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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=61561065

Palm Springs Mall, formerly known as Palm Springs Shopping Center and Palm Springs Shopping Center Mall, was an enclosed shopping mall in Palm Springs, California. Originally constructed as an open air shopping center, the center would expand and be fully enclosed in 1965, which included the addition of a J.C. Penney. In 1970, Walker Scott would open up their own location at the mall, serving as its second anchor. In 1986, the mall went through a major renovation that added a food court, retail space, and a new exterior and interior design. By the 2000s, the mall saw a decrease in foot traffic, which caused tenants to move out of the mall. In 2014, College of the Desert offered the property owner to purchase the mall in order to turn it into a satellite campus. The owner refused to sell the property to the college, which resulted in both parties going to court. Subsequently, College of the Desert acquired the mall for $22 million. Demolition of the mall commenced in May 2019. History. In early 1959, oilman-turned-land developer Ray Ryan, along with the president of Seeterrra, Inc., A.R. Simon, collaborated on the concept of building a shopping center in Palm Springs, California. Two Los Angeles-based architectural firm, Meyer and Kanner and Leitch and Cleveland, were commissioned to design and plan out the buildings, while Ernest W. Hahn and Leonard Wolf were co-contracted for the construction of the project. In July, Ryan and Simon announced that the vice president of Market Basket, Duncan Shaw, had signed a lease to open the supermarket at the Palm Springs Shopping Center. A month later, a leasing agreement was arranged between Sid Rice of Los Angeles’ Phillips Lyon Company (the exclusive agent for the center), and a Southern California bowling operator. Some of the nation’s professional bowlers would gather in late October at the newly built 24-lane bowling with ceremonial dedication. Construction of the bowling center cost $1 million ($8 million in 2019), with a floor space of and a proposed expansion of 32 lanes. Second phase (1965). In 1965, construction on the second phase of the project began on the center. Construction commenced on a enclosed, air conditioned addition to the existing shopping center. The center would also be renamed to Palm Springs Shopping Center Mall. In addition, the new center would include a J.C. Penney department store in one of the retail space. Robert C. Moore, divisional and merchandising manager of fashion designs for J.C. Penney, left Tucson to become sales and merchandising manager at the Palm Springs location. Other tenants and activities include a Bank of America, Thrifty Drugstore, Winchell’s Donut House, a restaurant and coffee shop, cocktail lounge, an ice skating rink, and an indoor-outdoor children’s play area. In April 1969, Palm Springs Shopping Center Mall was renamed simply to Palm Springs Mall. At the same time, the September 1969 issue of Palm Springs Life widely proclaimed the Palm Springs Mall as “the retail hub of the Coachella Valley”, largely due to the fact that shoppers came from low and high desert communities to shop at the mall. Walker Scott. In 1970, San Diego-based Walker Scott opened up their location at the mall. 1980s. In 1983, J.C. Penney left in favor of the newly constructed Palm Desert Town Center in Palm Desert. 1986 Renovation. By 1986, the mall underwent a multi-million dollar renovation, which included the addition of a food court, multiple retail space, a Kmart, and local retailer The Alley. Kmart officials signed a lease with property owners Benequity Properties of Los Angeles, which would occupy the former J.C. Penney space. Furthermore, the mall also included a new facade, a revamped parking lot, and new landscaping and lighting fixtures. The renovation was designed by architectural firm David L. Christian Associates of Palm Springs. Walker Scott closed shortly after the renovation. Buffums/Harris-Gottschalks. On October 18, 1989, Long Beach-based department store Buffums opened its doors in the former Walker Scott space. The grand opening of the new store was met with a ribbon-cutting ceremony by Sonny Bono, then-mayor of Palm Springs. The store was short-lived and was eventually replaced by a Harris-Gottschalks. Decline and redevelopment. By the 2000s, the mall saw a decrease in foot traffic that resulted in shuttered retail space. Gottschalks, the only anchor in the mall, closed its doors in 2009 after the company filed Chapter 11 bankruptcy. Other major tenants such as Vons, True Value, Ross Dress for Less, and OfficeMax closed and relocated to other places. In 2012, Chinese businessman, Haiming Tan, purchased the property for $9.2 million. In 2014, College of the Desert considered redeveloping the property by proposing the location into a satellite campus. College of the Desert officials made an offer to the owner in hopes of negotiating a purchase, however, the owner refused to sell the property to the college. This prompted the community college to take the owner to court for eminent domain on the property. Attorneys for the owner claimed in court papers that the college did not notify Tan or his company, YTC Investments, and expressed concerns over the city’s involvement in the property. According to Michael Leifer, who represents the mall owner, he stated that the owner did not want to sell the mall and had plans to develop the property for both residential and commercial use. After a four-year battle between the two parties, College of the Desert finally acquired the former Palm Springs Mall for $22 million. Demolition of the mall began in May 2019 with construction to begin in 2023 for the first phase of the new campus.

subsequent mainstay

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=229723

A lie is an assertion that is believed to be false, typically used with the purpose of deceiving someone. The practice of communicating lies is called lying. A person who communicates a lie may be termed a liar. Lies may serve a variety of instrumental, interpersonal, or psychological functions for the individuals who use them. Generally, the term "lie" carries a negative connotation, and depending on the context a person who communicates a lie may be subject to social, legal, religious, or criminal sanctions. Consequences. The potential consequences of lying are manifold; some in particular are worth considering. Typically lies aim to deceive, when deception is successful, the hearer ends up acquiring a false belief (or at least something that the speaker "believes" to be false). When deception is unsuccessful, a lie may be discovered. The discovery of a lie may discredit other statements by the same speaker, staining his reputation. In some circumstances, it may also negatively affect the social or legal standing of the speaker. Lying in a court of law, for instance, is a criminal offense (perjury). Hannah Arendt spoke about extraordinary cases in which an entire society is being lied to consistently. She said that the consequences of such lying are "not that you believe the lies, but rather that nobody believes anything any longer. This is because lies, by their very nature, have to be changed, and a lying government has constantly to rewrite its own history. On the receiving end you get not only one liea lie which you could go on for the rest of your daysbut you get a great number of lies, depending on how the political wind blows." Detection. The question of whether lies can be detected reliably through nonverbal means is a subject of some controversy. Polygraph "lie detector" machines measure the physiological stress a subject endures in a number of measures while giving statements or answering questions. Spikes in stress indicators are purported to reveal lying. The accuracy of this method is widely disputed. In several well-known cases, application of the technique was proven to have been deceived. Nonetheless, it remains in use in many areas, primarily as a method for eliciting confessions or employment screening. The unreliability of polygraph results are the basis of such evaluations not being admissible as court evidence and, generally, the technique is perceived to be pseudoscience. A recent study found that composing a lie takes longer than telling the truth and thus, the time taken to answer a question may be used as a method of lie detection, however, it also has been shown that instant answers with a lie may be proof of a prepared lie. A recommendation provided to resolve that contradiction is to try to surprise the subject and find a midway answer, not too quick, nor too long. Ethics. Aristotle believed no general rule on lying was possible, because anyone who advocated lying could never be believed, he said. Although the philosophers, St. Augustine, St. Thomas Aquinas, and Immanuel Kant, condemned all lying, Thomas Aquinas did advance an argument for lying, however. According to all three, there are no circumstances in which, ethically, one may lie. Even if the "only" way to protect oneself is to lie, it is never ethically permissible to lie even in the face of murder, torture, or any other hardship. Each of these philosophers gave several arguments for the ethical basis against lying, all compatible with each other. Among the more important arguments are: Meanwhile, utilitarian philosophers have supported lies that achieve good outcomes – white lies. In his 2008 book, "How to Make Good Decisions and Be Right All the Time", Iain King suggested a credible rule on lying was possible, and he defined it as: "Deceive only if you can change behaviour in a way worth more than the trust you would lose, were the deception discovered (whether the deception actually is exposed or not)." In "Lying", neuroscientist Sam Harris argues that lying is negative for the liar and the person who's being lied to. To say lies is to deny others access to reality, and often we cannot anticipate how harmful lies can be. The ones we lie to may fail to solve problems they could have solved only on a basis of good information. To lie also harms oneself, makes the liar distrust the person who's being lied to. Liars generally feel badly about their lies and sense a loss of sincerity, authenticity, and integrity. Harris asserts that honesty allows one to have deeper relationships and to bring all dysfunction in one's life to the surface. In "Human, All Too Human", philosopher Friedrich Nietzsche suggested that those who refrain from lying may do so only because of the difficulty involved in maintaining lies. This is consistent with his general philosophy that divides (or ranks) people according to strength and ability; thus, some people tell the truth only out of weakness. In other species. Possession of the capacity to lie among non-humans has been asserted during language studies with great apes. In one instance, the gorilla Koko, when asked who tore a sink from the wall, pointed to one of her handlers and then laughed. Deceptive body language, such as feints that mislead as to the intended direction of attack or flight, is observed in many species. A mother bird deceives when she pretends to have a broken wing to divert the attention of a perceived predator – including unwitting humans – from the eggs in her nest, instead to her, as she draws the predator away from the location of the nest, most notably a trait of the killdeer. Psychology. It is asserted that the capacity to lie is a talent human beings possess universally. The evolutionary theory proposed by Darwin states that only the fittest will survive and by lying, we aim to improve other's perception of our social image and status, capability, and desirability in general. Studies have shown that humans begin lying at a mere age of six months, through crying and laughing, to gain attention. Scientific studies have shown differences in forms of lying across gender. Although men and women lie at equal frequencies, men are more likely to lie in order to please themselves while women are more likely to lie to please others. The presumption is that humans are individuals living in a world of competition and strict social norms, where they are able to use lies and deception to enhance chances of survival and reproduction. Stereotypically speaking, Smith asserts that men like to exaggerate about their sexual expertise, but shy away from topics that degrade them while women understate their sexual expertise to make themselves more respectable and loyal in the eyes of men and avoid being labelled as a ‘scarlet woman’. Those with Parkinson's disease show difficulties in deceiving others, difficulties that link to prefrontal hypometabolism. This suggests a link between the capacity for dishonesty and integrity of prefrontal functioning. Pseudologia fantastica is a term applied by psychiatrists to the behavior of habitual or compulsive lying. Mythomania is the condition where there is an excessive or abnormal propensity for lying and exaggerating. A recent study found that composing a lie takes longer than telling the truth. Or, as Chief Joseph succinctly put it, "It does not require many words to speak the truth." Some people believe that they are convincing liars, however in many cases, they are not. Religious perspectives. In the Bible. The Old Testament and New Testament of the Bible both contain statements that God cannot lie and that lying is immoral (Num. 23:19, Hab. 2:3, Heb. 6:13–18). Nevertheless, there are examples of God deliberately causing enemies to become disorientated and confused, in order to provide victory (2 Thess. 2:11; 1 Kings 22:23; Ezek. 14:9). Various passages of the Bible feature exchanges that assert lying is immoral and wrong (Prov. 6:16–19; Ps. 5:6), (Lev. 19:11; Prov. 14:5; Prov. 30:6; Zeph. 3:13), (Isa. 28:15; Dan. 11:27), most famously, in the Ten Commandments: "Thou shalt not bear false witness" (Ex. ; Deut. ); Ex. 23:1; Matt. 19:18; Mark 10:19; Luke 18:20 a specific reference to perjury. Other passages feature descriptive (not prescriptive) exchanges where lying was committed in extreme circumstances involving life and death, however, most Christian philosophers would argue that lying is never acceptable, but that even those who are righteous in God's eyes sin sometimes. Old Testament accounts of lying include: In the New Testament, Jesus refers to the Devil as the father of lies (John 8:44) and Paul commands Christians "Do not lie to one another" (Col. 3:9; cf. Lev. 19:11). In the Day of Judgement, unrepentant liars will be punished in the lake of fire. (Rev. 21:8; 21:27). Augustine's taxonomy. Augustine of Hippo wrote two books about lying: "On Lying" ("De Mendacio") and "Against Lying" ("Contra Mendacio"). He describes each book in his later work, "Retractions". Based on the location of "De Mendacio" in "Retractions", it appears to have been written about AD 395. The first work, "On Lying", begins: "Magna quæstio est de Mendacio" ("There is a great question about Lying"). From his text, it can be derived that St. Augustine divided lies into eight categories, listed in order of descending severity: Despite distinguishing between lies according to their external severity, Augustine maintains in both treatises that all lies, defined precisely as the external communication of what one does not hold to be internally true, are categorically sinful and therefore, ethically impermissible. Augustine wrote that lies told in jest, or by someone who believes or opines the lie to be true are not, in fact, lies. In Buddhism. The fourth of the five Buddhist precepts involves falsehood spoken or committed to by action. Avoiding other forms of wrong speech are also considered part of this precept, consisting of malicious speech, harsh speech, and gossip. A breach of the precept is considered more serious if the falsehood is motivated by an ulterior motive (rather than, for example, "a small white lie"). The accompanying virtue is being honest and dependable, and involves honesty in work, truthfulness to others, loyalty to superiors, and gratitude to benefactors. In Buddhist texts, this precept is considered most important next to the first precept, because a lying person is regarded to have no shame, and therefore capable of many wrongs. Lying is not only to be avoided because it harms others, but also because it goes against the Buddhist ideal of finding the truth. The fourth precept includes avoidance of lying and harmful speech. Some modern Buddhist teachers such as Thich Nhat Hanh interpret this to include avoiding spreading false news and uncertain information. Work that involves data manipulation, false advertising, or online scams can also be regarded as violations. Anthropologist reports that among Thai Buddhists, the fourth precept also is seen to be broken when people insinuate, exaggerate, or speak abusively or deceitfully. In Norse paganism. In "Gestaþáttr", one of the sections within the Eddaic poem "Hávamál", Odin states that it is advisable, when dealing with "a false foe who lies", to tell lies also. In Zoroastrianism. Zoroaster teaches that there are two powers in the universe; Asha, which is truth, order, and that which is real, and Druj, which is "the Lie". Later on, the Lie became personified as Angra Mainyu, a figure similar to the Christian Devil, who was portrayed as the eternal opponent of Ahura Mazda (God). Herodotus, in his mid-fifth-century BC account of Persian residents of the Pontus, reports that Persian youths, from their fifth year to their twentieth year, were instructed in three things – "to ride a horse, to draw a bow, and to speak the Truth". He further notes that: "The most disgraceful thing in the world [the Persians] think, is to tell a lie; the next worst, to owe a debt: because, among other reasons, the debtor is obliged to tell lies." In Achaemenid Persia, the lie, "drauga" (in Avestan: "druj"), is considered to be a cardinal sin and it was punishable by death in some extreme cases. Tablets discovered by archaeologists in the 1930s at the site of Persepolis give us adequate evidence about the love and veneration for the culture of truth during the Achaemenian period. These tablets contain the names of ordinary Persians, mainly traders and warehouse-keepers. According to Stanley Insler of Yale University, as many as 72 names of officials and petty clerks found on these tablets contain the word "truth". Thus, says Insler, we have "Artapana", protector of truth, "Artakama", lover of truth, "Artamanah", truth-minded, "Artafarnah", possessing splendour of truth, "Artazusta", delighting in truth, "Artastuna", pillar of truth, "Artafrida", prospering the truth, and "Artahunara", having nobility of truth. It was Darius the Great who laid down the "ordinance of good regulations" during his reign. Darius' testimony about his constant battle against the Lie is found in the Behistun Inscription. He testifies: "I was not a lie-follower, I was not a doer of wrong ... According to righteousness I conducted myself. Neither to the weak or to the powerful did I do wrong. The man who cooperated with my house, him I rewarded well; who so did injury, him I punished well." He asks Ahuramazda, God, to protect the country from "a (hostile) army, from famine, from the Lie". Darius had his hands full dealing with large-scale rebellion which broke out throughout the empire. After fighting successfully with nine traitors in a year, Darius records his battles against them for posterity and tells us how it was the "Lie" that made them rebel against the empire. At the Behistun inscription, Darius says: "I smote them and took prisoner nine kings. One was Gaumata by name, a Magian; he lied; thus he said: I am Smerdis, the son of Cyrus ... One, Acina by name, an Elamite; he lied; thus he said: I am king in Elam ... One, Nidintu-Bel by name, a Babylonian; he lied; thus he said: I am Nebuchadnezzar, the son of Nabonidus. ... The Lie made them rebellious, so that these men deceived the people." Then advice to his son Xerxes, who is to succeed him as the great king: "Thou who shalt be king hereafter, protect yourself vigorously from the Lie; the man who shall be a lie-follower, him do thou punish well, if thus thou shall think. May my country be secure!"

fantastic inquiry

2207-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=478307

X Corps was a corps of the United States Army in World War II and the Korean War. World War II. The X Corps was activated in May 1942 at Sherman, Texas. It embarked aboard and departed the San Francisco Port of Embarkation for the Pacific Theater 14 July 1944 after two changes of station and participation in maneuvers in Louisiana and at the California-Arizona maneuver area. X Corps took part in the following campaigns: New Guinea, Leyte, and Southern Philippines. As part of the Sixth Army, X Corps took part in the Philippines campaign of 1944–45, beginning with the invasion of Leyte. For its involvement, the X Corps received the Philippine Presidential Unit Citation with a streamer embroidered 17 October 1944 – 4 July 1945. X Corps became inactive in 1946. Korean War. Inchon landing. During the Korean War, it took part in Operation Chromite, the landings at Inchon, where it had the 1st Marine Division, the 7th Infantry Division and other US Army units under its command. The embryonic planning group for Chromite originally was known to insiders as "Force X" and the entire scheme was cloaked in absolute secrecy; to outsiders the small planning staff was known only as the Special Planning Staff of general headquarters, Far East Command. As the organization grew, due to bureaucratic entanglements supply orders were rejected because "Force X" was not referenced as a proper organization anywhere in Army manuals. General of the Army Douglas MacArthur (Supreme Commander Allied Powers) asked his chief of staff, Major General Edward Almond, to suggest a new name. Force X's Roman numeral ten reminded Almond of a corps which had fought under MacArthur in the last war—"why not call it the X Corps?" he asked. MacArthur was delighted and approved of the name. General Almond was subsequently chosen by MacArthur as X Corps' new commander. The Marines first captured an island offshore of Inchon as a prelude to the assault and at the next tide, the main attack went in. Despite the noise of the attack on the offshore island, it completely surprised the North Korean Korean People's Army (KPA) forces. The Marines then moved on to the capital city of Seoul; in heavy fighting they eventually drove out the KPA defenders. The US Army's 7th Infantry Division, which had landed later at Inchon, engaged the enemy on the outskirts of Seoul, destroying an armored regiment. Operations in northeast Korea ( October–December 1950). After the landing at Inchon, X Corps attacked up the Korean peninsula on the left flank of Eighth Army. However, in early October it was withdrawn to prepare for another amphibious assault, this time at Wonsan on the eastern coast. This action proved to be a mistake as Republic of Korea Army (ROK) forces moving by land captured Wonsan on 11 October before the X Corps assault went in. The Chinese People's Volunteer Army (PVA) entered the war on the side of North Korea, making their first attacks in late October. After an administrative landing at Wonsan on 26 October, X Corps, now including the US 3rd Infantry Division, advanced inland northwest towards the Yalu River with the ROK I Corps made up of two ROK Divisions in the far north or right flank. The US 7th Infantry Division was in the center and the US 1st Marine Division on the southern or left flank of the X Corps attack. The 3rd Infantry Division was initially in reserve. As elements of ROK I Corps and 7th Infantry Division closed on the Manchurian border, the 1st Marine Division moved into the Chosin Reservoir (Changjin Ho). The Marines were on both left and right sides of the Changjin reservoir. Regimental Combat Team 31 (RCT 31 also known as Task Force Maclean/Task Force Faith) of the 7th Infantry Division replaced the 5th Marine Regiment on the east side of the reservoir in a piecemeal fashion with only two of its three maneuver battalions in place before heavy engagement with the enemy commenced. X Corps was strung out along many miles in sub-freezing temperatures with the ROK troops and the 7th Infantry Division to the north in contact with PVA forces. RCT 31 was too far from its parent Division for support and without organic tank support and its third maneuver element; it was decimated by the onslaught of the PVA. The 1st Marine Division fared better and with remnants of RCT 31, Army Engineers and X Corps support personnel, began its move to the sea moving through elements of the 3rd Infantry Division (Task Force Dog from the 7th Infantry Regiment, and a reinforced battalion of the 65th Infantry Regiment) who provided flank and rear guard cover for the withdrawing units. The 7th Infantry Division in the center and ROK I Corps on the right flank also began withdrawing to the Hungnam beachhead. The Marines withdrew through the 3d Infantry Division with intermittent contact with PVA forces up to Sudong. The extreme temperatures during this period caused the majority of the casualties for X Corps. The Marines managed to reach the safety of Hungnam first, where the 3rd and 7th Infantry Divisions and I ROK Corps provided perimeter defense. The Marines were evacuated by the middle of December, followed by the 7th Infantry Division, I ROK Corps and the last of the X Corps' elements. The 3d Infantry Division was last to leave the beach and evacuated on 24 December 1950. It is widely contended that X Corps remained outside of the direct command of Eighth Army too long. X Corps reported directly to the MacArthur had been necessary for the Inchon landings and still defensible for the Wonsan attack. However, after it entered the main line, conventional military doctrine indicated that it should have been placed immediately under the command of Eighth Army. General MacArthur was accused of favoritism towards Almond the controversial commander of X Corps, who was dual-hatted as the commander of X Corps and MacArthur's chief of staff and his personal friend. Operations on the eastern front. After the withdrawal from the northeast coast, and once its units had been reconstituted, X Corps went into the line in eastern Korea, and remained there for the rest of the war. Post-Korean War. In the years following the Korean War, X Corps served as a regional headquarters, having administrative, logistical, and training responsibility for both active and Army Reserve units in the northwestern portion of the Continental United States. X Corps was inactivated on 31 March 1968, as part of the compromise between U.S. Secretary of Defense Robert S. McNamara who wanted to merge the Army Reserve into the Army National Guard, and the United States Congress who wanted to maintain the Army Reserve as it then existed. Under the compromise plan, all of the combat divisions and most separate combat brigades of the Army Reserve were inactivated with a corresponding increase in the National Guard; at the same time, non-divisional combat support and combat service support units were reallocated in the Army Reserve. The fourteen area corps were inactivated; in their place, eighteen army reserve commands ("ARCOMs") were established. Each ARCOM was, in turn, assigned to one of five continental U.S. armies ("CONUSAs") under Continental Army Command ("CONARC"). The bulk of X Corps' Army Reserve units were assigned to the 124th Army Reserve Command at Fort Lawton, WA. In popular culture. The US Army Tenth Corps is the name of the main field force featured in Harold Coyle's 1993 techno-thriller "The Ten Thousand". In the novel its ground combat elements are the 55th Mechanized Infantry Division, the 4th Armored Division and the 14th Armored Cavalry Regiment.

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=130106

Fort Towson is a town in Choctaw County, Oklahoma, United States. The population was 510 at the 2010 census, a 15.1 percent decline from the figure of 611 recorded in 2000. It was named for nearby Fort Towson, which had been established in May 1824 and named for General Nathan Towson, a hero of the War of 1812. The town of Fort Towson was established in 1902, after the Arkansas and Choctaw Railway reached eastern Choctaw County. History. The fort was first established to protect the southern border of the Indian Territory against Spanish colonies to the south. After Indian Removal and the resettlement of the Choctaw in the area, the fort was revived to protect Doaksville, a mile to the west. It became the economic capital of the Choctaw Nation. Fort Towson Landing was located at the head of navigable waters of the Red River. The site was located in Towson County, one of the constituent counties comprising the Apukshunnubbee District of the Choctaw Nation. The Choctaw allied with the Confederacy in the Civil War. Chief Peter Pitchlynn surrendered on behalf of the Choctaw in June 1865. Fort Towson was the site of the surrender of the last Confederate land forces in the American Civil War. On 23 June 1865, Brigadier General Stand Watie, a Cherokee chief, agreed to terms and took his Choctaw Battalion out of the war. During the 1950s, Raymond Gary Lake and Raymond Gary State Park were created, and in 1979, Fort Towson's town limits were extended to include the lake's residents. Thus, the 1980 census recorded a population of 789. Geography. Fort Towson is located at (34.020042, -95.279374). It is east of Hugo. According to the United States Census Bureau, the town has a total area of , of which is land and (6.23%) is water. Demographics. As of the census of 2000, there were 611 people, 255 households, and 181 families residing in the town. The population density was 109.7 people per square mile (42.4/km2). There were 319 housing units at an average density of 57.3 per square mile (22.1/km2). The racial makeup of the town was 86.42% White, 1.15% African American, 8.02% Native American, 0.49% Asian, 0.16% from other races, and 3.76% from two or more races. Hispanic or Latino of any race were 2.29% of the population. There were 255 households, out of which 28.6% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 55.7% were married couples living together, 12.2% had a female householder with no husband present, and 29.0% were non-families. 26.7% of all households were made up of individuals, and 14.5% had someone living alone who was 65 years of age or older. The average household size was 2.40 and the average family size was 2.87. In the town, the population was spread out, with 25.0% under the age of 18, 6.2% from 18 to 24, 22.7% from 25 to 44, 27.7% from 45 to 64, and 18.3% who were 65 years of age or older. The median age was 42 years. For every 100 females, there were 85.7 males. For every 100 females age 18 and over, there were 86.9 males. The median income for a household in the town was $19,676, and the median income for a family was $21,705. Males had a median income of $19,583 versus $16,389 for females. The per capita income for the town was $12,612. About 25.1% of families and 31.7% of the population were below the poverty line, including 99.9% of those under age 18 and 184.1% of those age 65 or over.

