of London). On June 30, 1800, the authorities of Glasgow, Scotland successfully petitioned the Government to pass the Glasgow Police Act establishing the City of Glasgow Police. This was the first professional police service in the world that differed from previous law enforcement in that it was a preventive police force. This was quickly followed in other Scottish towns, which set up their own police forces by individual Acts of Parliament. On September 29, 1829, the Metropolitan Police Act was passed by Parliament, allowing Sir Robert Peel, the then home secretary, to found the London Metropolitan Police. Based on the Peelian principles, this was the city's first full-time, professional and centrally-organised police force. The Metropolitan Police officers were often referred to as ´Bobbies´ after Sir Robert (Bobby) Peel. They are regarded as the first modern police force and became a model for the police forces in most countries, such as the United States, and most of the then British Empire (Commonwealth). Bobbies can still be found in many parts of the world (for example in British Overseas Territories or ex-colonies such as Bermuda, Gibraltar or St Helena). The model of policing in Britain had as its primary role the keeping of the Queen's Peace and this has continued to the present day. Many of the Commonwealth countries developed police forces using similar models, such as Canada, Australia and New Zealand. In North America, the Toronto Police was founded in Canada in 1834, one of the first municipal police departments on that continent, followed by police forces in Montreal and Quebec City both founded in 1838. In the United States, the first organized police service was established in Boston in 1838, New York in 1844, and Philadelphia in 1854. Early on, police were not respected by the community, as corruption was rampant. In the late 19th and early 20th century, there were few specialized units in police departments. In 1905, the Pennsylvania State Police became the first state police agency established in the United States, as recommended by Theodore Roosevelt's Anthracite Strike Commission and Governor Samuel Pennypacker. The advent of the police car, two-way radio, and telephone in the early 20th century transformed policing into a reactive strategy that focused on responding to calls for service. In the 1920s, led by Berkeley, California police chief, August Vollmer, police began to professionalize, adopt new technologies, and place emphasis on training. With this transformation, police command and control became more centralized. O.W. Wilson, a student of Vollmer, helped reduce corruption and introduce professionalism in Wichita, Kansas, and later in the Chicago Police Department. Strategies employed by O.W. Wilson included rotating officers from community to community to reduce their vulnerability to corruption, establishing of a non-partisan police board to help govern the police force, a strict merit system for promotions within the department, and an aggressive, recruiting drive with higher police salaries to attract professionally qualified officers. Despite such reforms, police agencies were led by highly autocratic leaders, and there remained a lack of respect between police and the community. During the professionalism era of policing, law enforcement agencies concentrated on dealing with felonies and other serious crime, rather than focusing on crime prevention. Following urban unrest in the 1960s, police placed more emphasis on community relations, and enacted reforms such as increased diversity in hiring. The Kansas City Preventive Patrol study in the 1970s found the reactive approach to policing to be ineffective. In the 1990s, many law enforcement agencies began to adopt community policing strategies, and others adopted problem-oriented policing. In the 1990s, CompStat was developed by the New York Police Department as an information-based system for tracking and mapping crime patterns and trends, and holding police accountable for dealing with crime problems. CompStat, and other forms of information-led policing, have since been replicated in police departments across the United States. Prisons. Until the late 19th century, law enforcement in the United States was a responsibility of local and state governments only. In 1870, with the passage of the Interstate Commerce Act, the Federal government in the U.S. began to take on some law enforcement responsibilities, and the Department of Justice was established in 1870, to carry out these duties. In 1872, control of federal prisons was transferred to the new department, from the Department of Interior. New facilities were built, including the penitentiary at Leavenworth in 1895, and a facility for women located in West Virginia, at Alderson was established in 1924.

positions of authority

12611-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=18193229

Nankai megathrust earthquakes are great megathrust earthquakes that occur along the "Nankai megathrust" – the fault under the Nankai Trough – which forms the plate interface between the subducting Philippine Sea Plate and the overriding Amurian Plate (part of the Eurasian Plate), which dips beneath southwestern Honshu, Japan. The fault is divided into five segments in three zones, which rupture separately or in combination, and depending on location, the resulting earthquakes are subdivided by zone from west to east into Nankai earthquakes, Tōnankai earthquakes, and Tōkai earthquakes. The earthquakes occur with a return period of about 90–200 years, and often occur in pairs, where a rupture along part of the fault is followed by a rupture elsewhere, notably the 1854 Ansei-Tōkai earthquake and the 1854 Ansei-Nankai earthquake the next day, and the 1944 Tōnankai earthquake, followed by the 1946 Nankaidō earthquake. In one recorded case (the 1707 Hōei earthquake) the fault ruptured along its entire length. All of these great earthquakes have resulted in damaging tsunamis, which are particularly damaging due to the Japanese population being concentrated on the Taiheiyō Belt, especially the coastal cities of Tokyo and Osaka, the two most populous in Japan. The area remains seismically active, and future earthquakes are anticipated, with a high risk of a Nankai earthquake in the near future, which could be potentially very damaging. Tectonic setting. The Nankai Trough is the surface expression of the subduction zone between the Philippine Sea and Amur plates. Honshu itself is formed from the island arc developed over the subducting plate. The megathrust boundary extends about 700 km from the southern end of Kyūshū to the triple junction with the Okhotsk Plate near Mount Fuji. At its southwestern end, there is another triple junction, where the overriding plate becomes the Okinawa Plate. Megathrust geometry. The megathrust dip increases from about 5° near the surface to 10° as it passes beneath the coast of Honshu. Analysis of seismic reflection data suggests that some of the displacement is carried by a splay fault dipping at about 25°. This 'megasplay' fault system has caused an unusually thick section of fluid-rich sedimentary rocks to be deeply underthrust. The presence of this 'weak' zone may lead to shallow coseismic rupture along the megasplay faults during megathrust earthquakes, explaining the large tsunamis created by these events. Historical seismicity. The Nankai megathrust is thought to have caused at least 12 major earthquakes in the last ca. 1300 years. The pattern of historical seismicity reveals that the megathrust surface is segmented, with five separate zones of rupturing identified, conventionally labelled A–E, from west to east. Earthquakes involving the A+B segments are generally referred to as "Nankai" (literally "South Sea") earthquakes, C+D "Tonankai" (literally "Southeast Sea") earthquakes and C+D+E "Tokai" (literally "East Sea") earthquakes. The earthquake repeat intervals are generally in the range 90–200 years. On all but one occasion, rupture of segment C (±D ±E) has been followed by rupture of segments A+B within a few years. This behaviour has been reproduced by modelling the viscoelastic response of the megathrust fault plane with lateral variations in both convergence rate and frictional properties. Future earthquake risk. The northeasternmost part of the megathrust, segment E, has not ruptured since 1854. A future great earthquake involving rupture along this and possibly other segments has been proposed as a major risk for the southern coast of Honshu. In 1999, the likelihood of the occurrence of a great earthquake in the Tokai area in the period 2000-2010 was estimated to be in the range of 0.35–0.45. Despite the uncertainty of when such an earthquake will occur, local authorities are already taking action to prepare residents for what they regard as an inevitability. Potential effects. The Japanese government estimates that a major earthquake on the Nankai Trough would cause 169.5 trillion yen in direct damage and 50.8 trillion yen in economic losses for the following year. A study by the Japan Society of Civil Engineers in 2018 estimated that the long-term damage from the earthquake could result in 1,240 trillion yen in economic losses over a 20-year period. It is predicted that the economic damage is likely to be 10 times higher than for the 2011 Tōhoku earthquake and tsunami. A death toll as high as 230,000 has been suggested for such an event. List of occurrences. All the dates shown in the table use the Gregorian calendar. Some sources use the Julian calendar for the earlier earthquakes in the list.

single noted incident

6007-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=20794442

"Predators and Prey" is the fifth story arc that spreads from the twenty-first to the twenty-fifth issue of the "Buffy the Vampire Slayer Season Eight" series of comic books, a continuation of the television series of the same name. The arc is written by Jane Espenson, Steven S. DeKnight, Drew Z. Greenberg, Jim Krueger, Doug Petrie. Plot. "Harmonic Divergence" (Issue #21). In California, paparazzi witness Harmony Kendall drinking blood from a celebrity's neck outside a hot spot nightclub. Tabloids publish the photo of the biting, causing a world-wide stir of interest in vampires. Harmony uses this recent popular culture to land her own reality TV show with MTV. Soledad, a gang member, receives Slayer powers just in time to rescue herself from her old gang. She then turns down Andrew Wells and his offer to join the other Slayers, not wanting to join another gang. Despite this, she tracks down Harmony and attempts to slay her during a taping of the reality show 'Harmony Bites'. Soledad loses and is killed, which just increases the popularity of the show and the negative public image the Slayers now have. "Swell" (Issue #22). Satsu and Kennedy investigate the results of a four armed demon's theft. It had been trying to steal the prototype of a 'Vampy Cat Play Friend' toy, which was produced by the Santorio Corporation. The two also argue for the real reason Buffy sent Kennedy to Satsu. The doll turns out to be a living entity and turns Satsu into a caricature of a geisha, who mocks Kennedy's sexuality. Confused, the two manage to slay the creature. Investigating the company building, they find the staff dead and sucked dry of all bodily fluids. A shipment of Vampy Cat dolls is headed for Scotland, the Slayer's main HQ. The shipment is boarded and destroyed, with the assistance of a sub now under Slayer control. The creatures praise "Twilight", a recurring villain, before their destruction. Harmony Kendall uses the incident to decry the 'backlash' against vampires. "Predators and Prey" (Issue #23). At the Scotland Slayer base, Andrew informs Buffy, Xander, and Willow that he has found Nisha, the lieutenant of the rogue Slayers led by Simone Doffler, outside of Milan. Nisha has been snared in a Ragna Spider's demon nest, so Buffy immediately arranges that she and Andrew head off to confront Nisha. However, when she is confronted, Nisha reveals that Andrew is responsible for breeding the extinct Ragna Spider demon back into existence, though with exceptional genetic modifications. As Andrew frees Nisha, he tries to defend his actions; as he and Buffy argue, Simone arrives by teleportation. Buffy is unsuccessful with convincing Simone to return with her and Simone teleports herself, Nisha, and the Ragna Spider away to an undisclosed location. As Buffy and Andrew track Simone via the radioactive isotopes Andrew equipped in the Ragna Spider, Buffy acknowledges that Andrew has come a long way and matured, but should have handled the situation differently, even if he feels responsible for Simone's rebellion. They locate Simone in an opera house on a coastal island, where Simone traps them and reveals she wants Andrew for the Ragna Spider; she wants revenge on him because he was her Watcher. However, Buffy engages and bests Simone in a fencing duel instead, which Simone responds to by pulling out a gun. Buffy surrenders, telling Simone that she can keep the Ranga Spider and that Buffy will leave her alone so long as Simone lets Buffy walk away with Andrew. However, before Simone can shoot, the Italy Squad arrives to rescue them. Buffy takes Simone's gun and shoots the Ragna Spider's cage, setting the demon loose on rogue Slayers while the Italy Squad evacuates. Back at their base of operations, Buffy tells Andrew that he should feel proud of what he has accomplished and how he was willing to lay down his life for the innocent and greater good. Andrew apologizes to Buffy for lying, and Buffy tells him to get used to screwing up for good reasons, he’s part of the family. "Safe" (Issue #24). Faith and Giles rescue an untrained Slayer named Courtney who had run away from her squad. Courtney informs them she was heading for a so-called Slayer Sanctuary in Hanselstadt, a safe zone for Slayers who do not wish to be chosen. The trio travel to the town, noting disturbing incidents. Vampires congregate on the border, obviously not invading for fear of the sanctuary, and the town seems to have no children. Giles hooks up with a former Watcher named Duncan Fillworthe while the Slayers go to the Sanctuary. Giles discovers that Duncan has gone mad and fed the children of the town to the demon that inhabits the seeming Sanctuary. Since the vampires fear the demon, the townspeople are convinced that the demon is a guardian of the town and willingly sacrificed children to the demon in exchange for keeping away the vampires. After all the children in the town had been fed to the demon, Duncan turned to feeding it the runaway Slayers. Giles saves Faith and Courtney from the threat, a monster that kills via the person's regrets. Duncan, who had followed, is killed when he regrets his complicity in the deaths. The vampires outside of town, now knowing the way is seemingly clear, mass for an attack. Giles and the Slayers swiftly organize an opposing army of adults. "Living Doll" (Issue #25). While the Summers sisters' relationship is still strained, Dawn goes missing as Buffy prepares the Slayer army against a vampire splinter army led by Judas Cradle. However, the ensuing battle ends quickly since Cradle's army consists of only six people and Buffy and Xander focus their attention on finding Dawn in the woods. To ascertain Dawn's possible whereabouts, Xander arranges for Andrew to find Dawn's thricewise ex-boyfriend Kenny at the University of California, Berkeley. Andrew poses as a college student interested in becoming Kenny's new roommate and sets up totems in Kenny's room that allow Willow to teleport the entire contents of Kenny's room to Scotland. However, when Kenny is confronted, he transforms into his demonic aspect and escapes into the nearby forest. Meanwhile, Dawn has undergone a third transformation - she has become a doll - and has been captured by Geppetto-like elderly man. Despite Dawn's attempts to escape, she is held back by other dolls made by the man, whom the dolls consider their father. The dollmaker tries to console Dawn by revealing he asked the other dolls to keep her from escaping to prevent her from breaking herself open and spilling her soul. Buffy and Xander eventually find the dollmaker's cottage, but Xander is soon rendered unconscious by poisoned darts and Buffy is assaulted by woodland creatures. Dawn makes another failed attempt to escape and as she cries out for Buffy to save her, Kenny bursts into the dollmaker's cottage. Upon seeing Kenny, Dawn apologizes to him, which reverses the effects of the spell, allowing her to become a human again. After Buffy threatens the dollmaker for detaining Dawn, she decides to leave him alone when his dolls intervene on his behalf. Dawn and Kenny talk about what happened between them and they both apologize for their actions, making amends and parting ways. Dawn reconciles with Buffy, who apologizes for not being there enough for her and that though she may have a thousand Slayers to lead, she only has one sister she loves. Production and writing. Each individual issue was written by a different writer and each issue has a title instead of the overall story-arc title. The story-arc is a very loose one compared to the previous ones and each issue involves certain characters point of view of the over-all plot. Canonical issues. This series has been described as 'canon' by both Whedon and various commentators. As the creator of "Buffy", Joss Whedon's association with Buffyverse story is often linked to how canonical the various stories are. Since Whedon is writing this story, it will be seen as a continuation of the official continuity established by "Buffy" and "Angel". "Season Eight" contradicts and supersedes information given in the paperback novels set after Season Seven, such as "Queen of the Slayers" and "Dark Congress", which are described as being set in an unofficial "parallel continuity".