financial center

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=57170868

The Anglophone Crisis (), also known as the Ambazonia War, or the Cameroonian Civil War, is a conflict in the Southern Cameroons region of Cameroon, part of the long-standing Anglophone problem. Following the suppression of 2016–17 Cameroonian protests, Ambazonian separatists in the Anglophone territories of Northwest Region and Southwest Region (collectively known as Southern Cameroons) launched a guerilla campaign against Cameroonian security forces, and later unilaterally proclaimed the restoration of independence. By the end of November 2017, the government of Cameroon declared war on the separatists and sent its army into the Anglophone regions. Starting as a low-scale insurgency, the conflict spread to most parts of the Anglophone regions within a year. By the summer of 2019, the government controlled the major cities and parts of the countryside, while the Ambazonian nationalists held parts of the countryside and regularly appeared in the major cities. A year later, clearly-defined frontlines had emerged, sometimes with a tacit mutual understanding between the belligerents on who controls which areas; while Cameroon would raid separatist-controlled towns and villages, it would not seek to outright recapture them, focusing instead on securing the major urban areas. Thousands of people have been killed in the war, and more than half a million have been forced to flee their homes. Although 2019 saw the first known instance of dialogue between Cameroon and the separatists, as well as a state-organized national dialogue and the granting of a special status to the Anglophone regions, the war continued to intensify in late 2019. The 2020 Cameroonian parliamentary election brought further escalation, as the separatists became more assertive while Cameroon deployed additional forces. While the COVID-19 pandemic saw one armed group declare a unilateral ceasefire to combat the spread of the virus, other groups and the Cameroonian government ignored calls to follow suit and kept on fighting. Limited attempts have been made at negotiating. Talks mediated by Switzerland in 2019 ultimately failed, and internal divisions among the separatists since the 2019 Ambazonian leadership crisis has complicated the situation. The same year, separatist leaders who were extradited from Nigeria in 2018 were handed life sentences by a military tribunal. However, facing mounting international pressure for a global ceasefire, in July 2020 Cameroon began negotiating with these imprisoned leaders. The talks were held between Sisiku Julius Ayuk Tabe and other imprisoned leaders and representatives of the Cameroonian government. The talks outlined a series of conditions for the Cameroonian government to accept that Ayuk Tabe said would create an "enabling environment" for substantial negotiations to occur. Background. The name "Ambazonia" is taken from Ambas Bay and "Ambozes", the local name of the mouth of the Wouri River. This is where the English language was permanently established for the first time in Southern Cameroons, when missionary Alfred Saker founded a settlement of freed slaves by Ambas Bay in 1858, which was later renamed Victoria (present-day Limbe). In 1884, the area became the British Ambas Bay Protectorate, with Victoria as its capital. Britain ceded the area to the German territory of Kamerun in 1887. Germany had some trouble establishing control over the hinterlands of Victoria, and fought the Bafut Wars against local fondoms until 1907. Following World War I and the Treaty of Versailles, Kamerun was divided between a French and a British League of Nations Mandate. The French mandate was known as Cameroun, and comprised most of the former German territory. The British mandate was an elongated strip of land along the border of Colonial Nigeria, consisting of Northern Cameroons and Southern Cameroons, including the historical Ambas Bay Protectorate. This territory was organized as British Cameroons. The British administered the territories through indirect rule, allowing native authorities to administer the population according to their own traditions. In 1953, the Southern Cameroons delegation at a conference in London asked for a separate region. The British agreed, and Southern Cameroons became an autonomous region with its capital still at Buea. Elections were held in 1954 and the parliament met on 1 October 1954, with E. M. L. Endeley as Premier. The United Nations organised a plebiscite in the region on 11 February 1961 which put two alternatives to the people: union with Nigeria or union with Cameroon. The third option, independence, was opposed by the British representative to the UN Trusteeship Council, Sir Andrew Cohen, and as a result was not listed. In the plebiscite, 60% of voters in the Northern Cameroons voted for union with Nigeria, while 70% of voters in the Southern Cameroons opted for union with Cameroon. The results owed partly to a fear of domination by much larger Nigeria. Endeley was defeated in elections on 1 February 1959 by John Ngu Foncha. Southern Cameroons federated with Cameroon on 1 October 1961 as "West Cameroon", with its own prime minister. However, the English-speaking peoples of the Southern Cameroons did not believe that they were fairly treated by the 80% majority French-speaking government of the country. Then-president Ahmadou Ahidjo feared that Southern Cameroons would secede from the union, taking its natural resources with it. Following a French Cameroon unilateral referendum on 20 May 1972, a new constitution was adopted in Cameroon which replaced the federal state with a unitary state, and also gave more power to the president. Southern Cameroons lost its autonomous status and became the Northwest Region and the Southwest Region of the Republic of Cameroon. Pro-independence groups claimed that this violated the constitution, as the majority of deputies from West Cameroon had not consented to legitimize the constitutional changes. They argued that Southern Cameroons had effectively been annexed by Cameroon. Shortly afterwards, French Cameroun's political leadership changed the constitution again, appointed French-speaking Paul Biya as Prime Minister and successor to Ahmadou Ahidjo ostensibly to deny the Speaker of the House of Assembly Salomon Tandeng Muna – an Anglophone the possibility of becoming president by succession. In a memorandum dated 20 March 1985, Anglophone lawyer and President of the Cameroon Bar Association Fongum Gorji Dinka wrote that the Cameroonian government led by Paul Biya was unconstitutional and announced the former Southern Cameroons should become independent as the Republic of Ambazonia. Dinka was incarcerated the following January without trial. Three years later, he escaped to Nigeria. In 1993, representatives of Anglophone groups convened the first All Anglophone Conference (AAC1) in Buea. The conference issued the "Buea Declaration", which called for constitutional amendments to restore the 1961 federation. This was followed by the second All Anglophone Conference (AAC2) in Bamenda in 1994. This conference issued the "Bamenda Declaration", which stated that if the federal state was not restored within a reasonable time, Southern Cameroons would declare its independence. The AAC was renamed the Southern Cameroons Peoples Conference (SCPC), and later the Southern Cameroons Peoples Organisation (SCAPO), with the Southern Cameroons National Council (SCNC) as the executive governing body. Younger activists formed the Southern Cameroons Youth League (SCYL) in Buea on 28 May 1995. The SCNC sent a delegation, led by John Foncha, to the United Nations, which was received on 1 June 1995 and presented a petition against the 'annexation' of the Southern Cameroons by French Cameroon. This was followed by a signature referendum the same year, which the organisers claim produced a 99% vote in favour of independence with 315,000 people voting. SCNC activities were routinely disrupted by police. On 23 March 1997, about ten people were killed in a raid on a gendarme camp in Bamenda. The police arrested between 200 and 300 people, mostly SCNC supporters, but also members of the Social Democratic Front, an opposition party with significant support in the Anglophone regions. In the subsequent trials, Amnesty International and the SCNC found substantive evidence of admissions through torture and force. The raid and trial resulted in a shutdown of SCNC activities. In response to this, in April 1998 a small faction elected Esoka Ndoki Mukete, a high-ranking member of the Social Democratic Front, as the new chair of the SCNC. In October 1999, when many of the accused were found guilty in the 1997 trial, the faction led by Mukete became more assertive. On 1 October 1999, militants took over Radio Buea to proclaim the independence of Southern Cameroons, but failed to do so before security forces intervened. The leadership and many members of the SCNC were subsequently arrested. After clashes with the police, the SCNC was officially declared illegal by the Cameroonian authorities in 2001. In 2006, a faction of SCNC once again declared the independence of Ambazonia. In 2006, Nigeria ceded the Bakassi Peninsula to Cameroon, ending a decade-long territorial dispute. Local militias opposing the border change took up arms against the Cameroonian government, starting the Bakassi conflict. The conflict was a sea-based insurgency where the rebels used pirate tactics, attacking ships, abducting sailors and carrying out seaborne raids as far away as Limbe and Douala. While some movements (such as BAMOSD) sought to make Bakassi an independent state, others came to tie their cause to that of Ambazonia. In November 2007, the "Liberators of the Southern Cameroon People", a previously unknown group, killed 21 Cameroonian soldiers. Most militias in Bakassi laid down their arms in September 2009. Prelude. On 6 October 2016, the Cameroon Anglophone Civil Society Consortium, an organization consisting of lawyer and teacher trade unions in the Anglophone regions, initiated a strike. Led by Barrister Agbor Balla, Fontem Neba, and Tassang Wilfred, they were protesting against the appointment of Francophone judges in the Anglophone regions. They saw this as threatening the common law system in the Anglophone regions, as well as part of the general marginalization of Anglophones. The strikes were supported by peaceful protests in the cities of Bamenda, Buea and Limbe. The activists demanded protection of the law system of the Anglophone regions, and opposed the civil law system used by the Francophone magistrate replacing the common law system. They asked for several laws to be translated into English, and that the common law system should be taught at the University of Buea and the University of Bamenda. The Cameroonian government deployed security forces to crack down the protests. Protesters were attacked with tear gas, and protesters and lawyers were allegedly assaulted by soldiers. Throughout November 2016, thousands of teachers in the Anglophone regions joined the lawyers' strike. All schools in the Anglophone regions were shut down. Two weeks into the protests, more than 100 protesters had been arrested, and six were reported dead. Unconfirmed videos released over social media showed various violent scenes, including the beating of protesters by policemen. In January 2017, the Cameroonian government set up a committee to initiate a dialogue with the lawyer activists. The lawyers refused to talk, demanding that all arrested activists be released before any dialogue. The lawyers submitted a draft for a federal state, and the government responded by banning their movements altogether. The protesters were now openly regarded as a security threat by the Cameroonian government, and more arrests followed. The government also implemented an Internet blockade in cities across the Anglophone regions. At this point, the crisis began to attract international responses. More than 13,000 Anglophone Cameroonians living in Maryland protested against the Cameroonian government crackdown. On 27 June, United States Congressman Anthony G. Brown filed a petition with the United States Secretary of State, Rex Tillerson, to call for the government of Cameroon to immediately show concern and solve the ongoing crises. The United States condemned the loss of life and brutality against Anglophone protesters. The government crackdown on the protests contributed to mainstream separatist movements. In September 2017, Ambazonian separatists began to take up arms against the government. Timeline. 2017. In early September 2017, the Ambazonia Governing Council (AGovC), a separatist movement established in 2013 through the merger of several groups, formally deployed the Ambazonia Defence Forces (ADF) in Southern Cameroons. On 9 September, the ADF carried out its first military action, attacking a military base in Besongabang, Manyu. Three Cameroonian soldiers were killed in the attack, while the ADF claimed their soldiers managed to return to base unreduced. Throughout September, separatists carried out two bombings; one targeting security forces in Bamenda, and another targeting police officers. While the first bombing failed, the second injured three policemen. On 22 September, Cameroonian soldiers opened fire on protesters, killing at least five and injuring many more. On 1 October, the Southern Cameroons Ambazonia Consortium United Front (SCACUF), an umbrella movement consisting of several independence movements, unilaterally declared the independence of Ambazonia. This declaration was followed by mass demonstrations across the Anglophone regions. The separatists strategically chose this date, as it is the anniversary for the unification of Cameroon and Southern Cameroons. SCACUF would later transform itself into the Interim Government of Ambazonia (IG). Several months into the war, the IG would reject the idea of an armed struggle, preferring instead a diplomatic campaign and civil disobedience. This stance would eventually change. The Cameroonian Army moved into the regions in force to fight the separatists and quell the demonstrations. Throughout the day, at least eight demonstrators were killed in Buea and Bamenda. The Cameroonian military also reinforced the Nigerian border, and on 9 October, it claimed to have stopped "hundreds of Nigerian fighters" from crossing into Cameroon. Throughout November, eight soldiers, at least 14 civilians and five fugitives were confirmed killed due to the conflict. Separatists killed two gendarmes in Bamenda in the first week of the month. On the last two days of November, five soldiers and five policemen were killed in two separate separatist attacks near Mamfe. On 1 December, the Cameroonian government ordered the evacuation of 16 villages in Manyu ahead of a military offensive, and on 4 December it formally declared war on the separatists. The Cameroonian Army moved into Manyu, retaking two villages on 7 December and securing Mamfe by 15 December, partly with elite troops. During the offensive, the ADF carried out guerrilla attacks on the Cameroonian Army, killing at least seven soldiers throughout December. On 18 December, the Cameroonian Army began to destroy dozens of civilian homes in retaliation, and killed several civilians. The December offensive also saw occasional spillover across the Nigerian border. By the end of 2017, several separatist militias had emerged, with the ADF standing out as the most prominent one. During the guerrilla campaign in Manyu and Mezam, it had clashed with the army 13 times. The separatists had also spread out, and by the end of the year, they were active in five departments. 2018. The separatists suffered a major setback at the beginning of 2018. On 5 January, members of the IG were detained by Nigerian authorities, which proceeded to hand them over to Cameroon. A total of 69 leaders and activists were extradited to Cameroon and subsequently arrested, including President Sisiku Julius Ayuk Tabe. Since most of the individuals had submitted asylum claims, the deportation immediately became controversial, as it possibly violated the Nigerian constitution. They spent 10 months at a gendarme headquarters, before being transferred to a maximum security prison in Yaoundé. Samuel Ikome Sako was announced as Acting President on 4 February, replacing Tabe for the time being. January saw an escalation in guerrilla attacks on symbolic targets, as well as repeated spillover into Nigeria. The separatists began to target traditional village chiefs, as well as local administrators whom they accused of siding with the security forces. Attacks on gendarmes intensified, and gunmen also began to target schools to enforce a school boycott. On 24 February, separatists abducted the government's regional representative for social affairs in the Northwest Region, apparently looking to exchange him for imprisoned separatist activists. The Battle of Batibo was fought on 3 March, producing unprecedented casualties on both sides and forcing over 4,000 locals to flee. On 20 March, Cameroonian soldiers freed two Cameroonian and one Tunisian hostage in Meme Department. A similar operation freed seven Swiss, six Cameroonian and five Italian hostages on 4 April, prompting the ADF to declare that it did not take hostages nor target foreigners. On 25 April, separatists forced the Cameroonian Army to retreat from the town of Belo. Throughout May, there were heavy clashes in Mbonge and Muyuka, resulting in heavy casualties. On 20 May, in an effort to boycott celebrations of Cameroon's National Day, Ambazonian forces struck in several villages throughout Southern Cameroons, including Konye, Batibo and Ekona, and abducted the mayor of the town of Bangem. On 24 May, Cameroonian soldiers killed at least 30 people while storming a hotel in Pinyin. By the end of May, Cameroon had also retaken Belo, though fighting continued around the town, which was almost completely abandoned by its inhabitants. In mid-June, Ambazonian forces started a blockade of the Kumba-Buea highway at Ekona, a town located approximately 10 kilometers from Buea. A military assault on the separatists in Ekona failed to lift the blockade. While casualties related to the battle of Ekona remain unconfirmed, the Cameroonian government later declared that more than 40 soldiers and policemen died in the later half of June across Southern Cameroons. By now, the war had fully extended to Buea, with separatists mounting road blocks and attacking government soldiers on 29 June. Attacks in Buea intensified in July, with one invasion on 1 July, another on 9 July and another on 30 July. On 16 August, separatists attacked a convoy transporting a member of parliament in Babungo, Ngo-Ketunjia Department, killing at least four soldiers. A civilian who got caught in the crossfire was also killed. Eight days later, a successful guerrilla attack killed two gendarmes and wounded a brigade commander in Zhoa in Wum, Northwest Region. As a response, the Cameroonian Army burned down the village. September saw some setbacks for the separatists, as the government launched attacks into the rural areas they controlled. There was heavy fighting in Muyuka, where Cameroon launched an offensive. The Cameroonian Army enjoyed some success in weeding out separatist camps. In a particularly lethal raid on 4 September, Cameroonian soldiers killed 27 suspected separatists near Zhoa. Another raid on separatist camps near Chomba killed at least 15 separatists. The separatists also had their successes; On 9 September 50 or more separatists successfully carried out three coordinated attacks on multiple targets in Oku, burning down the police station, destroying the Assistant Division Officer's belongings, stealing a police van and abducting three police officers. On 11 September, separatists took control of two neighborhoods of Buea, blocking the main entrances to the city and killing a soldier from the Rapid Intervention Battalion (BIR). An attempt was also made to abduct the Fon of Buea. On 27 September, separatists forced the police and gendarmes to retreat from Balikumbat, Ngo-Ketunjia. Despite government offensives in September, the separatists remained in control of many rural and urban areas. On 30 September, in anticipation of the first anniversary of Ambazonia's declaration of independence on 1 October, the authorities imposed a 48-hour curfew throughout the Anglophone region. This was done to prevent a re-occurrence of the mass demonstrations that took place the year before. People were forbidden from moving across sub-division boundaries, and gatherings of four or more people in public were prohibited. Businesses were shut down and motor parks were closed as well. Meanwhile, in anticipation of the Cameroonian presidential election on 7 October, the separatists started enforcing a lock-down of their own, blocking major highways with trees or car wrecks. Throughout the day, security forces and separatists clashed in Buea, Bamenda and other cities. By October, the conflict had spread to most of Southern Cameroons. The ADF alone had clashed with the army 83 times, separatist militias were now active in 12 divisions, and attacks were now more lethal. According to an International Crisis Group analyst, by October the war had reached a stalemate, with the army being unable to defeat the separatists, while the separatists were not militarily strong enough to expel the army. Others described the separatists as severely outgunned and on the verge of defeat, mostly due to their lack of access to proper weapons. On 7 October, the day of the Cameroonian presidential election, there were clashes all over Southern Cameroons with both sides blaming the other; the Cameroonian government claimed that separatists moved to prevent what they considered a foreign election to take place in the Anglophone regions, while the separatists blamed the government for instigating the violence. This resulted in a very low turnout, as "more than 90 percent of residents" fled violence in some localities; and in many cases no officials showed up to man the polling stations. In Bamenda, at least 20 separatist fighters moved around openly to prevent people from voting. Two separatists were killed by government troops while attacking a polling station. Following the election, two people from Kumba were murdered for having voted. On 17 October, SDF President John Fru Ndi's house in Bamenda was set on fire by armed men. On 23 October, the Cameroonian Army launched simultaneous attacks on seven or more separatist camps in the Northwest Region, initiating battles that continued for more than 24 hours. At least 30 separatists were killed, as well as an unknown number of Cameroonian soldiers. In the beginning of November, 79 students and four staff members were kidnapped from a school in Nkwen, near Bamenda. All 79 students were released without ransom three days later. The Ambazonia Self-Defence Council claimed that they not only had nothing to do with the kidnappings, but had also sent its own fighters to try to locate the children. November also saw several major confrontations. On 11 November, according to the separatists, 13 Cameroonian soldiers and two separatists were killed when separatists carried out a successful ambush. The next day, Cameroonian soldiers ambushed and killed at least 13 suspected separatists in Donga-Mantung, and another 25 near Nkambé the next day. On 22 November, around 40 Ambazonian fighters and unarmed civilians were killed in Bali by government soldiers, who then set their corpses on fire. With no trace of bullet wounds on any of the bodies, unconfirmed reports alleged the use of chemicals by the soldiers. On 28 November, separatists blocked the Buea-Kumba Highway. The month also saw the first major spillover into other parts of Cameroon; On 29 November, at least 30 people were kidnapped by ten unidentified gunmen in Bangourain, West Region, and transported with canoes across the Lake Bamendjing reservoir. A month later, two suspected separatists were lynched by the villagers, and the Cameroonian Army launched an offensive nearby. Bangourain was attacked once more on 22 December, prompting the separatists to accuse the government of carrying out a false flag operation to incite Cameroonian Francophones. In Kembong, just south of Mamfe, a military vehicle hit a road bomb; no soldiers died, but the vehicle was destroyed. December saw more burning of houses by government soldiers in Romajia, Kikiakom and Ekona. On 15 December, at least five separatists were summarily executed, possibly by fellow separatists. On 21 December, ADF General Ivo Mbah was killed during a military raid in Kumba. On 31 December, the presidents of Cameroon and Ambazonia addressed the ongoing conflict in their end of year speeches. President Paul Biya of Cameroon promised to "neutralize" all separatists who refused to disarm, while emphasizing that anyone who drops their guns can be reintegrated into society. Interim President Sako of Ambazonia said that the separatists would switch from a defensive to an offensive strategy in the war, and announced that a Mobile Wing Police would be created to capture territory and defeat government militias. He also condemned anyone engaged in kidnappings of civilians, and promised to fight back against anyone involved in such practices. The same night, separatist fighters attacked the convoy of the Governor of the Northwest Region, injuring at least one government soldier. The Cameroonian Army also announced the killing of Lekeaka Oliver, Field Marshall of the Red Dragon militia, in Lebialem; the killing was denied by the IG, and was also denied by sources within the Cameroonian Army. Oliver resurfaced in a video a week later, proving that reports of his death were false. 2019. 2019 started off with further escalation of the war. On 6 January, Anglophone Cameroonians in the diaspora organized protests to mark the first anniversary of the arrest of the Ambazonian leadership. Throughout the day, armed clashes took place in Muyuka, Bafut. Mundum and Mamfe. In Mamfe, two Ambazonian generals were killed when their camps were raided by the BIR. On 24 January, General Andrew Ngoe of SOCADEF was killed in Matoh, Mbonge. January also saw the start of the trials of the Ambazonian leaders, including Ayuk Tabe, who had spent a year in prison. The trial was complicated by all the Ambazonian leaders rejecting their Cameroonian nationality, which the court ultimately ignored. The leaders then refused to be tried by Francophone judges. On 1 March, the trial took a diplomatic twist; a Nigerian court determined that the deportation of the Ambazonian leadership had been unconstitutional, and ordered their return to Nigeria. Nevertheless, the trial resumed. The separatists got bolder with enforcing lockdowns. The same day as the start of the trial, the streets of Buea were almost completely deserted. On 4 February, in anticipation of Youth Day on 11 February, separatists declared a 10-day lockdown, telling people all across the Anglophone regions to stay at home from 5–14 February. The lockdown was a matter of controversy among the separatists, with a spokesperson of the Ambazonia Defence Forces arguing that it would be counterproductive. The next day, large parts of Buea were closed down, while armed clashes took place in Muea and Muyuka. Most of Bamenda was also closed down, with smaller clashes taking place. In Muyuka, an Ambazonian Colonel was killed alongside two other separatist fighters. In Mbengwi, two separatists died while attacking the Divisional Office there. As a result of the lockdown, Youth Day celebrations had negligible turnout in Southern Cameroons. In Bamenda, the Governor of Northwest Region, Adolph Lele l’Afrique, was escorted by soldiers to attend a small celebration. The military escort came under fire while driving to the ceremony, possibly resulting in casualties. The celebrations were boycotted in most major cities in the Anglophone regions, including Buea, Kumbo, Belo, Ndop, Ndu, Wum, Muyuka, Mamfe, Tombem, Mundemba and Lebialem, while there was a comparatively significant turnout in Nkambe. Early March saw two serious kidnapping incidents; one on the Kumba-Buea Highway, which was quickly foiled by the BIR, and one at the University of Buea, where more than 15 students were kidnapped, beaten and released. The separatists set up several road blocks, including an overnight mission where the Seven Karta militia blocked the Bafut-Bamenda Highway with concrete walls On 14 March, Cameroonian soldiers burned down several houses in Dunga Mantung and Menchum, and killed at least 12 people (several of whom were burned alive). At the end of March, an ADF leader announced that they would take the war into the French-speaking parts of Cameroon. A week later, separatists – possibly the ADF – raided Penda Mboko, Littoral Region, and injured three gendarmes. This was done in defiance of the IG. On 31 March, various Ambazonian independence movements agreed to form the Southern Cameroons Liberation Council (SCLC), a united front consisting of both separatists and federalists. On 4 April, separatists imposed a 10-day lockdown on Buea. On 9 April, the newly established SCLC declared an early end to lockdown, citing how it mainly affected civilians. However, the Ambazonia Self-Defence Council (ASC), the armed wing of the IG, declared that the SCLC had no authority to call off the lockdown without consulting it first. On 14 April, four Cameroonian soldiers and three separatist fighters were killed in Bali. In Ekona, at least six people were killed in a government offensive. The next day, security forces carried out mass arrests in Buea as they searched for separatist bases. On 24 April, gunmen burned down the house of the mayor of Fundong. On 27 April, SDF leader John Fru Ndi was kidnapped in Kumbo by separatists, but was released the same day. Fru Ndi had travelled to Kumbo to attend the funeral of Joseph Banadzem, the Parliamentary group leader of the SDF. Local separatist fighters had consented to the funeral taking place, provided that no Francophone Cameroonians attended it. On 30 April, government soldiers killed one person and burned at least 10 houses in Kikaikelaiki, Bui. May saw the Anglophone Crisis get some international attention. On 5 May, following appeals by the European Union Parliament, it was announced that the Anglophone Crisis would be debated at the United Nations Security Council. Days later, the Cameroonian government announced it was ready for an "inclusive" dialogue where anything except Ambazonian independence could be discussed. Meanwhile, a leadership crisis erupted within the IG, forcing smaller separatist movements to pick their loyalties. In June, the separatists announced that they had started producing their own weapons in the warzone. Shortly afterwards, a mine killed four policemen and wounded another six, convincing many that the separatists were no longer outgunned, but indeed well-armed. The same month, it was revealed that the government of Cameroon and separatist movements would enter negotiations. On 27 June, John Fru Ndi was kidnapped for the second time in two months. Heavy fighting took place in July. On 3 July, separatists ambushed a military boat carrying 13 Cameroonian soldiers on the Ekpambiri river, Manyu Division. Three soldiers managed to escape, two were rescued, one was found dead after five days, and seven remain unaccounted for. The Cameroonian Army declared that they knew which base the attackers had come from, and that an operation would be launched to destroy it. On 8 July, at least two gendarmes were killed and several more were wounded in an ambush in Ndop. On 11 July, at least seven separatist fighters were killed in Esu. The next day, armed men kidnapped 30 bus passengers passing through Belo, in an apparent case of infighting among local separatist militias. One Cameroonian soldier and three separatists were killed in Buea on 14 July, and at least one Cameroonian soldier and at least five separatists were killed in Mbiame three days later. Towards the end of July, two major prison riots took place. On 22 July, separatist inmates at Kondengui Central Prison took part in staging a protest against the prison conditions. The protest escalated into a riot, which was eventually quelled violently. A similar protest and crackdown took place at Buea Central Prison a few days later. More than 100 inmates were moved to undisclosed locations for detention, some of whom were subjected to torture, and there were speculations that some had been killed during the riots. The IG demanded that the Cameroonian government account for the missing inmates, threatening to impose a lockdown encompassing the entire Anglophone regions if it failed to do so. The lockdown started on 29 July. Midnight to 31 July, the ten detained members of the IG, including Ayuk Tabe, went on a hunger strike over the missing convicts. On 4 August, separatist fighters ambushed and killed a soldier and his civilian driver in Penda Mboko, Littoral Region, the second attack there since March. On 14 August, in an effort to sabotage the new school year, separatist militias announced that region-wide lockdowns would be enforced on 2–6 September and 9–13, covering the first two weeks of the academic year. On 15 August, at least seven soldiers from the BIR were injured when their vehicle skidded off the road in Kumba; while separatists claimed responsibility for the incident, the army claimed it was simply a road accident. On 20 August, the ten detained members of the IG, including Ayuk Tabe, were sentenced to life imprisonment by the Yaoundé Military Tribunal. This was followed by a military escalation and a series of lockdowns, crushing hopes that the school year could start as normal in early September. Within a week, violence and uncertainty had triggered tens of thousands of people to flee from the Anglophone regions. Due to the escalation, a government-led effort to reopen at least 4,500 schools by 2 September ultimately failed. In September, President Paul Biya announced the Major National Dialogue, a political dialogue that would be held before the end of the month. While separatists were quick to reject the initiative, citing the recent life sentences handed to the separatist leaders, opposition parties in Cameroon showed interest in the initiative and started submitting proposals. Meanwhile, the war continued; on 20 September, separatist fighters launched a failed attack on a hotel in Bamenda where several government officials were staying. While the Major National Dialogue was happening, a significant number of Anglophones celebrated Ambazonia's third independence day on 1 October. Nine people were killed in clashes all across the Anglophone regions that day, while "Field Marshall" Lekeaka Oliver of the Red Dragon militia used the occasion to declare himself Paramout Ruler of Lebialem. October also saw the public surrender of Ambazonian general Ekeom Polycarp, who was subsequently assassinated by other separatists. The separatists also started opening "community schools" across the Anglophone regions, providing an alternative to the government-run schools which they had boycotted for years. On 1 December, separatist fighters carried out their first attack on an airplane, firing at a Camair-Co passenger plane while it was landing at Bamenda Airport. No one was wounded in the attack, although several bullets penetrated into the cabin. This incident was the first of its kind, and possibly indicated that the separatists would take on larger government targets. The AGovC announced that the airline in question often transported soldiers, and that they thus considered their aircraft to be legitimate targets. The separatists also started their campaign to sabotage the upcoming 2020 Cameroonian parliamentary election, and within a week they abducted some 40 politicians, including two mayors and at least 19 councilors. A separatist attack on a civilian truck with a military escort left some three civilians dead on 19 December. Cameroon also launched a series of operations in Mezam, Boyo, Donga Mantung, Bui, Ngo Ketunjia and Boyo that would, over six days, force around 5,500 people to flee their homes. In their respective New Year speeches on 31 December, President Paul Biya of Cameroon and Samuel Ikome Sako of Ambazonia both promised to intensify the war in 2020. 2020. Separatist forces started the new year by declaring a five-day lockdown for February, intended to prevent the upcoming parliamentary election from taking place in the Anglophone regions. Clashes took place in Buea and Muyuka, where separatists burned down the office of the Divisional Officer. On 6 January, after failing to listen to demands from fellow separatists not to terrorize civilians, separatist commander "General Divine" was assassinated by his own men. Following instances of popular uprisings against the separatists in Balikumbat and Babungo, the ADF ordered its fighters to take action against anyone caught terrorizing civilians. January also saw what was possibly the most serious instance of separatist infighting to date; the Southern Cameroons Restoration Forces (loyal to the IG) abducted 40 fighters from the Ambazonia Defence Forces, six of whom were subsequently murdered. "General Chacha", the separatist commander responsible for the abduction, was captured and summarily executed by Cameroonian soldiers a week later. A parliamentary election was held in February, and was marked by unprecedented escalation on both sides. Hundreds of additional troops were deployed to combat separatist attempts to sabotage the election, while the separatists abducted 120 politicians within the two weeks preceding the election. Efforts by the Cameroonian government to prevent a repeat of the debacle surrounding the 2018 presidential election ultimately failed, as the turnout in the Anglophone regions was very low. The Ambazonians, who claimed that 98 percent of the population boycotted the election, hailed this as a great victory. The results in 11 constituencies were later nullified due to separatist activities, triggering a partial re-election in March. The results were largely the same, with a marginal turnout and clashes taking place throughout the day. Less than a week after the February election, Cameroonian soldiers and armed Fulani carried out the Ngarbuh massacre, killing at least 23 civilians in Ntumbo, Northwest Region and drawing international condemnation. On March 1, Cameroonian soldiers raped 20 women, killed one man, and burned and plundered houses in Ebam, Southwest Region. 36 people were taken to a military camp, where many were subjected to severe beating and torture. One person later died in captivity. The others were released between March 4–6, after their families had paid money. On 7 March, around 20 separatist fighters carried out attacks on a police station and gendarmerie in Galim, West Region, killing two gendarmes, two police officers and four civilians. This was the third separatist attack in West Region. The next day, an improvised explosive device killed one soldier and injured four soldiers, two police officers and one civilian in Bamenda. Cameroon subsequently carried out an offensive in Ngo-Ketunjia, where it claimed to have destroyed 10 separatist camps and killed at least 20 fighters, including some of those who had participated in the Galim raid. On 26 March, SOCADEF declared a two-week ceasefire to give people time to get tested for COVID-19, a move that was welcomed by the United Nations. The IG and the AGovC declared their willingness to have their armed groups follow suit, but conditioned it on international monitoring and Cameroonian troops being confined to their bases. The same day as SOCADEF's unilateral ceasefire went into effect and, coincidentally, the same day as the first COVID-19 case was confirmed in the Anglophone regions, President Sako declared the shutting of Ambazonia's borders and restriction of movement and public gatherings in order to limit the spreading of the virus, effective from 1 April. However, the danger posed by COVID-19 did not bring about an immediate end of hostilities on the ground; just the day before Sako's declaration, separatists attacked an armored car, killing a soldier and 11 officials, including two deputy mayors. On 8 April, responding to claims by the Cameroonian government that the war was nearing an end, separatists attacked military bases and destroyed infrastructure in villages all across the Anglophone regions. While SOCADEF extended its unilateral ceasefire, separatists carried out coordinated attacks on several villages, assassinated members of a traditional council and abducted three government officials. Towards the end of the month, Cameroon initiated Operation Free Bafut, a series of raids in and around Bafut that aimed at completely rooting out separatist presence in the area. On 1 May, Cameroon announced the deaths of two separatist commanders known as General Alhaji and General Peace Plant; separatists confirmed the loss. There were also civilian casualties; one person was killed by soldiers on the first day of the operation. Local villagers claimed that 13 civilians were killed in the fighting; this was denied by the Cameroonian Army. On 10 May, separatist fighters assassinated the newly elected mayor of Mamfe, Ashu Priestly Ojong, and hours later the chief of the Babeke Telecentre, Kimi Samson, was murdered as well by suspected separatists. Tribal clashes took place in Ndu, where armed Fulani killed two civilians. On 19 May, one of the imprisoned members of the original cabinet of the IG, Barrister Shufai, who had been transferred to a hospital four days prior, was chained up and mistreated by guards. Shufai had been transferred to the hospital following 10 days of deteriorating health, and was unconscious when he arrived. He was then sent back to Kondengui Central Prison, despite the fact that he was immunocompromised and the risk of getting COVID-19 in a crowded prison. His treatment was condemned by his lawyers and by Human Rights Watch. The next day, Cameroon celebrated its annual Unity Day. Separatists had already announced a lockdown from 19 to 21 May, and fighters patrolled public places during the holiday to enforce the lockdown. According to the Cameroonian military, six people were killed in clashes in the preceding week. Separatists claimed to have abducted nine or more people who had watched the celebrations on TV. In Bamenda, the Cameroonian Army claimed to have discovered and disarmed several improvised explosive devices. On 24 May, the Cameroonian military set up a military base in Ngarbuh, with the stated aim of cutting off a separatist supply route from Nigeria. Within a week, more than 300 villagers had fled, fearing the presence of soldiers and a repeat of the Ngarbuh massacre. Four days later, Cameroonian soldiers killed four unarmed men in Buea. Another person was killed by soldiers in Mbiame. Towards the end of the month, separatists drew condemnation from Human Rights Watch for abducting and maltreating a humanitarian worker and members of a non-profit organization. All were eventually released. On 1 June, at least five Cameroonian soldiers were killed in a separatist ambush in Otu, Manyu. An unspecified number of soldiers were also wounded in the ambush. The next day, it was reported that Pidgin journalist Samuel Wazizi, who had been arrested on 3 August 2019 over alleged ties with separatists, had died at a military hospital after being tortured by Cameroonian soldiers. Cameroonian authorities confirmed Wazizi's death three days after the initial reports, reiterated the original accusation against Wazizi, and attributed his death to "severe sepsis". In Malende, Kumba, the Cameroonian Army carried out an operation to expel separatists from the area. According to Cameroon, seven separatists were killed as the Cameroonian Army overran their base. On 5 June, separatist fighters killed a gendarmerie commander in Njikwa. In mid-June, the Cameroonian Army launched two separate operations that killed a total of 24 separatists over four days; 11 in Mbokam, and 13 in Bali, Batibo and Widikum. Cameroon claimed to have suffered one dead and one wounded during the battles. During the four days of fighting, the Cameroonian Army lifted a blockade of the Bamenda-Enugu Road, where rebels had extorted money from travellers. Separatists condemned the blockade and denied having anything to do with it. In June, Cameroon planned to start rebuilding the Anglophone regions with the support of the UNDP. In response, separatists declared a three-day lockdown all across the Anglophone regions. Meanwhile, two explosive devices detonated in Yaoundé, raising suspicions that the separatists were now taking the war to Cameroon's capital; the Cameroonian police had warned about this back in January. Another explosion in the beginning of July wounded two people. Following the explosions, security forces started raiding houses in neighborhoods where displaced Anglophones were living. In the following days, many Anglophones accused the authorities of abuses. In early July, Cameroon launched "Operation Ngoke-Bui", a series of raids on separatist camps in Ngo-Ketunjia, in which 17 separatists and at least one Cameroonian soldier were killed. By the end of June, "The Africa Report" reported that Cameroon had largely pushed the separatists out of Buea (although they later clashed with the army there in early-July), where there had been much fighting back in 2018. Separatist militias in Northwest Region suffered heavy losses during operations in June, and a source in the Cameroonian military claimed that Cameroon was close to winning the war. Other sources claimed that neither side was winning, and that internal discontent was forcing Cameroon towards a ceasefire. International calls for a global ceasefire to deal with the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic also put pressure on the Cameroonian government. On 2 July, Cameroonian officials met with the imprisoned leaders of the IG to discuss a ceasefire. Ayuk Tabe listed three conditions for a ceasefire; that it would be announced by President Biya, that the Cameroonian military would pull out of the Anglophone regions, and a general amnesty for separatists. According to an article published in The New Humanitarian "The two rounds of “pre-talks” – the last reportedly on 2 July – have been held outside the Kondengui Central Prison where Sisiku is being held and are seen as “confidence-building” steps." These talks were condemned by other factions of the Ambazonia independence movement, who argued that Ayuk Tabe had been corrupted by the Cameroonian government. Around the same time, separatists imposed a three-day lockdown in response to Cameroonian plans to begin rebuilding the Anglophone regions with the support of the UNDP, titled "Presidential Programme for the Reconstruction and Development" (PPRD). Heavy fighting took place in June, with the separatists suffering dozens of casualties. On July 13, a separatist militia known as the "Gorilla Fighters" led by "General Ayeke" abducted 63 civilians from Mmuock Leteh, Lebialem. 25 of them were released the next day, and the rest were released on July 15. At least some of the civilians paid ransom to secure their release. One anonymous hostage said that they had been maltreated. Between July 13–19, the Cameroonian Army carried out raids in Awing and Pinyin, killing at least 15 separatist fighters, including a general known as "General Okoro". Another separatist general, "Bush General", was taken prisoner. On August 14, villagers killed 17 separatist fighters in Nguti, Koupé-Manengouba. A local separatist leader identified those killed as rogue separatists. On August 19, it was reported that more than 130 ex-separatist fighters had escaped from re-integration centers. According to local newspapers, a number had re-joined the separatist ranks. Taking steps to stop the separatists from producing their own weapons, the authorities banned the sale of machetes and iron rods in the Anglophone regions. September saw heavy escalation in Bamenda. Separatists killed a police officer on September 1, Police forces responded by destroying shops and shooting indiscriminately, forcing people to stay indoors. In the following days, hundreds of people were detained, and locals accused the military of atrocities. Elsewhere in Bamenda, separatist fighters killed a police officer. and four days later, Cameroonian troops killed Ambazonian general Luca Fonteh in the city. On September 8, Cameroon announced Operation Bamenda Clean to weed out separatists from the city; the announcement was followed shortly by civilians accusing soldiers of extortion. Cameroonian soldiers summarily executed two people on September 14, and another five civilians days later. On September 22, Cameroonian soldiers killed six civilians in Buea, allegedly for not showing them the locations of separatist hideouts. Another civilian was killed in Bui four days later. On September 28, Cameroon announced that over the last four days it had expelled separatist fighters from at least a hundred schools across the Anglophone regions, with the aim of reopening schools on October 5. At least nine separatist fighters and at least two Cameroonian soldiers died during the fighting. October 1 marked the three-year anniversary of Ambazonia's declaration of independence. To commemorate the occasion, separatist fighters raised flags in several areas in the Anglophone regions, including in Buea. Celebrations were also held in Lebialem. Anglophone refugees in Nigeria also celebrated the independence day. Cameroon sent reinforcements to stop the celebrations, and clashes were reported in Bui, Momo and Boyo. On October 11, Cameroon initiated a three-day offensive against separatists in Wabane, Lebialem. Two days later, it was revealed that Cameroonian forces had killed "General Ayeke", commander of the "Gorilla Fighters" militia, in Besali, Wabane, Lebialem. Some 13 hostages were freed from the separatist camp, which was subsequently destroyed. One Cameroonian soldier was killed during the same incident, and the operation was described as "bloody", although the other separatist fighters at the base were reported to have escaped. The corpse of "General Ayeke" was flown to Kumba where it was publicly displayed. In total, three Cameroonian soldiers and at least 12 separatists died during the three-day offensive. On October 24, the Kumba school massacre took place, with 10–12 gunmen killing 7 children and wounding another 13. No one claimed responsibility for the attack, and the Cameroonian government and the separatist movements blamed each other. Days later, the Cameroonian government announced that the BIR had identified and killed a separatist commander who was responsible for the massacre. On December 4, separatist forces started enforcing a four-day lockdown aimed at disrupting the December 6 regional election. Throughout election day, there were clashes in Bamenda. A number of people were shot, and one CPDM Councilor was killed after getting caught in the crossfire during a shootout between separatist fighters and police forces. In Kumbo, separatist fighters entered a church and held the occupants hostage. There were also clashes in Buea. In Babessi, a separatist fighter was ambushed and killed in his home by soldiers. In an end-of-year speech, Samuel Ikome Sako of the Interim Government of Ambazonia declared that an All Ambazonia Constitutional Draft Conference would be held during 2021, and that Northeast and Southwest Region would be reorganized into Equatorial Zone, Midland Zone and Savanna Zone. Sako also said that the separatists were purchasing more weapons and that the fight would continue. Meanwhile, Biya thanked the population of the Anglophone regions for assisting the government in the fight against separatists, and called on other countries to crack down on separatist activities in the diaspora. 2021. On January 6, separatist fighters ambushed the convoy of the Senior Divisional Officer of Momo near Njikwa, using improvised explosive devices. Five soldiers and one civilian were killed. Two days later, separatists killed three gendarme officers, one policeman and two civilians at a checkpoint in Matazem. Four others were injured. In mid-January, separatists moved to sabotage the postponed 2020 African Nations Championship in Limbe. On January 14, explosions were heard outside Limbe Omnisport Stadium. A separatist militia called the "Fako Action Forces" claimed responsibility. The next day, suspected separatists burned a beer truck in Likomba, Fako Division. Security forces pursued the attackers, and an ensuing shootout left two suspected separatists dead. In the early months of 2021, the separatists began to rely heavily on IEDs while carrying out their ambushes, resulting in heavier Cameroonian casualties. On February 18, seven Cameroonian soldiers were killed by an IED in Babessi. On February 24, at least two soldiers were killed and at least another five were wounded in a separatist ambush in Kumbo with IEDs followed by gunfire. Following the incident, soldiers went on a shooting spree while searching for the attackers. In Bui, Cameroon launched "Operation Bui 1", which resulted in the deaths of 12 separatists and two Cameroonian soldiers; days later, a separatist militia known as the Bui Warriors launched a series of IED attacks against Cameroonian soldiers in Bui, followed by an attack on a prison. The Bui Warriors claimed to have killed at least five soldiers with the IED attacks alone. Three BIR soldiers were wounded when their vehicle struck an IED between Kumbo and Ndop on April 10. The Red Dragon militia successfully ambushed a military vehicle in Alou with an IED on April 24, while the Seven Karta militia carried out a similar IED attack in Bafut. On April 29, the "Bambalang Marine Forces" carried out a cross-border raid into Ngalim, West Region, killing four soldiers and taking off with several weapons, suffering no losses on their own. A month later, the same militia killed five soldiers in an attack on an outpost in Bui, two weeks into a separatist offensive against Cameroon in the area. On May 4, separatists carried out two ambushes with IEDs; in Akwaya, causing unknown casualties, and in Ekona. Three civilians were killed when a bus hit an IED in Sabga on May 9; separatists claimed responsibility, and said that the IED had been meant for militar targets. In mid-May, the "Fako Mountain Lions" invaded Muyuka and Muea and essentially dared the Cameroonian Army to attack; the subsequent battle saw the deaths of two Cameroonian soldiers. On April 9, the AGovC formally allied itself with the Indigenous People of Biafra, led by Nnamdi Kanu. According to ADF deputy defense chief Daniel Caapo, this would entail joint military operations, joint training bases, and an effort to seize the mutual border and ensure a free flow of weapons and personnel. Ayaba Cho Lucas also proposed an alliance with democratic forces within Cameroon, suggesting that Ambazonia should help overthrow Paul Biya. The AGovC-IPOB alliance was denounced by the Interim Government of Ambazonia as well as by other Biafran separatist groups. In mid-May, separatists launched an offensive in Bui against the Cameroonian Army, which in turn retaliated by burning down civilian homes in several villages. Over the weekend May 23-25, more than 25 Cameroonian soldiers were killed and more than 12 military vehicles were damaged in Kumbo, Bui. On May 24, the Camerooninan Army claimed to have killed separatist commander "General Akwaba" and an unspecified number of fighters in a raid on their camp in Kumbo. The next day, five Cameroonian soldiers, including a brigade commander, were killed when separatist militia the Bambalang Marine Forces attacked an army outpost in Noni in Bui. The separatists also seized weapons and equipment. In Ekona, the Fako Mountain Lions carried out three IED attacks against the Cameroonian army, and three civilians were killed in the subsequent gunfights. In Jakiri, Bui, Cameroonian soldiers arrested three people and subsequently murdered them. Strategy. Military strategy. The Cameroonian Army is fighting a counter-insurgency war, aiming to hit the separatists' support base. This includes burning houses where weapons are found and, according to locals but denied by the army, carrying out revenge attacks. In August 2018, the Defence Minister of Cameroon announced that the army would be expanded with 2,600 new recruits, 2,000 of whom would go to the BIR. In addition to expanding the army, the government has supported local vigilante groups, of which there were more than thirty as of October 2019. The government has also set up rehab centers in Bamenda and Buea to reintegrate separatists who have surrendered into civil society. With no military victory in sight, the Cameroonian Army has sought to at least contain the conflict to rural areas. As of late-2018, the Cameroonian Army aimed to control all urban areas as well as strategic points on the countryside, and did not seek to recapture the entire Anglophone regions. In some cases, this has involved a mutual tacit understanding on who controls certain areas; separatist and military checkpoints are sometimes in close proximity of each other, without either side attacking. Cameroon's strategy of prioritizing urban areas began to yield results during the first half of 2020; by June, the separatists had been largely pushed out of Buea. The Ambazonian separatists are fighting a guerrilla war. Numerically and materially disadvantaged, the separatists carry out hit-and-run attacks, ambushes and raids. According to the ADF, as of June 2018 there were 1,500 soldiers in the ADF, spread across 20 camps throughout Southern Cameroons. In May 2019, independent sources measured the total number of separatist fighters to be between 2,000 and 4,000, a figure that included numerous ex-soldiers and ex-policemen, a significant number of female combatants, and dozens of Nigerian mercenaries. The Nigerians among the rebels mostly consisted of criminals and ex-insurgents who had previously taken part in the conflict in the Niger Delta. Many separatist militias, including the ADF and SOCADEF, are directly commanded by diaspora leaders in the United States, Norway, Germany and other countries; aid agencies have oftentimes had to negotiate with these leaders over the phone, rather than with separatists on the ground. At the start of the war, the separatists struggled with gaining access to firearms, having to rely on hunting rifles and in some cases single-shot pistols. As the war went on, they gradually gained limited access to some more sophisticated weapons, capturing some from the Cameroonian Army and buying some in Nigeria (where they enjoyed the support of officers in the Nigerian Army). They also benefitted from fundraising campaigns (including the introduction of their own cryptocurrency, the AmbaCoin), launched by diaspora activists to purchase guns for the separatist militias. This began to yield visible results in the first half of 2019. From being severely outgunned in the fall of 2018, by the summer of 2019 the separatists had become well-armed. They also declared that they had started producing their own weapons within Southern Cameroons, a declaration followed shortly by an explosion in Mamfe that killed four policemen. By November 2020, the separatists' manufacturing of weapons within the Anglophone regions had become a serious problem for Cameroon. IEDs in particular proved effective for the separatists, and their frequent use, either alone or as part of ambushes, started to cause heavy Cameroonian casualties from the beginning of 2021. The militias enjoy significant local support, with civilians giving them food, informing them on troop movements, or outright assisting them in carrying out attacks. In separatist-controlled territory, a common social contract is that civilians develop close connections with separatist fighters, who in turn defend them against Cameroonian raids. Unlike most Cameroonian soldiers deployed in the region, the separatists are locals, and are thus more familiar with the terrain. Cameroonian General Melingui stated that the separatists have a leverage over the army when it comes to familiarity with the battleground; "They know the terrain. These are youths from local villages. We try to seek them out but we can't find them. Our men aren't familiar with the forest." Cameroonian authorities have admitted that they have little control over the security situation outside the cities. Journalist Emmanuel Freudenthal, who spent a week with ADF rebels in 2018, stated that the separatists controlled much of the countryside because the infrastructure in Southern Cameroons is so poorly developed, making it hard for the Cameroonian government to access those areas. The IG has stressed that the war will take place solely within Southern Cameroons, and claims that attacks across the border have been false flag operations by the Cameroonian government. This stance is not shared by AGovC. In March 2019, the ADF announced that it would take the war into the French-speaking parts of Cameroon, defying the IG. The ADF allied itself with the Indigenous People of Biafra and its armed wing, the Eastern Security Network in 2021, and declared that this alliance would entail joint military operations. AGovC leader Ayaba Cho Lucas summed up the ADF strategy in the following way: "60% of the GDP of Cameroon is earned in Ambazonia. [...] We must try to raise the cost of the occupation to higher than the profits they get here." Retired American diplomat Herman Jay Cohen has argued that Cameroon's military approach to the conflict plays straight into the strategy of the separatists. Drawing parallels to the Eritrean War of Independence, he has claimed that the growing bitterness resulting from prolonged warfare will only serve to close the window of opportunity where reconciliation and territorial integrity is still an option, thereby – ironically – increasing the likelihood of Ambazonian secession. Political, diplomatic and propaganda strategy. According to Millan Atam, chairperson of the Southern Cameroonians Congress of the People, the separatists are building up support for their cause through two distinct phases. The first phase was to build internal capability to resist the Cameroonian Army and raise faith in the cause. Once a significant portion of the population of Southern Cameroons clearly wanted separation, the separatists would approach the international community with their cause. The Cameroonian government has tried to limit the extent of which the conflict affects everyday life in Southern Cameroons, and portrays the war as a battle between chaos and stability in which the government represents the latter. To this end, local authorities have penalized businesses that respected "ghost towns" declared by the separatists. The government has fired and replaced local administrators who fled from the region, despite their fears of kidnappings. In order to fight the separatist school boycott, according to local sources in Ndop, Cameroonian soldiers have forced children to attend school, often through violence and threats. To prevent the Anglophone Crisis from becoming a full-fledged intercommunal war, Cameroonian authorities have sought to gain as much support among the Anglophone population as possible. In August 2018, Minister of Territorial Administration Atanga Nji offered amnesty to separatists who surrender their weapons, saying they would "be received as prodigal sons". The minister also announced a plan to rebuild infrastructure that had been destroyed due to the conflict. In February 2021, the government claimed that 4,000 Anglophones had applied to join the military, including hundreds of former separatist fighters. Both sides have used WhatsApp to spread propaganda. Cameroonian authorities have arrested journalists on the accusation of propagating false information, the punishment for which is six months to two years in prison. War crimes. By Cameroon. There is photographic evidence that shows a consistent strategy of burning down villages by Cameroonian forces. The army has claimed that the soldiers who were filmed were separatists wearing stolen Cameroonian Army uniforms, a claim that has been denied by local residents. Satellite images show extensive damage to villages. Journalists have been denied entry to the conflict zones, and soldiers have been forbidden from carrying mobile phones. In August 2018, the Centre for Human Rights and Democracy in Africa published a list of 106 villages that had been raided by government forces since October 2017. Citing eyewitness accounts, videos and photos as evidence, the Centre claimed that 71 of these villages had been completely destroyed and depopulated, while the remaining 34 had been partially deserted. By Ambazonia. At the end of 2017, the separatists declared a school boycott, and have attacked and burnt down schools that refused to shut down. Between February 2017 and May 2018, at least 42 schools were targeted. Some separatists consider schools to be legitimate targets because the French language is taught as a mandatory subject. As of July 2019, close to 6,000 schools had shut down across the Anglophone regions, affecting more than 600,000 children. Separatists began opening their own schools in September 2019, but these were insufficient to cover the educational needs in the areas they controlled. In September 2020, prominent separatists Mark Bareta and Eric Tataw called for an end to the school boycott. However, this was rejected by Julius Ayuk Tabe, Samuel Ikome Sako and Ayaba Cho Lucas, all of whom insisting that a ceasefire had to precede school resumption. Attacks on schools have cost the separatists some loss of support among locals who had used to sympathize with their cause. In their effort to make the Anglophone regions ungovernable, separatist elements have maimed employees at state-owned corporations. Kidnapping for ransom has also occurred frequently, as well as blackmailing of civilians into transferring money to fund the struggle. Owing to the obscure nature of many of the separatist militias, some attacks attributed to separatists may as well be the acts of local criminals. Notwithstanding, it is beyond doubt that separatist elements have carried out numerous such acts, sometimes drawing condemnation from the Interim Government of Ambazonia. Throughout 2017, there were no reports of ADF using violence against civilians. As of October 2018, five such incidents had been reported, though these attacks were for the most part not lethal; one civilian death was attributed to an ADF attack. Other separatist groups had attacked civilians 25 times within the same time frame, and were responsible for 13 civilian deaths. Separatists have also been accused of using schools and churches as military barracks; in July 2019, Cameroon accused the separatists of occupying more than 50 schools. The Ambazonian forces have also engaged in widespread extortion of the civilian population in the two Anglophone regions of Cameroon. Casualties. Between September 2017 and February 2018, Cameroon claimed to have lost 22 soldiers and policemen in the conflict. By May, at least 44 soldiers and policemen had been killed. In June 2018, the official figure rose to 84 dead. Within two weeks in the later half of June, the official figure went up to more than 120 dead. By October 2018, the military and police had lost at least 175 servicemen. Separatist losses were estimated to be in the hundreds. The war intensified in early 2019. By June, Cameroonian military and police casualties were estimated to be around 500 dead. The separatists had lost around 1,000 fighters. While civilian casualties are hard to determine, in May 2019 they were estimated by independent sources to be around 650 killed, out of a total death toll of 1,850. In January the same year, the Diocese of Kumbo had been able to document 385 civilian deaths in Kumbo alone within the past seven months. In September 2019, independent sources stated that the conflict had claimed the lives of around 3,000 people, counting both combatants and civilians. By February 2020, between 800 and 1,000 Cameroonian soldiers had been killed. In addition, at least 250 ethnic Mbororos had been killed as of July 2020, counting both civilians and pro-Cameroonian militants. Anglophone groups have disputed these figures. While federalist movements claimed that the conflict had taken 3,000–5,000 lives as of the summer of 2019, separatists claimed that between 5,000 and 10,000 people had been killed. Humanitarian consequences. By January 2018, 15,000 people had fled from Southern Cameroons to Nigeria. This number increased to at least 40,000 people by February. By August 2018, more than 180,000 people had been displaced due to the war. As of May 2019, 530,000 people had been internally displaced, and 35,000 had fled to Nigeria. In June 2019, UNICEF said that 1.3 million people in the Anglophone regions needed humanitarian aid. Other consequences. The conflict has severely harmed the local economy. In June 2018, Cameroon Development Corporation, a state-owned company with 22,000 employees, declared the conflict could lead to the loss of 5,000 jobs on the short term. In July 2018, Cameroonian NGO "Human Is Right" reported that the war had caused a 70 percent increase in unemployment in the agricultural sector. The palm oil and cocoa sectors in Southwest Region had taken a severe blow, with state-owned company Pamol abandoning plantations in some areas. The private company Telcar Cocoa reported that the cocoa production had fallen 80 percent. The NGO suggested that companies make deals with the separatists in order to safeguard their facilities. By 2019, annual tax revenues in the Anglophone regions had dropped from US$800,000 to US$1,000, and by 2020 almost all tax officials had fled their crossing posts on the Nigerian border. The separatists aim to prevent the Cameroonian state from getting any income from the Anglophone regions, in order to make cost of controlling the region surpass the benefits. The conflict has triggered an exodus of the Nigerian business community from Southern Cameroons, as well as Nigerian traders who used to run key markets. Thousands of displaced people have fled to protected natural areas, endangering the wildlife there. Reactions. Within Cameroon. The Anglophone Crisis has become a divisive question in Cameroonian politics. The Cameroon People's Democratic Movement (CPDM), the ruling party, regards the separatists as terrorists and supports a military solution to the conflict. The CPDM supported both the carrying out and conclusion of the Major National Dialogue, which was organized by the Cameroonian government. As of September 2020, the Cameroonian government was divided on the subject of talks with the separatists, with one camp, including the prime minister, advocating a negotiated end of the war, and the other camp opposing negotiations. Meanwhile, the opposition has been vocal in its criticism of the government's handling of the conflict. In January 2019, the Social Democratic Front announced it would oppose any future elections in the country while the war is still ongoing. The party supports a negotiated solution to the conflict, and has demanded a ceasefire, the opening of a dialogue, amnesty for everyone jailed because of the crisis, the establishment of a truth and reconciliation commission, and decentralization of the country. In March 2019, the SDF accused members of the Cameroonian government of supporting certain armed elements in the Anglophone regions. In May 2019, the SDF announced it would boycott National Day celebrations in sympathy with people in Southern Cameroons living in a state of civil war. Smaller opposition parties, such as the Cameroon Renaissance Movement (MRC), also blame the government for failing to solve the Anglophone Crisis. On 26 January 2019, supporters of the MRC invaded the Cameroonian embassy in Paris, citing – among other reasons – the Anglophone Crisis. In May 2019, the MRC joined the SDF in boycotting National Day celebrations. In August 2020, MRC leader Maurice Kamto threatened to start a "gigantic national campaign" to overthrow President Biya if the latter convened the electorate without first solving the Anglophone Crisis. The Cameroon People's Party has taken a nuanced approach, condemning both the government and the separatists. Party leader Kah Walla has said that the crisis can be solved by turning Cameroon into a federation. Countries and international organizations. The Anglophone Crisis has become a diplomatic challenge to Cameroon, and has damaged the country's relations with some of its allies. While member states of the African Union and France have taken either a neutral stance or sided with the Cameroonian government, several European countries and the United States have criticized Cameroon. The United States have been particularly vocal in its criticism; In July 2019, following a fact-finding mission by some of its members to the country, the House of Representatives called for a reintroduction of a federal system in Cameroon. In June 2019, Switzerland announced that both the Cameroonian government and the separatists had asked it to act as a mediator, and that negotiations would take place. This was the first known case of talks between the two warring sides, and was met with international endorsement. However, the talks ultimately failed. The talks were referred to as the "Swiss Process" but were only supported by one faction of the independence movement. Sisiku Julius Ayuk Tabe and Ayaba Cho Lucas both opposed the them, and the Cameroonian Government did not buy into the talks either, rendering them ineffective. The faction of the movement aligned with Samuel Ikome Sako have continued to insist that the talks facilitated by Switzerland are the only means of resolving the conflict.

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=43675453

Acts 5 is the fifth chapter of the Acts of the Apostles in the New Testament of the Christian Bible. It records the growth and obstacles in the early church. Text. The original text was written in Koine Greek and is divided into 42 verses. Textual witnesses. Some early manuscripts containing the text of this chapter are: Ananias and Sapphira (5:1–11). The narrative underlines the authority of Peter, who could see through the deception by Ananias and Sapphira (verses 3–5, 8–9) and highlights the spiritual authority of the "church" (Greek: "ekklesia", first used in Acts in verse 11) in form of 'signs' of God (inducing 'great fear' in verses 5 and 11, as well as healing miracles in the next section). The sin of the couple was not simply the dishonesty on monetary value of the land sale, but rather the conspiracy to deceive the community (Greek: "koinonia"), which is a 'symptom of a more serious failure to be "of one mind" within the community' (cf. Ephesians 4:25; Colossians 3:9), that is, lying to the community equals to 'lying to God' (verse 4) and 'tempting the Holy Spirit' (verse 9; cf. Philippians 2:1-2 and 2 Corinthians 13:14). Signs and wonders (5:12–16). This section summarizes the 'ongoing healing ministry of the apostles' which increases the reputation of the believers of Christ among 'the people' (verse 13), because the bringing out of the sick for healing in public is a manifestation of 'belief (verse 15) which recalls the popularity of Jesus' healing ministry (cf. Luke 4:40-1, 6:18-19). The healing power coming out of Peter is so wonderful that it does not need even to touch him (verse 15: cf. Luke 7:1–10; 8:43). Arrest and escape (5:17–26). In the previous chapter, the apostles received a 'blanket prohibition on teaching in the name of Jesus', which their disdainfully rejected (), then before long, the authority arrested and placed the whole apostolic group in jail (verse 18). The apostles were soon miraculously released by an 'angel of the Lord', who instructed them to continue preaching in the temple (verses 19–21). The trial (5:27–32). This trial is 'essentially a reprise' of the previous one (Acts 4), with the charge of 'direct disobedience of an explicit instruction' (verse 28). Peter spoke of behalf of the apostles that they have to obey God, and not 'bound by any human court' (verse 29), followed by a summary of previous sermon points: Jesus has been killed by the authority who 'hanged him on a tree' (verse 30; referring to Deuteronomy 21:22–23 (cf. ; also in Paul's epistle, ), but raised and exalted by God to a position on his 'right hand', as a 'precondition for the outpouring of [spiritual] gifts' of 'repentance and forgiveness of sins now offered to Israel' (verses 31–32). The advice of Gamaliel (5:33–39). Rabban Gamaliel the Elder was one of the great Pharisaic teachers of the first century (flourished c. 25–50 CE) and is later said to have been the teacher of Paul (). As a member of the Sanhedrin he began to question the wisdom of pursuing the case, which would be the main theme of the whole account: 'to recognize where God is at work'. The examples he cited — Theudas and Judas of Galilee — are both mentioned in the same order by a first-century historian, Josephus ("Ant." 20.97–98, 102); but assigned to different time periods, with Judas linked to the time of the Roman census of Judea (cf. ) and Theudas dated by Josephus to procuratorship of Fadus (44–46 CE), which would happen after the account in this chapter. The dating aspect is debated with arguments in favor of Luke or of Josephus, or the possibility of different Theudas and Judas. Verse 34. As Luke had mentioned (; ) that there was an influential party of Sadducees in the Sanhedrin, it is specifically noted here that Gamaliel was a Pharisee, who was well-respected to provide balancing opinions to the counsels of the Sadducean members, especially regarding the Resurrection (cf. ). Gamaliel is known in the Talmud as "Rabban Gamaliel the Elder" (to distinguish him from his grandson of the same name, "Gamaliel the Younger"), the grandson of Hillel the Elder, the head of the school of Hillel, at some time president of the Sanhedrin, one of the most famous Jewish doctors (the title Rabban is given to only six others), and one whose greatness would be as a shield to his students (). Summary and transition (5:40–42). Following Gamaliel's advice, the Sanhedrin treated the apostles with caution, but nonetheless sentenced them to flogging (verse 40). The punishment was received by apostles with 'joy' (verse 41) as they considered it 'worthy to be dishonored for the Name' as martyrs. The section concludes with an assurance that 'the gospel message is assiduously proclaimed, not only in the temple but from house to house'.

deliberate insubordination

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=38979490

The 2013 Tour of the Basque Country was the 53rd running of the Tour of the Basque Country cycling stage race. It started on 1 April in Elgoibar and ended on 6 April in Beasain, and consisted of six stages, including a race-concluding individual time trial. It was the ninth race of the 2013 UCI World Tour season. The race was won by Colombia's Nairo Quintana of the , after gaining enough time on the final time trial stage to move ahead of the previous race leader Sergio Henao of . Quintana – the winner of the race's queen stage, the fourth stage, to Eibar– – had trailed by six seconds going into the stage, but overturned this disadvantage to eventually win the race by 23 seconds over Henao's teammate Richie Porte. Quintana also won the points classification on the final stage, surpassing Henao in that competition also. Porte, winner of the fifth stage, had started the stage in third place but also overhauled Henao, who eventually finished the race third. Third stage winner Henao finished the race 11 seconds down on Porte, and 34 down on his countryman Quintana. The race's other jerseys both went to rider Amets Txurruka; having featured in the opening stage breakaway, Txurruka led the mountains and sprints classifications from start to finish, taking home the red and white polka dot and orange jerseys respectively. The teams classification was won by the , after placing Beñat Intxausti inside the top ten overall as well as Quintana. Teams. As the Tour of the Basque Country was a UCI World Tour event, all UCI ProTeams were invited automatically and obligated to send a squad. Originally, eighteen ProTeams were scheduled to be invited to the race, with two other squads – and  – given wildcard places, and as such, would have formed the event's 20-team peloton. subsequently regained their ProTour status after an appeal to the Court of Arbitration for Sport. With not originally invited to the race, race organisers announced their inclusion to the race, bringing the total number of teams competing to twenty-one. The 21 teams that competed in the race were: Among the 164-rider start list – each team entered eight riders with the exception of and , who entered seven, and , who entered six – were four previous winners of the race. 2000 and 2011 winner Andreas Klöden was part of the squad, and 2007 victor Juan José Cobo was part of the for the race. Another double winner from previous years, Alberto Contador – who won in 2008 and 2009 – was the team leader for , while Samuel Sánchez looked to defend his title at the race with , having won the race in the final time trial in 2012. Stages. Stage 1. The opening stage of the 2013 Tour of the Basque Country was expected to be one of two chances for sprinters to be prevail over the course of the race as the stage itself was lumpy on a circuit in and around Elgoibar. During the parcours, there were a total of six categorised climbs, including the first-category Alto de Azurki at an average gradient of 7.8%, although the steepest of the six climbs preceded the Alto de Azurki, as the Alto de Endoia averaged 9.6% over its duration. The final climb of the Alto de San Miguel summited out with remaining before the finish in Elgoibar. There were also three intermediate sprint points in the second half of the stage in Elgoibar itself, Berriatua and in Markina. After an initial seven-rider move got away early in the stage, the day's primary breakaway was a pair of riders, with Basque rider Amets Txurruka of the team being joined by 's Laurent Didier on the day's first categorised climb, the second-category Alto de Asensio. The duo went across the summit with an advantage of around two-and-a-half minutes, before reaching a maximum of around 5' 15" at one point during the stage. Thereafter, it was left to to initiate the chase, doing the majority of the pacing before , and took over as the stage neared its conclusion. Txurruka left Didier behind on the penultimate climb, the Alto de Kalbario, pulling over a minute clear as the peloton bore down and ultimately caught Didier. had picked up the front of the peloton once again, as they continued to reduce the advantage that Txurruka held, and was caught with around remaining, prior to the day's final climb. The took up the pace on the climb itself, looking to protect their leader Nairo Quintana, attempting to shell riders out of the back of the peloton. Towards the summit of the climb, several riders crashed – including 's Jurgen Van den Broeck, and duo Tony Martin and Dries Devenyns; the latter abandoned with a fractured radial bone in his left arm – and as a result, the peloton split into several groups. At the front was a group of seventeen riders including favourites Alberto Contador of , Quintana, 's Richie Porte and Tejay van Garderen of the . After a lead-out from teammate Pieter Weening, Simon Gerrans sprinted to his third stage victory of the year ahead of a fast-finishing Peter Velits of . Stage 2. The second stage of the race was seen as the most likely to end in a sprint finish out of the five mass-start stages in the 2013 edition. Although there were five categorised climbs during its itinerary, including two second-category climbs inside the opening of the stage – the second of these, the Alto de Gatzaga, averaging a gradient of 10.8% – the gradients of the three third-category climbs late in the stage were not expected to cause major damage in the peloton. Vitoria-Gasteiz was hosting a stage finish of the Tour of the Basque Country for the second year in succession; in 2012, Daryl Impey won the second stage after attacking inside the final kilometre for the team, and managed to hold off a fast-finishing main field, led home by teammate Allan Davis. 's home rider Amets Txurruka played a part in the breakaway for the second day in a row, although on this occasion, he had no other riders to collaborate with the pacing off the front. Txurruka, in the red and white polka-dot jersey as mountains classification leader, attacked prior to the day's first categorised climb, the Alto de Elgeta, commencing over at the front of the race, solo. Txurruka's maximum lead over the rest of the field came on the descent from the Alto de Gatzaga, reaching around five-and-a-half minutes. Txurruka extended his lead in both the mountains and sprints classifications as moved to the front of the peloton, and started the chase of Txurruka in earnest. On the Alto de San Martin, Jens Voigt () and 's Adriano Malori attacked from the peloton, and after around of chasing, caught up to Txurruka. The three riders were eventually caught one-by-one on the run-in to Vitoria-Gasteiz, setting up the final sprint, and with a lead-out from race leader Simon Gerrans and teammate Michael Matthews, Impey repeated his 2012 victory ahead of 's Francesco Gavazzi; Gavazzi's second top-four finish allowed him to take the race lead from Gerrans. Stage 3. Moving away from the sprinter-friendly finishes of the opening two days, the third stage again included five categorised climbs over the parcours, with two second-category climbs – the Alto de la Reineta and the finishing climb of La Lejana – being the most testing of the day's race. La Lejana also incorporated a steep kick to the finish line in Trapagaran; the final of the stage was to be completed on roads averaging a gradient of around 21%, although the climb as a whole, averaged only 5.7%. As a result of this, it was expected that the first major time gaps would come into play for the remainder of the race, and that the overall race contenders would be looking to gain some time ahead the following two mountain stages, and the final day time trial. The race remained together for most of the opening hour, with several moves being shut down before the riders could establish any legitimate gap from the main field. Continuing his perfect record of being in the stage breakaway every day, Amets Txurruka () had company out front – unlike his second stage solo attack – as he was joined by teammate Omar Fraile, Daniel Navarro of , 's Mikel Landa and Romain Bardet of the team. The quintet's lead reached a maximum of around five-and-a-half minutes during the stage, before the advantage was steadily reduced after that point. Txurruka continued to extend his advantages in both the sprints and mountains classifications; he led across all three intermediate sprint points – in Amurrio, Trapagaran itself, and Muskiz – and four of the five categorised climbs. The leaders were eventually brought back to the peloton with around remaining. At the foot of the climb, made their way to the front of the peloton with Nicolas Roche and Chris Anker Sørensen leading their train, protecting their leader Alberto Contador. After 's Wout Poels had an attack quickly negated by the , José Herrada picked up the lead of the group and set about shelling riders from the back of the group due to exhaustion. Colombian riders were prominent in the group; after Sergio Henao () had attacked, been joined by Herrada's teammate Nairo Quintana and had been brought back, 's Carlos Betancur went on the attack with remaining and was joined by rider Giampaolo Caruso. Betancur and Caruso remained clear into the closing stages when they were joined by Henao, who had attacked from a thirty-rider group. Caruso faded on the closing straight as Henao and Betancur went shoulder-to-shoulder in the closing sprint; Henao crossed the line first for his second win of the season, ahead of Betancur, who had raised his arm in protest at the finish, feeling that Henao had pushed him against the barrier. Henao's victory also allowed him to take the lead of both the points classification, and more importantly, the race lead overall. Stage 4. For the fifth successive year, the Tour of the Basque Country included a stage finish in Eibar-Arrate, including the punchy climb of the first-category Alto de Usartza, an ascent with an average gradient of 6.7%, but with gradient in places at over 11%. The climb itself levelled out with remaining of the stage, before a slight downhill run to the finish. The Alto de Usartza was the fifth and final climb of the day's itinerary, starting in the previous day's finishing town of Trapagaran; the only other climb that was not rated as second-category, was the first-category Alto de Ixua, which was the day's steepest climb, averaging over 10%, and summiting with around remaining. Although not in top form, 's Samuel Sánchez was seen as the stage favourite, having won the previous three finishes at Eibar-Arrate in the Tour of the Basque Country. It was also seen as the queen stage of the race. Much like the previous day, the race remained together for most of the opening hour, after several mini-breaks were negated before they could establish a reputable gap over the main field. The breakaway was formed after around , with five riders making headway; the highest-placed of the riders was Peter Velits of  – who had finished second to 's Simon Gerrans on the opening stage of the race – as he trailed the overnight leader Sergio Henao () by less than two minutes. Despite this, the lead quintet's maximum advantage reached over five minutes before it was steadily dwindled after that. With on the front of the peloton, the lead group of three – after 's Eduard Vorganov and Rein Taaramäe of had been dropped – reached the final climb with a lead of around two minutes. As the leaders made their way up the climb, 's Daniele Ratto fell into difficulty remaining with Velits and the other member of the breakaway, 's Matteo Montaguti. The 's José Herrada was first to move from the peloton, with Pieter Weening () and Vorganov's teammate Simon Špilak joining him, and the trio caught the two leaders with around remaining. Špilak soon left them behind and gained a small gap over the rest, before they closed him down towards the top of the climb. This group remained together into the final kilometre as a chase group, led by Sánchez, was failing to make contact. Nairo Quintana () attacked in the closing stages, and held on to win by two seconds from Henao and 's Alberto Contador; Quintana reduced Henao's overall lead to six seconds, with three riders four seconds further back. Stage 5. The penultimate stage was seen as the race's most difficult day of climbing, although was not considered as prestigious as the previous day's queen stage to Eibar–. Over the course of the parcours, there were a total of ten categorised climbs, the last of which – the second-category Alto de Olaberria, a steep climb with an average gradient of 12.3%, with a gradient in places reaching 16% – came just away from the finish of the stage in Beasain. The Alto de Olaberria was climbed three times in total during the stage, while another climb – the third-category Alto de Gabiria – was summited on two occasions. Weather conditions also made riding for the peloton more difficult, with rain and sleet falling throughout. A three-rider move got away in the early stages, consisting of 's Lars Petter Nordhaug, Jérôme Pineau of and rider Thierry Hupond, but they were brought back before the first climb, the Alto de Azkarate. Extending his lead in the mountains classification was Amets Txurruka (), as he crossed the summit first. The field remained together until the second climb where Egor Silin of , and the 's José Herrada got clear on the first-category Alto de Urraki. The group soon expanded to an eventual ten-rider maximum, and formed the stage's primary breakaway, however with several prime candidates for the race overall in the group, the gap never broke two minutes to the peloton. Txurruka's teammate Omar Fraile also joined them later in the stage, and soon attacked on his own with around remaining. were manning the front of the peloton, protecting team leader Richie Porte and the race leader Sergio Henao from any potential dangers on the roads. They had reduced Fraile's advantage to around a minute with remaining, at the top of the Alto de Barbaris. Fraile was eventually caught towards the top of the Alto de Olaberria; defending race winner Samuel Sánchez () twice counter-attacked on the descent from the climb, but both moves were covered off by . Porte and Sánchez soon broke clear on the descent for a period, but were brought back to the main group. Porte attacked again with around remaining, and soloed away to victory by four seconds ahead of Sánchez and Henao. Porte's victory moved him to six seconds behind Henao, ahead of the final time trial in Beasain. Stage 6. The final stage of the Tour of the Basque Country ended like it had done so for the past decade with a technical time trial in and around the town of Beasain. Over the parcours, there were three steep climbs averaging 6.9%, 7.3% and 12.1%, with the last of the trio coming with around remaining of the stage. As was customary of time trial stages, cyclists set off in reverse order from where they were ranked in the general classification at the end of the previous stage. The previous day's stage resulted in around half of the peloton pulling out of the race, due to the conditions. Thus, Michael Albasini of , who, in 73rd place, trailed overall leader Sergio Henao of by fifty-five minutes and twenty-nine seconds, was the first rider to set off on the final stage. Albasini was not the rider to reach the line however, as he was passed by Laurent Didier () on the stage, with Didier setting the first benchmark of 38' 51". He was closely followed by 's Christophe Riblon – who also passed Albasini on the stage – who recorded a time some 50 seconds quicker than Albasini. Egor Silin () was the first rider beneath 38 minutes on the course with a 37' 24", but that was obliterated by the world time trial champion Tony Martin of the squad, who managed to complete the course in a time of 35' 05", 2' 19" quicker than Silin's time. It would eventually be good enough to win the stage, with no other rider getting within fifteen seconds of his time; it was his third individual time trial win of 2013 – all coming on the final stage of races – after previous wins at the Volta ao Algarve and Tirreno–Adriatico. He also passed four riders during his stage-winning run to the finish, a performance which left him "satisfied". The focus then shifted to the overall race battle, with five riders – Henao, Nairo Quintana (), Henao's teammate Richie Porte, 's Alberto Contador and Simon Špilak of  – heading into the stage separated by only ten seconds. Špilak set the target time for the four riders behind him to chase, recording the third-fastest time at that point with a 35' 53" for the course. Contador was much slower than his rival, taking the course in a steady manner, and crossed the finish line nineteen seconds in arrears of Špilak. The rain was not making for easy riding; at the intermediate time-check, Quintana was coping best with the conditions, pulling ten seconds on Porte and seventeen on Henao. Porte eventually displaced Špilak from third place, going eight seconds quicker than him, but his chances for the overall slipped away, as Quintana took twenty-three seconds out of him, recording a time of 35' 22". Henao tried his best to hold on to the win, but crossed the line forty seconds down on Quintana, giving Quintana his first World Tour win. Porte moved ahead of his teammate for second place, while Henao placed third by one solitary second ahead of Špilak. Classification leadership table. In the 2013 Tour of the Basque Country, four different jerseys were awarded. For the general classification, calculated by adding each cyclist's finishing times on each stage, the leader received a yellow jersey. This classification was considered the most important of the 2013 Tour of the Basque Country, and the winner of the classification was considered the winner of the race. Additionally, there was a points classification, which awarded a white jersey. In the points classification, cyclists received points for finishing in the top 15 in a stage. For winning a stage, a rider earned 25 points, second place earned 20 points, third 16, fourth 14, fifth 12, sixth 10, and one point fewer per place down to a single point for 15th. There was also a mountains classification, the leadership of which was marked by a red jersey with white dots. In the mountains classification, points were won by reaching the top of a climb before other cyclists, with more points available for the higher-categorised climbs. The fourth jersey represented the sprints classification, marked by an orange jersey. In the sprints classification, cyclists received points for finishing in the top 3 at intermediate sprint points during each stage, with the exception of the final individual time trial stage. There was also a classification for teams, in which the times of the best three cyclists per team on each stage were added together; the leading team at the end of the race was the team with the lowest total time.