valid cause

14958-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=14198877

The Great Pyramid Monument is a German proposal for a mausoleum, patterned after the Great Pyramid of Giza in Egypt. Beginnings. The concept of constructing a modern pyramid was originally proposed by German writer Ingo Niermann. He suggested a memorial be erected in the former East Germany, to serve as a democratic tomb for people from any ethnic, ethical and religious group. If developed correctly it could also become a tourist attraction, and a beginning point for intercultural dialog. Concept. The Great Pyramid is envisioned as the world's largest monument, potentially serving every human being as a grave or memorial site. The group's mission statement explains that the monument is envisioned as being "affordable" as well as "[serving] all nationalities and religions. Individuals who are either unwilling or unable to have their ashes buried there can also opt to have a memorial stone placed instead. Stones can be custom designed with any number of colors, images, or relief decorations. The Great Pyramid will continue to grow with every stone placed, eventually forming the largest structure in the history of man." Choosing (and re-visiting) the ancient building technique and shape of a pyramid is integral to the project, as it allows for continuous growth (see Fig.1) of the monument site. Background. The Great Pyramid Monument is based on the idea of German writer and journalist Ingo Niermann, which he first proposed in 2006 in a collection of essays on possible measures to restructure German society and to solve some of the pertinent problems of 21st century Germany ("Umbauland", ~ translates to "refurbish-country" or "change-country"). Together with economist Jens Thiel, engineer Heiko Holzberger and a few others, he founded the group "Friends of the Great Pyramid". They raised initial funding of some 100.000 € from a German federal foundation "Kulturstiftung des Bundes" in their program for the Future of Labor. This enabled the group to pursue the project of the Great pyramid in terms of public relations, to develop a solid business plan, and to scout for feasible building sites, especially in Eastern Germany. The endeavour is portrayed in a feature-length documentary film by German director Frauke Finsterwalder. Reactions to the Concept of the 'Great Pyramid Monument'. Regional (Dessau, Eastern Germany). In spring 2007, a thorough analysis of the infrastructure in Eastern Germany narrowed the most feasible site for the great pyramid to a region outside Dessau, 100 km south of Berlin. The two villages of Streetz and Natho, however, showed limited enthusiasm for the project. Nevertheless, an interesting dialogue had begun, and September 2007 saw a symbolic founding stone being laid in Streetz, Dessau-Rosslau, Germany. A festival which showcased international and local artists accompanied this event and received considerable national and international media coverage. International. Since the website launch in early spring 2007, the idea of the great pyramid monument has fueled interest in several countries. Almost 1500 entities currently express their support for the idea of such an alternative forthcoming necropolis by holding a non-binding reservation for a resting stone in the pyramid via the group's website. The relaunch issue of the Italian design magazine "Abitare" (October 2007) featured Niermann's concept in his own words. Scottish singer and cultural critic Nick Currie aka Momus likes the idea, while remaining wary of an implied or a perceived fascist aesthetic. Architectural competition. As of November 2007, a closed-call competition to develop a sound architectural concept in designing the pyramid building and its surroundings is in progress. Participating architects include Ai Weiwei, Beijing, Arquitectonica, Miami and New York, Atelier Bow-Wow, Tokyo, Nikolaus Hirsch, Wolfgang Lorch and Markus Miessen, Frankfurt/M. and London, and MADA s.p.a.m., Shanghai and Los Angeles. The pyramid monument group have also gathered an internationally renowned jury board, comprising Omar Akbar, Architect and Executive Director of the Bauhaus Dessau Foundation, Stefano Boeri, Architect and Editor of the magazine Abitare, Milan, Rem Koolhaas (President of the Jury), Architect, Rotterdam, for the group themselves Ingo Niermann, writer and journalist, as well as Miuccia Prada, designer and entrepreneur from Milan.