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=46392016

The 88th Academy Awards ceremony, presented by the Academy of Motion Picture Arts and Sciences (AMPAS), honored the best films of 2015 and took place on February 28, 2016, at the Dolby Theatre in Hollywood, Los Angeles, 5:30 p.m. PST. During the ceremony, AMPAS presented Academy Awards (commonly referred to as Oscars) in 24 categories. The ceremony, televised in the United States by ABC, was produced by David Hill and Reginald Hudlin and directed by Glenn Weiss. Actor Chris Rock hosted the show for the second time, having previously hosted the 77th ceremony held in 2005. In related events, the Academy held its 7th Annual Governors Awards ceremony at the Grand Ballroom of the Hollywood and Highland Center on November 14, 2015. On February 13, 2016, in a ceremony at the Beverly Wilshire Hotel in Beverly Hills, California, the Academy Awards for Technical Achievement were presented by hosts Olivia Munn and Jason Segel. "Spotlight" won two awards including Best Picture, making it the first film since "The Greatest Show On Earth" to win Best Picture while only winning one other award and "" won six awards, the most for the evening. "The Revenant" earned three awards including Best Director for Alejandro G. Iñárritu and Best Actor for Leonardo DiCaprio, his first win after 5 previous nominations spanning 2 decades. Brie Larson won Best Actress for "Room", while Mark Rylance and Alicia Vikander won supporting acting honors for "Bridge of Spies" and "The Danish Girl", respectively. The telecast garnered 34.42 million viewers in the United States. Winners and nominees. The nominees for the 88th Academy Awards were announced on January 14, 2016, at 5:30 a.m. PST (13:30 UTC), at the Samuel Goldwyn Theater in Beverly Hills, California, by directors Guillermo del Toro and Ang Lee, Academy president Cheryl Boone Isaacs, and actor John Krasinski. "The Revenant" led all nominees with twelve nominations; "" came in second with ten. The winners were announced during the awards ceremony on February 28, 2016. With two Oscars, "Spotlight" was the first film since 1952's "The Greatest Show on Earth" to win Best Picture with only one other award. Alejandro G. Iñárritu became the third individual to win two consecutive Oscars for Best Director. By virtue of his previous nomination for his portrayal of the titular character in 1976's "Rocky", Best Supporting Actor nominee Sylvester Stallone was the sixth person to be nominated for playing the same role in two different films. At the age of 87, Ennio Morricone was believed to be the oldest competitive winner in Oscar history. Having previously won for "Gravity" and "Birdman", Emmanuel Lubezki became the first person to win three consecutive Best Cinematography awards. Awards. Winners are listed first, highlighted in boldface, and indicated with a double dagger (). Governors Awards. The Academy held its 7th Annual Governors Awards ceremony on November 14, 2015, during which the following awards were presented: Presenters and performers. The following individuals, listed in order of appearance, presented awards or performed musical numbers. Ceremony information. Due to the mixed reception and lower ratings resulting from the previous year's ceremony, producers Neil Meron and Craig Zadan declined to helm the upcoming festivities. Shortly afterwards, actor Neil Patrick Harris announced that he would not host the Oscars for a second time. In an interview released from "The Huffington Post", he said "I don't know that my family nor my soul could take it. It’s a beast. It was fun to check off the list, but for the amount of time spent and the understandable opinionated response, I don’t know that it’s a delightful balance to do every year or even again." In September 2015, AMPAS recruited David Hill and Reginald Hudlin as producers of the ceremony. "We're delighted to have this talented team on board," AMPAS president Cheryl Boone Isaacs said in a press release announcing the decision, "David is a true innovator with a dynamic personality. His vast experience as a live events producer, coupled with Reginald's energy, creativity and talent as a filmmaker, is sure to make this year's Oscar telecast a memorable one." The following month, Hill and Hudlin selected actor and comedian Chris Rock to host the 2016 telecast. They explained their decision to hire Rock back as host saying, "Chris Rock is truly the MVP of the entertainment industry. Comedian, actor, writer, producer, director, documentarian — he's done it all. He's going to be a phenomenal Oscar host!" Rock expressed that he was thrilled to be selected to emcee the gala again, commenting, "I'm so glad to be hosting the Oscars, it's great to be back." Several other individuals participated in the production of the ceremony. Radio disc jockey and personality Ellen K served as announcer for the show. Byron Phillips and Harold Wheeler were hired as music producer and music director respectively. For a fourth consecutive year Derek McLane returned to design a new set for the show. Fatima Robinson was in charge of choreography for the broadcast. For the first time, the Oscar statuettes were manufactured by Polich Tallix Fine Art Foundry in Rock Tavern, New York. In a further effort to streamline acceptance speeches, dedications were displayed on an on-screen ticker, rather than read by the winner. Prior to introducing singer Lady Gaga's performance of Best Original Song nominee "Til It Happens to You" from the documentary film "The Hunting Ground", U.S. Vice President Joe Biden pleaded with viewers to sign an online pledge supporting "It's On Us" to end campus sexual assault. Box office performance of nominated films. At the time of the nominations announcement on January 14, 2016, the combined gross of the eight Best Picture nominees at the American and Canadian box offices was $607 million, with an average of $75.8 million per film. When the nominations were announced on January 14, 2016, "The Martian" was the highest-grossing film among the Best Picture nominees with $226.6 million in domestic box office receipts. "Mad Max: Fury Road" was the second-highest-grossing film with $153.6 million; this was followed by "Bridge of Spies" ($70.7 million), "The Revenant" ($54.1 million), "The Big Short" ($44.6 million), "Spotlight" ($28.8 million), "Brooklyn" ($22.7 million), and "Room" ($5.1 million). Of the top 50 grossing movies of the year, 46 nominations went to 11 films on the list. Only "Inside Out" (4th), "The Martian" (8th), "Straight Outta Compton" (18th), "The Revenant" (15th), "Mad Max: Fury Road" (21st), "Creed" (29th), and "Bridge of Spies" (42nd) were nominated for Best Picture, Best Animated Feature, or any of the directing, acting, or screenwriting awards. The other top 50 box office hits that earned nominations were "Star Wars: The Force Awakens" (1st), "Cinderella" (9th), "Spectre" (10th), and "Fifty Shades of Grey" (17th). Criticism regarding lack of diversity. Shortly after the nominations were announced, many media outlets observed that there was a lack of racial diversity amongst the nominees in major categories. For the second consecutive year, all twenty acting nominees and four out of the five directors nominated were Caucasian. Activist and former attorney April Reign, who was credited with starting the hashtag #OscarsSoWhite, tweeted, "It's actually worse than last year. Best Documentary and Best Original Screenplay. That's it. #OscarsSoWhite." She also noted that while the Caucasian screenwriters of the film "Straight Outta Compton" earned nominations, the African American cast of the film was overlooked. As a result, the Academy was ridiculed again over social media with the aforementioned hashtag. Moreover, actress Jada Pinkett Smith and director and newly minted Jean Hersholt Humanitarian Award recipient Spike Lee announced plans to boycott the ceremony and encouraged others to not watch the telecast in protest of the lack of diversity. Actor and model Tyrese Gibson and rapper 50 Cent also pressured Chris Rock to drop out of his Oscar hosting duties. In response to the criticism, several individuals including AMPAS members voiced their opinions regarding the lack of diversity. Some members defended the Academy saying that the nominations are based on performance and merit, not race. Actress Penelope Ann Miller responded to the criticism by stating "I voted for a number of black performers, and I was sorry they weren't nominated. To imply that this is because all of us are racists is extremely offensive. I don't want to be lumped into a category of being a racist because I'm certainly not and because I support and benefit from the talent of black people in this business. It was just an incredibly competitive year." In an interview with a French radio station, Best Actress nominee Charlotte Rampling said efforts to stage an boycott of the Oscars were "racist to whites." Oscar winning producer Gerald R. Molen commented, "There is no racism except for those who create an issue. That is the worst kind. Using such an ugly way of complaining," He also denounced members criticizing the Academy's choices as "spoiled brats." Others agreed that the Academy had a diversity problem and supported efforts towards change. Best Supporting Actress winner Lupita Nyong'o wrote, "I am disappointed by the lack of inclusion in this year's Academy Awards nominations. It has me thinking about unconscious prejudice and what merits prestige in our culture." She concluded by saying, "I stand with my peers who are calling for change in expanding the stories that are told and recognition of the people who tell them." In a Facebook post, Best Actress winner Reese Witherspoon expressed her frustration with the lack of diversity among the nominees and added, “Nothing can diminish the quality of their work, but these filmmakers deserve recognition. As an Academy member, I would love to see a more diverse voting membership.” During an interview with a reporter, President Barack Obama commented on the controversy saying, “I think when everybody’s story is told, then that makes for better art. That makes for better entertainment. It makes everybody feel part of one American family. So I think, as a whole, the industry should do what every other industry should do, which is to look for talent, provide opportunity to everybody.” A week after the nominations announcement, the Academy announced several rules changes regarding membership in hopes of increasing the number of women and minorities in the membership by 2020. Beginning in 2016, new members would earn Oscar voting privileges for the next ten years. After that time period, those members may retain voting privileges for another ten years if they have remained active in the motion picture industry. Members would earn lifetime voting privileges if they have served three consecutive ten-year voting eligibility terms or have earned or won an Academy Award. Issacs justified the Academy's decision to overhaul the membership requirements saying, "The Academy is going to lead and not wait for the industry to catch up; these new measures regarding governance and voting will have an immediate impact and begin the process of significantly changing our membership composition." Furthermore, the Academy would establish three new governor seats that will be nominated by Isaacs and confirmed by the Board. However, the Academy's actions also include taking away the membership rights of academy members who have not recently worked in the industry, such as actor Bill Mumy and award-winning screenwriter Patricia Resnick. "Replacing sexism and racism with ageism is not the answer," Resnick said. On the morning of the Oscars, the National Action Network led by civil rights activist Al Sharpton held a protest a few blocks from the Dolby Theatre regarding the Oscar's diversity problems. “You are out of time," Sharpton said in a rebuke to the Academy. "We are not going to allow the Oscars to continue. This will be the last night of an all-white Oscars.” In addition, African-American filmmakers Ryan Coogler and Ava DuVernay held a charity event addressing the water crisis in Flint, Michigan, called #JusticeForFlint on the same night as the Oscars. Despite organizers insisting that the event was being held almost simultaneously with the Oscars, many viewed it as an alternative to watching the ceremony. Asian accountants joke. During the show, Rock introduced onstage three children of Asian heritage posing as accountants for PricewaterhouseCoopers saying "They sent us their most dedicated, accurate and hard working representatives... Please welcome Ming Zhu, Bao Ling and David Moskowitz." He also added "If anybody's upset about that joke, just tweet about it on your phone that was also made by these kids." In response to the segment, U.S. Congresswoman Judy Chu expressed her disappointment at Rock, broadcaster ABC, and AMPAS in a press release that read, "It is not right to protest the exclusion of one group by making jokes at the expense of another. I am so disappointed that the Academy and ABC would rely on such offensive characterizations, especially given the controversy over the lack of diversity." Actress Constance Wu tweeted, "To parade little kids on stage w/no speaking lines merely to be the butt of a racist joke is reductive & gross." Furthermore, 25 AMPAS members of Asian descent, including actors Nancy Kwan, Sandra Oh, and George Takei, and director Ang Lee, signed a letter condemning Rock's skit saying, "In light of criticism over #OscarsSoWhite, we were hopeful that the telecast would provide the Academy a way forward and the chance to present a spectacular example of inclusion and diversity. Instead, the Oscars show was marred by a tone-deaf approach to its portrayal of Asians." In a phone interview with the Associated Press, Academy President Isaacs apologized for the joke stating, "I can understand the feelings and we are setting up a meeting to discuss, because as you well know, no one sets out to be offensive, and I'm very sorry that has happened. I think so much is achieved with dialogue, so much is achieved. And that is what we'll continue to do: have dialogue, listen and just keep fixing." Critical reception and television ratings. The show received a mixed reception from media publications. A few media outlets reviewed the broadcast more positively with some praise for Rock. Television critic Mary McNamara of the "Los Angeles Times" remarked, "Rock's Oscars had some of the most powerful moments seen in the telecast's history." She concluded that, "After years of being dissed for its irrelevance, this year's Oscars took action. The results were mixed, to be sure, and Rock did not ever settle into his usual balance of outrage and humanity." "The New York Times" columnist James Poniewozik commented, "With Chris Rock, the Oscars find a lucky pairing of host and subject." In addition, he wrote, "His performance was an example of something the industry is still trying to learn: that you can achieve both inclusion and entertainment by giving the right person just the right opportunity." "The Denver Post"'s Joanne Ostrow wrote, "Chris Rock poked the elephant in the room at the 2016 Academy Awards, prodded it again and again, and never let up." Others were more critical of the show. "The Hollywood Reporter" columnist Daniel Feinberg remarked, "Chris Rock led a telecast that had important things to say, but still felt endless." In addition he called the ceremony "overstuffed" and the on-screen running scroll a "total failure". Frazier Moore of the Associated Press quipped, "When Rock was absent, languor prevailed." He added, "One other beef: The attempt to banish the names of those thanked by winners to a text crawl at the bottom of the screen. If viewers wanted to watch a channel with annoying and distracting text at the bottom of the screen, they'd just tune to a cable-news channel." "Orlando Sentinel" television critic Hal Boedeker gave high marks toward Rock but commented, "No host, no matter how gifted, can transform the lumbering format into a scintillating event." He ended his comments by stating, "Staging a more entertaining Oscar telecast. Why must the show be a slog?" The American telecast on ABC drew 34.42 million people over its length, which was a 4% decrease from the previous year's ceremony. An estimated 58 million total viewers watched all or part of the awards. The telecast also garnered lower Nielsen ratings compared to the previous ceremony with a 23.4 household rating. In addition program scored the lower 18-49 demo rating with a 10.5 rating over 31% share. It was the lowest viewership for an Academy Awards telecast since the 80th ceremony, held in 2008. In July 2016, the ceremony presentation received nine nominations for the 68th Primetime Emmys. The following month, the ceremony did not win any of the nominations. "In Memoriam". The annual "In Memoriam" tribute was presented by actor Louis Gossett Jr. Singer Dave Grohl performed The Beatles' song "Blackbird" during the tribute. External links. Official websites News resources Analysis Other resources