each block

10282-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=102451

A tetrode is a vacuum tube (called "valve" in British English) having four active electrodes. The four electrodes in order from the centre are: a thermionic cathode, first and second grids and a plate (called "anode" in British English). There are several varieties of tetrodes, the most common being the screen-grid tube and the beam tetrode. In screen-grid tubes and beam tetrodes, the first grid is the control grid and the second grid is the screen grid. In other tetrodes one of the grids is a control grid, while the other may have a variety of functions. The tetrode was developed in the 1920s by adding an additional grid to the first amplifying vacuum tube, the triode, to correct limitations of the triode. During the period 1913 to 1927, three distinct types of tetrode valves appeared. All had a normal control grid whose function was to act as a primary control for current passing through the tube, but they differed according to the intended function of the other grid. In order of historical appearance these are: the space-charge grid tube, the bi-grid valve, and the screen-grid tube. The last of these appeared in two distinct variants with different areas of application: the screen-grid valve proper, which was used for medium-frequency, small signal amplification, and the beam tetrode which appeared later, and was used for audio or radio-frequency power amplification. The former was quickly superseded by the rf pentode, while the latter was initially developed as an alternative to the pentode as an audio power amplifying device. The beam tetrode was also developed as a high power radio transmitting tube. Tetrodes were widely used in many consumer electronic devices such as radios, televisions, and audio systems until transistors replaced valves in the 1960s and 70s. Beam tetrodes have remained in use until quite recently in power applications such as audio amplifiers and radio transmitters. How it works. The tetrode functions in a similar way to the triode, from which it was developed. A current through the heater or filament heats the cathode, which causes it to emit electrons by thermionic emission. A positive voltage is applied between the plate and cathode, causing a flow of electrons from the cathode to plate through the two grids. A varying voltage applied to the control grid can control this current, causing variations in the plate current. With a resistive or other load in the plate circuit, the varying current will result in a varying voltage at the plate. With proper biasing, this voltage will be an amplified (but inverted) version of the AC voltage applied to the control grid, providing voltage gain. In the tetrode, the function of the other grid varies according to the type of tetrode; this is discussed below. Space charge grid tube. The space charge grid tube was the first type of tetrode to appear. In the course of his research into the action of the "audion" triode tube of Lee de Forest, Irving Langmuir found that the action of the heated thermionic cathode was to create a space charge, or cloud of electrons, around the cathode. This cloud acted as a virtual cathode. With low applied anode voltage, many of the electrons in the space charge returned to the cathode, and did not contribute to the anode current; only those at its outer limit would be affected by the electric field due to the anode, and would be accelerated towards it. However, if a grid bearing a low positive applied potential (about 10V) were inserted between the cathode and the control grid, the space charge could be made to extend further away from the cathode. This had two advantageous effects, both related to the influence of the electric fields of the other electrodes (anode and control grid) on the electrons of the space charge. First, a significant increase in anode current could be achieved with low anode voltage; the valve could be made to work well with lower applied anode voltage. Second, the transconductance (rate of change of anode current with respect to control grid voltage) of the tube was increased. The latter effect was particularly important since it increased the voltage gain available from the valve. Space-charge valves remained useful devices throughout the valve era, and were used in applications such as car radios operating directly from a 12V supply, where only a low anode voltage was available. The same principle was applied to other types of multi-grid tubes such as pentodes. As an example, the Sylvania 12K5 is described as "a tetrode designed for space-charge operation. It is intended for service as a power amplifier driver where the potentials are obtained directly from a 12V automobile battery." The space-charge grid was operated at +12V, the same as the anode supply voltage. Another important application of the space-charge tetrode was as an electrometer tube for detecting and measuring extremely small currents. For example, the General Electric FP54 was described as a "space-charge grid tube ... designed to have a very high input impedance and a very low grid current. It is designed particularly for amplification of direct currents smaller than about 10 amperes, and has been found capable of measuring currents as small as 5 x 10 amperes. It has a current amplification factor of 250,000, and operates with an anode voltage of 12v, and space-charge grid voltage of +4V." The mechanism by which the space-charge grid lowers control-grid current in an electrometer tetrode is that it prevents positive ions originating in the cathode from reaching the control grid. Note that when a space-charge grid is added to a triode, the first grid in the resulting tetrode is the space-charge grid, and the second grid is the control grid. Bi-grid valve. In the bi-grid type of tetrode, both grids are intended to carry electrical signals, so both are control grids. The first example to appear in Britain was the Marconi-Osram FE1, which was designed by H. J. Round, and became available in 1920. The tube was intended to be used in a reflex circuit (for example the single-valve ship receiver Type 91) where the same valve performed the multiple functions of RF amplifier, AF amplifier, and diode detector. The RF signal was applied to one control grid, and the AF signal to the other. This type of tetrode was used in many imaginative ways in the period before the appearance of the screen-grid valve revolutionised receiver design. One application is shown in the illustration. This is recognisable as an AM telephony transmitter in which the second grid and the anode form a power oscillator, and the first grid acts as a modulating electrode. The anode current in the valve, and hence the RF output amplitude, is modulated by the voltage on G1, which is derived from a carbon microphone. A tube of this type could also be used as a direct conversion CW (radiotelegraphy) receiver. Here the valve oscillates as a consequence of coupling between the first grid and the anode, while the second grid is coupled to the antenna. The AF beat frequency is audible in the headphones. The valve acts as a self-oscillating product detector. Another, very similar application of the bi-grid valve was as a self oscillating frequency mixer in early superhet receivers One control grid carried the incoming RF signal, while the other was connected into an oscillator circuit which generated the local oscillation within the same valve. Since the anode current of the bi-grid valve was proportional both to the signal on the first grid, and also to the oscillator voltage on the second grid, the required multiplication of the two signals was achieved, and the intermediate frequency signal appeared in an appropriately tuned circuit connected to the anode. In all of the applications mentioned, the bi-grid tetrode acted as an analogue multiplier (analog multiplier) which multiplied together the signals applied to the two grids. The super-sonic heterodyne (superhet) receiver principle was invented in France by Lucien Levy in 1917 (p 66), though credit is usually also given to Edwin Armstrong. The original reason for the invention of the superhet was that before the appearance of the screen-grid valve, there was no type of valve which could give good gain at radio frequencies (i.e. frequencies much above 100 kHz), so a technique was applied whereby the incoming RF signal was "mixed" (i.e. multiplied) with a locally generated oscillatory voltage (the local oscillator) so as to produce a beat frequency of about 30 kHz. This intermediate frequency represented the incoming signal in all important respects, but at a significantly lower frequency which could be successfully amplified by the triode amplifiers available then. This was a complicated technique. It went out of use when screen-grid valves appeared which could act as satisfactory RF amplifiers capable of amplifying the incoming signal without lowering its frequency (see Screen grid valve, below). Superhet receivers reappeared in the early 1930s when, because of the proliferation of transmitting stations, their greater selectivity became an important advantage; almost all receivers operate on this principle today, albeit with a higher IF frequency. Screen grid valve. In the screen grid class of tetrode, the main function of the second grid is to act as an electrostatic screen between the anode and the control grid (i.e. the first grid) in order to reduce the internal capacitance between control grid and anode. The first true screen-grid valve, with a screen grid designed for this purpose, was patented by Hiroshi Ando in 1919, and the first practical versions were built by N. H. Williams and Albert Hull at General Electric and Bernard Tellegen at Phillips in 1926. This type of tetrode was developed to correct deficiencies in the triode tube which became apparent when attempts were made to use triodes as small-signal radio-frequency amplifiers. In the triode, the control grid was next to the plate. Capacitance between these two electrodes caused instability and oscillation when both anode and grid were connected into tuned resonant circuits, as was the case in early radios, or in any application where the anode circuit presented an inductive load to the valve. Oscillation could only be avoided by using very small stage gain at frequencies above about 100 kHz, and at frequencies above 1 MHz, triodes are virtually useless in tuned amplifiers in which both anode and grid circuits are tuned to the same frequency. A second advantage of the tetrode, which also arose from reduced anode-grid capacitance, was that, when the anode voltage was in a certain range, changing its value had much less effect on the anode current than was the case with triodes. This corresponds to an increased anode slope resistance, and allowed much higher voltage gain by permitting a larger external load resistance. At the time of the introduction of screen-grid valves (around 1927) a typical small triode used for small-signal amplification had an anode slope resistance of 20 kilohms or less, and a grid-anode capacitance of 1 to 5 pF, while the corresponding figures for a typical screen grid valve were 1 megohms and 0.004 pF - in some cases much less capacitance. Screen-grid valves exhibited greater voltage gain and higher frequency capability than triodes, and permitted the development of the first true RF amplifiers in the MF and HF frequency ranges in radio equipment. They were commonly used as the first stage of radio-frequency amplification in domestic radio receivers in the period 1927 to 1930, after which they were superseded in this application by RF pentodes. Triodes were ill-suited to this type of application on account of their relatively high anode-grid capacitance and low anode resistance. In normal operation the screen grid is connected to a positive DC voltage slightly less than the plate voltage, and bypassed to the cathode with a capacitor, so it was at AC ground. To take full advantage of the very low internal grid-anode capacitance, the valve must be used in circuits in which the shielding between anode and grid is continued externally. In the case illustrated (S625), the valve was intended to be inserted into a hole in an external, grounded, sheet-metal shield aligned to correspond with the position of the internal screen-grid. The input, or control-grid circuit was on one side of the shield, while the anode, or output circuit was on the other. In the case of the Osram Music Magnet, each entire stage of the 2-stage rf amplifier, as well as the tuned detector stage, was enclosed in an individual large aluminium screening box. These boxes have been removed in the illustration, but the up-turned edges of the bases of the boxes can be seen. Anode characteristic of screen-grid valves. The reason for the limited applicability of the screen-grid valve, and its rapid replacement by the RF pentode (introduced around 1930) was the peculiar anode characteristic (i.e. variation of anode current with respect to anode voltage) of the former type of tube. In normal applications, the anode voltage was about 150 V, while that of the screen-grid was about 60 V (Thrower p 183). As the screen grid is positive with respect to the cathode, it collects a certain fraction (perhaps a quarter) of the electrons which would otherwise pass from the grid region to the anode. This causes current to flow in the screen grid circuit. Usually, the screen current due to this cause is small, and of little interest. However, if the anode voltage should be below that of the screen, the screen grid can also collect secondary electrons ejected from the anode by the impact of the energetic primary electrons. Both effects tend to reduce the anode current. If the anode voltage is increased from a low value, with the screen grid at its normal operating voltage (60V, say) the anode current initially increases rapidly because more of those electrons which pass through the screen-grid are collected by the anode rather than passing back to the screen grid. This part of the tetrode anode characteristic resembles the corresponding part of that of a triode or pentode. However, when the anode voltage is increased further, the electrons arriving at the anode have sufficient energy to cause copious secondary emission, and many of these secondary electrons will be captured by the screen, which is at a higher positive voltage than the anode. This causes the anode current to fall rather than increase when the anode voltage is increased. In some cases the anode current can actually become negative (current flows out of the anode); this is possible since each primary electron may produce more than one secondary. Falling positive anode current accompanied by rising anode voltage gives the anode characteristic a region of negative slope, and this corresponds to a negative resistance which can cause instability in certain circuits. In a higher range of anode voltage, the anode voltage sufficiently exceeds that of the screen for an increasing proportion of the secondary electrons to be attracted back to the anode, so the anode current increases once more, and the slope of the anode characteristic becomes positive again. In a yet higher range of anode voltages, the anode current becomes substantially constant, since all of the secondary electrons now return to the anode, and the main control of current through the tube is the voltage of the control grid. This is the normal operating mode of the tube. The anode characteristic of a screen-grid valve is thus quite unlike that of a triode. It includes a range of anode voltages, where the anode voltage is less than that of the screen grid, in which there is a distinctive negative resistance characteristic, sometimes called "tetrode kink". This is usually undesirable, although it can be exploited as in the dynatron oscillator (Eastman, p 431). The approximately constant-current region of low slope at high anode voltage is also a distinctive characteristic of the tetrode. This is highly desirable, since it corresponds to a high source resistance in the anode circuit, and greatly enhances the voltage gain which the device can produce. Early screen-grid valves had amplification factors (i.e. the product of transconductance and anode slope resistance) ten times that of comparable small-signal triodes. The high anode resistance (i.e. low slope) in the normal operating range is a consequence of the electrostatic shielding action of the screen grid, since it prevents the electric field due to the anode from penetrating to the control grid region, where it might otherwise influence the passage of electrons, increasing the electron current when the anode voltage is high, reducing it when low. In practice the negative-resistance kink of the anode characteristic limits the usefulness of the screen-grid valve to applications where only small signals are amplified, so that the variations in anode voltage are also correspondingly small, and the operating conditions never depart from the region of high positive impedance (low positive slope) at large anode voltage. The secondary emission can be prevented from contributing to the screen current (and thus detracting from the anode current) by adding a suppressor grid, making a pentode, or beam plates to make a beam tetrode/kinkless tetrode, which can be used in power amplifiers where the variations of anode voltage, due to the presence of a large signal voltage, are much greater. The anode characteristics of these tubes are very similar to pentodes. In both cases the anode current rises rapidly to an approximately constant value when the anode voltage rises to as little as a few tens of volts, and the region of high positive anode resistance (low slope) extends from this low value up to the maximum anode voltage which could be several hundred volts or more. The negative resistance operating region of the tetrode is exploited in the dynatron oscillator, which is an example of a negative resistance oscillator. (Eastman, p431) Beam tetrode. The high value of the anode slope resistance of tetrodes (mentioned above) makes them capable of high voltage and power gain, and is also potentially a cause of high anode efficiency which, if it could be exploited, would make tetrodes superior to triodes as power amplifying devices in applications such as audio power amplifiers, and the output stages of radio transmitters. For a triode power amplifier working with a transformer or inductive load in Class A, the maximum theoretical efficiency is 25%. This low figure is in part a consequence of the low anode slope impedance (R) of this type of tube; the low value of a triode R is almost always much less than the optimal anode load impedance in a power amplifier. For a pentode or tetrode, however, R is usually sufficiently high for the optimal load impedance to be achieved, and under these circumstances the maximum theoretical efficiency rises to 50%. This gives tetrodes and pentodes an important practical advantage over triodes, which is of particular value when high power outputs are required. However, the tetrode kink limits the permissible variation of anode voltage, and restricts the use of screen-grid valves to small-signal applications. The suppressor grid of the pentode eliminates the kink in the anode characteristic by preventing secondary electrons, which originate in the anode, from reaching the screen grid, and thus permits a wider excursion of anode voltage, as is required for power amplification. The same effect can be produced in the case of a tetrode by introducing two modifications. Firstly, the wires of the screen grid are aligned with those of the control grid so that the former lie in the electron 'shadow' created by the latter. This reduces the screen grid current, thereby giving greater efficiency, and also concentrates the electrons into dense beams in the space between the screen grid and the anode. The intense negative space charge of these beams prevents secondary electrons from the anode from reaching the screen grid, thereby eliminating the tetrode kink. Secondly, in small valves whose electrode structure is supported in the conventional way with vertical wire rods and mica spacers, it was found to be necessary to introduce sheet-metal beam-forming electrodes between the screen grid and the anode. The purpose of these beam-plates is to constrain the electron beams into parts of the electrode system which are sections of a cylinder. (See sectional view, right). Successful creation of the electron beam between screen grid and anode required for a kinkless anode characteristic depends on the details of the geometry of the electrode structure of the beam tetrode. In the cases where the electrodes have complete cylindrical symmetry, a kinkless characteristic can be achieved without the need for beam-plates, alignment of the screen grid wires with those of the control grid being sufficient. This form of construction is usually adopted in larger tubes with an anode power rating of 100W or more. The Eimac 4CX250B (rated at 250W anode dissipation) is an example of this class of beam tetrode. Note that a radically different approach is taken to the design of the support system for the electrodes in these types (see illustration). The 4CX250B is described by its manufacturer as a 'radial beam tetrode', drawing attention to the symmetry of its electrode system. The overall effect of the original developments was to produce a highly effective power amplifier tube, whose anode characteristic is very much like that of a pentode, but which has greater efficiency as a result of reduced screen current. A further bonus was that third harmonic distortion was much reduced relative to a comparable pentode (Terman pp 198–9). Beam tetrode audio power output valves were introduced in 1937, and quickly replaced conventional pentodes in this application. Later developments produced beam power tubes which were capable of high-power output at frequencies extending into the UHF region. The beam tetrode, patented in 1933, was invented in Britain by two EMI engineers, Cabot Bull and Sidney Rodda, as an attempt to circumvent the power pentode, whose patent was owned by Philips. Although the beam-plates (when present) could be counted as a fifth electrode (as in a pentode), this type of tube is nevertheless classified as a tetrode, perhaps to underline the difference in principle from that employed in true pentodes, which rely upon the effect of a suppressor grid. Beam tetrodes were widely used as audio power amplifying tubes in consumer items such as radios and televisions and in industrial electronic equipment until the 1960s when they were replaced by transistors. Their main use now is in high power industrial applications such as radio transmitters. Low power consumer beam tetrodes are still used in a few legacy and specialty vacuum tube audio power amplifier devices such as tube guitar amplifiers; the KT66 and KT88 are popular examples in audio equipment, while QY4-400 is an example having 400W anode dissipation, capable of applications in radio transmitters up to 100 MHz. The 4CX250B, mentioned above can be operated at full 250W anode dissipation up to 500 MHz. Many other types abound. Critical-distance tetrode. An alternative approach to the problem of eliminating the tetrode kink was introduced by Hivac in 1935. It was found by J.H Owen Harries that if the separation of the anode from the screen grid were varied, a critical separation could be found (about 3 cm) where the kink in the tetrode's anode characteristic disappeared, and the amplification of the valve became particularly distortion-free. Both fidelity and efficiency exceeded those of the available pentodes of the time. A range of tetrodes of this type were introduced, aimed at the domestic receiver market, some having 2V directly heated filaments, intended for low-power battery-operated sets, others with 4V or higher, indirectly heated cathodes for mains operation. Output powers ranged from 0.5W to 11.5W . Confusingly, several of these new valves bore the same type number as existing pentodes with almost identical characteristics. Examples include Y220 (0.5W, 2V filament), AC/Y (3W, 4V heater), AC/Q (11.5W, 4V heater), etc.