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=673347

Anti-Chinese sentiment or Sinophobia (from Late Latin "Sinae" "China" and Greek φόβος, "phobos", "fear") involves sentiments such as hatred or fear of China (and related countries), its people, its diaspora, or its culture. It often targets Chinese minorities living outside of China and involves immigration, development of national identity in neighboring countries, disparity of wealth, the past central tributary system, majority-minority relations, discrimination and racism. Its opposite is Sinophilia. Statistics and background. In 2013, US-based Pew Research Center conducted an international survey on sentiments of China and the United States, finding that China was viewed favorably in half (19 of 38) of the nations surveyed, excluding China itself. Beijing's strongest supporters were in Asia, in Malaysia (81%) and Pakistan (81%); African nations of Kenya (78%), Senegal (77%) and Nigeria (76%); as well as Latin America, particularly in countries heavily engaging with the Chinese market, such as Venezuela (71%), Brazil (65%) and Chile (62%). However, anti-China sentiment has remained permanent in the West and other Asian countries: only 28% of Germans and Italians and 37% of Americans viewed China favorably while in Japan, just 5% of respondents had a favorable opinion of the country. But in just 11 of the 38 nations surveyed was China actually viewed unfavorably by at least half of those surveyed. Japan was polled to have the most anti-China sentiment, where 93% see the People's Republic in a negative light, including 48% of Japanese who have a very unfavorable view of China. There were also majorities in Germany (64%), Italy (62%) and Israel (60%) who held negative views of China. The rise in anti-China sentiment in Germany was particularly striking: from 33% disfavor in 2006 to 64% under the 2013 survey, with such views existing despite Germany's success exporting to China. Despite China's general appeal to the young, half or more of those people surveyed in 26 of 38 nations felt that China acted unilaterally in international affairs, notably increasing tensions between China and other neighboring countries, excluding Russia, over territorial disputes. This concern about Beijing's failure to consider other countries' interests when making foreign policy decisions was particularly strong in the Asia-Pacific – in Japan (89%), South Korea (79%) and Australia (79%) – and in Europe – in Spain (85%), Italy (83%), France (83%) and Britain (82%). About half or more of those in the seven Middle Eastern nations surveyed also thought China acted unilaterally. This includes 79% of Israelis, 71% of Jordanians and 68% of Turks. There was relatively less concern about this issue in the U.S. (60%). African nations – in particular strong majorities in Kenya (77%), Nigeria (70%), South Africa (67%) and Senegal (62%) – believed Beijing considered their interests when making foreign policy decisions. When asked in 2013 whether China had the respect it should have, 56% of Chinese respondents felt China should have been more respected. History. While historical records document the existence of anti-Chinese hostilities during China's imperial wars, modern Sinophobia first emerged in the 19th century. Lord Palmerston, who was responsible for sparking the outbreak of First Opium War with Qing China, considered Chinese culture "uncivilized", and his negative views on China played a significant role in his decision to issue a declaration of war. The trend became commonly popular throughout the Second Opium War (1856-1860), when repeated attacks against foreign traders in China inflamed anti-Chinese sentiment. With the defeat of China in both wars, and violent behavior of Chinese towards foreigners, Lord Elgin upon his arrival in Peking in 1860 ordered the sacking and burning of China's Summer Palace in vengeance, highlighting the deep Sinophobic sentiment existing in the West. In 1882 the Chinese Exclusion Act further deepened Sinophobic sentiment in the U.S., which escalated into tensions. Chinese workers were forbidden and treated as second-class citizens. Meanwhile, during the mid-19th century in Peru, Chinese were used as slave laborers and they were not allowed to hold any positions in Peruvian society. On the other hand, the Empire of Japan was also known for its strong Sinophobia. After the violence in Nagasaki caused by Chinese sailors, it stemmed anti-Chinese sentiment in Japan and following Qing China's non-apology, it even strained further. After the end of the First Sino-Japanese War, Japan defeated China and soon acquired colonial possessions of Taiwan and Ryukyu Islands. Throughout the 1920s, Sinophobia was still common in Europe. Chinese workers had been a fixture on London's docks since the mid-eighteenth century, when they arrived as sailors who were employed by the East India Company, importing tea and spices from the Far East. Conditions on those long voyages were so dreadful that many sailors decided to abscond and take their chances on the streets rather than face the return journey. Those who stayed generally settled around the bustling docks, running laundries and small lodging houses for other sailors or selling exotic Asian produce. By the 1880s, a small but recognizable Chinese community had developed in the Limehouse area, increasing Sinophobic sentiments from other Londoners, who feared the Chinese workers displacing their traditional jobs by willing to work for much lower wages and longer hours than other workers in the same industries. The entire Chinese population of London was only in the low hundreds—in a city whose entire population was roughly estimated to be seven million—but nativist feelings ran high, as was evidenced by the Aliens Act of 1905, a bundle of legislation which sought to restrict entry to poor and low-skilled foreign workers. Chinese Londoners also became involved with illegal criminal organisations, spurring Sinophobic sentiments. World War II era massacres like the Nanking Massacre and widespread human rights abuses caused rifts between China and Japan which still exist today. During the Cold War, anti-Chinese sentiment became permanent in the media of the Western world and anti-communist countries, largely after the establishment of the People's Republic of China in 1949. From the 1950s to the 1980s, anti-Chinese sentiment was so high in South Korea, where the Korean War was fought and the Chinese subsequently intervened against the South Korean army. To this day, many Koreans believe that China perpetrated the division of Korea into two countries. Even in the Soviet Union, anti-Chinese sentiment was so high due to the differences which existed between China and the USSR which nearly resulted in war between the two countries. The "Chinese threat" as it was described in a letter by Alexander Solzhenitsyn prompted expressions of anti-Chinese sentiment in the conservative Russian samizdat movement. Since the 1990s, China's economic reforms have turned the country into a global power. Nonetheless, distrust of China and Chinese is sometimes attributed to the backlash which exists against the historical memory of Sinicization which was first pursued by Imperial China and was later pursued by the Republic of China, and the additional backlash which exists against the modern policies of the Chinese government, both of which are permanent in many countries like India, Korea, Japan and Vietnam. Regional antipathy. East Asia. Japan. After the end of the Second Sino-Japanese War and World War II in 1945, the relationship between China and Japan gradually improved. However, since 2000, Japan has seen a gradual resurgence of anti-Chinese sentiment. Many Japanese believe that China is using the issue of the countries' checkered history, such as the Japanese history textbook controversies, many past war crimes committed by Japan's military, and official visits to the Yasukuni Shrine (in which a number of war criminals are enshrined), as both a diplomatic card and a tool to make Japan a scapegoat in domestic Chinese politics. The Anti-Japanese Riots in the Spring of 2005 were another source of more anger towards China among the Japanese public. Anti-Chinese sentiments have been on a sharp rise in Japan since 2002. According to the Pew Global Attitude Project (2008), 84% of Japanese people held an unfavorable view of China and 73% of Japanese people held an unfavorable view of Chinese people, which was a higher percentage than all the other countries surveyed. A survey in 2017 suggested that 51% of Chinese respondents had experienced tenancy discrimination. Another report in the same year noted a significant bias against Chinese visitors from the media and some of the Japanese locals. Korea. Korea had a long history of both resistance against and subordination to China. Until the arrival of Western powers in the 19th century, Korea had been part of the sinocentric East Asian regional order. In the early 2000s, a dispute over the history of Goguryeo, which both Koreas and China claim as their own, caused tension between the two countries. In 1931, while Korea was dominated by Imperial Japan, there was a dispute between Chinese and Korean farmers in Wanpaoshan, Manchuria. It was highly sensationalized in the Japanese and Korean press, and used as propaganda to increase anti-Chinese sentiment. It caused a series of anti-Chinese riots throughout Korea, starting in Incheon on July 3 and spreading rapidly to other cities. Chinese sources estimate that 146 people were killed, 546 wounded, and a considerable number of properties were destroyed. The worst riot occurred in Pyongyang on July 5. In this effect, the Japanese had a considerable influence on sinophobia in Korea. Starting in October 1950, the People's Volunteer Army fought in the Korean War (1950–1953) on the side of North Korea against South Korean and United Nations troops. The participation of the PVA made the relations between South Korea and China hostile. Throughout the Cold War, there were no official relations between capitalist South Korea and communist China until August 24, 1992, when formal diplomatic relations were established between Seoul and Beijing. Anti-Chinese sentiments in South Korea have been on a steady rise since 2002. According to Pew opinion polls, favorable view of China steadily declined from 66% in 2002 to 48% in 2008, while unfavorable views rose from 31% in 2002 to 49% in 2008. According to surveys by the East Asia Institute, positive view of China's influence declined from 48.6% in 2005 to 38% in 2009, while negative view of it rose from 46.7% in 2005 to 50% in 2008. Relations further strained with the deployment of THAAD in South Korea in 2017, in which China started its boycott against Korea, making Koreans to develop anti-Chinese sentiment in South Korea over reports of economic retaliation by Beijing. According to a poll from the Institute for Peace and Unification Studies at Seoul National University in 2018, 46 percent of South Koreans found China as the most threatening country to inter-Korean peace (compared to 33 percent for North Korea), marking the first time China was seen as a bigger threat than North Korea since the survey began in 2007. Discriminatory views of Chinese people have been reported or implied in some sources, and ethnic-Chinese Koreans have faced prejudices including what is said to be a widespread criminal stigma. Hong Kong. Although Hong Kong's sovereignty was returned to China in 1997, only a small minority of its inhabitants consider themselves to be exclusively and simply Chinese. According to a 2014 survey from the University of Hong Kong , 42.3% of respondents identified themselves as "Hong Kong citizens", versus only 17.8% who identified themselves as "Chinese citizens", and 39.3% who chose to give themselves a mixed identity (a Hong Kong Chinese or a Hong Konger who was living in China). By 2019, almost no Hong Kong youth identified as Chinese. The number of mainland Chinese visitors to the region has surged since the handover (reaching 28 million in 2011), and is perceived by many locals to be the cause of their housing and job difficulties. Negative perceptions have been exacerbated by posts and recirculations of alleged mainlander misbehaviour on social media, as well as discriminatory discourse in major Hong Kong newspapers. In 2013, polls from the University of Hong Kong suggested that 32 to 35.6 per cent of locals had "negative" feelings for mainland Chinese people. However, a 2019 survey of Hong Kong residents has suggested that there are also some who attribute positive stereotypes to visitors from the mainland. In 2012, a group of Hong Kong residents published a newspaper advertisement depicting mainland visitors and immigrants as locusts. In February 2014, about 100 Hong Kongers harassed mainland tourists and shoppers during what they styled an "anti-locust" protest in Kowloon. In response, the Equal Opportunities Commission of Hong Kong proposed an extension of the territory's race-hate laws to cover mainlanders. Strong anti-mainland sentiment has also been documented amidst the 2019 protests, with reported instances of protesters attacking Mandarin-speakers and mainland-linked businesses. Mongolia. Inner Mongolia used to be part of Greater Mongolia, until Mongolia was absorbed into China at 17th century following the Qing conquest. For three centuries, Mongolia was marked with little interests even during the expansion of Russian Empire. With the Qing collapse, China attempted to retake Mongolia only to see its rule fallen with the Mongolian Revolution of 1921, overthrowing the Chinese rule; but it was proposed that Zhang Zuoling's domain (the Chinese "Three Eastern Provinces") take Outer Mongolia under its administration by the Bogda Khan and Bodo in 1922 after pro-Soviet Mongolian Communists seized control of Outer Mongolia. However, China failed to take Outer Mongolia (which would become modern Mongolia) but successfully maintained their presence in Inner Mongolia. For this reason, it has led to a strong anti-Chinese sentiment among the native Mongol population in Inner Mongolia which have rejected assimilation, which prompted Mongolian nationalists and Neo-Nazi groups to be hostile against China. One of the most renown unrest in modern China is the 2011 Inner Mongolia unrest, following the murder of two ethnic Mongolians in separate incidents. Mongolians traditionally hold very unfavorable views of China. The common stereotype is that China is trying to undermine Mongolian sovereignty in order to eventually make it part of China (the Republic of China has claimed Mongolia as part of its territory, see Outer Mongolia). Fear and hatred of "erliiz" (, , literally, double seeds), a derogatory term for people of mixed Han Chinese and Mongol ethnicity, is a common phenomena in Mongolian politics. "Erliiz" are seen as a Chinese plot of "genetic pollution" to chip away at Mongolian sovereignty, and allegations of Chinese ancestry are used as a political weapon in election campaigns – though not always with success. Several Neo-Nazi groups opposing Chinese influence and mixed Chinese couples are present within Mongolia, such as Tsagaan Khas. Taiwan. Due to historical reasons dating back to the "de facto" end of the Chinese Civil War, the relationship between the two majority ethnic Chinese and Mandarin Chinese-speaking regions has been tense due to the fact that the People's Republic of China has threatened repeatedly to invade if Taiwan were to declare independence, shedding the status quo of existing legally as the Republic of China and replacing a Chinese national identity with a distinctly Taiwanese identity. This creates strong divisions between mainland China and Taiwan and further strains the relationship between two states. Anti-Chinese sentiment in Taiwan also comes from the fact that many Taiwanese, especially those in their 20s, choose to identify solely as "Taiwanese", and are against having closer ties with the Chinese mainland, like those in the Sunflower Student Movement. A number of Taiwanese have also viewed mainlanders as backwards or uncivilised, according to Peng Ming-min, a Taiwanese politician. According to a 2020 survey 76% of Taiwanese consider China to be "unfriendly" towards Taiwan. Central Asia. Afghanistan. Recently, the Xinjiang conflict has strained the relations between Afghanistan and China. Kazakhstan. In 2018 massive land reform protests were held in Kazakhstan. The protesters demonstrated against leasing land to Chinese companies and the perceived economic dominance of Chinese companies and traders. Other issues leading to rise of Sinophobia in Kazakhstan is also over the Xinjiang conflict and Kazakhstan hosting a significant number of Uyghur separatists. Tajikistan. Resentment against China and Chinese also increased in Tajikistan recent years due to accusation of China's land grab from Tajikistan. In 2013, Tajik Popular Social-Democrat Party leader, Rakhmatillo Zoirov, claimed Chinese troops were entering to Tajikistan deeper than it got from land ceding. Kyrgyzstan. Kyrgyzstan is traditionally non-aligned and somewhat positive of China. There are historical grievances, however, such as occupation by Qing China and ethnic cleansing. A Kyrgyz farmer claimed "We always run the risk of being colonized by the Chinese,", in fear being colonized by China in the future. Meanwhile, like in other Central Asian nations, Kyrgyz people mostly sympathize with Uyghur separatism in China, further complicated relations. Within mainland China. Xinjiang. After the Incorporation of Xinjiang into the People's Republic of China under Mao Zedong to establish the PRC in 1949, there have been considerable ethnic tensions arising between the Han Chinese and Turkic Muslim Uyghurs. This manifested itself in the 1997 Ghulja incident, the bloody July 2009 Ürümqi riots, and the 2014 Kunming attack. This has prompted China to suppress the native population and create re-education camps for purported counter-terrorism efforts, which have reportedly fuelled resentment in the region. Tibet. Tibet has complicated relations with China. Both are part of the Sino-Tibetan language family and share a long history. The Tang dynasty and Tibetan Empire did enter into periods of military conflict. In the 13th century, Tibet fell into the rule of Yuan dynasty but it ceased to be with the collapse of Yuan dynasty. The relationship between Tibet with China remains complicated until Tibet was invaded again by the Qing dynasty. Following the British expedition to Tibet at 1904, many Tibetans look back to it as an exercise of Tibetan self-defence and an act of independence from the Qing dynasty as the dynasty was falling apart. and has left a dark chapter in their modern relations. The Republic of China failed to reconquer Tibet but the later People's Republic of China retook Tibet and incorporated it as Tibet Autonomous Region within China.The 14th Dalai Lama and Mao Zedong signed the Seventeen Point Agreement for the Peaceful Liberation of Tibet, but China was accused of not honoring the treaty and led to 1959 Tibetan uprising which was successfully suppressed by China, resulting in the Dalai Lama escaping to India. Tibetans again rioted against Chinese rule twice, in the 1987–89 unrest and 2008 unrest, where they directed their angers against Han and Hui Chinese. Both were suppressed by China and China has increased their military presence in the region, despite periodic self-immolations. Southeast Asia. Singapore. To counteract the city state's low birthrate, Singapore's government has been offering financial incentives and a liberal visa policy to attract an influx of migrants. Chinese immigrants to the nation grew from 150,447 in 1990 to 448,566 in 2015 to make up 18% of the foreign-born population, next to Malaysian immigrants at 44%. The xenophobia towards mainland Chinese is reported to be particularly severe compared to other foreign residents, as they are generally looked down on as country bumpkins and blamed for stealing desirable jobs and driving up housing prices. There have also been reports of housing discrimination against mainland Chinese tenants, and a 2019 YouGov poll has suggested Singapore to have the highest percentage of locals prejudiced against Chinese travellers out of the many countries surveyed. Malaysia. Due to race-based politics and Bumiputera policy, there had been several incidents of racial conflict between the Malays and Chinese before the 1969 riots. For example, in Penang, hostility between the races turned into violence during the centenary celebration of George Town in 1957 which resulted in several days of fighting and a number of deaths, and there were further disturbances in 1959 and 1964, as well as a riot in 1967 which originated as a protest against currency devaluation but turned into racial killings. In Singapore, the antagonism between the races led to the 1964 Race Riots which contributed to the expulsion of Singapore from Malaysia on August 9, 1965. The 13 May Incident was perhaps the deadliest race riot to have occurred in Malaysia with an official combined death toll of 196 (143 Chinese, 25 Malays, 13 Indians, and 15 others of undetermined ethnicity), but with higher estimates by other observers reaching around 600-800+ total deaths. It was reported in 2019 that relations between ethnic Chinese Malaysians and Malays were "at their lowest ebb", and fake news posted online of mainland Chinese indiscriminately receiving citizenship in the country had been stoking racial tensions. The primarily Chinese-based Democratic Action Party in Malaysia has also reportedly faced an onslaught of fake news depicting it as unpatriotic, anti-Malay and anti-Muslim. Amidst the COVID-19 pandemic, there have been social media posts claiming the initial outbreak is "divine retribution" for China's treatment of its Muslim Uygurs population. Cambodia. During the late 1960s an estimated 425,000 ethnic Chinese lived in Cambodia. By 1984, as a result of the Khmer Rouge genocide and emigration, only about 61,400 Chinese remained in the country. The hatred for Chinese was projected on the ethnic Chinese of Cambodia during the 1980s. A Vietnamese report had noted "In general, the attitude of young people and intellectuals is that they hate Cambodian-Chinese." Recent influx of Chinese investment, especially in Sihanoukville Province, has led to rising anti-Chinese rhetoric. Philippines. The Spanish introduced the first anti-Chinese laws in the Philippine archipelago. The Spanish massacred or expelled Chinese several times from Manila, and the Chinese responded by fleeing either to La Pampanga or to territories outside colonial control, particularly the Sulu Sultanate, which they in turn supported in their wars against the Spanish authorities. The Chinese refugees not only ensured that the Sūg people were supplied with the requisite arms, but also joined their new compatriots in combat operations against the Spaniards during the centuries of Spanish–Moro conflict. The standoff in Spratly Islands and Scarborough Shoal between China and the Philippines contributes to anti-China sentiment among Filipinos. Campaigns to boycott Chinese products began in 2012. People protested in front of the Chinese Embassy and it had led the Chinese embassy to issue travel warning for its citizens to the Philippines for a year. Amidst the COVID-19 pandemic, scholar Jonathan Corpuz Ong has lamented that there is a great deal of hateful and racist speech on Philippine social media which "many academics and even journalists in the country have actually justified as a form of political resistance" to the Chinese government. There have been jokes and memes reposted of supposedly Chinese people defecating in public. Indonesia. The Dutch introduced anti-Chinese laws in the Dutch East Indies. The Dutch colonialists started the first massacre of Chinese in the 1740 Batavia massacre in which tens of thousands died. The Java War (1741–43) followed shortly thereafter. The asymmetrical economic position between ethnic Chinese Indonesians and indigenous Indonesians has incited anti-Chinese sentiment among the poorer majorities. During the Indonesian killings of 1965–66, in which more than 500,000 people died (mostly non-Chinese Indonesians), ethnic Chinese were killed and their properties looted and burned as a result of anti-Chinese racism on the excuse that Dipa "Amat" Aidit had brought the PKI closer to China. In the May 1998 riots of Indonesia following the fall of President Suharto, many ethnic Chinese were targeted by Indonesian rioters, resulting in extensive looting. However, most of the deaths suffered when Chinese owned supermarkets were targeted for looting were not Chinese, but the Indonesian looters themselves, who were burnt to death by the hundreds when a fire broke out. In recent years, disputes in the South China Sea has led to the renewal of tensions. At first, the conflict was contained between China and Vietnam, the Philippines and Malaysia, with Indonesia staying neutral. However, China's claim to the exclusive economic zones off the Natuna Regency, which is controlled by Indonesia has triggered outrage there. Accusations about Indonesia's lack of activities to protect its fishermen from China's claimed behaviors and anti-China disinformation about Chinese foreign workers contribute further to the deterioration of China's image in Indonesia. Myanmar. The ongoing ethnic insurgency in Myanmar and the 1967 riots in Burma against the Chinese community displeased the PRC, which led to the arming of ethnic and political rebels by China against Burma. In the present day, resentment towards Chinese investments and their perceived exploitation of natural resources have also hampered the Sino-Burmese relationship. Chinese people in Myanmar have also been subject to discriminatory laws and rhetoric in Burmese media and popular culture. Thailand. Historically, Thailand (called Siam before 1939) has been seen as a China-friendly country, owing to the fact of close Chinese-Siamese relations, a large portion of the Thai population being of Chinese descent and Thai Chinese having been assimilated into mainstream Thai society. However, in the 20th century, Plaek Phibunsongkhram launched a massive Thaification, including oppression of Thailand's Chinese population and coming down on Thai Chinese culture by banning the teaching of Chinese and forcing Thai Chinese to adopt Thai names. Plaek's obsession toward creating a pan-Thai nationalist agenda caused heavy resentment by Thai Chinese until he was removed from office in 1944. After that, Thai Chinese have not experienced the same level of anti-Chinese incidents, although the Cold War may have inflamed hostility towards the Chinese community in Thailand. Hostility towards the mainland Chinese increased with the influx of visitors from China in 2013. It has also been worsened by Thai news reports and social media postings on misbehaviour from a portion of the tourists, with the accuracy of some of the postings in dispute. In spite of this, two reports have suggested that there are still some Thais who have positive impressions of Chinese tourists. Vietnam. There are strong anti-Chinese sentiments among the Vietnamese population, due in part to a past thousand years of Chinese rule in Northern Vietnam, a later series of Sino-Vietnamese wars in the history between two nations and recent territory disputes in the Paracel and Spratly Islands. Though current relations are peaceful, numerous wars fought between the two nations in the past, from the time of Early Lê Dynasty (10th century) to the Sino-Vietnamese War from 1979 to 1989. The conflict fueled racist discrimination against and consequent emigration by the country's ethnic Chinese population. From 1978 to 1979, some 450,000 ethnic Chinese left Vietnam by boat (mainly former South Vietnam citizens fleeing the Vietcong) as refugees or were expelled across the land border with China. These mass emigrations and deportations only stopped in 1989 following the Đổi mới reforms in Vietnam. Anti-Chinese sentiments had spiked in 2007 after China formed an administration in the disputed islands, in 2009 when the Vietnamese government allowed the Chinese aluminium manufacturer Chinalco the rights to mine for bauxite in the Central Highlands, and when Vietnamese fishermen were detained by Chinese security forces while seeking refuge in the disputed territories. In 2011, following a spat in which a Chinese Marine Surveillance ship damaged a Vietnamese geologic survey ship off the coast of Vietnam, some Vietnamese travel agencies boycotted Chinese destinations or refused to serve customers with Chinese citizenship. Hundreds of people protested in front of the Chinese embassy in Hanoi and the Chinese consulate in Ho Chi Minh City against Chinese naval operations in the South China Sea before being dispersed by the police. In May 2014, mass anti-Chinese protests against China moving an oil platform into disputed waters escalated into riots in which many Chinese factories and workers were targeted. In 2018, thousands of people nationwide protested against a proposed law regarding Special Economic Zones that would give foreign investors 99 year leases on Vietnamese land, fearing that it would be dominated by Chinese investors. According to journalist Daniel Gross, Sinophobia is omnipresent in modern Vietnam, where "from school kids to government officials, China-bashing is very much in vogue." He reports that a majority of Vietnamese resent the import and usage of Chinese products, considering them distinctly low status. A 2013 book on varying host perceptions in global tourism has also referenced negativity from Vietnamese hosts towards Chinese tourists, where the latter were seen as "making a lot more requests, complaints and troubles than other tourists"; the views differed from the much more positive perceptions of young Tibetan hosts at Lhasa towards mainland Chinese visitors in 2011. South Asia. Nepal. The relationship between two only began in the 18th century when the Qing dynasty expanded near the Nepalese border, but this resulted in war between two nations, at the time concentrated mostly in Tibet. After the war, Nepal and China signed a peace treaty, which made Nepal a vassal of China; but with the Anglo-Nepalese War and China's failure to assist Nepal resulted in the domination of Nepal by Britain. Nepal contributed Gorkha troops to serve under the British during the First and Second Opium Wars. In modern relations, during the COVID-19 pandemic, Nepalese media, most notably Kathmandu Post, has published questions regarding Chinese transparency, and accused the Chinese government of issuing veiled threats against Nepal over the report, which hampers the relationship between two. It became further complicated after CCTV's foreign outlet CGTN published on Twitter a tweet about the Mount Everest and called it Mount Qomolangma in the Tibetan language (Tibet is currently part of China), which caused widespread displeasure from the Nepalese public, with claims that China is trying to claim the mount from Nepal. Bhutan. The relation between Bhutan and China has historically been tense and past events have led to anti-Chinese sentiment within the country. Notably the Chinese government's destruction of Tibetan Buddhist institutions in Tibet in 1959 led to a wave of anti-Chinese sentiment in the country. Similarly, the publishing of a controversial map in the book, "A Brief History of China" which illustrated a large portion of Bhutanese territory belonging to China and the statement released by China in 1960 which claimed the Bhutanese "form a united family in Tibet" and "they must once again be united and taught the communist doctrine" all led to hostile responses from Bhutan including the closing of its border, trade and all diplomatic contact with China. Bhutan and China have not established diplomatic relations. Sri Lanka. Despite China's positive role in ending the Sri Lankan Civil War, there has been anti-Chinese sentiment among some people over Chinese investment in the country. India. During the Sino-Indian War, the Chinese faced hostile sentiment unleashed by the Indian National Congress-dominated government. Chinese businesses were investigated for links to the Chinese government and many people of Chinese origin were interned in prisons in North India. The Indian government passed the Defence of India Act in December 1962, permitting the "apprehension and detention in custody of any person [suspected] of being of hostile origin." The broad language of the act allowed for the arrest of any person simply for having a Chinese surname or a Chinese spouse. The Indian government incarcerated thousands of Chinese-Indians in an internment camp in Deoli, Rajasthan, where they were held for years without trial. The last internees were not released until 1967. Thousands more Chinese-Indians were forcibly deported or coerced to leave India. Nearly all internees had their properties sold off or looted. Even after their release, the Chinese Indians faced many restrictions in their freedom. They could not travel freely until the mid-1990s. On 2014, India in conjunction with the Tibetan government-in-exile have called for a joint campaign to boycott Chinese goods due to border intrusion incidents. Similarly to the Philippines and Vietnam the call for the boycott of Chinese goods by India is related to the contested territorial disputes India has with China. The 2020 China–India skirmishes resulted in the deaths 20 Indian soldiers and an undisclosed number of Chinese soldiers, in hand-to-hand combat using improvised weapons. India claims the deaths of 40-45 Chinese soldiers. Following the skirmishes, a company from Jaipur, India developed an app named "Remove China Apps" and released it on the Google Play Store, gaining 5 million downloads in less than two weeks. It discouraged software dependence on China and promoted apps developed in India. Following the 2020 skirmishes, people were concerned about their privacy. Amid tensions, TikTok began censoring anti-China content on its platform and banning users, prompting people to uninstall apps like SHAREit and ES File Explorer, which are developed in China. Pacific Islands. Papua New Guinea. In May 2009, Chinese-owned businesses were pillaged by looters in several cities across Papua New Guinea, amid increasing anti-Chinese sentiment reported in the country. Thousands of people were reportedly involved in the riots. Tonga. In 2000, Tongan noble Tu'ivakano of Nukunuku banned Chinese stores from his Nukunuku District in Tonga. This followed complaints from other shopkeepers regarding competition from local Chinese. In 2001, Tonga's Chinese community (a population of about three or four thousand people) was hit by a wave racist assaults. The Tongan government did not renew the work permits of more than 600 Chinese storekeepers, and has admitted the decision was in response to "widespread anger at the growing presence of the storekeepers". In 2006, rioters damaged shops owned by Chinese-Tongans in Nukualofa. Solomon Islands. In 2006, Honiara's Chinatown suffered damage when it was looted and burned by rioters following a contested election. Ethnic Chinese businessmen were falsely blamed for bribing members of the Solomon Islands' Parliament. The government of Taiwan was the one that supported the then current government of the Solomon Islands. The Chinese businessmen were mainly small traders from mainland China and had no interest in local politics. Eurasia, former Soviet Union and the Middle East. Israel. Israel and China are seen to have a friendly relationship, and a 2018 survey suggests that a significant percentage of the Israeli population have a positive view of the Chinese culture and people. It is also historically preceded by the support from local Chinese to Jewish refugees fleeing from Nazi persecution amidst World War II. The Jews also gained praise on their successful integration within the mainstream Chinese society. However, the rise of communist China made the relationship less positive. The rise of Xi Jinping hampered the relations, with the Jews suffering a crackdown since 2016, which has been reported in Israeli media. This has led to some Sinophobic sentiments in Israel, with Israeli nationalists viewing China a despotic and authoritarian regime, given the ongoing repression of Jews in China. Another problem in regard to the struggling relationship is Israel's lack of trust in China, given China's strong tie to Iran, which is also viewed as a despotic government. There are also accusations that China is backing Iran against Israel, including the COVID-19 pandemic, and this had led to the deterioration of Israel's positive image of China. Russia. After the Sino-Soviet split the Soviet Union produced propaganda which depicted the PRC and the Chinese people as enemies. In Central Asia Soviet propaganda specifically framed the PRC as an enemy of Islam and all Turkic peoples. These phobias have been inherited by the post-Soviet states in Central Asia. Russia inherited a long-standing dispute over territory with China over Siberia and the Russian Far East with the breakup of the Soviet Union, these disputes were formerly resolved in 2004. Russia and China no longer have territorial disputes and China does not claim land in Russia; however, there has also been a perceived fear of a demographic takeover by Chinese immigrants in sparsely populated Russian areas. Both nations have become increasingly friendlier however, in the aftermath of the 1999 US bombing of Serbia, which the Chinese embassy was struck with a bomb, and have become increasingly united in foreign policy regarding perceived western antipathy. A 2019 survey of online Russians has suggested that in terms of sincerity, trustfulness, and warmth, the Chinese are not viewed especially negatively or positively compared to the many other nationalities and ethnic groups in the study. Turkey. On July 4, 2015, a group of around 2,000 Turkish ultra-nationalists from the Grey Wolves linked to Turkey's MHP (Nationalist Movement Party) protesting against China's fasting ban in Xinjiang mistakenly attacked South Korean tourists in Istanbul, which led to China issuing a travel warning to its citizens traveling to Turkey. A Uyghur employee at a Chinese restaurant was beaten by the Turkish Grey Wolves-linked protesters. Devlet Bahçeli, a leader from MHP, said that the attacks by MHP affiliated Turkish youth on South Korean tourists was "understandable", telling the Turkish newspaper Hurriyet that: "What feature differentiates a Korean from a Chinese? They see that they both have slanted eyes. How can they tell the difference?". According to a November 2018 INR poll, 46% of Turks view China favourably, up from less than 20% in 2015. A further 62% thought that it is important to have strong trade relationship with China. Syria. Although Sinophobia is not widely practiced in Syria, the Syrian opposition has accused China for supporting the Government of Bashar al-Assad as China has vetoed UN resolutions condemning Assad's alleged war crimes; Syrian and Lebanese nationalists have burnt Chinese flag in response. Western world and Latin America. Like China's perception in other countries, China's large population, long history and size has been the subject of fear somewhat. China has figured in the Western imagination in a number of different ways as being a very large civilization existing for many centuries with a very large population; however the rise of the People's Republic of China after the Chinese Civil War has dramatically changed the perception of China from a relatively positive light to negative because of the anti-communism in the West, and reports of human rights abuses from China. Sinophobia became more common as China was becoming a major source of immigrants for the west (including the American West). Numerous Chinese immigrants to North America were attracted by wages offered by large railway companies in the late 19th century as the companies built the transcontinental railroads. Sinophobic policies (such as the Chinese Exclusion Act, the Chinese Immigration Act of 1923, anti-Chinese zoning laws and restrictive covenants, the policies of Richard Seddon, and the White Australia policy) and pronouncements on the "yellow peril" were in evidence as late as the mid-20th century in the Australia, United States, Canada, and New Zealand. Czech Republic. In 2016, Czechs and pro-Tibetan activists had defaced Chinese flag ahead of Xi Jinping's visit to the country, showing their strong resentment against China's growing influence and its perceived oppression on Tibetans. Anti-Chinese sentiment has experienced a new growth due to closer tie between Czech Republic and Taiwan led to deterioration of Czech Republic's relations with China. The Chinese government retaliated by issuing warning travel to Czech Republic, using the lament of rising COVID-19 infection and racism in the country. Czech politicians have demanded China to replace its ambassador and criticizing Chinese government for its alleged threats against the Czech Republic, further worsening China's perception in Czech Republic. Australia. The Chinese population was active in political and social life in Australia. Community leaders protested against discriminatory legislation and attitudes, and despite the passing of the Immigration Restriction Act in 1901, Chinese communities around Australia participated in parades and celebrations of Australia's Federation and the visit of the Duke and Duchess of York. Although the Chinese communities in Australia were generally peaceful and industrious, resentment flared up against them because of their different customs and traditions. In the mid-19th century, terms such as "dirty, disease ridden, [and] insect-like" were used in Australia and New Zealand to describe the Chinese. A poll tax was passed in Victoria in 1855 to restrict Chinese immigration. New South Wales, Queensland, and Western Australia followed suit. Such legislation did not distinguish between naturalised, British citizens, Australian-born and Chinese-born individuals. The tax in Victoria and New South Wales was repealed in the 1860s, In the 1870s and 1880s, the Growing trade union movement began a series of protests against foreign labour. Their arguments were that Asians and Chinese took jobs away from white men, worked for "substandard" wages, lowered working conditions and refused unionisation. Objections to these arguments came largely from wealthy land owners in rural areas. It was argued that without Asiatics to work in the tropical areas of the Northern Territory and Queensland, the area would have to be abandoned. Despite these objections to restricting immigration, between 1875 and 1888 all Australian colonies enacted legislation which excluded all further Chinese immigration. Asian immigrants already residing in the Australian colonies were not expelled and retained the same rights as their Anglo and Southern compatriots. In 1888, following protests and strike actions, an inter-colonial conference agreed to reinstate and increase the severity of restrictions on Chinese immigration. This provided the basis for the 1901 Immigration Restriction Act and the seed for the White Australia Policy, which although relaxed over time, was not fully abandoned until the early 1970s. Number of cases have been reported, related to Sinophobia in the country. Recently, in February 2013, a Chinese football team had reported about the abuses and racism they suffered on Australia Day. There have been a spate of racist anti-Chinese graffiti and posters in universities across Melbourne and Sydney which host a large number of Chinese students. In July and August 2017, hate-filled posters were plastered around Monash University and University of Melbourne which said, in Mandarin, that Chinese students were not allowed to enter the premises, or else they would face deportation, while a "kill Chinese" graffiti, decorated with swastikas was found at University of Sydney. The Antipodean Resistance, a white supremacist group that identifies itself as pro-Nazi, claimed responsibility for the posters on Twitter. The group's website contains anti-Chinese slurs and Nazi imagery. Anti-Chinese sentiment has witnessed a steady rise in Australia, after China was accused of sending spies and trying to manipulate Australian politics. France. In France, anti-Chinese sentiment has become an issue, with recent poor treatments of Chinese minority in France like the killing of Chinese people in Paris, causing uproar among Chinese in France; joint alliance with India against China; and land grabs from Chinese investors. A 2018 survey by Institut Montaigne has suggested that Chinese investments in France are viewed more negatively than Chinese tourism to the country, with 50% of respondents holding negative views of the former. It was reported in 2017 that there was some negativity among Parisians towards Chinese visitors, but other surveys have suggested that they are not viewed worse than a number of other groups. Germany. In 2016, Günther Oettinger, the former European Commissioner for Digital Economy and Society, called Chinese people derogatory names, including "sly dogs," in a speech to executives in Hamburg and had refused to apologize for several days. Two surveys have suggested that a percentage of Germans hold negative views towards Chinese travellers, although it is not as bad as a few other groups. Italy. Although historical relations between two were friendly and even Marco Polo paid a visit to China, during the Boxer Rebellion, Italy was part of Eight-Nation Alliance against the rebellion, thus this had stemmed anti-Chinese sentiment in Italy. Italian troops looted, burnt and stole a lot of Chinese goods to Italy, whom many are still being displayed in Italian museums. In modern era, Sinophobia still exists in Italy. In 2007, an anti-Chinese unrest occurred when Italian residents of Milan and Rome had complained that, as Chinese neighbourhoods expand, Italian stores are being squeezed out by merchants who obtain licences for retail shops but then open up wholesale distribution operations for goods flooding in from China. In 2010, Italian town of Prato became increasingly anti-Chinese, accusing them for not obeying Italian law. Spain. Spain first issued anti-Chinese legislation when Limahong, a Chinese pirate, attacked Spanish settlements in the Philippines. One of his famous actions was a failed invasion of Manila in 1574, which he launched with the support of Chinese and Moro pirates. The Spanish conquistadors massacred the Chinese or expelled them from Manila several times, notably the autumn 1603 massacre of Chinese in Manila, and the reasons for this uprising remain unclear. Its motives range from the desire of the Chinese to dominate Manila, to their desire to abort the Spaniards' moves which seemed to lead to their elimination. The Spaniards quelled the rebellion and massacred around 20,000 Chinese. The Chinese responded by fleeing to the Sulu Sultanate and supporting the Moro Muslims in their war against the Spanish. The Chinese supplied the Moros with weapons and joined them in directly fighting against the Spanish during the Spanish–Moro conflict. Spain also upheld a plan to conquer China, but it never materialized. Sweden. In 2018, a family of Chinese tourists were removed from a hostel in Stockholm, which led to a diplomatic spat between China and Sweden. China accused the Swedish police of maltreatment as Stockholm's chief prosecutor chose not to investigate the incident. A comedy skit later aired on Svenska Nyheter mocking the tourists and playing on racial stereotypes of Chinese people. After the producers uploaded the skit to Youku, it drew anger and accusations of racism on Chinese social media, the latter of which was also echoed in a letter to the editor from a Swedish-Chinese scholar to Dagens Nyheter. Chinese citizens were called on to boycott Sweden. The next year, Jesper Rönndahl, the host of the skit, was honoured by Swedish newspaper Kvällsposten as "Scanian of the Year". Relations further worsened after the reported kidnap and arrest of China-born Swedish citizen and bookseller Gui Minhai by Chinese authorities, which led to 3 Swedish opposition parties to call for the expulsion of China's ambassador to Sweden, Gui Congyou, who had been accused of threatening several Swedish media outlets. Several Swedish cities in February 2020 cut ties with China's cities amid deteriorating relations. In May 2020, Sweden had decided to shut down all Confucius Institutes in the country, stating the Chinese government's meddling in education affairs. Some Chinese in Sweden have also reported increased stigmatisation during the COVID-19 pandemic. Peru. Peru was a popular destination for Chinese slaves at 19th century, as part of the wider blackbirding phenomenon, due to the need in Peru for military and laborer workforce. However, relations between Chinese workers and Peruvian owners have been tense, due to mistreatments over Chinese laborers and anti-Chinese discrimination in Peru. Due to the Chinese support for Chile throughout the War of the Pacific, relations between Peruvians and Chinese became increasingly tenser in the aftermath. After the war, armed indigenous peasants sacked and occupied haciendas of landed elite criollo "collaborationists" in the central Sierra – majority of them were of ethnic Chinese, while indigenous and mestizo Peruvians murdered Chinese shopkeepers in Lima; in response to Chinese coolies revolted and even joined the Chilean Army. Even in 20th century, memory of Chinese support for Chile was so deep that Manuel A. Odría, once dictator of Peru, issued a ban against Chinese immigration as a punishment for their betrayal. This caused a deep wound still relevant today in Peru. Canada. In the 1850s, sizable numbers of Chinese immigrants came to British Columbia seeking gold; the region was known to them as Gold Mountain. Starting in 1858, Chinese "coolies" were brought to Canada to work in the mines and on the Canadian Pacific Railway. However, they were denied by law the rights of citizenship, including the right to vote, and in the 1880s, "head taxes" were implemented to curtail immigration from China. In 1907, a riot in Vancouver targeted Chinese and Japanese-owned businesses. In 1923, the federal government passed the "Chinese Immigration Act", commonly known as the "Exclusion Act", prohibiting further Chinese immigration except under "special circumstances". The Exclusion Act was repealed in 1947, the same year in which Chinese Canadians were given the right to vote. Restrictions would continue to exist on immigration from Asia until 1967, when all racial restrictions on immigration to Canada were repealed, and Canada adopted the current points based immigration system. On June 22, 2006, Prime Minister Stephen Harper offered an apology and compensation only for the head tax once paid by Chinese immigrants. Survivors or their spouses were paid approximately CAD$20,000 in compensation. Sinophobia in Canada has been fueled by allegations of extreme real estate price distortion resulting from Chinese demand, purportedly forcing locals out of the market. Brazil. There is Sinophobic sentiment in Brazil, largely due to the issue over alleged economic and political manipulation from China over Brazil. Recently, Chinese have been accused of grabbing land in Brazil, and engaging in improper influence campaigns, which results in hostility. Chinese investments in Brazil have been largely influenced by this negative impression. Current Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro has shown hostility towards China during his presidential campaign, and subsequent presidency. Bolsonaro has repeatedly made false claims about the origin of COVID-19 and used repeatedly denies the need for public health interventions in the pandemic, claiming that it is a "Chinese hoax". United Kingdom. Great Britain and Qing China fought for influence in Asia in the 1800s. This resulted with the First Opium War in which Qing China suffered a tremendous defeat, resulting in the signing of the Treaty of Nanking which ended with war in a British victory. Today, negative impressions of China and the Chinese diaspora continues to be an issue in the United Kingdom. Some Chinese emigrants to Britain have considered themselves to be among the most discriminated people out of all ethnic minorities in the UK, while there is a lack of reporting over anti-Chinese discrimination in the U.K. as consequence, notably violence against Chinese Britons. Further, British Chinese claim that such discrimination is ignored by the mainstream media. Portugal. In the 16th century, increasing sea trades between Europe to China had led Portuguese merchants to China, however Portuguese military ambitions for power and its fear of China's interventions and brutality had led to the growth of Sinophobia in Portugal. Galiote Pereira, a Portuguese Jesuit missionary who was imprisoned by Chinese authorities, claimed China's juridical treatment known as "bastinado" was so horrible as it hit on human flesh, becoming the source of fundamental anti-Chinese sentiment later; as well as brutality, cruelty of China and Chinese tyranny. With Ming China's brutal reactions on Portuguese merchants following the conquest of Malacca, Sinophobia became widespread in Portugal, and widely practiced until the First Opium War, which Qing China was forced to cede Macau to Portugal. Mexico. Anti-Chinese sentiment was first recorded in Mexico at 1880s. Similar to most Western countries at the time, Chinese immigration and its large business involvement has always been a fear for native Mexicans. Violence against Chinese occurred such as in Sonora, Baja California and Coahuila, the most notable was the Torreón massacre, although it was sometimes argued to be different than other Western nations. New Zealand. Anti-Chinese sentiment in New Zealand grew with the idea of a "Yellow Peril" in the 19th century, as Chinese citizens began to immigrate to New Zealand. Official discrimination began with the Chinese Immigration Acts in 1881, limiting Chinese emigration to New Zealand and excluding Chinese citizens from major jobs, to even anti-Chinese organizations. Today, mostly anti-Chinese sentiment in New Zealand is about the labor issue. K. Emma Ng reported that "One in two New Zealanders feel the recent arrival of Asian migrants is changing the country in undesirable ways" Attitudes on Chinese in New Zealand is suggested to have remained fairly negative, with some Chinese still considered to be less respected people in the country. United States. Starting with the California Gold Rush in the 19th century, the United States—particularly the West Coast states—imported large numbers of Chinese migrant laborers. Employers believed that the Chinese were "reliable" workers who would continue working, without complaint, even under hard conditions. The migrant workers encountered considerable prejudice in the United States, especially among the people who occupied the lower layers of white society, as Chinese "coolies" were used as a scapegoat for depressed wage levels by politicians and labor leaders. Cases of physical assaults on the Chinese include the Chinese massacre of 1871 in Los Angeles. The 1909 murder of Elsie Sigel in New York, for which a Chinese person was suspected, was blamed on the Chinese in general and it immediately led to physical violence against them. "The murder of Elsie Sigel immediately grabbed the front pages of newspapers, which portrayed Chinese men as dangerous to "innocent" and "virtuous" young white women. This murder led to a surge in the harassment of Chinese in communities across the United States." The emerging American trade unions, under such leaders as Samuel Gompers, also took an outspoken anti-Chinese position, regarding Chinese laborers as competitors to white laborers. Only with the emergence of the international trade union, IWW, did trade unionists start to accept Chinese workers as part of the American working-class. In the 1870s and 1880s various legal discriminatory measures were taken against the Chinese. These laws, in particular the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882, were aimed at restricting further immigration from China. although the laws were later repealed by the Chinese Exclusion Repeal Act of 1943. In particular, even in his lone dissent against "Plessy v. Ferguson" (1896), then-Supreme Court Justice John Marshall Harlan wrote of the Chinese as: "a race so different from our own that we do not permit those belonging to it to become citizens of the United States. Persons belonging to it are, with few exceptions, absolutely excluded from our country. I allude to the Chinese race." In the 2010 United States elections, a significant number of negative advertisements from both major political parties focused on a candidates' alleged support for free trade with China which were criticized by Jeff Yang for promoting anti-Chinese xenophobia. Some of the stock images that accompanied ominous voiceovers about China were actually of Chinatown, San Francisco. These advertisements included one produced by Citizens Against Government Waste called "Chinese Professor," which portrayed a 2030 conquest of the West by China and an ad by Congressman Zack Space attacking his opponent for supporting free trade agreements like NAFTA, which the ad had claimed caused jobs to be outsourced to China. In October 2013, a child actor on "Jimmy Kimmel Live!" jokingly suggested in a skit that the U.S. could solve its debt problems by "kill[ing] everyone in China." Donald Trump, the 45th President of the United States, was accused of promoting Sinophobia throughout his campaign for the Presidency in 2016. and it was followed by his imposition of trade tariffs on Chinese goods, which was seen as a declaration of a trade war and another anti-Chinese act. The deterioration of relations has led to a spike in anti-Chinese sentiment in the US. According to a Pew Research Center poll released in August 2019, 60 percent of Americans had negative opinions about China, with only 26 percent holding positive views. The same poll found that the country was named as America's greatest enemy by 24 percent of respondents in USA, tied along with Russia. It has been noted that there is a negative bias in American reporting on China. Many Americans, including American-born Chinese, have continuously held prejudices toward mainland Chinese people which include perceived rudeness and unwillingness to stand in line, even though there are sources that have reported contrary to those stereotypes. A survey in 2019 though has suggested that some Americans still hold positive views of Chinese visitors to the US. Venezuela. A recent increasing Sinophobic sentiment sparked in Venezuela in the 2010s as for the direct consequence of Venezuelan crisis, which China was accused for looting and exploiting Venezuelan natural resources and economic starvation in the country, as well as its alliance to the current Venezuelan government of Nicolás Maduro. Africa. Anti-Chinese populism has been an emerging presence in some African countries. There have been reported incidents of Chinese workers and business-owners being attacked by locals in some parts of the continent. Recent reports of evictions, discrimination and other mistreatment of Africans in Guangzhou during the COVID-19 pandemic has led to expressed animosity from some African politicians towards Chinese ambassadors. Kenya. Anti-Chinese sentiment broke out in Kenya when Kenyans accused Chinese for looting and stealing jobs from Kenyans, thus attacking Chinese workers and Chinese immigrants inside the country in 2016. Ghana. Ghanaians have alleged Chinese miners of illegally seizing jobs, polluting community water supplies, and disturbing agricultural production through their work. A sixteen-year-old illegal Chinese miner was shot in 2012, while trying to escape arrest. Zambia. In 2006, Chinese businesses were targeted in riots by angry crowds after the electoral defeat of the anti-China Patriotic Front. In 2018, a reported spate of violent incidents targeting the Chinese community was allegedly linked to local politics. Presidential candidate Michael Sata frequently invoked anti-Chinese rhetoric prior to winning his election in 2011, once describing the Chinese in Zambia as not investors but "invaders". A 2016 study from the Hong Kong University of Science and Technology suggested though that locals held more nuanced views of Chinese people, ranking them not as highly as Caucasians, but also less negatively than Lebanese, and to some extent, Indian people. South Africa. Anti-Chinese sentiment in South Africa began with Chinese immigration in the 19th century, with rising fears of the "Yellow Peril". Under apartheid, Chinese South Africans were subject to discriminatory laws as well. Recent rise of Sinophobic sentiment in South Africa is largely contributed to by economic looting from China and growing Chinese influence in the country. In 2015, South Africa planned to allow for Mandarin to be taught in schools in South Africa solicited umbrage from the teachers' union and set social media and comment sections ablaze with fears of a Chinese "imperialism" in Africa and a new "colonialism"; as well as recent increasing Chinese immigration to the country. A hate speech case was brought to light in 2017 for the Facebook comments found on a "Carte Blanche" animal abuse video, with 12 suspects on trial. In 2017, violence against Chinese immigrants and other foreign workers broke out in Durban, then quickly spread out in other major cities in South Africa as for the result of Chinese fears over taking South Africa. Xenophobia towards the Chinese has sometimes manifested in the form of robberies or hijackings, Depiction of China and Chinese in media. Depictions of China and Chinese in Anglophone media have been somewhat under subject in general, but most are overall surrounded by mainly-negative coverage. In 2016, Hong Kong's L. K. Cheah said to South China Morning Post that Western journalists who regard China's motives with suspicion and cynicism cherry-pick facts based on a biased view, and the misinformation that they produce as a result is unhelpful and sympathetic of the resentment against China. Many Chinese consider it a "war of information". According to "China Daily", a nationalist press of China, Hollywood is accused for its negative portrayal of Chinese in movies, such as bandits, thugs, criminals, gangsters, dangerous, cold-blood, weak and cruel; while the Americans as well as several European or Asians like Filipino, Taiwanese, Korean, Hong Konger, Vietnamese, Indian and Japanese characters in general are depicted as saviors, even anti-Chinese whitewashing in film is common. Matt Damon, the American actor who appeared in "The Great Wall", had also faced criticism that he had participated in "whitewashing" through his involvement in forthcoming historical epic The Great Wall, a large-scale Hollywood-Chinese co-production, which he denied. Several another examples is the depiction of ancient Tang Chinese in Yeon Gaesomun, a Korean historical drama, as "barbaric, inhuman, violent" seeking to conquer Goguryeo and subjecting Koreans. In practice, anti-Chinese political rhetoric usually puts emphasis on highlighting policies and alleged practices of the Chinese government that are criticised internally - corruption, human rights issues, unfair trades, censorship, violence, military expansionism, political interferences and historical imperialist legacies. It is often in line with independent media opposing Chinese Government in Mainland China as well as in the Special Administrative Regions of China, Hong Kong and Macau. In defence of this rhetoric, some sources critical of the Chinese government claim that it is Chinese state-owned media and administration who attempt to discredit the "neutral" criticism by generalizing it into indiscriminate accusations of the whole Chinese population and targeting those who criticize the regime - or Sinophobia. Some have argued, however, that the Western media, similar to Russia's case, does not make enough distinction between CPC's regime and China and the Chinese, thus effectively vilifying the whole nation. Business. Due to the deep resentment over China-made business as well as alleged unfair trades from Chinese corporations, several countries have taken measures to ban or limit Chinese companies from investing in its markets. Notably is the case of Huawei and ZTE, which were banned from operating or doing business with American companies in the United States due to alleged involvements from Chinese Government and security concerns. It was seen as discrimination against China. Some countries like India also moves closer to full ban or limit operations of Chinese corporations inside their countries for the exact reasons. According to "The Economist", many Western as well as non-Chinese investors still think that anything to do with China is somewhat "dirty" and unfresh as most look on China as a country which often interferes on other businesses. Alexandra Stevenson from "The New York Times" also noted that "China wants its giant national companies to be world leaders in sectors like electric cars, robotics and drones, but the authorities are accused of curtailing foreign firms' access to Chinese consumers." Historical Sinophobia-led violence. List of non-Chinese "sinophobia-led" violence against ethnic Chinese Derogatory terms. There are a variety of derogatory terms referring to China and Chinese people. Many of these terms are viewed as racist. However, these terms do not necessarily refer to the Chinese ethnicity as a whole; they can also refer to specific policies, or specific time periods in history. Chinese response. In the aftermath of the United States bombing of the Chinese embassy in Belgrade during the NATO bombing of Yugoslavia in 1999, there was a significant surge in Chinese nationalist sentiment, and it was intensified by the growth of patriotic movements in China, which, like patriotic movements in Russia, believe that China is engaged in a clash of civilizations or a ""a global struggle between the materialistic, individualistic, consumerist, cosmopolitan, corrupt, and decadent West which is led by the United States and the idealist, collectivist, morally and spiritually superior Asia which is led by China"," where the West is viewed as trying to tear China up so it can use its natural resources to satisfy its own interests and needs. A 2020 study among Chinese students studying abroad in the United States found that after facing anti-Chinese racism, their support for the Chinese government increased. Sinophobia during the COVID-19 pandemic. The COVID-19 pandemic, in which the virus originated from Wuhan, has caused prejudice and racism towards people of Chinese ancestry. Some people expressed how Chinese people deserve to get it. Several citizens across the globe also demanded a ban of Chinese people from their countries. Racist abuse and assaults among Asian groups in the UK and US have also increased. U.S. President Donald Trump also repeatedly called the coronavirus 'Chinese virus' and 'Kung Flu', however, he denied the terms had a racist connotation.

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=2725956

Caning is a widely used form of corporal punishment in Singapore. It can be divided into several contexts: judicial, prison, reformatory, military, school, and domestic. These practices of caning as punishment were introduced during the period of British colonial rule in Singapore Similar forms of corporal punishment are also used in some other former British colonies, including two of Singapore's neighbouring countries, Malaysia and Brunei. Of these, judicial caning is the most severe. It is applicable to only male convicts under the age of 50 for a wide range of offences under the Criminal Procedure Code, up to a maximum of 24 strokes per trial. Always ordered in addition to a prison sentence, it is inflicted by specially trained prison staff using a long and thick rattan cane on the prisoner's bare buttocks in an enclosed area in the prison. Male criminals who were not sentenced to caning earlier in a court of law may also be punished by caning in the same way if they commit aggravated offences while serving time in prison. Similarly, juvenile delinquents in reformatories may be punished by caning for serious offences. Servicemen in the Singapore Armed Forces (SAF) who commit serious military offences may be sentenced by a military court to a less severe form of caning in the SAF Detention Barracks, which houses military offenders. In a much milder form, caning is used as a disciplinary measure in schools. Boys aged between 6 and 19 may be given up to three strokes with a light rattan cane on the buttocks over clothing or the palm of the hand as a punishment for serious misconduct, often as a last resort. As the law does not allow schools to cane girls, they receive alternative forms of punishment such as detention or suspension. A smaller cane or other implement is often used by some parents to punish their children. This practice is allowed in Singapore but not encouraged by the government. The Singaporean government has stated that in its opinion, the Convention on the Rights of the Child does not prohibit "the judicious application of corporal punishment in the best interest of the child." Judicial caning. History. Caning, as a form of legally sanctioned corporal punishment for convicted criminals, was first introduced to Malaya and Singapore during the period of British colonial rule in the 19th century. It was formally codified under the "Straits Settlements Penal Code Ordinance IV" in 1871. In that era, offences punishable by caning were similar to those punishable by birching or flogging (with the cat o' nine tails) in England and Wales. They included robbery, aggravated forms of theft, burglary, assault with the intention of sexual abuse, a second or subsequent conviction of rape, a second or subsequent offence relating to prostitution, and living on or trading in prostitution. Caning remained on the statute book after Malaya became independent from Britain in 1957, and after Singapore ceased to be part of Malaysia in 1965. Subsequent legislation has been passed by the Parliament of Singapore over the years to increase the minimum strokes an offender receives, and the number of crimes that may be punished with caning. Legal basis. Sections 325–332 of the Criminal Procedure Code lay down the procedures governing caning. They include the following: Any male convict, whether sentenced to caning or not, may also be caned in prison if he commits certain offences while serving time in prison. Singapore has not signed or ratified a number of international human rights treaties which prohibit the use of corporal punishment. These include the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, the Convention Against Torture, and the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance. Exemptions. The following groups of people are not allowed to be caned: It was not uncommon for the courts to extend, by up to 12 months, the prison terms of offenders originally sentenced to caning but later found to be medically unfit to undergo the punishment. However, on 9 May 2017, the High Court ruled that the courts should not automatically impose an additional jail term in lieu of caning unless there are reasons to do so. According to judicial indicative guidelines, in situations where the court has to extend a convict's jail term in lieu of caning, the extension will range from nine to 12 months when the case involves more than 19 strokes of the cane. Offences punishable by caning. Singaporean law allows caning to be ordered for over 35 offences, including hostage-taking/kidnapping, robbery, gang robbery with murder, rioting, causing grievous hurt, drug abuse, vandalism, extortion, voyeurism, sexual abuse, molestation (outrage of modesty), and unlawful possession of weapons. Caning is also a mandatory punishment for certain offences such as rape, drug trafficking, illegal moneylending, and for foreigners who overstay by more than 90 days – a measure designed to deter illegal immigrants. While most of Singapore's laws on offences punishable by caning were inherited from the British legal system through the Indian Penal Code, the Vandalism Act was only introduced in 1966 after independence, in what has been argued to be an attempt by the ruling People's Action Party (PAP) to suppress the opposition's activities in the 1960s because opposition supporters vandalised public property with anti-PAP graffiti. Vandalism was originally prohibited by the Minor Offences Act, which made it punishable by a fine of up to S$50 or a week in jail, but did not permit caning. As of today, the Vandalism Act imposes a mandatory caning sentence of between three and eight strokes for a conviction of vandalism. Caning is not imposed on first-time offenders who use delible substances (e.g. pencil, crayon, chalk) to commit vandalism. Beginning in the 1990s, the higher courts have been more inclined to impose caning sentences in cases where caning is a discretionary punishment. For example, in 1993, an 18-year-old molester was initially sentenced to six months' imprisonment but he appealed against his sentence. Chief Justice Yong Pung How not only dismissed his appeal, but also added three strokes of the cane to the sentence. This precedent set by the Chief Justice became a benchmark for sentences in molestation cases, where the court is expected to sentence a molester to at least nine months' imprisonment and three strokes of the cane if the offence involves touching the victim's private parts. In some cases, male employees can be sentenced to caning for offences committed by the company they work for. For instance, the Dangerous Fireworks Act states that caning is mandatory for a manager or owner of a company which imports, delivers or sells dangerous fireworks. Another example is the transporting of illegal immigrants; a manager of a company who authorises or participates in such activity can be sentenced to caning. In July 1998, police reported six cases of employers sentenced to imprisonment and caning for hiring illegal immigrants. The importation of chewing gum is subject only to fines; it is not and has never been an offence punishable by caning. Statistics. In 1993, the number of caning sentences ordered by the courts was 3,244. By 2007, this figure had doubled to 6,404, of which about 95% were actually implemented. Since 2007, the number of caning sentences has experienced an overall decline, falling to just 1,257 in 2016. Caning takes place at several institutions around Singapore, most notably Changi Prison, and including the now defunct Queenstown Remand Centre, where Michael Fay was caned in 1994. Canings are also administered in Drug Rehabilitation Centres. Most caning sentences are far below the legal limit of 24 strokes. Although sentences of between three and six strokes are much more common, they usually receive less or no coverage by the media. Normally, only the more serious cases involving heavier sentences will have a greater tendency to be reported in the press. Caning officers. The prison officers who administer caning are carefully selected and specially trained for the job. They are generally physically fit and strongly built. Some hold high grades in martial arts even though proficiency in martial arts is not a requirement for the job. They are trained to use their entire body weight as the power behind every stroke instead of using only the strength from their arms, as well as to induce as much pain as possible. They can swing the cane at a speed of up to and produce a force upon impact of at least . The Cane. A rattan cane no more than in diameter and about in length is used for judicial and prison canings. It is about twice as thick as the canes used in the school and military contexts. The cane is soaked in water overnight to make it supple and prevent it from splitting and embedding splinters in the wounds. The Prisons Department denies that the cane is soaked in brine, but has said that it is treated with antiseptic before use to prevent infection. A lighter cane is used for juvenile offenders. Administration procedure. Caning is, in practice, always ordered in addition to a jail sentence, and nor as a punishment by itself. Those who are sentenced to caning and are in the process of appealing against their sentences do not have their sentences carried out while pending the outcome of their appeals. Similarly, during the period before the convicts' deadlines of their appeal notices, caning is not carried out until the deadline expires and with the convict not making an notice of appeal. It is administered in an enclosed area in the prison out of the view of the public and other inmates. However, anecdotal evidence suggests that the offender, while waiting in a queue for his turn to be caned, has the chance to observe or hear the screams and cries of those before him getting caned. The order is determined by the number of strokes the offender is receiving, with the largest number going first. A medical officer and the Superintendent of Prisons are required to be present at every caning session. The offender is not told in advance when he will be caned; he is notified only on the day his sentence is to be carried out. Offenders often undergo a lot of psychological distress as a result of being put into such uncertainty. On the day itself, the medical officer examines him by measuring his blood pressure and other physical conditions to check whether he is medically fit for the caning. If he is certified fit, he proceeds to receive his punishment; if he is certified unfit, he is sent back to the court for the sentence to be remitted or converted to additional time in prison. A prison officer confirms with him the number of strokes he has been sentenced to. In practice, the offender is required to strip completely naked for the caning. Once he has removed his clothes, he is restrained in a large wooden trestle based on the British dual-purpose prison flogging frame. He stands barefooted on the trestle base and bends over a padded horizontal crossbar on one side of the trestle, with the crossbar adjusted to around his waist level. His feet are tied to a lower crossbar on the same side by restraining ankle cuffs made of leather, while his hands are secured to another horizontal crossbar on the other side by wrist cuffs of similar design; his hands can hold on to the crossbar. After he is secured to the trestle in a bent-over position at an angle of close to 90° at the hip, protective padding is tied around his lower back to protect the vulnerable kidney and lower spine area from any strokes that might land off-target. The punishment is administered on his bare buttocks to minimise the risk of any injury to bones and organs. He is not gagged. The caning officer carefully positions himself beside the trestle and takes aim with the cane. The Director of Prisons explained in a 1974 press conference, "Correct positioning is critically important. If he is too near the prisoner, the tip of the cane will fall beyond the buttocks and the force of the stroke will cause the unsupported tip to dip and bend the cane and thus reduce the effect of the stroke. If he is too far, the stroke will only cover part of the buttocks." Strokes are delivered at intervals of about 30 seconds. The caning officer is required to exert as much strength as he can muster for each stroke. The offender receives all the strokes in a single caning session, not in instalments. According to anecdotal evidence, if the sentence involves a large number of strokes, two or more officers will take turns to cane the offender every six strokes to ensure that the later strokes are as forceful as the earlier ones. During the caning, if the medical officer certifies that the offender is not in a fit state of health to undergo the rest of the punishment, the caning must be stopped. The offender will then be sent back to the court for the remaining number of strokes to be remitted or converted to a prison term of no more than 12 months, in addition to the original prison term he was sentenced to. Effects. Caning can cause significant physical damage, depending largely on the number of strokes inflicted. Michael Fay, who received four strokes, said in an interview, "The skin did rip open, there was some blood. I mean, let's not exaggerate, and let's not say a few drops or that the blood was gushing out. It was in between the two. It's like a bloody nose." A report by the Singapore Bar Association stated, "The blows are applied with the full force of the jailer's arm. When the rattan hits the bare buttocks, the skin disintegrates, leaving a white line and then a flow of blood." Usually, the buttocks will be covered with blood after three strokes. More profuse bleeding may occur in the case of a larger number of strokes. An eyewitness described that after 24 strokes, the buttocks will be a "bloody mess". Men who were caned have variously described the pain they experienced as "unbearable", "excruciating", "equivalent to getting hit by a lorry", "having a hot iron placed on your buttocks", etc. A recipient of 10 strokes said, "The pain was beyond description. If there is a word stronger than excruciating, that should be the word to describe it". Most offenders struggle violently after each of the first three strokes and then their struggles lessen as they become weaker. By the time the caning is over, those who receive more than three strokes will be in a state of shock. During the caning, some offenders will pretend to faint but they have not been able to fool the medical officer, who decides whether the punishment continues or stops. Offenders often undergo a lot of psychological distress before and during the caning: They are not only afraid of the physical pain, but are also worried whether they can prevent themselves from crying out because crying means that they would "lose face" and be labelled 'weak' by their fellow inmates. Gopal Baratham, a Singaporean neurosurgeon and opponent of the practice, in his book "The Caning of Michael Fay: The Inside Story by a Singaporean", criticised the American tabloid press for false claims, such as that canings are public events (in fact they always take place privately inside the prison): Recovery. After the caning, the offender is released from the trestle and receives medical treatment. Antiseptic lotion (gentian violet) is applied on the wounds. The offender is also given painkillers and antibiotics. The wounds usually take between a week and a month to heal, depending on the number of strokes received. During this time, offenders cannot sit down or lie down on their backs, and experience difficulties controlling their bowels. Bleeding from the buttocks may still occur in the days after the caning. M Ravi, a human rights lawyer, described the injuries of his client, Ye Ming Yuen, who received 24 strokes, as follows: Permanent scars remain even after the wounds have healed. Comparison of judicial caning in Brunei, Malaysia and Singapore. Judicial caning is also used as a form of legal punishment for criminal offences in two of Singapore's neighbouring countries, Brunei and Malaysia. There are some differences across the three countries. Prison caning. Male convicts who are not sentenced to caning by the courts are still liable to be caned in prison if they commit offences while serving time in prison. The "modus operandi" is the same as that of judicial caning. A Superintendent of Prisons may impose corporal punishment not exceeding 12 strokes of the cane for aggravated prison offences. Such offences include engaging in gang activities, mutiny, attempting to escape, destruction of prison property, and assaulting an officer or a fellow prisoner. The punishment is carried out after due inquiry at a "mini-court" inside the prison, during which the prisoner is given an opportunity to hear the charge and evidence against him and present his defence. The Prisons Director must approve the punishment before it can be carried out. Visiting justices may also order an inmate to be given up to 24 strokes of the cane. However, the Prisons Department has confirmed that such cases are rare. Inmates of Drug Rehabilitation Centres may be caned in the same way. In 2008, the procedure was revised to introduce a review of each prison caning sentence by an independent external panel. Military caning. In the Singapore Armed Forces (SAF), a subordinate military court, or the officer in charge of the SAF Detention Barracks, may sentence a serviceman to a maximum of 24 strokes of the cane) for committing certain military offences or for committing aggravated offences while being detained in the Detention Barracks. In all cases, the caning sentence must be approved by the Armed Forces Council before it can be administered. The minimum age for a serviceman to be sentenced to caning is 16 (now 16½ "de facto", since entry into the SAF is restricted to those above that age). This form of caning is mainly intended for use on recalcitrant teenage conscripts serving full-time National Service in the SAF. Military caning is less severe than its civilian counterpart, and is designed not to cause undue bleeding or to leave permanent scars. The offender must be certified by a medical officer to be in a fit condition of health to undergo the punishment and shall wear "protective clothing" as prescribed. The punishment is administered on the buttocks, which are covered by a "protective guard" to prevent cuts. The cane used is no more than in diameter (about half the thickness of the prison/judicial cane). During the punishment, the offender is secured in a bent-over position to a trestle similar to the one used for judicial/prison canings. Reformatory caning. Caning is used as a form of legal corporal punishment in government homes, remand homes, and other homes for children and youth. Children and youths aged 16 and below alleged to have committed crimes may be placed in remand homes during the period of investigation. If convicted, they may be sent to the state-run reformatories, namely the Singapore Boys' Home and the Singapore Girls' Home, for up to three years. For example, the Singapore Boys' Home holds about 400 inmates aged 11 through 18 who have been sent there by the courts for committing offences such as theft, robbery or rioting, or because they have been deemed to be Beyond Parental Control. Children whose parents have applied for Beyond Parental Control orders against them are, during the period of investigation, placed in remand homes. They may thereafter be placed in homes which also house juvenile offenders. The superintendents of reformatories are allowed to impose corporal punishment on both male and female residents as a last resort for serious misconduct. They are required to maintain a record of the details and evidence of the offender's misconduct and their reasons for deciding to cane him/her. Persons with mental or physical disability are exempted from such punishment. Solitary confinement is also permitted for children of and above 12 years of age, except in remand homes. The punishment is administered in private by the superintendent or an authorised officer of the same sex as the offender, using a cane of a type approved by the Director of Social Welfare. Caning must be carried out in the presence of another staff member. A maximum of ten strokes may be inflicted. The only form of corporal punishment permitted is caning on the palm for both female and male offenders, and on the buttocks over clothing for male offenders only. In the Singapore Boys' Home, boys are routinely caned on the buttocks for serious offences such as fighting, bullying and absconding. A 2006 article in "The Straits Times" reported that there were two cases of bullying per month on average; one youth also said that he had been caned over 60 times in three years at the Singapore Boys' Home. A former SBH resident, who received 10 strokes for absconding when he was 18, said that his buttocks took two weeks to heal sufficiently before he could sit down properly. In the Singapore Girls' Home, punishments for serious offences may include solitary confinement in a windowless room, as well as caning on the palm. Apart from the Singapore Boys' Home and Singapore Girls' Home, there are other juvenile institutions managed by voluntary welfare organisations, such as the Boys Town operated by the Montfort Brothers of St. Gabriel for boys of ages 11 to 21. Although these juvenile institutions are legally allowed to administer corporal punishment in the same way as the state-run reformatories, they must obtain the management committee's authorisation before carrying it out. School caning. Caning is a legal disciplinary measure in primary and secondary schools, junior colleges and centralised institutes. Under Section 88 of the Education (Schools) Regulations, it is permitted for male students only. The Ministry of Education (MOE) states that corporal punishment is allowed for serious or repeated misconduct under the Education (Schools) Regulations, and adds that counselling and follow-up guidance should be carried out. At most schools, caning comes after detention but before suspension in the hierarchy of penalties. Some schools implement a demerit points system, in which students receive mandatory caning after accumulating a certain number of demerit points for a wide range of misconduct. The possibility of caning as a corrective action is often explicitly stated in schools' student handbooks or on their websites. As of 2018, 13% of primary schools and 53% of secondary schools (excluding all-girls schools) communicated on their websites that caning may be administered to male students for serious misconduct. Canings in school may be sorted into these categories: Under MOE regulations, the punishment may be administered only by the Principal or any staff member under the Principal's express authority, usually the Vice Principal, Discipline Master, Operations Manager, or any other legally authorised member of the school's Disciplinary Committee. The offending student's parents or guardian must be informed immediately of the offence and the punishment. Some schools may seek parental or guardian consent before administering the punishment. A maximum of three strokes may be inflicted at a time, using a light rattan cane. The limit was previously six strokes before MOE reduced it to three strokes in 2017. The student may be caned only on either the palm of the hand or the buttocks over clothing. Although boys of any age from six to 19 may be caned, the majority of canings are of secondary school students aged 14 to 16 inclusive. A solemn and formal ceremony, school caning is typically carried out in a manner similar to the canings administered in England before school corporal punishment was banned there in 1998. Some schools tuck a protective item (e.g. book, file, rolled-up newspaper, piece of cardboard) into the student's waistband to protect his lower back in case a stroke lands off-target. The student then places his hands on a desk or chair, bends over or leans forward, and receives strokes from the rattan cane on the seat of his trousers or shorts. Certain schools adopt special practices. For example, following English traditions, some schools (mainly all-boys schools) require the student to change into physical education (PE) attire for the punishment because PE shorts are apparently thinner than normal uniform trousers/shorts, even though the main purpose is probably to enhance the formality of the occasion. In some schools, if the caning is conducted in public, the student is required to make a public apology before or after receiving his punishment. Although caning on the palm of the hand is rarely implemented, one notable exception is Saint Andrew's Secondary School, where students may be caned on the hand for committing less serious offences while a caning on the buttocks is reserved for more serious offences. Based on first-hand accounts, the student typically feels moderate to acute pain for the first few minutes, depending on the number of strokes. This soon leads to a stinging sensation and general soreness around the points of impact, usually lasting for some hours; sitting down is likely to be uncomfortable. Superficial bruises and weals may appear on the buttocks and last for a few days after the punishment. Notable cases. Routine school canings are normally not publicised, so only rare and special cases are reported in the media. Female students. As the Ministry of Education does not allow any form of corporal punishment to be administered to girls, female students receive alternative forms of punishment such as detention, Corrective Work Orders or suspension. In 2004, Ng Lee Huat, the principal of Nan Chiau High School, controversially stepped down after admitting to hitting a 14-year-old female student with a soft-cover book. Parental caning. Caning is also meted out on children (both boys and girls) by their parents as punishment for offences like poor/imperfect results, disrespect, disobedience, incomplete work, lying, and trying to escape caning. The misbehaving child is usually caned on the buttocks or palm of the hand. Sometimes, the cane will miss and hit the bare thighs/calves, causing more pain. The caning usually leaves the child with painful red welts that will fade within days. The most commonly used implement is a thin and light rattan cane, commonly and cheaply found (for around 50 Singapore cents) in neighbourhood provision shops. There is usually higher demand when students prepare for examinations, and the cane will be used more often, resulting in breakages. Sometimes, parents will use other implements such as the rattan handle of a feather-duster, bamboo poles, rulers, clothes hangers, or even their bare hands. In Asian cultures, not caning children is seen as being soft on them, and not instilling proper discipline. According to a survey conducted by "The Sunday Times" in January 2009, 57 percent of surveyed parents expressed the view that caning was an acceptable form of punishment, and that they had used it on their children for reasons such as stubbornness, refusal to listen and dangerous/harmful acts. A newer study conducted by YouGov in 2019 found that nearly 80 percent of parents in Singapore had carried/carries out corporal punishment at home. Parental caning is legal in Singapore, but not particularly encouraged by the authorities. Under the Children and Young Persons Act, ill-treatment of a child or young person is defined as inflicting any unnecessary physical pain, suffering or injury, any emotional harm, or any injury to a child's health or development. The person who has the custody, charge or care of the child or young person subjected to ill-treatment may be punished by a fine of up to S$8,000 or imprisonment of up to eight years, or both. Several factors are usually considered when determining if parental corporal punishment becomes a criminal offence: the proportionality of the punishment to the offence, the child's age, as well as the frequency of the punishment. The Ministry of Social and Family Development's Child Protective Service will also investigate and intervene where there are serious child protection concerns, such as when parental discipline results in serious physical injury or emotional trauma to a child. Public opinion on caning in Singapore. Judicial caning. Judicial caning is meant to serve as a humiliating experience for offenders and as a strong deterrent to crime. In 1966, when Singapore's first Prime Minister, Lee Kuan Yew, introduced caning as a mandatory punishment for vandalism, he said in Parliament, "[...] if (the offender) knows he is going to get three of the best, I think he will lose a great deal of enthusiasm, because there is little glory attached to the rather humiliating experience of having to be caned." In a 2004 interview with China Central Television, Lee explained why caning should continue in Singapore with reference to the 1994 Michael Fay incident: "Every country has its own problems to face, we know, certain things. You put a person in a prison, it makes no difference. He will not change. Because you observe certain rules, there's enough food, enough exercise, fresh air, sunshine ... But if you cane him, and he knows he will be given six of the best on his buttocks, and it will hurt for one week that he can't sit down comfortably, he will think again." Although the extensive use of judicial caning is a policy commonly associated with the ruling People's Action Party (PAP), the opposition parties do not oppose it because they agree on its effectiveness as a deterrent to crime. Politicians from the opposition parties have voiced support for corporal punishment. Edmund Ng, a candidate for the Singapore Democratic Alliance in the 2006 general election, said, "For criminals, caning serves as a deterrent [...] I would not change a winning formula." Sylvia Lim, a Member of Parliament from the Workers' Party, also said in 2007, "What are the purposes of jail, fine and caning? Caning is controversial internationally, but if one must justify why we cane offenders, it is just deserts for pain which the offender has caused to the victim, for example, hurt, injury or the threat of violence. Caning is a severe punishment, and it is always combined with jail as the offences tend to be serious and to make it easier, administratively, to arrange for the caning to take place." The severity and humiliation of the punishment are widely publicised in various ways, mainly through the press but also through other means such as education. For example, juvenile delinquents get to watch a real-life demonstration of caning on a dummy during compulsory prison visits. Singapore has come under strong international criticism for its practice of judicial caning, especially after the 1994 Michael Fay incident. Amnesty International condemned the practice of judicial caning in Singapore as a "cruel, inhuman or degrading punishment". It is also regarded by some international observers as a violation of Article 1 in the United Nations Convention against Torture. However, Singapore is not signatory to the Convention. Human Rights Watch similarly referred to the practice of caning as "an inherently cruel punishment". The Singaporean government has defended its stance on judicial caning and said that the punishment does not amount to torture and is conducted under strict standards and medical supervision. While most Singaporeans either support or are indifferent towards the practice of judicial caning, there is a minority – including dissident Gopalan Nair, lawyer M Ravi and businessman Ho Kwon Ping – who are completely or partially opposed to it. A recipient of nine strokes thinks that even though it may be a nightmare the first time, an offender who has been caned before will have experienced the extent of fear of criminal punishment and so may not find it as much of a disincentive to commit repeat offences. He said, "After he knows what it's like, he will have nothing left to fear. He will know what to expect no matter how many strokes he gets – it's more of the same. No alcohol and women – apart from those two things, prison is really not that bad." School caning. Critics argue that since Singapore is a member of the Convention on the Rights of the Child, it is therefore obliged to "take all appropriate legislative, administrative, social and educational measures to protect the child from all forms of physical or mental violence, injury or abuse". However, the Singaporean government stated that it considers "the judicious application of corporal punishment in the best interest of the child." As Singapore evolves, some citizens may perceive that schools are refraining from using corporal punishment due to their fears of a strong backlash from parents. Educators, when interviewed, say that they are cognisant of Singapore's changing landscape, both in terms of the family structure as well as the influence of social media, in the reduction of corporal punishment in schools. They note that understanding and accepting such punishment is essential to the effectiveness of caning as a deterrent of misconduct. According to a Singaporean legal advice website, as long as schools administer corporal punishment according to MOE guidelines, parents may not take legal action against the school as they are not direct employers of the school.