primary usage

3735-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=744445

Wilmer Leon Fields (August 2, 1922 – June 4, 2004) was an American baseball player who was a household name in the Negro leagues and other baseball circuits between the 1940s and 1950s. Born in Manassas, Virginia, Fields was a versatile two-way player in the Negro leagues, and also played in Canada and several Latin American leagues, including Mexico, Puerto Rico, Venezuela, Cuba, Panama, Colombia, and the Dominican Republic. In most leagues he was a pitcher, but played at third base or outfield in games when he was not scheduled to pitch. His consistent batting and pitching skills helped him capture the Most Valuable Player award on many occasions throughout the course of his distinguished career. Fields possessed a running fastball complemented by a curve, a slider and eventually a knuckler, and he had average control of his pitches. He was often referred to as ″Red″, ″Bill″, or ″Chinky″. Professional career. Negro leagues. At 6-foot 3-inches (1.92 m) and 220 pounds (100 kg), Fields played quarterback at Virginia State University in Petersburg, but left school when he was recruited to play for the Homestead Grays Negro league club in 1939. He spent his entire Negro league career with the Grays, but continued his college education in the off-seasons while also playing football and basketball. The Grays were one of the finest teams in the Negro league, winning nine league championships before folding in the wake of desegregated professional baseball. They played many of their home games at the old Griffith Stadium in Washington, D.C. and some in Homestead, a neighborhood of Pittsburgh. After Jackie Robinson joined the Brooklyn Dodgers in the 1947 season and broke the color line in Major League Baseball, the Negro leagues struggled, starting to die off. In 1940 Fields joined the Grays at the age of 17, showing records of 2-1, 13-5 and 15-3 in his first three seasons, but his promising career was interrupted —but hardly harmed— by Army service in Europe during World War II. Following his discharge in 1946, Fields posted a record of 72-17 record over the next five seasons, compiling a stunning record of 102 wins and 26 losses during his eight years in the league, helping his team clinch four pennant titles (1940–1942; 1948) and a World Series championship (1948). In 1948 he was selected to the East-West All-Star Game, which was played at Yankee Stadium. Besides, Fields led Homestead defeat the Baltimore Elite Giants 3-0 in the 1948 Negro National League Championship. The Grays then defeated the Birmingham Black Barons, 4-1, to win the , during what turned out to be the last Series ever played in Negro league history. After that, he became part of several championship teams and was selected as Most Valuable Player a record seven times in different baseball leagues. Canadian baseball. Once the Grays disbanded, Fields received numerous contract offers from major league organizations, but he was content with what he was doing and refused them. Then, he opted to play in Canadian baseball during the summer and also in the Caribbean winter leagues. As a result, he travelled to Canada to play for the Brantford Red Sox of the competitive Intercounty Baseball League in southwestern Ontario. Fields played for Brantford in 1951 and from 1953 through 1955, as well as for the Toronto Maple Leafs of the International League in 1952. While playing for Brantford, he posted pitching records of 11-2, 10-2, 9-3 and 8-0, and batting averages of .382, 381, .379 and .425, respectively, to win three MVP awards in the league during the 1951, 1954 and 1955 seasons. in four campaigns there, he compiled a 38-7 record and a .392 average. In his only season for Toronto, he hit a second best team average of .291 in 52 games while sharing duties with eight outfielders. National Baseball Congress. Besides his stay in Canada, Fields played from 1956 to 1957 with the Fort Wayne Allen Dairymen team based in Indiana. The team was a member of the Michigan-Indiana League, a top notch top semipro league composed of black and white players, which had been integrated by legendary Double Duty Radcliffe in 1948. Between the 1940s and 1950s, Fort Wayne was a strong ballclub that participated in several Global World Series organized by the National Baseball Congress. Starting in 1935, participated in the event championship teams from four continents. Usually, the U.S. teams had Negro league players, minor leaguers and former big leaguers in their rosters. The Fort Wayne team won four NBC championship titles from 1947 through 1950 and a fifth title in 1956. In the two seasons, Fields had records of 6-1 and 5-0 on the mound, with batting averages of .432 and .387. He earned MVP honors in the 1956 NBC tournament, putting his name alongside greats such as Satchel Paige (1935), Red Barkley (1941), George Archie (1943), Cot Deal (1944–1945), Bill Ricks (1949), Pat Scantlebury (1950), Daryl Spencer (1955) and Clyde McCullough (1955). Puerto Rico Baseball League. Likewise, Fields represented a good example of a ballplayer who benefited from the opportunities created by the interdependence of Latino and black baseball. Competition in the Caribbean Baseball has always been passionate and intense, as Fields recalled in his autobiography "My Life in the Negro Leagues": «Not every could make it down there and you better believe if you didn't produce you didn't last long. I was lucky that way». In addition to eight Negro league campaigns and several minor league stints after integration, Fields also played four seasons in the Puerto Rico Baseball League for the Indios de Mayagüez. He looked forward to supplementing his income during the winter by doing what he loved most. In 1947–1948 he had a chance to show his stuff as a pitcher/outfielder for Mayagüez, ending with a 5-5 mark, while batting .315 with five home runs and 41 runs batted in. Then, he posted a 10-4 pitching record and hit .330 with 11 homers in the 1948–1949 season, topping the league with 88 RBIs and winning MVP Award honors, to lead his team to the 1949 Caribbean Series. Fields hit .429 as the Indios' third baseman in the Series, including two doubles, a homer and seven RBIs. He also went into the record books by hitting the first grand slam in Series history. In 1949–1950 Fields had an 8-4 record and batted .326 for Mayagüez. He later was included as reinforcement of the Criollos de Caguas in the 1950 Caribbean Series. Notably, Fields got one start in the event and defeated the highly favored Alacranes de Almendares of Cuba, 6–1, limiting them to five hits in a complete game effort. The only Cuban run came from a home run by Héctor Rodríguez. It was the second heroic effort for Fields in many games. The previous game, facing the Navegantes del Magallanes of Venezuela, Fields belted a pinch-hit, bottom of the ninth, two-run homer against Terris McDuffie, to lift the Criollos to a 2–1 victory. It was the first walk-off hit of the Series, and rewarded a stellar four-hit by Luis Arroyo, who became the first pitcher born in Puerto Rico to win a Caribbean Series game. Besides, Fields played the rest of the games as a backup outfielder for Willard Brown, Luis Olmo and Tetelo Vargas, going 3-for-11 with one home run, and scored eight runs to tie Cuban Al Gionfriddo for the Series lead. He then finished with a .323 average and a 5-2 record for Mayagüez in part of the 1950–1951 season. Venezuela Baseball League. After that, Fields spent time in the Venezuelan Professional Baseball League while playing for the Cervecería Caracas and Patriotas de Venezuela clubs in a span of three seasons. Fields reported to the Caracas club in the 1950–1951 midseason. As an outfielder for Cervecería, he batted .389 with three home runs and 13 RBIs in 28 games. He became the first player in league history to hit two grand slams in a single season, a feat only matched by Billy Queen in the 1953–1954 tournament and Pete Koegel in 1973–1974. In 1951–1952, playing at full-time, Fields carried Cervecería to the pennant title en route to the 1952 Caribbean Series, winning the league's batting crown with a .357 average, while also leading in hits (74), RBIs (45), runs scored (48), and doubles (21). He also finished second in home runs (8), one behind of Patriotas' Russell Kerns, and added another MVP award to his trophy case. He continued his torrid pace in the Series, batting .360 and leading in RBIs (7), while tying in home runs (2) with Cuban Spider Jorgensen and for the most hits (9) with Cuban Sandy Amorós and Panamanian Spook Jacobs. In addition, he collected the second-highest batting average behind Amorós (.450), and was named to the All-Star team as a right fielder. Fields then played briefly for the Patriotas in 1951–1952, appearing in just 17 games and batting .258 with 10 RBIs. Other leagues. In 1953–1954, Fields enjoyed another good season as an outfielder/pitcher for the Estrellas de Oriente of the Dominican Professional Baseball League. He had a very solid average of .393, while sporting a 5-2 record from the pitching circle. Fields later played in Colombian baseball during the 1954–1955 and 1955–1956 seasons, batting averages of .330 and .319 respectively, and was honored with an MVP Award in his first season. He also had brief stints in Cuba and Panama during the same decade, before playing his last season in the Mexican League in 1958. He divided his playing time between the Diablos Rojos del México and the Sultanes de Monterrey, playing at third base and some in the outfield, while batting .375 with seven home runs and 35 RBIs in 25 games. After baseball. Fields left baseball in 1958 and initially took a job as a bricklayer's helper. Disappointed by the low pay, he found more promising work as an alcohol counselor with the District government. His work took him to reform schools and prisons. At the Lorton Correctional Complex, he organized baseball games between inmates and young Prince William County players. The athletic genes were passed to his son, who attended Providence College on a full basketball scholarship. He retired in the mid-1980s, worked briefly as a security guard and then became part of the new Negro League Baseball Players Association, which helped raise money for income-strapped former members and bring attention to the long-defunct league. As president of the association since the mid-1990s, he organized autograph shows and held benefit auctions to raise money for many of his former baseball colleagues, and also organized baseball games for prison inmates while working as an alcohol counselor. Wilmer Fields died of a heart ailment at his home in Manassas, Virginia. He was 81. Honors and acknowledgments. In addition to his many awards during his playing days, Fields has received posthumous acknowledgment for his contribution to baseball. In 2001 Fields received the honor of induction into the Caribbean Baseball Hall of Fame as part of their fifth class. Then, in 2006 he was inducted into the Black Ice Hockey and Sports Hall of Fame along with 19 other Black athletes for his outstanding career in the Negro leagues.

decent command

14679-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=48682506

The Hubsan X4 is a series of very small, lightweight, remotely controlled quadcopters (sometimes considered unmanned aerial vehicles or "drones") which utilize four propellers (hence the "X4" designation) powered by a single lithium-polymer battery. Since the marketing of the first model, several upgrades and improvements have taken place, each with a subsequent model number and designation attached. H107. The H107 was the first model. All subsequent models are based on this basic design. Like all Hubsan X4s, the H107 operates with four propellers and a lithium-polymer battery. It was very inexpensive compared to the available set of other quadcopters, making it appealing to first-time hobbyists and therefore a very popular product. However, it had no built-in LED lights, no camera, was easily damaged when crashing, and could easily blow away in light winds. H107L and H107P. The H107L was the next Hubsan X4 model. It included a set of four LEDs on the ends of its four arms (hence the "L" designation), allowing the operator to determine its facing direction even in daylight settings. It also was given shorter blade axles on its propellers to help stabilize flight. It was eventually re-designated H107P (for "plus", though not with the same meaning as the plus symbol, "+", about which see below). H107C. The H107C included a 720p digital on-board camera, allowing the user to record flights onto a micro SD card and then download the recordings to a computer for viewing. The plus model, H107C+, while still being equipped with the same 720P camera as its predecessor, was given an altitude hold mode, allowing it to maintain a given altitude without further input from the controller. The plus version also included screws along the undersides of the arms to prevent the arms from popping open which was a frequent problem in previous models. Upon its release, it was recognized as the smallest publicly available "drone" to contain a camera. H107D. The H107D was the first Hubsan to have a first person view. It retained the same 720P quality as the H107C, but broadcast it to a video screen on the controller so that the pilot of the craft could see what the craft was "seeing" in real-time. During the 2015 CES Show, the Hubsan X4 H107D Plus (+) was unveiled to the public as the next generation of Hubsan's flagship line. The H107D+ also had the altitude mode upgrade. H109. The H109 included a set of brushless DC electric motors with a larger transmitter to harness the resulting power. It also has a 20-minute flight time, which is nearly three times longer than most of the previous models. It did not come in a "plus" variety (there is no H109+) which meant that it lacked the altitude hold function. H109S. The Hubsan X4 Pro H109S, is the Pro version of drone from Hubsan. It featured a 1080P HD camera, GPS with return-to-home function, altitude stabilization, and internal compass. The GPS and compass work to keep the drone stable and able to fly in less than perfect conditions. The H109S Pro comes in 3 versions. H111. The H111, also marketed as the "Q4 Nano" quadcopter, is the smallest quadcopter Hubsan manufactures: it is about 45 mm on a side (excluding propellers), and weighs 11.5 grams. Marketed as more of a toy than other models, it includes few of the features of other Hubsan quadcopters: although it does have the LED lights for orientation, there is no camera, no altitude hold, and it has only a five-minute flight time per charge (battery is built-in and must be charged with a USB cable for 40 minutes to obtain a full charge). Also, unlike most other Hubsan models, the H111 has no pre-designed propeller guard, which means the propellers are more exposed and likely to be damaged in a crash. H111 Q4 FPV. The Hubsan H111 Q4 FPV follows the pattern that Hubsan use with their other ranges and adds a First Person View capable model to this nano quad. The H111 FPV is the same as the standard H111 in terms of features but it has a FPV camera on the front and a 5.8 GHz video transmitter to send the real time images back to the screen on the controller (transmitter). The battery is a 180 mAh LiPo which, while tiny, is almost twice the size of the standard H111's 100 mAh battery. That results in a slightly increased flight time, even considering the bigger power drain. H501S. The H501S, also marketed as the "Hubsan X4 FPV brushless" quadcopter, has 20 minutes' flight time, first-person view (FPV), altitude hold, Headless mode, GPS mode, follow-me mode, circle mode, orbit mode, and auto return home. H502E. The H502E, also marketed as the "H502E X4 DESIRE CAM" is a smaller version of the H501S quadcopter. Uses brushed motors, has 12 minutes' flight time, 7.4V (2S) 610 mAh Li-Po battery, GPS Positioning, altitude hold, 720P High Definition Camera and return to home. Includes the standard TX H907A remote, extra props, USB charger and a tiny screwdriver. Same unit as the Revell PULSE #23887 H502S. The H502S, also marketed as the "H502S X4 DESIRE FPV" is a smaller version of the H501S quadcopter and same size as the H502E. Uses brushed motors, has 12 minutes' flight time, 7.4 V (2S) 610 mAh Li-Po battery, GPS Positioning, first-person view (FPV), altitude hold, follow-me mode, 720P High Definition Camera and return to home. Includes the standard H901A remote, USB charger, extra props and a tiny screwdriver. Same unit as the Revell PULSE FPV #23875 H501A. The H501A, also known as the 'X4 Air Pro' has a flight time of 20 minutes, it uses a battery 7.4 V 2700 mAh Li-Po and has a charging time of 210 minutes. Total fly distance 300 meters. APP compatible/orbiting/functional waypoints. FPV: Real Time Photo/Video Transmission. 4 Brushless Motors. HD camera resolution 1920 x 1080P. Flight Control Failsafe and Low Power Failsafe. GPS/Follow Me/Headless/RTH/Automatic Take-Off. H507A. The H507A, also known as the X4 Star Pro is APP compatible and let you set the waypoints on the map to photography easier. It has a 720P High Definition Camera. GPS Accurate Position. Automatic Return To Home. Flight Time 10 Minutes. Battery- 7.6V 550mAh Li-Po. Charging Time- 200 minutes. Distance- 300 meters(with Relay). APP Compatible/Orbiting/Functional Waypoints. Real time FPV/Photo/Video. 4 Coreless Motors. Flight Control Failsafe/Low Power Failsafe. GPS/Follow Me/Headless/RTH/Automatic Take-Off.