considerable proclivity

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=33825965

The University of Scranton's 58-acre hillside campus is located in the heart of Scranton, a community of 75,000 within a greater metropolitan area of 750,000 people, located in northeast Pennsylvania. Founded in 1888 as St. Thomas College and elevated to university status in 1938, the university has grown and changed over time. Since 1984, the university has completed over 50 renovation projections. Over the past decade alone, the university's campus has undergone a dramatic transformation, as the school has invested more than $240 million towards campus improvements and construction, including the Loyola Science Center, the DeNaples Center, Pilarz and Montrone Halls, Condron Hall, Edward R. Leahy, Jr. Hall, and the Dionne Green. The Harry and Jeanette Weinberg Memorial Library. Completed in 1992, the Harry and Jeanette Weinberg Memorial Library was designed to replace the Alumni Memorial Library, which proved unable to serve adequately the growing student population, to house the vast library collections, and lacked the necessary wiring for modernizing the library with new technological advances. More than double the size of the Alumni Memorial Library, the Weinberg Memorial Library has five floors which can seat anywhere from 700 to 1000 users at cubicles, tables, group study rooms, and lounges. It currently houses 473,830 volumes, over 15,500 electronic journals, 562,368 microform pieces and 1,709 periodical subscriptions, both current and archived. It is also home to the University Archives and Special Collections, which features many rare books, as well as university records. On the third floor, there are a number of administrative offices as well as two large classrooms which are used for classes based on learning about the library and the services it can provide. The fourth floor has a large reading room featuring a stained glass window. The fifth floor is the Scranton Heritage Room which is a large open hall featuring thirty-nine panel paintings by Trevor Southey depict art, religion, and science in the Lackawanna Valley and in the world. Renovations at the Library include the opening of multiple 24-hour study rooms, including the Pro Deo Room, the Reilly Learning Commons, and, most recently, the entire second floor. The Pro Deo Room contains a computer lab with networked PCs, two laser printers, a vending machine area, and a Java City Café. The Pro Deo Room also features a 46-inch touchscreen table PC. In order to raise the $13.3 million needed to build the Library, the University of Scranton launched the "Gateway to the Future" Fundraising Campaign. In late 1989, Harry Weinberg, a former Scranton businessman and long-time benefactor of the University of Scranton, made significant headway in the fundraising goal by announcing a six million dollar donation to the university from the Harry and Jeanette Weinberg Foundation, with five million dollars going to the library and the other one million going to the school's Judaic Studies Institute. In order to honor the significant contribution of Mr. Weinberg, the new library was named for him and his wife. Before becoming home to the Weinberg Memorial Library, the site had once belonged to Worthington Scranton where he lived until moving to the estate in 1899, at which point the house was converted into the Hahneman Hospital until it relocated in 1906 to the current Community Medical Center site. In 1941, Scranton donated the land to the university. In the 1950s, the site held the A Building barracks, which were purchased by the university in order to accommodate increased enrollment due to the GI Bill which were used as classrooms and offices, until they were demolished in 1962. Until the construction of the Weinberg Memorial Library in the 1990s, the site housed asphalt playing courts. The Patrick and Margaret DeNaples Center. On January 31, 2006, the university announced plans for the DeNaples Center, a new $30,000,000 campus center that would replace Gunster Memorial Student Center and mark the university's most ambitious project in its 118-year history. In the four decades since Gunster had been constructed in 1960, the University of Scranton, as University President Father Pilarz said, "has evolved into a broadly regional, comprehensive institution with students coming from more than 30 states and more than 35 countries," and thus "has simply outgrown the 77,000 square foot Gunster Center, which was built for a time when only 228 of our total student enrollment of 2,300 lived on campus." The first floor of the building includes a grand lobby, the campus bookstore, the student mail center, commuter lockers, a Provisions on Demand (P.O.D.) convenience and the DeNaples Food Court, a retail dining option with seating for 250, which includes Starbucks Coffee, Chick-Fil-A, and Quiznos among other options. The second floor offers a fireplace lounge, offices for Student Affairs, University Ministries and the Student Forum. The Student Forum contains a computer lab for students to use, as well as student space with couches and tables. The Student Forum is home to the Center for Student Engagement, including the offices for the University of Scranton Programming Board (USPB), the Aquinas newspaper, the Windhover yearbook, the Jane Kopas Women's Center, the Multicultural Center, Student Government, and Community Outreach. The third floor serves as the primary dining space in the building and has seating for 800. The fourth floor includes a subdividable 7,000 sq. ft. ballroom with dinner seating for 425 and lecture seating for more than 700 and three multipurpose meeting rooms as well as the Ann and Leo Moscovitz Theater. On September 13, 2009, the fourth floor ballroom was dedicated in honor of Rev. Bernard R. McIllhenny, S.J., who served as headmaster at Scranton Prep from 1958 to 1966 and dean of admissions at the university from 1966 to 1997. The DeNaples Center was the first building on campus designed and constructed to achieve the LEED certification as part of the university's Sustainability initiatives, which it received in February 2009. LEED stands for Leadership in Energy and Environmental Design, a cutting-edge system for certifying design, construction and operations of "green" buildings, coordinated by the U.S. Green Building Council. The DeNaples Center is named in honor of the late Patrick and Margaret DeNaples, the parents of Louis DeNaples Sr., a local business owner, active community volunteer and philanthropist, former university board member, and reputed organized crime associate. The DeNaples Center was dedicated in February 2008. Upon the completion and opening of the DeNaples Center, the Gunster Memorial Student Center was demolished and was replaced by the Dionne Green, a large green space located directly in front of the DeNaples Center. The University Commons. For twenty-five years, there had been an effort by the University of Scranton to close the 900 and 1000 blocks of Linden Street which ran through the school's campus. In 1980, the improvement project was actualized. The Commons project was intended to create a more attractive, park-like atmosphere on the campus and to eliminate the safety hazards associated with pedestrian and vehicle traffic. With that new space, the university hoped to create a 20-foot-wide brick walkway, trees, benches, a water fountain, and patio area in addition to developing the area with landscaping. The University Commons proposal was approved by the Scranton City Council on December 20, 1978. Construction on the project was begun on June 2, 1980, as parts of Linden Street were removed. The project was completed around November 1980 and dedication ceremonies were held in December 1980. Currently, it serves as the main walkway through the university's campus. Royal Way. In 1991, the University Commons was extended on the 300 block of Quincy Avenue between Linden and Mulberry Streets, which had been closed to vehicular traffic and owned by the university since 1987. This pedestrian pathway, named Royal Way, serves as an official entrance to the university and the GLM (Gannon-Lavis-McCormick) student residences. At the time of its construction, the 24-foot-wide Royal Way was paved in z-brick and featured landscaping with trees and shrubs. The Mulberry Street entrance to the Royal Way featured a campus gate, a gift from the University of Scranton Classes of 1985, 1990 and 1991, and the opposing terminus was Metanoia, the bronze sculpture of St. Ignatius by Gerard Baut. The sculpture has since been moved to the opposite side of the University Commons, in front of the Long Center. Current academic buildings. Alumni Memorial Hall. Completed in 1960, the two-story building, formerly called Alumni Memorial Library, was designed to hold 150,000 volumes; the collection at the time numbered approximately 62,000 volumes. It also had study space for approximately 500 students. The split-level design also included conference rooms, a music room, a visual aid room, microfilm facilities, and a smoking lounge. The buff iron-spot building was considered cutting edge at the time, with glare-reducing thermo-pane glass, noise-reducing solid brick walls, radiant heating and cooling, and humidity control. Although originally estimated at $750,000, overall construction costs were approximately $806,000 after complications occurred when a massive mining cavity, complete with a network of surrounding tunnels, was discovered to lie only forty feet below the surface of the building site. Using a digging rig brought in from Texas, contractors sunk 33 steel casings into the ground, each more than 40 feet long, and then poured concrete through them to form pillars in order to support the structure. To raise money for the construction, a fundraising campaign led by Judge James F. Brady sought individual contributions from each of the university's alumni. The building was extensively renovated in 1993 after the completion of the new Weinberg Memorial Library. No longer needed to house the university's book collection or to serve as a study space for students, Alumni Memorial Hall was converted to house the Psychology Department on the second floor, which had formerly been located in O’Hara Hall, as well as the Division of Planning and Information Resources, which was formerly known as the University Computing and Data Services Center. The new location in Alumni Memorial Hall "significantly enhance[d] educational and research facilities" for the Psychology Department, as John Norcross, chairman of the Psychology Department, remarked. Brennan Hall. Completed in 2000, Brennan Hall houses the departments of the Arthur J. Kania School of Management, or KSOM. The five-story, 71,000-square-foot building, located on the east side of Madison Avenue, features nine classrooms, seminar rooms, offices, a 140-seat auditorium, a quiet study area, an advising center, board rooms, and an Executive Education Center. The classrooms are located on the first two floors of Brennan Hall. Two of the nine classrooms are two tiered case-study rooms equipped for video teleconferencing. Two other classrooms are computers rooms, while the rest are traditional classrooms. In 2008, the university dedicated one of Brennan Hall's classrooms. The Jack and Jean Blackledge Sweeney Classroom on the first floor honors Jack Sweeney '61, the retired president and co-founder of Special Defense Systems in Dunmore, a member of the Pride, Passion, Promise Campaign Executive Committee, and an active University of Scranton alumni. The first floor also contains the Irwin E. Alperin Financial Center, which was opened in 2007. The Alperin Center was designed to simulate a stock market trading floor, complete with an electronic ticker and data displays, 40 computers, a surround sound system, conference facilities, and a network of specialized software-designed to support the Kania School business curriculum with simulation capabilities and faculty-student research on financial and commodity markets. The third and fourth floors house faculty offices, departmental offices, the dean's office, and conference rooms. There is a behavioral lab for teaching and research purposes, meeting and storage places for clubs and an MBA lounge that will include locker space for master's degree students. The fifth floor houses the Executive Education Center. The Executive Center includes five main areas: a dining room, a board room, a meeting room, a large reception area, and an auditorium on the second floor. The Executive Education Center provides technologically advanced conference space for the university, and businesses and organizations throughout northeastern Pennsylvania. In 2005, it was named the Joseph M. McShane, S.J., Executive Center. The Pearn Auditorium, which seats 140, serves as a gathering space for various lectures, presentations and community events. Dedicated in 2008, the James F. Pearn Auditorium on the second floor of Brennan Hall is named for the late father of Frank Pearn ‘83, the chief administrative officer of the Mergers and Acquisitions Division of Lehman Brothers, the chair of the university's Economic Strength Committee of the board of trustees, and a member of the Campaign Executive Committee. Dedicated in 2008, the Rose Room, located on the fifth floor of Brennan Hall, is used for lectures, dinners, luncheons, seminars, and other campus events. It can accommodate more than 200 people. It honors Harry Rose '65, the president and chief executive officer of The Rose Group, a restaurant management company, a member of the university's board of trustees, and a member of the Campaign Executive Committee. The Executive Center also contains a 50-seat board room which is used by various governing boards of the university, including the board of trustees, University Council and University Senate. In 2003, the University of Scranton named the board room in honor of PNC Bank to recognize a significant grant from the PNC Foundation for the construction of Brennan Hall and to acknowledge the support PNC has consistently provided to the university. Additional facilities of the Executive Center, which is available to organizations outside the university, include a lobby and reception area, and a meeting room accommodating 20 people. Financed by the Campaign of Scranton, a $35 million capital fundraising effort, Brennan Hall cost $11.5 million to construct. The funds raised to build Brennan Hall included a $3.5 million gift from alumnus John E. Brennan ‘68 and $1 million of a $4 million gift from alumnus Arthur J. Kania ‘53, for whom the School of Management is named, with additional Campaign funds coming from alumni, friends of the university, corporations, and foundations. In order to recognize Brennan's generous contribution to the university, the new building was named in his honor. John E. Brennan is the president of Activated Communications, New York City; a director and vice-chairman of the Board of Southern Union Company; a member of the board of directors for Spectrum Signal Processing; and a founder of Metro Mobile CTS, Inc., and served as its president and chief operating officer until its sale to Bell Atlantic Corp. Ciszek Hall. Ciszek Hall, formerly known as the Center for Eastern Christian Studies, was built as an ecumenical and academic institute designed to promote knowledge about and understanding of the religious and cultural traditions of Eastern Christianity. In addition to the Byzantine Rite chapel in the building, the center was designed to house a 15,000-volume library, office, social area, and a cloister garden. Construction was begun in 1987 and completed later that year. The Center for Eastern Christian Studies was renamed Ciszek in 2005 in the memory of Fr. Walter Ciszek, S.J., a native of northeastern Pennsylvania and a candidate for sainthood who spent twenty-three years ministering in Soviet prisons and the labor camps of Siberia. Currently, Cisek Hall houses the university's Office of Career Services, a chapel which celebrates service in the Byzantine Rite, and a library containing 15,000 books. Edward R. Leahy, Jr. Hall. In November 2013, the university broke ground on its newest building, the 111,500-square-foot, eight-story rehabilitation center designed to house the departments of Exercise Science, Occupational Therapy, and Physical Therapy. Leahy Hall contains 25 interactive rehabilitation laboratories, 9 traditional and active-learning classrooms, research facilities, multiple simulation environments, more than 50 faculty offices, and 9 group study rooms. A unified entrance for Leahy Hall and McGurrin Hall was also created, in order to promote and allow interaction between the various departments in the Panuska College of Professional Studies, the rest of which, including Nursing, Education, Counseling & Human Services, Health Administration and Human Resources, are housed in McGurrin Hall. At 140 feet, it is now the tallest building on the university campus. The building was designed for and was constructed in accordance with Leadership in Energy and Environmental Design (LEED) standards for certification. Leahy Hall contains 25 different laboratories, including three pediatric laboratories, focused on the physical, mental and emotional development of children. Some of its laboratories are the Human Motion Laboratory, the Strength Laboratory, the Physiology Laboratory, the Human Anatomy Laboratory, the Active Learning Laboratory, the Body Composition Laboratory, the Therapeutic Modalities and Orthopedic Physical Therapy Laboratory, the Rehabilitation and Neurological Physical Therapy Laboratory, the Pediatrics Gross Motor Laboratory, the Kinesiology and Physical Rehabilitation Occupational Therapy Laboratory, the Occupational Performance Laboratory, the Hand and Rehabilitation Laboratory, and the Pediatric and Rehabilitation Suite containing the Gross Motor Rehabilitation Lab, Fine Motor Rehabilitation Lab, and the Sensory/Snoezelen Room. Leahy Hall is located on the former site of the Scranton chapter of the Young Women's Christian Association, on the southwest corner of Jefferson Avenue and Linden Street. Originally constructed in 1907 and purchased by the University of Scranton in 1976, the YWCA was transformed into Jefferson Hall, serving as an off-campus residence for university students until the building was converted into old Leahy Hall in 1984, used to house facilities for the university's Physical Therapy and Occupational Therapy departments. Leahy Hall opened for the Fall 2015 semester and was dedicated on September 18, 2015 as Edward R. Leahy, Jr. Hall, bearing the same name as the hall it replaced to recognize and honor the Leahy family for their service to the university, particularly in their endowment of health care education, dating back to the early 1990s. The son of Edward and Patricia Leahy, Edward R. Leahy, Jr., was born in 1984 with cerebral palsy and several related disabilities. He died shortly before his ninth birthday in 1993. The Houlihan-McLean Center. In 1986, the University of Scranton acquired the former Immanuel Baptist Church at the corner of Jefferson Avenue and Mulberry Street in order to house the school's Performance Music Program, which includes the university's orchestra, bands, and singers, as well as to serve as a site for musical and other arts performances, lectures, and special liturgies. The church was built in 1909 in the Victorian Gothic style. In 1984, the church was vacated when the congregation merged with the Bethany and Green Ridge Baptist churches before being acquired by the University of Scranton. After its purchase by the university, the building underwent extensive renovations and restoration, including plaster repair and floor refinishing, painting and carpeting, extension of the stage, electrical re-wiring, new lighting, a new sound system, refurbishing the organ, pressure cleaning and restoration of the building's masonry, and the installation of a new roof. The main floor of the building houses the Aula, a concert hall which can seat approximately 650 people; the Atrium, a large space which can be used as a recital, reception, or lecture hall that can seat 400 people and formerly served as the church's Sunday School; the Wycliffe A. Gordon Guest Artist Hospitality Suite, and the sound control room. The ground floor of the building includes a large rehearsal hall, small ensembles areas, a musicians' lounge, practice rooms, offices, music library, and secure instrument storage and repair areas. The Nelhybel Collection Research Room is on the top floor, along with the organ loft and organ chamber. Houlihan-McLean features an historic 1910 Austin Opus 301 symphonic pipe organ, one of only a few surviving examples of early 20th-century organ building. The 3,157 pipes, which include some as large as 17 feet long which weigh 200 pounds and others which are smaller than a pencil, were transported to Stowe, Pennsylvania to be cleaned and repaired by specialists at Patrick J. Murphy & Associates, Inc. The Houlihan-McLean Center also has a bell tower which holds a large bell, forged in 1883 by the Buckeye Bell Foundry and Van Duzen and Tift, Cincinnati, Ohio, and installed by the Immanuel Baptist congregation in the church when the Church moved into the current Houlihan-McLean Center from its former location. The bell's inscription reads, "Presented by the Choir in Memory of Mrs. C. F. Whittemore, Who Died July 7, 1883." In 1991, the university installed an electronic bell ringer, programmed to ring the bell every hour using a motor and hammer manufactured in England. The building is named for Atty. Daniel J. Houlihan and Prof. John P. McLean, two dedicated, longtime faculty members at the university. A former student of theirs was the benefactor whose contribution, made in their honor, enabled the university to acquire the structure in 1986. The Houlihan McLean Center is one of three churches the university acquired and preserved during the 1980s once their congregations were no longer able to maintain the buildings. In 1985, the university converted the former Assembly of God Church at 419 Monroe Avenue into Rev. Joseph A. Rock, S.J., Hall. It currently houses Madonna Della Strada Chapel, the principal campus setting for university liturgies, as well as the university's Military Science department and ROTC program. In 1986, the university acquired the Immanuel Baptist Church and converted it into the Houlihan McLean center. Currently, it houses the university's Performance Music Programs. The university acquired the former John Raymond Memorial Church, Madison Avenue and Vine Street, in 1987. It now serves as the Smurfit Arts Center, which houses studio space for the university's Fine Arts department. The university's efforts were cited in a 1988 edition of "Inspired", a bi-monthly publication devoted to the preservation of historic religious buildings. Hyland Hall. Completed in 1987, Kathryn and Bernard Hyland Hall is a four-story facility which contains sixteen classrooms and a 180-seat tiered lecture hall, in addition to a cafe and lounge. Hyland Hall also housed the university's bookstore until it was moved to the DeNaples Center in 2008. The site of Hyland Hall was previously occupied by Lackawanna College, prior to its move to 901 Prospect Avenue. Since 2001, Hyland has also been home to the university's Hope Horn Art Gallery. Before moving to Hyland, the university's art gallery had been located in The Gallery, which was demolished in 2001. Institute of Molecular Biology and Medicine. Completed in August 1996, the Institute of Molecular Biology and Medicine was funded by a $7.5 million grant from the U.S. Air Force and the Department of Defense. The 1,500 square-foot facility houses research laboratories, offices, and the Northeast Regional Cancer Institute. The IMBM is dedicated to the molecular biological research, chiefly in the field of proteomics, or the study of the full set of proteins encoded by a genome. Loyola Science Center. Completed in 2011, the Loyola Science Center, also known as the Unified Science Center, houses the university's Biology, Chemistry, Computing Sciences, Mathematics, and Physics/Electrical Engineering departments as well as any programs currently associated with these departments. In addition, it is designed to serve as a center for collaborative learning for all members of the campus and the community and to create a physical space that would deepen the university's culture of engagement. The center includes a nearly 150,000-square-foot, four-story new structure on what was previously a parking lot along Monroe Avenue and Ridge Row which has been seamlessly integrated into nearly 50,000 square feet of renovated space in the Harper McGinnis Wing of St. Thomas Hall, which was built in 1987 to house the physics and electrical engineering departments. The Harper-McGinnis Wing of St. Thomas Hall was extensively renovated in 2012 while the Science Center was being built. It now houses the departments of Theology and Religious Studies, Communication, Philosophy, History as well as the office of LA/WS, or Latin American and Women's Studies, and the university's radio station, 99.5 WUSR. Finally, the design includes a new entrance into St. Thomas Hall and the science center from the Commons. The Loyola Science Center contains 34 teaching and research laboratories, a rooftop greenhouse for teaching and research, a 180-seat lecture hall for symposia and seminars, numerous group study and research areas, 22 classrooms, 80 offices, a multi-story atrium, and a vivarium. Additionally, the second floor of the Harper-McGinnis wing contains an area which highlights student, faculty, and community work and engages visitors. It contains a large television which displays the University Twitter feeds, the science center's energy usage, and videos featuring student and faculty research; glass exhibits which feature research projects and science displays; and aquariams which house fish for student study from a variety of different ecosystems. The Loyola Science Center also contains Bleeker Street, a coffee shop and cafe. The center was designed to meet the Silver standard for Leadership in Energy and Environmental Design (LEED) certification, though it has not gone through the certification process. The $85 million, nearly 200,000-square foot building is the largest capital project in the history of the Jesuit university and the culmination of more than 15 years of planning and preparation. After the Science Education Committee created the vision that would eventually become the Loyola Science Center in the fall of 1998, it took two years to complete a paper about the vision. After seven years of programming meetings, the university broke ground May 14, 2009, for the facility's construction. The Loyola Science Center was dedicated on September 28, 2012. The center was named in honor of St. Ignatius of Loyola, the founder of the Society of Jesus. Additionally, three wings inside the building have been named to honor the contributions and service of members of the University of Scranton community. On November 11, 2011, the first wing was dedicated as McDonald Hall. Herbert McDonald served as president of the staff and chairman of the department of surgery at Hahnemann Hospital, now known as the Geisinger Community Medical Center of Scranton, and his wife Mary McDonald served on the university's board of trustees and vice chair from 1989 to 1992. Milani Hall was dedicated on March 24, 2012, in honor of Dr. Frank Milani '55, as a recognition of his family's continued support of the university after he received his Bachelor of Science in biology from the university in 1955. In recognition of Carl J. Keuhner and JoAnne M. Keuhner, Keuhner Hall was dedicated on August 5, 2012. Carl Kuehner served on the board of trustees from 2003 to 2009 as well as chairman of the board from 2007 to 2009. The fourth wing, Harper-McGinnis Hall, located in St. Thomas Hall, was built and dedicated in 1987 in recognition of physics professors Joseph P. Harper, Ph.D., the chairman of the physics department, and Eugene A. McGinnis, PhD, a long-time physics professor at the university. Together, these men contributed more than 70 years of teaching service to the university. In 1968, the University of Scranton purchased the land where Loyola Science Center stands from the Scranton Redevelopment Authority for $25,221.60 as part of the city's urban renewal project. The 42,007 square foot lot, located at the eastern corner of Monroe Avenue and Ridge Row, had previously been occupied by Auto Express Company. From the time of its purchase until construction began on the Loyola Science Center, the site served as a parking lot with sidewalks, landscaping, and lighting. The McDade Center for Literary and Performing Arts. The McDade Center for Literary and Performing Arts was constructed in 1992 on the former site of the Lackawanna County Juvenile Center. Home to the university's English & Theatre department's classrooms, offices, labs, meeting spaces, and a black box studio theatre, the McDade Center also houses the 300-seat Royal Theater where the University Players stage their productions. The building's other features include a computer writing and instructions lab, a seminar room, a small screening room for film classes and an office for Esprit, the university's Review of Arts and Letters. Additionally, the building contains stained glass in the lobby and an engraved quotation above the main entrance. The building's exterior features "The Doorway to the Soul," a steel and wire sculpture by Pennsylvania artist Lisa Fedon. "The Doorway" consists of 18 framed images fabricated variously of steel plate, perforated steel, round steel bars and wire cloth which each represent experiences in the human journey towards truth while the grid itself represented a matrix of inner-connectedness. The individual panels within the grid are titled: The Thinker; Reaching Out To My Self; Natural and Curious Yearning of a Child; Eternal Bridge; Acceptance; A State of Calm, Peace, Knowing; Trials and Tribulation/The Ascent; The Void/God; The Writer; Father, Son, and Holy Spirit; Hope/Prayer; Christ; The Climb/The Worn Steps/The Invitation to Enter; The Written Word; Unconditional Love and Caring/Innocence of Children; The Self Exposed. The two external panels are: The Self Observing and The Only Begotten Son. At the dedication ceremony in 1993, the building was named in honor of the Hon. Joseph M. McDade because of "his continuous support of this area and of the university and its academic mission," Rev. Panuska noted. The McDade Center location was once the site of Crawford House, the 1898 Tudor Revival home of coal operator, baron, and Peoples Coal Company owner James L. Crawford. In 1992, several years after Crawford's wife died, Lackawanna County purchased the estate to serve as the Juvenile Detention Center. In 1989, after four years of negotiations, the University of Scranton acquired Crawford House. Originally, the university planned to renovate and restore the property, where it would relocate the Admissions and Financial Aid offices as well as a combinations switchboard and a visitors area. However, the university discovered that the interior damage was too severe and that it would not be economically feasible to renovate it. The university's decision to demolish the Crawford House ignited fierce controversy because of strong opposition from local historical organizations, such as the Lackawanna Historical Society, the State Historic Preservation Office, and the Architectural Heritage Association who believed the house "represent[ed] the lifestyle of a coal baron of the late nineteenth century," and was therefore significant for Scranton, a city founded on coal. In an attempt to compromise with those upset by the potential demolition of Crawford House, the university proposed that the building be relocated in order to preserve its historical aspects but this too proved too costly so Crawford House was demolished in 1991. Rather than using the site for administrative offices as originally planned, the university decided to build the Instructional Arts Facility which would be home to the English and Theater departments, as the need for performing arts space was identified back in 1983. The Crawford House was subsequently delisted from the National Register in 1992. McGurrin Hall. Completed in 1998, McGurrin Hall houses many of the departments in the J.A. Panuska College of Professional Studies, including Education, Nursing, Counseling and Human Services, and Health Administration and Human Resources. The departments of Exercise Science, Occupational Therapy, and Physical Therapy, also part of the Panuska College, are housed in the adjacent Center for Rehabilitation Education, also known as Edward R. Leahy Jr. Hall. McGurrin's four stories include classrooms, laboratories, teaching instruction labs, and counseling suites as well as the Panuska College of Professional Studies’ advising center and administration offices. When it was built, McGurrin was outfitted with the latest, most advanced technology in its labs and media-based equipment to deal with instruction in electronic media. McGurrin Hall is named in honor of Mary Eileen Patricia McGurrin, R.N., M.S.N., a former student at the University of Scranton and the daughter of Kathleen Hyland McGurrin and the late John F. McGurrin Sr. Ms. McGurrin was an honors student at Abington Heights High School, earned her bachelor's and master's degrees in nursing from Thomas Jefferson College of Allied Health Services in Philadelphia. A member of the American Nurses Association, she was a registered nurse who served on the staff of Wills Eye Hospital in Philadelphia following completion of her training. She died of cancer in 1995 at the age of thirty-nine. In loving memory of his niece, McGurrin's uncle, Bernard V. Hyland, M.D., made a significant contribution to the Campaign for Scranton, which helped finance the building named in her memory. Dr. Hyland hoped that all of the students who pass through the doors of McGurrin Hall will be filled with the same spirit of selfless service animated by Mary Eileen. University President Rev. McShane noted that "it’s really appropriate and magnificent that the home of a professional studies is named for a nurse." Leahy Community Health & Family Center. In 2003, the University of Scranton opened the Leahy Community Health & Family Center, which is located on the bottom floor of McGurrin Hall. The center is named for Edward J. Leahy, the late son of benefactors Patricia and Edward R. Leahy who died at the age of eight due to his significant disabilities. O'Hara Hall. Built in 1922, O’Hara Hall was originally called the Glen Alden building and served as the Scranton administrative headquarters for the Glen Alden Coal Company, which at one time had extensive anthracite operations in the Scranton area. Located at the corner of Jefferson and Linden Avenues, the building was sold to the GA Building Corp in 1955 before being acquired by Alden Associates in 1958 before its title was transferred to the Prudential Savings Bank of Brooklyn. During this time, it served as office space for a variety of local Scranton businesses and professional offices. The Neoclassical, six-story building was sold to the University of Scranton in 1968 for $157,000. After renovations and improvements, the University of Scranton used the building to provide the school with more room for its facilities, particularly additional classrooms, faculty offices, supporting administrative services, and conference rooms. O’Hara Hall also became the home of the Business Administration and Economics departments, including their accompanying statistics and accounting laboratories. From 1978 until 2001, O’Hara Hall served as the headquarters for the university's School of Management. In 2001, after the Kania School of Management moved to the newly constructed Brennan Hall, O'Hara Hall was renovated and occupied by 11 other university departments, including both administrative offices and some programs for the College of Arts and Sciences such as the Dexter Hanley College (now the College of Graduate and Continuing Education), Alumni Relations, the Annual Fund, Continuing Education, Development, the World Languages and Cultures department, Instructional Development, the Learning Resource Center, the Political Science department, Public Relations, and the Sociology and Criminal Justice department. The renovations include the construction of a foreign language laboratory with 25 computers for students taking courses in the World Languages and Cultures department. In 2016, the office of the Registrar and Academic Services moved from St. Thomas Hall into O’Hara Hall. After polling the university community for suggestions, the university decided to rename the Glen Alden Building as O’Hara Hall, in honor of Frank J. O'Hara to recognize his tireless service and incredible contributions to the university. Known as "Mr University," Dr. O’Hara graduated from the university in 1925, served as the school's registrar for 32 years, worked as the university's director of alumni relations from 1957 until 1970, received an honorary doctor of laws degree from the university, served as moderator of the University of Scranton Alumni Society. St. Thomas Hall. In 1960, the University of Scranton announced plans for a new classroom building, intended to replace the unsafe and overcrowded Barrack buildings, which had been purchased from the Navy in order to quickly accommodate the growing student body, which increased in the 1940s due to the G.I. Bill, a law which provided a range of benefits for returning World War II veterans, including paying for tuition and living expenses to attend college. After holding a major fundraising campaign to raise $1,836,000 for the new building as well as to finish other expansion projects at the library and the student center, the university was ready to begin construction on the new building. Before building could commence, however, mine tunnels under the site needed to be backfilled. Excavations underground showed that the proposed building site was directly above the oldest mine in Scranton, whose origins date back to the Civil War. Supported only by wooden beams and decaying tree trunks, these huge mine chambers showed signs of extensive mining and "local" caving more than fifty feet below the surface. In order to ensure that the new building would be constructed on a firm and strong foundation, mining experts created columns of debris more than 13 feet in circumference and flushed the open cavern with more than 18,000 cubic feet of concrete. The total cost of construction was approximately $1,400,000. Constructed at the corner of Linden and Monroe Streets, St. Thomas Hall was completed in 1962. Five stories tall, the modern L-shaped building contained 50 classrooms, 15 utility rooms, 11 equipment rooms, 10 corridors, and 128 offices, for both faculty and administrators. In addition, the building housed ROTC offices, student lounges, the St. Ignatius Loyola Chapel with room for over two hundred participants, and four laboratories. During the dedication of St. Thomas, the original cornerstone from the university's first building, Old Main, was built into the front corner of St. Thomas Hall. Seventy five years after Old Main's blessing in 1888, the University of Scranton transferred its cornerstone to the new campus, linking the university with its past and providing continuity from both the university's former name, St. Thomas College, and its old campus. When the cornerstone was removed from its place in Old Main, it was discovered that it held a copper box, containing six newspapers published on the day of Old Main's dedication and seven silver coins. During the dedication of St. Thomas Hall, the 1888 newspapers were placed back into the cornerstone, along with letters from student body president Jack Kueny, Alumni Society president Atty. James A. Kelly, and alumnus and longtime administrator Frank O'Hara. Also included was a letter from architect Robert P. Moran '25, addressed to the architect of a building that replaced St. Thomas in the future. Over the years, there have been numerous renovations and improvements of Saint Thomas Hall. In 1965, the gas station at Linden Street and Monroe Avenue on the western end of the University of Scranton complex in front of St. Thomas Hall was razed in order to eliminate the cumbersome and dangerous curve at that intersection. In its place, the island was built, allowing traffic onto campus to be routed around it. In 1987, the Harper-McGinnis Wing was added to St. Thomas Hall to house the Physics and Electronics Engineering department. Funded by the university's Second Cornerstone campaign, the Harper-McGinnis Wing is a two-floor addition that contained offices and laboratories for physics, electrical engineering, and computing sciences. At the time of its opening, it contained several cutting-edge research laboratories, including a modern and atomic physical lab, an optics and electronics lab, a microprocessor lab, an electricity and magnetism lab, a very large system integration (VLSI) lab, a microcomputer lab, and a computer assisted design lab. The Harper-McGinnis Wing was dedicated in recognition of physics professors Joseph P. Harper, Ph.D., the chairman of the physics department, and Eugene A. McGinnis, Ph.D, a long-time physics professor at the university. Together, these men contributed more than 70 years of teaching service to the university. Then, in 2009, renovations during the summer targeted the first and fourth floors of St. Thomas Hall, converting the former St. Ignatius of Loyola Chapel space into offices for Human Resources and Financial Aid. St. Thomas Hall was significantly renovated in 2011-2012 as part of the construction of the Loyola Science Center. It now houses the departments of Theology and Religious Studies, Communications, Philosophy, History as well as the office of LA/WS, or Latin American and Women's Studies, and the university's radio station, 99.5 WUSR. St. Thomas Hall was named in honor of the namesake of St. Thomas College, now the University of Scranton. The Smurfit Arts Center. In January 1987, the University of Scranton under Rev. Panuska purchased the former John Raymond Memorial Church, Universalist, at Madison Avenue and Vine Street for $125,000. Built in 1906, the Romanesque building contains one of the tallest bell towers in Scranton. The main floor of the small but remarkably designed structure, which contains 7,200 square feet of floor space, is used as a studio-art facility for the Fine Arts program. The basement is used for the department's offices and classrooms. During the renovations of the building, the university had to remove the stained glass windows and replace them with clear glass to provide the area with natural lighting. The two stained glass windows from the Smurfit Arts Center, which were crafted by the Tiffany Glass Company, were moved to be displayed in Hyland Hall. The Smurfit Arts Center was named for Michael W. J. Smurfit H'85, a generous Irish benefactor whose two sons, Anthony and Michael, attended the University of Scranton. Smurfit was the chairman and chief executive officer of Jefferson Smurfit Group, Ltd., a multinational corporation with headquarters in Dublin, IReland; Alton, Illinois; and New York City. The Smurfit Arts Center is one of three churches the university acquired and preserved during the 1980s once their congregations were no longer able to maintain the buildings. In 1985, the university converted the former Assembly of God Church at 419 Monroe Avenue into Rev. Joseph A. Rock, S.J., Hall. It currently houses Madonna Della Strada Chapel, the principal campus setting for university liturgies, as well as the university's Military Science department and ROTC program. In 1986, the university acquired the Immanuel Baptist Church at the corner of Jefferson Avenue and Mulberry Street. Currently, the