two times the measurements

5869-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=5672680

Rape is a type of sexual assault initiated by one or more persons against another person without that person's consent. The act may be carried out by physical force, or where the person is under threat or manipulation, or with a person who is incapable of valid consent. It is the name of a statutory crime in jurisdictions such as England and Wales, Northern Ireland, Scotland, California, and New York, and is a legal term of art used in the definition of the offence of sexual violation in New Zealand. Definitions of "rape" vary, but generally require some degree of sexual penetration without consent, the term "consent" varies as well. Minors, for example, are often considered too young to consent to sexual relations with older persons (see statutory rape and age of consent). Consent is also considered invalid if obtained under duress, or from a person who does not have the ability to understand the nature of the act, due to factors such as young age, mental disability, or substance intoxication. Many jurisdictions, such as Canada and several US and Australian states, no longer have a traditional common law offence of rape, which always required that sexual penetration had occurred. Some of these jurisdictions instead have created new statutory offences, such as sexual assault or criminal sexual conduct, which criminalise sexual contact without consent, and without any requirement that sexual intercourse occurred. Terminology and definitions. Classification. Depending on the jurisdiction, rape may be characterized as a sexual offence or an offence against the person. Rape may also be characterized as a form of aggravated assault or battery, or both, indecent assault or sexual assault or battery, or both. Actus reus. To sustain a conviction, rape might require proof that the defendant had sexual penetration with another person. Depending on the jurisdiction, the actus reus of rape may consist of "having carnal knowledge of" a woman, or "having sexual intercourse with" a woman (including a girl) specifically, or either a woman or a man (including a girl or a boy) generally, or engaging in sexual intercourse with a person (which term includes an intersex person who might arguably be neither a woman nor a man) or having "sexual connection" with a person affected by penile penetration of that person's genitalia, or penile penetration of the vagina, anus or mouth (these terms construed as including surgically constructed organs) of a person. In "Prosecutor v. Anto Furundžija", the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia included fellatio in the definition of rape, because [para 183]: "The Trial Chamber holds that the forced penetration of the mouth by the male sexual organ constitutes a most humiliating and degrading attack upon human dignity. The essence of the whole corpus of international humanitarian law as well as human rights law lies in the protection of the human dignity of every person, whatever his or her gender". Mens rea. Countries around the world differ in how they deal with the mens rea element in the law regarding rape, (i.e. the belief of the accused that the victim is not consenting or might not be consenting), and in how they place the onus of proof with regard to belief of consent. For example, under the Sexual Offences Act 2003, the belief must be "reasonable" and "Whether a belief is reasonable is to be determined having regard to all the circumstances, including any steps A has taken to ascertain whether B consents". In some jurisdictions the mens rea is quite complex, such as in New South Wales, where the law reads: The Explanatory Report of the Istanbul Convention, states at para 189: "The interpretation of the word "intentionally" is left to domestic law, but the requirement for intentional conduct relates to all the elements of the offence". [in regard to Article 36 of the convention – Sexual violence, including rape]. Attendant circumstances. Rape has been defined so as to require proof that the sexual act in question was done without the victim's consent, or so as to require proof that it was done either without their consent or, alternatively, against their will. There is not always a requirement that the victim did not consent. In the England and Wales, section 5 of the Sexual Offences Act 2003 creates the offence of "rape of a child under 13" and contains no reference to consent. After describing the sexual act the offence prohibits, the explanatory notes to the Act say "whether or not the child consented to this act is irrelevant". In M.C. v. Bulgaria, the European Court of Human Rights ruled that the victim does not necessarily have to resist physically for the crime of rape to be committed [para 166]: Some circumstances, such as where the victim is kidnapped or in detention, or under conditions of war or genocide, may be viewed as so coercive, that they presume non-consent altogether; for example in "ICTY, The Prosecutor v. Kunarac, Kovac and Vukovic", it was ruled, in regard to the rape during the Bosnian War, where women were kept in detention centers, under extremely harsh conditions, and were selected for sex by soldiers and policemen, that [para 132]: "Such detentions amount to circumstances that were so coercive as to negate any possibility of consent". The issue arises in law as who can legally consent, for example with regard to persons who suffer from mental or physical disability. Although laws differ by jurisdiction, emerging international standards suggest that a person's mental or physical disability, should not, "in and of itself", render the sexual interaction illegal, but rather "the exploitation or abuse" of such disability by the perpetrator should do so: in the European Union, the "Directive 2011/93/EU of the European Parliament and of the Council of 13 December 2011" reads (with regard to the determination of legal consent of a child who is above the age of consent): "(10) Disability, by itself, does not automatically constitute an impossibility to consent to sexual relations. However, the abuse of the existence of such a disability in order to engage in sexual activities with a child should be criminalised". Redefinitions and statute. General. From the second part of the 20th century onwards, the crime of rape has undergone major changes in definition in many countries, especially in Western countries. It has evolved from its narrow traditional definition of forced penetration of a vagina by a penis, outside of marriage, to a broader definition, which includes forced sex in marriage (marital rape), and may also include other sexual acts (such as anal or oral sexual penetration); the latter were traditionally dealt with under sodomy laws. This redefinition of rape had the effect of defining male rape. There have also been changes in the legal definition of consent/coercion. Two different changes have been made in recent decades in many jurisdictions in regard to the criminal offense of rape as it relates to marital status: Marital rape. Throughout much of the history, rape in marriage was not a crime. Most cultures subscribed to the idea of the existence of 'conjugal rights' to sexual intercourse with one's spouse, and, until well into the 20th century, most legal systems generally accepted, overtly or tacitly, that such 'rights' could be taken by force, against the will of the wife. Traditional understanding and views of marriage, rape, sexuality, gender roles and self determination have started to be challenged in most Western countries during the 1960s and 1970s, which has led to the subsequent criminalization of marital rape during the following decades. With a few notable exceptions, it was during the past 30 years when most laws against marital rape have been enacted. Several countries in Eastern Europe and Scandinavia made spousal rape illegal before 1970, but other countries in Western Europe and the English-speaking Western World outlawed it much later, mostly in the 1980s and 1990s. Marital rape is included in the 1993 Declaration on the Elimination of Violence Against Women as a form of violence against women, which reads: It is also included in the Council of Europe Recommendation Rec(2002)5 of the Committee of Ministers to member states on the protection of women against violence, which reads: In addition, the World Health Organization, defines sexual violence as: "any sexual act, attempt to obtain a sexual act, unwanted sexual comments or advances, or acts to traffic, or otherwise directed, against a person’s sexuality using coercion, "by any person regardless of their relationship to the victim", in any setting, including but not limited to home and work". The countries which choose to ratify the Council of Europe Convention on preventing and combating violence against women and domestic violence, the first legally binding instrument in Europe in the field of violence against women, are bound by its provisions to ensure that non-consensual sexual acts committed against a spouse or partner are illegal. The convention came into force in August 2014. Marry-your-rapist laws. A marry-your-rapist law or rape-marriage law states that a rapist will not be prosecuted if they marry their victim. Although the terms for this phenomenon were only coined in the 2010s, the practice has been supported by the rape laws in many legal systems throughout history. In the late 20th and early 21st century, the remaining laws of this type were increasingly challenged and repealed in a series of countries. As a crime of abduction. Originally, in Ancient Rome, 'rape' was a crime-defining primarily the act of a male abducting a female without the consent of the man under whose authority she was (typically father or husband); sexual intercourse was not necessary. Furthermore, in many legal systems (such as 17th century France) the consent of the woman to sexual intercourse was not a defense - the act was still a crime if done without the consent of her father. While the laws on rape differed by historical period and culture, some elements were common to most jurisdictions until the second part of the 20th century (when rape laws underwent major changes): 'rape' was a crime that could be committed only between parties who were not married to each other, and only by a male against a female. Punishment. Punishment of assailants. Punishment for rape in most countries today is imprisonment. Castration is sometimes a punishment for rape and, controversially, some U.S. jurisdictions allow shorter sentences for sex criminals who agree to voluntary chemical castration. In the past, rape was often punished with death, and it is punishable by death in at least 9 countries today: China, Afghanistan, United Arab Emirates, Egypt, Iran, Saudi Arabia, Pakistan, and North Korea. In some of these instances, special circumstances apply. For example, rape is only punishable by death in India if the victim dies or is put in a persistent vegetative state, and/or if the rapist is a repeat offender, and in Iran, a death sentence for rape can be substituted with compensation, with or without imprisonment and flogging, if the victim so chooses. In 1977, in "Coker v. Georgia" the Supreme Court of the United States held that the death penalty for the crime of rape of an adult woman was cruel and unusual punishment, and thus banned it as a violation of the Eighth Amendment to the United States Constitution, and in 2008 in "Kennedy v. Louisiana" it ruled the same in regard to rape of a child. Prison sentences for rape are not uniform. A study made by the U.S. Department of Justice of prison releases in 1992, involving about 80 percent of the prison population, found that the average sentence for convicted rapists was 9.8 years, while the actual time served was 5.4 years. This follows the typical pattern of violent crimes in the US, where those convicted typically serve no more than half of their sentence. Between 2002 and 2003, more than one in ten convicted rapists in Victoria, Australia, served a wholly suspended sentence, and the average total effective sentence for rape was seven years. In the Republic of Ireland, the average sentence given for rape is 5 – 7 years. Punishment of victims. While the practice is condemned as barbaric by many present-day societies, some societies punish the victims of rape as well as the perpetrators. According to such cultures, being raped dishonors the victim and, in many cases, the victim's family. In some countries (e.g. Libya, Afghanistan) rape victims are sometimes killed to restore honor to the family's name. In the Shakespeare drama "Titus Andronicus", the title character kills his raped, maimed daughter in what he believes to be a mercy killing. Certain cultures have historically promoted a system of honor, dishonor, and shame, which was applied with particular strictness to females. A victim of rape would be considered to have lost her honorable reputation and place in society, a loss of honor which entailed shame on the woman's family group as well. In early ancient Rome, ancient China, and other cultures, a pressure has existed which has led women to commit suicide after becoming victims of rape. The iconic Roman instance is that of Lucretia. Likewise, the suicide of female rape victims for reasons of shame is also historically documented in Chinese and Japanese culture. In countries which outlaw fornication or adultery, rape victims may become subject to these laws (if they cannot prove the rape case and/or if it is revealed they were not virgins at the time of the assault - in the case of unmarried victims). International guidelines, recommendations, and obligations. In recent years, there have been various guidelines and recommendations from international human rights organizations in regard to rape and sexual violence. One view that is advanced is that the offense of 'rape' should be replaced with a broader offense of 'sexual assault'. For instance, the "Handbook for Legislation on Violence against Women" from the UN Department of Economic and Social Affairs Division for the Advancement of Women gives these suggestions about legislation on sexual violence: The Council of Europe Convention on preventing and combating violence against women and domestic violence, also known as the Istanbul Convention, which creates legally binding obligations for countries which choose to ratify it, reads: Laws by country. Common law countries. Rape was an offense under the common law of England. That offense became an offense under the law of other countries, including Australia and the United States, as a result of colonization or conquest, or the following cession (see British Empire). It is discussed at Rape in English law#History. Under this law, rape traditionally describes the act of a male forcing a female to have sexual intercourse (sexual penetration of the vagina by the penis) with him. Common law rape required the utmost physical resistance by the victim, as well as substantial force by the defendant. The common law crime of rape was collectively adopted by the American colonies in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Until the late twentieth century, spousal rape was not considered a true rape case because both spouses were deemed to have consented to a lifelong sexual relationship through the wedding vows. However, with changes to the marital rape exemption, as well as with the significant development of women's rights, the belief of a marital right to force sexual intercourse has become less widely held. Rape was also an offense at common law in Scotland. This offense was not derived from the English offense as Scotland retained its own system of criminal law under the terms of the Acts of Union 1707. Bhutan. Chapter 14 (Sexual Offenses) of the 2004 Penal Code of Bhutan outlaws rape and other sexual offenses. Under the criminal code, there are several categories of rape, which are punished differently, depending on factors such as the age of the victim, the relationship between the victim and the perpetrator, the number of participants (gang rape), whether the victim was pregnant, whether injury occurred. Marital rape is also recognized as an offense under the 2004 laws, being classified as a petty misdemeanour. The most serious form of rape is Gang rape of a child under twelve years of age, classified as a felony of the first degree. The most serious sexual offense is gang rape of a child under 12. Marital rape is illegal: Canada. The Criminal Code does not contain an offence of "rape", which historically required proof of penetration for a conviction. Instead, the law criminalizes "sexual assault", which is defined as sexual contact with another person without that other person's consent. The offence of sexual assault is broader than the historical offence of rape. Proof of penetration is not required to ground the offence of sexual assualt, nor is the offence gender specific. Consent is defined in section 273.1(1) of the Criminal Code as "the voluntary agreement of the complainant to engage in the sexual activity in question". France. Any act of sexual penetration, whatever its nature, committed against another person or on the perpetrator, by violence, constraint, threat or surprise, is rape. Rape is punished by a maximum of fifteen years' criminal imprisonment. Rape is punished by a maximum of twenty years' criminal imprisonment in certain aggravating factors (including victim under age of 15). Rape is punished by a maximum of thirty years' criminal imprisonment where it caused the death of the victim. Rape is punished by a maximum of imprisonment for life when it is preceded, accompanied or followed by torture or acts of barbarity. Ireland. In Republic of Ireland law, there are two separate offences of rape: The offences have the same penalty, of life imprisonment, and the same provisions regarding conduct of trials, except that rape under section 4 is an alternative verdict in a rape trial, but not conversely. The common-law offence was codified by the Offences against the Person Act 1861 and the Criminal Law (Rape) Act 1981. A statutory definition was introduced by section 2(1) of the 1981 act; as amended it states: The act also restricted reference to the alleged victim's past sexual history, and provided anonymity for both parties. Originally, the act referred to ""unlawful" sexual intercourse"; the word "unlawful", intended to preserve the exemption for marital rape, was deleted by the 1990 act. Section 4 of the 1990 act defines "rape under section 4" as follows: By section 2 of the 1990 act, "sexual assault" is defined in terms of "indecent assault", which is not otherwise defined. The 1988 Law Reform Commission (LRC) report on "rape and allied offences", on which the 1990 act was based, recommended expanding the common-law definition rather than creating a new offence, and the inclusion of penetration of the anus in the scope of section 4(b). The 1990 act mandated that trials for both rape offences be at the Central Criminal Court, removed the rule that males under 14 were considered incapable of sexual offences, and relaxed the obligation to warn the jury about an alleged victim's uncorroborated testimony. It also specifies that failure to offer resistance is not evidence of consent. Greece. Penal Code, Art. 336 par. 1 creates the offence of rape. It reads: 1. Whoever with physical violence or with threat of grave and direct danger forces another to intercourse or to tolerance or action of an indecent act, is punished with incarceration. In 2019 a new paragraph was added (Art. 336 par. 5), practically making lack of consent the sole criterion for rape. It reads:5. Whoever, apart from the case of paragraph 1, attempts intercourse without the consent of the victim, is punished with incarceration of up to ten years.In Greece, marital rape was made illegal in 2006. Guatemala. The 2009 "Law against Sexual Violence, Exploitation, and Trafficking in Persons" defines rape as follows: India. In 2019, the Indian Supreme Court ruled that sex on a false promise of marriage constitutes rape. Iran. In Iran, the sentence for a rape case is a death penalty by hanging in public squares or prisons. Israel. In Israel, the definition of the criminal offence of rape is as follows: Rape 345. (a) If a person had intercourse with a woman then he committed rape and is liable to sixteen years imprisonment. New Zealand. Rape is part of the statutory offence of sexual violation. Sexual violation is created by section 128 of the Crimes Act 1961. Sexual violation is defined as follows: Consent. The mere fact that a person "allows" sexual connection to be performed on them, does not automatically mean that they are legally "consenting". If that person allows sexual connection due to coercion (e.g., under force, threats or fear of force; when he/she is asleep or very intoxicated; if he/she is affected by an intellectual, mental, or physical condition or impairment of a certain nature and degree; when he/she is mistaken about the partner's identity), then he/she is not legally consenting. 128A Allowing sexual activity does not amount to consent in some circumstances (1) A person does not consent to sexual activity just because he or she does not protest or offer physical resistance to the activity. (2) A person does not consent to sexual activity if he or she allows the activity because of— (3) A person does not consent to sexual activity if the activity occurs while he or she is asleep or unconscious. (4) A person does not consent to sexual activity if the activity occurs while he or she is so affected by alcohol or some other drug that he or she cannot consent or refuse to consent to the activity. (5) A person does not consent to sexual activity if the activity occurs while he or she is affected by an intellectual, mental, or physical condition or impairment of such a nature and degree that he or she cannot consent or refuse to consent to the activity. (6) One person does not consent to sexual activity with another person if he or she allows the sexual activity because he or she is mistaken about who the other person is. (7) A person does not consent to an act of sexual activity if he or she allows the act because he or she is mistaken about its nature and quality. (8) This section does not limit the circumstances in which a person does not consent to sexual activity. (9) For the purposes of this section,— "Attempted sexual violation and assault with intent to commit sexual violation" are also punished (Article 129). Article 129A is entitled "Sexual conduct with consent induced by certain threats" and makes it illegal for a person to have sexual connection with another person or to do an indecent act on another person when the accused knows that the other person has been induced to consent to the connection/act by threat. However, a person is guilty of this crime "if (and only if) he or she knows that the other person has been induced to consent" to the sexual connection/indecent act "by an express or implied threat". Subsection (5), (a), (b), (c) of this article defines "threat" for the purpose of this article. Article 135 outlaws "Indecent assault". Article 138 outlaws "Sexual exploitation of a person with a significant impairment". Norway. In Norway, rape is defined under the Norwegian Penal Code § 192 as either: When any of these circumstances occur, a person guilty of rape is punishable by up to 10 years imprisonment. However, if a person is guilty of rape through gross negligence he or she is liable to imprisonment for a period not exceeding five years. If the activity in question was sexual intercourse or the offender has rendered a person unconscious or unable to resist the sexual activity, the penalty imposed shall be no less than three years imprisonment. Further, the same section defines "aggravated rape" as a rape committed The section recognizes sexually transmitted diseases (defined in the "Infection Protection Act") as grievous bodily harm. Philippines. Article 266-A of the Revised Penal Code (Title Eight of Act No. 3815) provides that: Chapter 3 of this Code, which relates to rape, was inserted by the Anti-Rape Law of 1997. By section 2 of that Act, the crime of rape is classified as a crime against persons under that Code. Russia. According to the Article 131 of the Criminal Code of Russia, rape is defined as heterosexual vaginal intercourse using violence or threat of violence or if the victim is in a helpless state. The other forms of a violent sexual intercourse (male-male, female-male, female-female and non-vaginal male-female) are called "coercive sexual actions" and are punishable by the Article 132. These two crimes, however, are punishable identically. Besides, such crimes as sexual relations with a person under the age of consent (16 years as of 2013, article 134) and depraved actions (Article 135), if committed against a person under 12 years since 2012 are considered rape or coercive sexual actions (depending on sex of the offender and the victim and the type of intercourse) and punished according to the articles 131 or 132, because such victim is deemed to be in a helpless state due to his/her age. However, the Article 134 punishes sexual activity between same-sex pairings harsher than sexual activity between opposite-sex pairings when one of the persons is under 16 years old. Rape or coercive sexual actions without any aggravating circumstances are punishable with 3 to 6 years of imprisonment. If the crime: then it is punishable with 4 to 10 years of imprisonment with possible subsequent restraint of liberty for up to 2 years (i.e. the criminal may not change or leave residence without permission and must register himself at local penal inspectorate 1 to 4 times a month; court may also impose additional restrictions such as the criminal may not leave home in certain hours, visit certain locations, change work without permission). If the crime then it is punishable with 8 to 15 years of imprisonment with the subsequent mandatory restraint of liberty for up to 2 years and a possible ban on certain occupations or employment positions for up to 20 years. If the crime then it is punishable with 12 to 20 years of imprisonment with the subsequent mandatory restraint of liberty for up to 2 years and a possible ban on certain occupations or employment positions for up to 20 years. South Africa. In South Africa, rape is defined by the Criminal Law (Sexual Offences and Related Matters) Amendment Act, 2007 (Act No. 32 of 2007). This act has repealed the common law offence of rape and replaced it with a new expanded statutory offence of rape, applicable to all forms of sexual penetration without consent, irrespective of gender. Rape is defined in section 3 of the act as follows: and "sexual penetration" is defined as: The law also clarifies that marital rape is illegal; section 56 of the Act provides that: Switzerland. Rape is defined as follows: Marital rape was made illegal in 1992, and since 2004 marital rape is prosecutable ex-officio (meaning it can be prosecuted even if the wife doesn't complain). Rape of a male is considered a heavy sexual assault/thread and is prosecuted under Art. 189 of the Swiss Penalty Code. Trinidad and Tobago. Rape under the law of Trinidad and Tobago is an indictable offence, created by section 4 of the Sexual Offenses Act: Section 4. Rape "(1) Subject to subsection (2), a person ("the accused") commits the offence of rape when he has sexual intercourse with another person ("the complainant")— Marital rape is also illegal; subsection (5) states: "(5) This section also applies to a husband in relation to the commission of the offence of rape on his wife." United Kingdom. England and Wales. The common law offence of rape was codified by section 1 of the Sexual Offences Act 2003. Definition of rape Rape is defined as follows: Northern Ireland. Rape is a statutory offence. It is created by article 5 of the Sexual Offences (Northern Ireland) Order 2008 (S.I. 1769/2008 (N.I. 2)). The common law offence of rape was abolished by article 5(6) of that Order. Rape is defined as follows: Any reference to rape in a statutory provision must be construed in accordance with article 5(1) of the said Order. This is a statutory offence created by article 12 of the said Order. No person is liable in tort under the law of Northern Ireland on the ground only of having deprived another of the services of his female servant by raping her. Scotland. Rape is a statutory offence. It is created by section 1 of the Sexual Offences (Scotland) Act 2009. Rape is defined as follows: This offence is created by section 18 of the Sexual Offences (Scotland) Act 2009. Prior to Sexual Offences (Scotland) Act 2009, rape in Scots Law differed from the definition of rape in other legal systems. In Scotland, rape was defined as "a crime at common law which consisted of the carnal knowledge of a female by a male person without her consent". Under Scots law, rape could only be carried out by a male who penetrated a female's vagina. If a man's anus was penetrated by another man's penis, this was called sodomy and was tried under indecent assault, a form of aggravated assault. Likewise, if a male penetrated a female's anus by his penis without her consent, he would also be charged with indecent assault. In Scotland, rape can only be prosecuted in the High Court of Justiciary and if convicted, the maximum penalty available to the court is life imprisonment. Evidence of distress can be used as corroborating evidence. Evidence of distress would be recognised by the first person or friend that the victim sees after the event. This should not be confused with hearsay evidence, which is not normally allowed to be led. One of the key elements to prosecute a male for rape is to prove that the male had sexual intercourse without the female's consent. For sexual intercourse not to be rape, the "active" consent of the female is needed. This means it is not enough for a woman to be 'passive', she must actively consent and was established by Lord Advocate's Reference (No. 1 of 2001). Therefore, a male could still be convicted of rape, even though the female did not say anything or show any resistance. This is a change in the law, as previously men who had sexual intercourse with sleeping women (as in the case of Charles Sweenie) or women who were unconscious due to voluntarily taking drugs or alcohol (see HMA v Logan) were charged with the lesser crime of indecent assault, rather than rape, as they had not used force to achieve penetration. Lord Advocate's Reference (No 1 of 2001), by requiring "active consent", had opened up the law to decide whether a voluntarily drunk or intoxicated woman can consent to sexual intercourse. This was clarified under the new laws of 2009 which state that sexual intercourse is non-consensual, and therefore considered rape if it occurs :(...) where the conduct occurs at a time when B is incapable because of the effect of alcohol or any other substance of consenting to it. Penetration is sufficient for a sexual intercourse to be deemed rape: there needs not to be any excretion of semen and the female's hymen does not have to be ruptured. In Scotland, rape continued to be a gender-specific crime until the Sexual Offences (Scotland) Act 2009. This Act came into force on 1 December 2010. The Act expanded the definition of rape to include male rape. United States. State laws. There is no federal rape law in the United States, due to the "United States v. Morrison" ruling that parts of the Violence Against Women Act of 1994 were unconstitutional. Each state has its own laws concerning sexual aggression. Nor is there any national standard in the US for defining and reporting male-male or female-perpetrated rapes. State laws vary considerably, and in most states, the term "rape" is no longer used, and the offense has been replaced by crimes such as "sexual assault", "Criminal Sexual Conduct", "sexual abuse", "sexual battery" etc. The US laws on sexual violence are complex, with states having numerous sex offenses, dealing with different situations. The laws on sex crimes have been changed and modernized significantly during the last decades and they continue to change. Uniform Code of Military Justice. Uniform Code of Military Justice [USC Title 10, Subtitle A, Chapter 47X, Section 920, Article 120] defines rape as: Marital rape is banned; the law states: "Marriage is not a defense for any conduct in issue in any prosecution under this section." Rape reporting. According to the USA Today reporter Kevin Johnson, "no other major category of crime – not murder, assault or robbery – has generated a more serious challenge to the credibility of national crime statistics" as has the crime of rape. He says: "There are good reasons to be cautious in drawing conclusions from reports on rape. The two most accepted studies available – the FBI's annual Uniform Crime Report and the Justice Department's annual National Crime Victimization Survey – each have widely acknowledged weaknesses." The FBI's report fails to report rapes with male victims, both adults and children, fails to report non-forcible rapes of either gender "by either gender", and reflects only the number of rapes reported to police. The Justice Department's survey solicits information from people 12 and older, excluding the youngest victims of rape (and incest). However, by using a random national telephone survey of households, the National Crime Victimization Survey could pick up rapes unreported to the police. In addition, since both official reports collect rape data from states with widely divergent standards and definitions on what constitutes rape, uniform reporting is impossible. A recent attempt to improve the tracking of rape, the National Violence Against Women survey was first published in 1998 by the National Institute of Justice and the federal Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. Its authors have acknowledged that they used different methodologies with "relatively high" margins of error. The 2000 report notes that "because annual rape victimization estimates ("nationwide") are based on responses from "only 24 women and 8 men" (emphasis added) who reported being raped, they should be viewed with caution." The report goes on to note that it fails to report rapes perpetrated against children and adolescents, was well as those who were homeless, or living in institutions, group facilities, or in households without telephones. The 2006 report of the National Violence Against Women survey was based on the much larger sample size of 8,000 men and 8,000 women. It estimated that "17.7 million women and 2.8 million men in the United States were forcibly raped at some time in their lives, with 302,091 women and 92,748 men forcibly raped in the year preceding the survey." The report defines "rape" to include completed and attempted rapes. However, the vast majority of rapes were completed: "Among all respondents, 14.8 percent of the women and 2.1 percent of the men said they were victims of a completed rape at some time in their life, whereas 2.8 percent of the women and 0.9 percent of the men said they were victims of an attempted rape only." In addition, many states define sexual crimes other than male-on-female penetration as sexual assault rather than rape. There are no national standards for defining and reporting male-on-male, female-on-female or female-on-male offenses, so such crimes are generally not included in rape statistics unless these statistics are compiled using information from states which count them as rape. Rape statistics. Rape crisis statistics can be found from the FBI and the Bureau of Justice as well as the CDC and RAINN (which uses the other resources as its source).

regular arrangement

4796-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=57996

Corticosteroids are a class of steroid hormones that are produced in the adrenal cortex of vertebrates, as well as the synthetic analogues of these hormones. Two main classes of corticosteroids, glucocorticoids and mineralocorticoids, are involved in a wide range of physiological processes, including stress response, immune response, and regulation of inflammation, carbohydrate metabolism, protein catabolism, blood electrolyte levels, and behavior. Some common naturally occurring steroid hormones are cortisol (), corticosterone (), cortisone () and aldosterone (). (Note that cortisone and aldosterone are isomers.) The main corticosteroids produced by the adrenal cortex are cortisol and aldosterone. Medical uses. Synthetic pharmaceutical drugs with corticosteroid-like effects are used in a variety of conditions, ranging from brain tumors to skin diseases. Dexamethasone and its derivatives are almost pure glucocorticoids, while prednisone and its derivatives have some mineralocorticoid action in addition to the glucocorticoid effect. Fludrocortisone (Florinef) is a synthetic mineralocorticoid. Hydrocortisone (cortisol) is typically used for replacement therapy, "e.g." for adrenal insufficiency and congenital adrenal hyperplasia. Medical conditions treated with systemic corticosteroids: Topical formulations are also available for the skin, eyes (uveitis), lungs (asthma), nose (rhinitis), and bowels. Corticosteroids are also used supportively to prevent nausea, often in combination with 5-HT3 antagonists ("e.g." ondansetron). Typical undesired effects of glucocorticoids present quite uniformly as drug-induced Cushing's syndrome. Typical mineralocorticoid side-effects are hypertension (abnormally high blood pressure), steroid induced diabetes mellitus, psychosis, poor sleep, hypokalemia (low potassium levels in the blood), hypernatremia (high sodium levels in the blood) without causing peripheral edema, metabolic alkalosis and connective tissue weakness. Wound healing or ulcer formation may be inhibited by the immunosuppressive effects. Clinical and experimental evidence indicates that corticosteroids can cause permanent eye damage by inducing central serous retinopathy (CSR, also known as central serous chorioretinopathy, CSC). This should be borne in mind when treating patients with optic neuritis. There is experimental and clinical evidence that, at least in optic neuritis speed of treatment initiation is important. A variety of steroid medications, from anti-allergy nasal sprays (Nasonex, Flonase) to topical skin creams, to eye drops (Tobradex), to prednisone have been implicated in the development of CSR. Corticosteroids have been widely used in treating people with traumatic brain injury. A systematic review identified 20 randomised controlled trials and included 12,303 participants, then compared patients who received corticosteroids with patients who received no treatment. The authors recommended people with traumatic head injury should not be routinely treated with corticosteroids. Pharmacology. Corticosteroids act as agonists of the glucocorticoid receptor and/or the mineralocorticoid receptor. In addition to their corticosteroid activity, some corticosteroids may have some progestogenic activity and may produce sex-related side effects. Pharmacogenetics. Asthma. Patients' response to inhaled corticosteroids has some basis in genetic variations. Two genes of interest are CHRH1 (corticotropin-releasing hormone receptor 1) and TBX21 (transcription factor T-bet). Both genes display some degree of polymorphic variation in humans, which may explain how some patients respond better to inhaled corticosteroid therapy than others. However, not all asthma patients respond to corticosteroids and large sub groups of asthma patients are corticosteroid resistant. Adverse effects. Use of corticosteroids has numerous side-effects, some of which may be severe: Biosynthesis. The corticosteroids are synthesized from cholesterol within the adrenal cortex. Most steroidogenic reactions are catalysed by enzymes of the cytochrome P450 family. They are located within the mitochondria and require adrenodoxin as a cofactor (except 21-hydroxylase and 17α-hydroxylase). Aldosterone and corticosterone share the first part of their biosynthetic pathway. The last part is mediated either by the aldosterone synthase (for aldosterone) or by the 11β-hydroxylase (for corticosterone). These enzymes are nearly identical (they share 11β-hydroxylation and 18-hydroxylation functions), but aldosterone synthase is also able to perform an 18-oxidation. Moreover, aldosterone synthase is found within the zona glomerulosa at the outer edge of the adrenal cortex; 11β-hydroxylase is found in the zona fasciculata and zona glomerulosa. Classification of corticosteroids. By chemical structure. In general, corticosteroids are grouped into four classes, based on chemical structure. Allergic reactions to one member of a class typically indicate an intolerance of all members of the class. This is known as the "Coopman classification". The highlighted steroids are often used in the screening of allergies to topical steroids. Group A – Hydrocortisone type. Hydrocortisone, Hydrocortisone acetate, Cortisone acetate, tixocortol pivalate, prednisolone, methylprednisolone, prednisone Group B – Acetonides (and related substances). Amcinonide, budesonide, desonide, fluocinolone acetonide, fluocinonide, halcinonide, and triamcinolone acetonide. Group C – Betamethasone type. Beclometasone, betamethasone, dexamethasone, fluocortolone, halometasone, and mometasone. Group D – Esters. Group D1 – Halogenated (less labile). Alclometasone dipropionate, betamethasone dipropionate, betamethasone valerate, clobetasol propionate, clobetasone butyrate, fluprednidene acetate, and mometasone furoate. Group D2 – Labile prodrug esters. Ciclesonide, cortisone acetate, hydrocortisone aceponate, hydrocortisone acetate, hydrocortisone buteprate, hydrocortisone butyrate, hydrocortisone valerate, prednicarbate, and tixocortol pivalate. By route of administration. Topical steroids. For use topically on the skin, eye, and mucous membranes. Topical corticosteroids are divided in potency classes I to IV in most countries (A to D in Japan). Seven categories are used in the United States to determine the level of potency of any given topical corticosteroid. Inhaled steroids. For nasal mucosa, sinuses, bronchi, and lungs. This group includes: There also exist certain combination preparations such as Advair Diskus in the United States, containing fluticasone propionate and salmeterol (a long-acting bronchodilator), and Symbicort, containing budesonide and formoterol fumarate dihydrate (another long-acting bronchodilator). They are both approved for use in children over 12 years old. Oral forms. Such as prednisone, prednisolone, methylprednisolone, or dexamethasone. Systemic forms. Available in injectables for intravenous and parenteral routes. History. Tadeusz Reichstein, Edward Calvin Kendall. and Philip Showalter Hench were awarded the Nobel Prize for Physiology and Medicine in 1950 for their work on hormones of the adrenal cortex, which culminated in the isolation of cortisone. Initially hailed as a miracle cure and liberally prescribed during the 1950s, steroid treatment brought about adverse events of such a magnitude that the next major category of anti-inflammatory drugs, the nonsteroidal anti-inflammatory drugs (NSAIDs), was so named in order to demarcate from the opprobrium. Corticosteroids were voted Allergen of the Year in 2005 by the American Contact Dermatitis Society. Lewis Sarett of Merck & Co. was the first to synthesize cortisone, using a 36-step process that started with deoxycholic acid, which was extracted from ox bile. The low efficiency of converting deoxycholic acid into cortisone led to a cost of US$200 per gram. Russell Marker, at Syntex, discovered a much cheaper and more convenient starting material, diosgenin from wild Mexican yams. His conversion of diosgenin into progesterone by a four-step process now known as Marker degradation was an important step in mass production of all steroidal hormones, including cortisone and chemicals used in hormonal contraception. In 1952, D.H. Peterson and H.C. Murray of Upjohn developed a process that used Rhizopus mold to oxidize progesterone into a compound that was readily converted to cortisone. The ability to cheaply synthesize large quantities of cortisone from the diosgenin in yams resulted in a rapid drop in price to US$6 per gram, falling to $0.46 per gram by 1980. Percy Julian's research also aided progress in the field. The exact nature of cortisone's anti-inflammatory action remained a mystery for years after, however, until the leukocyte adhesion cascade and the role of phospholipase A2 in the production of prostaglandins and leukotrienes was fully understood in the early 1980s. Etymology. The "cortico-" part of the name refers to the adrenal cortex, which makes these steroid hormones. Thus a corticosteroid is a "cortex steroid".

a part

14799-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=31856135

Group C of the 2011 CONCACAF Gold Cup was one of three groups competing of nations at CONCACAF Gold Cup 2011. The group's first round of matches were played on June 7, with the final round played on June 14. All six group matches were played at venues in United States, in Detroit, Tampa and Kansas City. The group consisted of host, and four time Gold Cup champions, United States, 2000 Gold Cup champion Canada, as well as Panama and Guadeloupe. The group opened on June 7 with Panama taking an early three-goal lead against Guadeloupe before Brice Jovial of Guadeloupe brought the match within a goal's reach. However, the Panamanians were able to withstand Guadeloupe's late pressure and win their opening fixture. Immediately after the match, group favorites Canada and the United States squared off. Analysts claimed that the Canadian squad was the strongest in their history, possibly the strongest since the mid-1980s squad that qualified for the 1986 FIFA World Cup. For the Americans, they had come off a humbling 4–0 defeat in a tune up match against defending World champions, Spain. In spite of the rough patch endured by the United States, they were still considered favorites to beat Canada. Thanks to an early, 15th-minute goal from Jozy Altidore, along with a complementary second half goal from Clint Dempsey gave the United States a 2–0 win over Canada and the lead in the group. While Canada expectedly defeated Guadeloupe on June 11, Panama pulled off a stunning 2–1 upset over the United States, in which some cited as possibly the largest upset of the entire tournament. The match marked the first time in Gold Cup history that the United States lost on its home soil during Group Stage play. It was also the first time since the 1985 CONCACAF Championship, that the United States lost on home ground in a continental tournament. Clearance Goodson scored the lone goal for the United States in the 66th minute, after he conceded an own goal for the Panamanians in the 19th minute. Panama's Gabriel Enrique Gómez converted a penalty kick in the 33rd minute, which ended up being the winner. The group wrapped up play on June 14 with Panama and Canada playing each other followed by Guadeloupe taking on the United States. The matches were a doubleheader held at Livestrong Sporting Park in Kansas City. Standings. <onlyinclude></onlyinclude> "All Times are U.S. Eastern Daylight Time (UTC−4) (Local Times in parentheses)"

unpleasant period

3377-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=61518697

In a loudspeaker, power compression or thermal compression is a loss of efficiency observed as the voice coil heats up under operation, increasing the DC resistance of the voice coil and decreasing the effective available power of the audio amplifier. A loudspeaker that becomes hot from use may not produce as much sound pressure level as when it is cold. The problem is much greater for hard-driven professional concert systems than it is for loudspeakers in the home, where it is rarely seen. Two main pathways exist to mitigate the problem: to design a way for the voice coil to dissipate more heat during operation, and to design a more efficient transducer that generates less heat for a given sound output level. High power audio transducers have a low efficiency, with less than 5% of the amplifier signal turned into sound waves. The other 95% or more of the electrical energy is turned into unwanted heat, which causes the voice coil to increase in temperature. Too much heat – more than – can destroy the voice coil, but long before that happens the loudspeaker will experience power compression. A voice coil made of copper wire will have its DC resistance increase by about 72% when heating up from 20° C (room temperature) to 200° C, and its sensitivity will decrease by 4.7 decibels. Silver wire has a slightly worse problem with power compression, while aluminum wire is slightly better. In multi-way systems, power compression is often observed to occur first in one of the low frequency bandpasses. This causes the total system to have an imbalance in frequency response, a reduction of level in one bandpass compared to the others. In passive loudspeakers with internal crossover components, power compression will change the electrical characteristics of the crossover filters, and the crossover point can shift, introducing distortions related to an incorrect crossover filter. To counteract power compression, one solution is to increase heat dissipation. Typical methods include cooling fins on the magnet housing, a larger diameter voice coil, ferrofluid in the gap between voice coil and magnet, venting of the pole piece, metal parts that conduct heat to the outside, increasing the enclosure's internal chamber volume behind the magnet, and electric cooling fans. Another solution is to design a system that increases efficiency, such as by using a horn loudspeaker rather than a direct-radiating design. Or by choosing a transducer other than the voice coil, such as Bruce Thigpen's rotary woofer (1974) or Tom Danley's servo-motor subwoofer (1983). Power compression is usually considered a long-term problem, arising over time with extended strong signal sent to the loudspeaker. However, if the change in resistance is short term, observed as heating up and cooling down with each cycle of low frequency waves, then the loudspeaker will increase in total harmonic distortion.

continuous complication