Houlihan-McLean Center houses the university's Performance Music Programs. The university acquired the former John Raymond Memorial Church, Madison Avenue and Vine Street, in 1987. It now serves as the Smurfit Arts Center, which houses studio space for the university's Fine Arts department. The university's efforts were cited in a 1988 edition of "Inspired", a bi-monthly publication devoted to the preservation of historic religious buildings. Athletic facilities. Fitzpatrick Field. In 1984, the university completed construction on its very first athletic field in the school's 96-year history, which began in 1982 after the university acquired the land from the Scranton Redevelopment Authority. The land had previously been used as a rail yard for the Lackawanna and Wyoming Valley Railroad. The facility was designed as a multi-sports complex, complete with a regulation-size field for men's and women's soccer which also can be used for other sports such as softball, lacrosse, field hockey, and intramural athletics. It also has bleachers which can seat 350 people, an electronic scoreboard, and a maintenance building containing restrooms, a storage area, and a parking lot. Father Panuska noted that the building of the field was important because it fosters "the development of a total learning environment, an environment which supports a balanced life." The university's board of trustees named the field in honor of Rev. John J. Fitzpatrick, S.J., a long-time booster of the university's athletic programs and dedicated member of the university community for twenty-two years. In 1997, a re-dedication ceremony celebrated the installation of new artificial turf and improved lighting for the field. Currently, Fitzpatrick Field remains the university's primary outdoor athletic facility and is used for the Royal's varsity soccer, field hockey, and lacrosse teams. The field is also used for intramural flag football, ultimate frisbee, soccer, and field hockey. Long Center. Completed in 1967, the John J. Long Center contained the university's first indoor athletic facilities, as well as instructional areas for physical education. The Long Center is built into the slope of Linden Street, providing a single level on Linden Street and a three-story end of the building, overlooking Ridge Row. The Long Center was built to enable the university to institute an academic program in physical education and provide a space for student assemblies, convocations, group meetings, and other large gatherings. It was also created to give greater emphasis to intramural athletics and improve the school's intercollegiate athletics. At the time of its construction, the top floor featured a large entrance foyer and a gymnasium, complete with movable bleacher seats that could accommodate up to 4,500 people. The gymnasium contained three basketball courts, complete with a folding curtain in order to separate the gym, allowing multiple games or gym classes the occur at the same time. It also contained two ticket rooms, court rooms and rest rooms, a sound control room, offices for the director and assistants of the physical education program, an equipment room, and storage rooms. The second floor housed locker room facilities, rest rooms, and showers, in addition to saunas, whirlpool baths, and a sun room. It also had a training room, small offices for athletic coaches, a weight room, and an all-purpose room. The bottom floor contained a wrestling room, a mechanical room, and laundry facilities. The Long Center was built on land, spanning 4.93 acres, that the university purchased from the Scranton Redevelopment Authority for $96,843, as part of the city's urban renewal project. Before handing over the title to the university, the Scranton Redevelopment Authority cleared the lot, located at the eastern corner of Linden Street and Catlin Court, by demolishing several existing structures. In order to pay for the $1.8 million facility, the University of Scranton acquired a $592,110 grant through the Higher Education Facilities Act and took out a $815,000 federal loan, made possible by the support of Congressman Joseph M. McDade and U.S. Senator Joseph Clark. The university shouldered the remaining costs. In 2001, excavation under the Long Center provided a new home for the Department of Exercise Science and Sport. The additional 10,000 square feet of space accommodated offices, classrooms, a fitness assessment center, and laboratories for sport biomechanics, body composition, cardio-metabolic analysis, biochemistry, and muscular skeletal fitness. However, with the completion of the Center of Rehabilitation Education (also known as Edward R. Leahy, Jr. Hall) in 2015, the Exercise Science Department relocated from the Long Center into the new building. After its completion in 1967, the university dedicated the athletic facility in honor of its former president, John J. Long, S.J., who served the university in that position from 1953 until 1963, to commemorate his dedication and tremendous contributions to the university. After he stepped down from the presidency, Fr. Long continued to serve the university in other positions, including assistant to the president, founder and moderator of the Alumni Society, and vice president for administrative affairs. During his tenure as president, he led the university in its first major building campaign. Starting in 1956, the campus was greatly expanded and modernized through the construction of fifteen new buildings, which included the Loyola Hall of Science, 10 student residence halls, St. Thomas Hall, Alumni Memorial Hall (formerly known as the Alumni Memorial Library) and Gunster Memorial Student Center (formerly known as the Student Union Building, and was demolished in 2008) as well as the Long Center. He successfully led the university through two fundraising drives in order to finance these building projects, which also had the effect of incorporating the university into the Scranton community. Byron Recreation Complex. In 1985, the university began construction on a physical education and recreation complex. Completed in 1986, the William J. Byron, S.J. Recreation Complex is a three-level structure which connects to the Long Center, the facility for intercollegiate athletics. The facility contains three multi-use courts for basketball, volleyball, tennis, and one-wall handball as well as a one-tenth mile indoor running track, a six-lane Olympic-sized swimming pool complete with diving boards and an electronic scoreboard, four 4-wall racquetball courts, a gallery which overlooks the swimming pool and the racquetball courts, two different aerobics/dance rooms, men's and women's locker rooms, saunas, and steam rooms. Panuska spoke about the importance of the new recreation complex, stating that it would help the university offer more "health-related activities" and to serve the recreational needs of the student body, including the intramural program. Panuska also noted that naming this facility for Fr. Byron, the president of the University of Scranton from 1975 until 1982, "provides us with a marvelous opportunity to thank him for his leadership at the university and in the region." Additional buildings and spaces. Brown Hall. Located at 600 Linden Street and Adams Avenue, Brown Hall, formerly named the Adlin Building, was acquired by the university in 2012 from Adlin Building Partnership. On February 18, 2016, the university renamed Adlin Building as Louis Stanley Brown Hall, in memory of Louis Stanley Brown '19, the first black graduate of St. Thomas College. Campion Hall. Campion Hall, opened in 1987, is the university's residence building for the Jesuit community. The faculty, named in honor of Saint Edmund Campion, S.J., a 16th-century Jesuit pastor and scholar who was martyred in England during the persecutions of Roman Catholics for defending his faith, provides living and working accommodations for thirty Jesuits. The two-story building features thirty-one bedrooms, an interior garden, an office, kitchen and dining facilities, and a chapel in addition to a flexible design with four discrete sections, such that the building could adapt to the changing needs of the Jesuit Community at the university. Before the construction of Campion Hall, the primary residence for the Jesuits at Scranton was the estate, the former Scranton family residence which was given to the university by the family in 1941, which proved unable to meet their needs, as it only provided living accommodations for seventeen of the university's thirty-six Jesuits in the 1980s. The building of Campion Hall, estimated at $1.7 million, was financed entirely by the university's Jesuit community. Currently, Campion Hall provides housing for Jesuits who teach or hold administrative positions at the University of Scranton or at Scranton Preparatory School, a local Jesuit high school. Chapel of the Sacred Heart. Completed in 1928, the Chapel of the Sacred Heart, formerly the Alumni House and the Rupert Mayer House, was originally part of the Scranton Estate. It was designed as a small athletic facility, containing a gym and a squash court. While Worthington Scranton donated the estate to the university in 1941, he reserved this building, the Quain Conservatory greenhouse, and Scranton Hall (the carriage house) for his own personal use. In 1958, the remainder of the late Worthington Scranton's Estate was acquired by the university, including the chapel. The university reportedly paid $48,000 for the title to the land. Over the years, the building has served the university in a variety of ways. First, the facility was used as the center of athletics, complete with a weight facility and the Athletic Director's office. In 1968, when the construction of the Long Center was completed, the athletic facilities were moved from the chapel to the new building. The building was then used as a print shop, which was moved to O’Hara Hall. Then, the chapel was used as the headquarters for the university's Alumni Association, beginning in the 1970s until 2009. In 2009, following improvements and changes in St. Thomas Hall, the Chapel moved from its location on first floor St. Thomas Hall to the newly renovated Rupert Mayer House. Currently, the chapel is used for daily masses, Eucharistic Adoration, and prayer by students, faculty, and staff of the University of Scranton. Dionne Green. In 2008, with the completion of the DeNaples Center, the Gunster Memorial Student Center was functionally superseded. As a result, it was demolished. In its place, the university created the Dionne Green, a 25,000-square-foot green space roughly the size of a football field featuring a 3,600 sq ft outdoor amphitheater, a popular spot for classes during pleasant weather. Located directly in front of the DeNaples Center, it serves as the gateway to the campus. Dionne Green, along with the DeNaples Center and Condron Hall, was part of the university's Pride, Passion, Promise campaign, a $100 million effort to improve and update the campus. The Dionne Green was named for John Dionne '86 and Jacquelyn Rasieleski Dionne '89, University of Scranton alumni and benefactors. The Estate. In 1867, Joseph H. Scranton, one of the founders of the city of Scranton, commissioned the building of his family home. Designed by New York architect Russell Sturgis, one of America's most outstanding architects in the post Civil War era, the home was created in the French Second Empire style. The house features stone masonry by William Sykes and detailed woodwork carvings designed by William F. Paris. The twenty-five room, three story residence contained a billiards room, a ballroom, a library, a Tiffany glass skylight, and a solid mahogany staircase. It is estimated that the cost of construction totaled $150,000. Throughout the years, a number of renovations and improvements were made on the estate. The house initially featured a tower located on top of the front left corner of the estate's roof, which was later removed. Additionally, while occupying the residence, William W. Scranton built the large granite wall surrounding the property in order to protect the estate and keep out rioting townspeople, upset about the tuberculosis epidemic that they felt had been spread through the city's water supply, the rights of which were owned by the Scranton family. Parts of the wall were later removed during the construction of Loyola Hall in 1956. There used to be two open porches in the back of the estate. In the early 1970s, both porches were enclosed and converted into a sitting room and a dining room. Construction commenced in 1867 and continued for four years, finishing in time for the Scranton family's Thanksgiving celebrations in November 1871. Less than a year later, Joseph H. Scranton died. His son, William W. Scranton, then inherited the property. After William W. Scranton's death, his wife, Katherine M. Scranton, used the home until her death in 1935, at which point it passed into the hands of their son, Worthington Scranton. Because Worthington's wife Marjorie was confined to a wheelchair, she had difficulty navigating around the estate. They built a new home outside of Scranton in Abington called "Marworth." Once construction on Marworth was completed in 1941, the Scrantons moved out of the estate entirely, although that house had never been their primary residence. In 1941, Worthington Scranton donated his home and adjoining estate to Bishop Hafey, the bishop of the Diocese of Scranton and the University of Scranton's board of trustees president, for use by the university, because he felt that this land could be "most advantageously used for the development of an institution of higher learning so that the youth of this vicinity can get an education at a reasonable cost." However, he reserved the former carriage house, which he had converted into an office, the greenhouse, and the squash court for his own personal use. Following Worthington's death in 1958, his son, William W. Scranton, gave the remainder of the estate to the University of Scranton. In 1942, when the Christian Brothers transferred the title of the university to the Society of Jesus, the Jesuits decided to use the estate as the Jesuit community residence. After some renovations by the Jesuits, the first floor of the residence held a chapel, reception parlor, a 5,000-volume library, and recreation room, while the second and third floors served as private rooms for the Jesuits. In 1957, a small fire broke out in the house's main parlor. During the 1960s, the Jesuit community restored the estate. Most of the interior woodwork was refinished for preservation purposes, and the ceiling frescoes were repainted and gold leafing was added to them. In 1987, the Scranton Jesuit community moved from the estate into the newly completed Campion Hall, as the estate proved to be insufficient for the community's needs, as it could only accommodate 17 priests in the then-36 member community. In 2009, the Admissions Office moved its operations into the estate. Founder's Green. In 2001, after a period of significant campus expansion at the university, the Gallery Building was functionally superseded, as the departments it housed were moved to the newly remodeled O’Hara Hall and to Hyland Hall, including the university's art gallery, the Counseling Center, and the Department of Career Services as well as classrooms and lecture halls. As a result, it was demolished. In its place, the university created Founders Green, a large, open green space, which is located directly in front of Brennan Hall. Galvin Terrace. Upon the completion of St. Thomas Hall in 1962, the Barracks buildings no longer needed to be used by the university for classrooms and lecture halls. As a result, the buildings were demolished. In place of the barrack called the Arts Building, the university created an outdoor recreation facility on the block bounded by Linden Street, Monroe Avenue, Mulberry Street, and Hitchcock Court. The $86,000 project created four volleyball courts, three basketball courts, a grass practice field for football and soccer, and a faculty parking lot. However, the fields were not lighted, so all activities had to be scheduled during the day. In the late 1970s, the university decided to renovate and improve these recreational facilities. The school built the Galvin Terrace Sport and Recreation Complex, which contained six tennis courts, two combination basketball/volleyball courts capable of also accommodating street hockey, four handball/racquetball courts, and recreational and lounging space. Completed in October 1978, the project was funded by the university's Annual Fund Drive and its national capital campaign "Commitments to Excellence." It was used for intramural sports but also served as the home of the university's tennis team. In the early 1990s, the recreational complex was demolished to make room for the Weinberg Memorial Library. A small garden outside the Library is now known as Galvin Terrace. The Galvin Terrace was named for former university president Rev. Aloysius Galvin, S.J., who served as Scranton's president from 1965 until 1970. Born in Baltimore, Rev. Galvin served in the U.S. Navy from 1943 until 1946, and graduated from Loyola College, Baltimore in 1948. He joined the Society of Jesus upon his college graduation in 1948, pursued philosophical and theological studies at Woodstock College, Maryland, and was ordained to the priesthood in 1957. Rev. Galvin served as the Academic Vice President and Dean of Loyola College, Baltimore from 1959 to 1965. After resigning from the university presidency, Rev. Galvin worked at Georgetown Preparatory School as a math teacher and student counselor for thirty-five years before his death in 2007. Mosque. In 1996, the university community renovated a university-owned house at 317 North Webster Avenue into the Campus Mosque as a gift to the Muslim community of Scranton. The university established the campus mosque in response to the growing need for a local mosque for the growing number of Muslim students, as there had not previously been any mosques in the city of Scranton. The Mosque contained two large, spacious rooms as the women's and men's prayer rooms as well as a library housing countless reference books on the history of Islam and the Muslim religion, including translations of the interpretations of the Koran. The Mosque was also equipped with an upstairs apartment where two members of the Muslim Student Association lived and served as caretakers of the facility. In 2007, the Mosque, along with several other properties, was razed in order to establish a site for the sophomore residence, Condron Hall. The university then purchased and renovated a house at 306 Taylor Avenue for use as the new mosque, which is open to the public for prayer and reflection. Pantle Rose Garden. When the University of Scranton acquired the Scranton family estate in the mid-1950s, the school received a garden, located next to the Chapel of the Sacred Heart at the corner of Linden Street and Monroe Avenue on the former grounds of the estate. Throughout the years, it was known by a couple of different names, including the Rose Garden and Alumni Garden. In 2010, the university dedicated the Rose Garden to Rev. G. Donald Pantle, S.J. during the celebration of the 50th anniversary of his ordination, as a gift from James J. Knipper '81 and Teresa Poloney Knipper '82, in honor of their longtime friendship with Rev. Pantle. Parking and Public Safety Pavilion. Completed in 1995, the Parking and Public Safety Pavilion accommodates 510 cars in its five stories, with one floor below ground, one floor at ground level, and three above ground. It was constructed to expand the university's on-campus parking capacity in order to meet the community's need for additional places to park, with designated areas for students, faculty, staff, and guests. Additionally, the parking garage contains the offices of the university's police and the offices of parking services. The structure, which occupies 163,000 square feet, is located on the corner of Mulberry Street and Monroe Avenue. The exterior complements the adjacent McDade Center for Literary and Performing Arts by mirroring its design. The Monroe Avenue facade is also covered by a series of topiary planting screens on which climbing vines have grown. Quain Memorial Conservatory. Located between the Chapel of the Sacred Heart and Scranton Hall on the grounds of the original Scranton family Estate, the Quain Conservatory was built in 1872. The Scranton family used the greenhouse to grow and prepare cut flowers. The glass building has a central square (20 ft by 20 ft) flanked by two 40 ft by 15 ft wings on either side. At the time of its construction, each section had its own pool. The Conservatory is one of few Victorian-style conservatories that remains essentially unaltered from its original design. In 1941, Worthington Scranton donated the estate and its grounds to the university, but reserved a portion of the estate for his own personal use, including the greenhouse. In 1958, after the death of Worthington Scranton, the Scranton family donated the remainder of the estate to the university, leading to the acquisition of the greenhouse. In the early 1970s, the student-led University Horticultural Society coordinated and organized an effort to renovate and restore the greenhouse. In order to raise funds for their planned improvements, the Society organized field trips, plant sales, and a lecture series in addition to enrolling paid members to their group. Additionally, Father Quain, the Acting President of the university, found out about the project and contributed additional funds to the project. While restoring the greenhouse, the Society cleaned and painted the structures, refurbished the main pond and installed a new fountain pump, created a mushroom cellar in the greenhouse's basement, and redesigned the plant beds. The group installed a number of rare and exotic plants in the conservatory, including orchids, banana trees, mango trees, bougainvillia, tri-colored dracaena, star-shaped trees, bromeliads, Hawaiian wax flowers, night blooming cereus, bi-colored water lilies, the Rose of China (hibiscus), fig trees, pomegranates, pineapples, and grapefruit trees. In September 1975, the university reopened and dedicated the greenhouse as the Edwin A. Quain Conservatory for his "kindness, interest, and generosity to the Society." Currently, the greenhouse is used for classes as well as faculty and personal research projects. Roche Wellness Center. The Roche Wellness Center, located at the corner of Mulberry Street and North Webster Avenue, was acquired by the university in 1992 and opened for student use in 1996. Originally built in 1986 by pharmacist Alex Hazzouri, the Wellness Center previously housed Hazzouri's pharmacy and drugstore as well as a restaurant named Babe's Place. In 1989, Alex Hazzouri was arrested and arraigned on drug-trafficking charges, and his pharmacy was closed indefinitely, as the government seized the building. After the investigation was closed, the government auctioned off the building in 1992. It was purchased by the university for $500,000. Beginning on August 2, 1993, the building served as a home to the Scranton Police Department's Hill Section precinct station. A new Student Health and Wellness Center was soon moved in, along with the university's Drug and Alcohol Information Center and Educators (DICE) Office. In 1996, the Roche Wellness Center opened, housing the Student Health Services department. The building holds a reception area, four exam rooms, a laboratory, an assessment room, an observation room, and storage space. Rock Hall. On December 15, 1983, the University of Scranton purchased the Assembly of God Church from the Reformed Episcopalian congregation who could no longer properly maintain the facility as the costs and utilities were too high. Once it was acquired by the university. the Assembly of God Church was renamed to Rock Hall to honor the late Rev. Joseph A. Rock, S.J., a well-known and respected educator at the University of Scranton. Originally, the university intended to use the first floor of the facility for administrative offices which had previously occupied space in St. Thomas and Jefferson Halls, including the Department of Central Services, the Maintenance Department, and the Security Department while the assembly area of the new hall was supposed to provide a needed alternative for smaller social and cultural affairs, including lectures, dinners, and dances, now held in the over-scheduled Jefferson and Eagen Auditoriums. During the renovations of Rock Hall, however, the need for a new chapel was identified, as the St. Ignatius chapel in St. Thomas Hall did not provide adequate seating and contained structural limitations which were not conducive to acoustics or the aesthetics of the liturgies. Named Madonna della Strada, or "Our Lady of the Way", in reference to an image of the Virgin Mary enshrined in the Church of the Gesu in Rome, the Chapel serves as the primary site for the university's major liturgical services, including the regular Sunday masses. Rev. Panuska commented that the building and chapel are important additions to the school, particularly because the chapel "provides the university and the surrounding community with a beautiful setting for liturgical celebrations." The chapel was consecrated on February 15, 1985, by Bishop James C. Timlin, D.D. Currently, the first floor of Rock Hall is the home of the university's Military Science department and ROTC program. Rock Hall is one of three churches the university acquired and preserved during the 1980s once their congregations were no longer able to maintain the buildings. In 1985, the university converted the former Assembly of God Church at 419 Monroe Avenue into Rev. Joseph A. Rock, S.J., Hall. It currently houses Madonna Della Strada Chapel, the principal campus setting for university liturgies, as well as the university's Military Science department and ROTC program. In 1986, the university acquired the Immanuel Baptist Church at the corner of Jefferson Avenue and Mulberry Street. Currently, the Houlihan-McLean Center houses the university's Performance Music Programs. The university acquired the former John Raymond Memorial Church, Madison Avenue and Vine Street, in 1987. It now serves as the Smurfit Arts Center, which houses studio space for the university's Fine Arts department. The university's efforts were cited in a 1988 edition of "Inspired", a bi-monthly publication devoted to the preservation of historic religious buildings. Scranton Hall. Constructed in 1871, Scranton Hall was built as a one-story carriage house and stable on the Scranton family Estate by Joseph H. Scranton. In 1928 and continuing into 1929, Worthington Scranton and his wife added an additional story, renovating the building and converting it into an office space. In 1941, Worthington Scranton donated his home and adjoining estate to Bishop Hafey, the bishop of the Diocese of Scranton and the University of Scranton's Board of Trustees President, for use by the university, because he felt that this land could be "most advantageously used for the development of an institution of higher learning so that the youth of this vicinity can get an education at a reasonable cost." However, he reserved the former carriage house, the greenhouse, and the squash court for his own personal use. Following Worthington's death in 1958, the university acquired the rest of the estate from his son, William W. Scranton, for $48,000. The former carriage house was of particular interest to the university because it would allow them to centralize the scattered administrative offices on campus. Since it was acquired in 1958, the building has been used to house the President's Office and other administrative offices. From 1958 until 1984, the building was known simply as the President's Office Building. In 1984, the university's president Rev. J.A. Panuska, S.J. renamed the building as Scranton Hall to honor the contributions of the Scranton family. He stated that: "Ever since the Scrantons began migrating to Northeastern Pennsylvania in the late 1830s, their vision has touched the life of this region to such an extent that this city and this University bear their name." Retreat Center at Chapman Lake. In 1961, the University of Scranton purchased a nine-acre tract of lakefront property containing three buildings on Chapman Lake, about 30 minutes away from the university. Originally known as the Bosak Summer Estate, the land was owned by Walter Bloes, a tax collector, and was briefly converted into a restaurant-tavern before being sold to the university. The university bought the property for $65,000. When the university acquired the estate, they named it Lakeside Pines. For several years, it was chiefly used as a place for relaxation by the Jesuits and for conferences with faculty members and student leaders. As time progressed, the university's Office of Campus Ministries began using the Chapman Lake property as a Retreat Center. The site originally had one old retreat house, featuring several bedrooms equipped with bunkbeds, a small chapel, a main room with a fireplace, a kitchen, and dining area. In 1998, the university expanded the lakeside Conference and Retreat Center. Doubling the size of the center, the new 16,000 square-foot facility contained a dining room, kitchen, a large meeting room nicknamed the Lake Room, five small meeting rooms, and a residential wing with 11 bedrooms. In 2005, in order to meet the growing demand for retreats, the university expanded the Retreat Center again. The university built an 11,584-square-foot facility adjacent to building constructed in 1998. The old retreat center was demolished over safety concerns in 2004, making room for the expansion. The new addition contained a lounge, 21 more bedrooms, and a 65-seat modern chapel with large window views of the Lake. On November 7, 2006, the university dedicated the Retreat Center chapel, naming it in honor of Blessed Peter Faber, an early Jesuit who, together with St. Francis Xavier and St. Ignatius Loyola, served as the nucleus of the Society of Jesus. Born April 7, 1506, Peter Faber was the first of the companions to be ordained a priest. Residence halls. Freshman dorms. First-year students are offered traditional double rooms that share a community restroom. All freshmen dorms are located near the center of the university's campus. Freshmen housing does not have air-conditioned or carpeted rooms. Each building has washers and dryers on the first floor for student use as well as light housekeeping services provided to all rooms and bathrooms. Sophomore dorms. Sophomore students are offered suite-style housing, in which two double rooms share a shower and toilet, with each room having its own sink. Sophomore housing is air conditioned. All of the buildings have kitchens. Each building has washers and dryers on the first floor for student use as well as light housekeeping services provided to all rooms and bathrooms. The three buildings are located together in a cluster on the university's campus to replicate the close housing arrangement experienced by first-year residential students. Upperclassmen and graduate housing. Upperclassmen and graduate students are offered apartments and houses. Former university buildings and spaces. Arts Building. In 1945, with the end of World War II and the creation of the G.I. Bill enrollment exploded at the University of Scranton. In order to accommodate this dramatic increase in enrollment, the university acquired three "barracks" buildings from the government in 1947, which they placed on the 900 block of Linden Street, part of the former Scranton Estate. They were named A or Arts Building, B or Business Building, and E or Engineering Building, and each housed classrooms and offices pertaining to those specific subjects. Purchased from the Navy for one dollar plus transportation and remodeling costs, the Barracks were naval buildings being used in Portsmouth, Virginia that were dismantled and then reassembled in Scranton. Originally intended as temporary measures to accommodate the larger student body, the Barracks buildings were used for nearly fifteen years before being replaced by permanent structures. The Arts Building featured the "Pennant Room," a lounge that was decorated with pennants from other Jesuit colleges and universities. It was demolished in 1962 after the completion of St. Thomas Hall. Bradford House. In 1973, the University of Scranton acquired the Bradford House, formerly the Rose Apartment Building. Bradford House was named for Bradford County in Pennsylvania. Located in the Hill Section, the Bradford House was three-story apartment building which was converted into student apartments as part of an effort to accommodate the growing number of boarding students. Equipped with a kitchen and bathroom, each apartment housed about six students. In 1978, as part of a major accessibility initiative in order to comply with new federal regulations, the first floor of the Bradford House was converted into a wheelchair-accessible apartment for women students. In 1998, Bradford House was razed in order to make room for the Kania School of Management's Brennan Hall. Business Building. In 1945, with the end of World War II and the creation of the G.I. Bill enrollment exploded at the University of Scranton. In order to accommodate this dramatic increase in enrollment, the university acquired three "barracks" buildings from the government in 1947, which they placed on the 900 block of Linden Street, part of the former Scranton Estate. They were named A or Arts Building, B or Business Building, and E or Engineering Building, and each housed classrooms and offices pertaining to those specific subjects. Purchased from the Navy for one dollar plus transportation and remodeling costs, the barracks were naval buildings being used in Portsmouth, Virginia that were dismantled and then reassembled in Scranton. Originally intended as temporary measures to accommodate the larger student body, the Barracks buildings were used for nearly fifteen years before being replaced by permanent structures. The university's first cafeteria opened in the Business Building in February 1948, with accommodations for 250 students. The cafeteria later moved to the Engineering Building. The Business Building was demolished in 1961 to make room for the construction of St. Thomas Hall. Claver Hall. Claver Hall served as an administrative building, housing the Physical Plant and Purchasing departments. It was demolished in 2010 to make room for Pilarz Hall and Montrone Hall. It was named for St. Peter Claver, S.J., a Spanish Jesuit priest and missionary. Engineering Building. In 1945, with the end of World War II and the creation of the G.I. Bill enrollment exploded at the University of Scranton. In order to accommodate this dramatic increase in enrollment, the university acquired three "barracks" buildings from the government in 1947 which they placed on the 900 block of Linden Street, part of the former Scranton Estate. They were named A or Arts Building, B or Business Building, and E or Engineering Building, and each housed classrooms and offices pertaining to those specific subjects. Purchased from the Navy for one dollar plus transportation and remodeling costs, the Barracks were naval buildings being used in Portsmouth, Virginia that were dismantled and then reassembled in Scranton. Originally intended as temporary measures to accommodate the larger student body, the Barracks buildings were used for nearly fifteen years before being replaced by permanent structures. E Building held the university's physics laboratories, with special equipment for experimentation in optics, electricity and magnetism. The building also housed a lecture hall, physics department offices, and a photography dark room. After Loyola Hall of Science was completed in 1956, most of the science classrooms and laboratories were moved there and the Engineering Building underwent renovations. The school constructed the St. Ignatius Chapel, a cafeteria, and lounges. In 1960, E Building was dismantled in order to make room for St. Thomas Hall. It was then shipped to St. Jude's Parish in Mountaintop, Pennsylvania to be used as a grade school annex. It was subsequently demolished in the 1980s. Gallery Building. In 1979, the University of Scranton purchased the Pennsylvania Drug Warehouse for $150,000 from Kay Wholesale Drugs of Wilkes-Barre. After significant renovations, the three-story building was dedicated as the Gallery Building on April 28, 1982 in honor of former University President J. Eugene Gallery, S.J. who served as the second Jesuit president from 1947 until 1953. When the building was opened, it housed a Media Resource Center, two large multipurpose lecture rooms, Career Services, a Counseling Center, the Audio Visual department, the Computer Science department, computer laboratories, an Art Gallery, and a study area. A ten-foot wide wire mesh satellite dish on the roof served as a receiver for educational programs, part of the university's participation in the National University Teleconference Network. In the 1990s, the Gallery also housed the Dexter Hanley College and the Office of Annual Giving. The Gallery was demolished in October 2001 to make room for Founders' Green, outside of Brennan Hall. Many of the departments housed in the Gallery were moved into the remodeled O’Hara Hall, while the Art Gallery was moved into the fourth floor of Hyland Hall. Gunster Memorial Student Center. In 1955, the University of Scranton announced an ambitious $5,000,000 campus expansion plan, which proposed constructing ten new buildings over the course of the next ten years so that the school's physical plant would be concentrated at the former Scranton family Estate, the temporary barrack structures would be replaced with safer and more permanent buildings, and its facilities would be expanded to better serve its growing student body. One of these proposed buildings was a Student Center. Construction began in 1959 on the $1,030,000 three-story brick, steel, and concrete building. When it was completed in 1960, the Student Center housed a cafeteria, bookstore, student activities offices, staff and student lounges, a snack bar, game room, a rifle room, and a large ballroom/auditorium. The cafeteria was designed to seat 600 and to provide between 1200 and 1500 lunches each day (for a full-time student body of 1,358), along with 400 to 600 breakfasts and dinners for resident students (then numbering less than 250). Over the years, the Student Center was renovated and expanded to fit the needs of the growing student body. In 1974, a $228,000 renovation converted the third floor patio into a grill room, providing another dining area for students with a seating capacity of 300. In December 1980, during the dedication of the University Commons, the Student Center was also rededicated and renamed as the Joseph F. Gunster Memorial Student Center, in memory of Joseph F. Gunster, a St. Thomas College alumnus, generous university benefactor, and Florida attorney who had previously practiced law in Lackawanna County for over twenty years, whose $1,150,000 estate gift had been the largest in the university's history. The completion of the University Commons closed the 900 and 1000 blocks of Linden Street to vehicular traffic, creating a campus and making it easier and safer for students to walk between Gunster, Galvin Terrace, the Long Center, St. Thomas Hall, and their residence halls. During the construction, the entrance to Gunster from the Commons was updated to include a gathering area and speaker's forum. In 1989, Gunster was renovated, as one of its rooms named the Archives was modernized. In the Archives, seating was added for an additional 75 to 125 people, an 800-square-foot dance with a disc jockey booth was created, and a retractable video screen was installed. The snack bar was also expanded, offering a wider variety of food choices. Because the bookstore was moved to Hyland Hall from Gunster Memorial Student Center, they also expanded the third floor cafeteria. A summer 1993 expansion of Gunster by architects Leung, Hemmler, and Camayd created a 19,000 sq. ft. addition for dining services, increasing the seating capacity from 630 to 1,000. The addition included a new food court located on the third floor and created more space for food preparation as well as student activities and organizations. In summer 2004, the staircase and brick patio outside of Gunster Student Center were replaced due to safety concerns, and the second floor dining room was renovated. By 2001, with the realization that Gunster could not be effectively renovated any further and was unable to adequately meet the needs of the university student body which had grown dramatically since its completion in 1960, the university initiated plans for a new student center, which culminated in the construction of the DeNaples Center in 2008. Upon the completion and opening of the DeNaples Center, the Gunster Memorial Student Center was demolished. In its place, the university created the Dionne Green, a 25,000-square-foot green space roughly the size of a football field featuring a 3,600 sq ft outdoor amphitheater, located directly in front of the DeNaples Center. Hill House. Donated in 1984 to the university by an anonymous faculty member, the Hill House was located on the corner of North Webster and Linden Street. It was used as a faculty residence, a guest house, and a facility for meetings and social gatherings. Hill House was named for Rev. William B. Hill, S.J., who in 1984 was marking his 15th year of service to the University of Scranton, having served as having served as an English professor, the academic vice president from 1975 until 1978, the chair of the English department from 1973 until 1975, special assistant to the president from 1987 until 2002, the chaplain of the board of trustees, and the chaplain of the Pro Deo et Universitate Society. Hill House was razed in the summer of 2007 to make way for Condron Hall. Hopkins House. In 1985, the University of Scranton acquired the Hopkins House, located at 1119 Linden Street. It originally served as the home for the university's student publication offices, which included the Aquinas student newspaper, the Windhover yearbook, and the literary magazine Esprit. The House was named in honor of Gerard Manley Hopkins, a leading English poet, convert to Catholicism, and Jesuit priest. In 1988, because of a shortage of available on-campus beds, the university converted Hopkins House into a student residence. The housing crunch resulted from the city's crackdown on illegal rooming houses, as well as concerns about security and the conditions of off-campus houses, which all lead to an increasing demand for on-campus housing. In 1990, the university converted the Hopkins House into the Service House, a themed house meant to bring together students, faculty, and staff with an interest in community service to act as a catalyst to expand the university's involvement in volunteer work through getting as many people involved as possible and coordinating the volunteer activities of the other student residences. Before it was acquired by the university, Hopkins House was the home of Terry Connors, the university photographer for over four decades. In 2007, Hopkins House was demolished in order to make room for the construction of Condron Hall, a sophomore residence hall. Jerrett House. Acquired by the university in 1977, the Jerrett House, a converted apartment building, was the first campus house dedicated to study and reserved for women students. Opened in 1978, it housed approximately 20 students. In 1980, Jerrett House made history as the first co-ed student residence on campus, when male students moved into the first floor apartments in order to increases protection around the female residences on Madison Avenue. Jerrett was retired as a student residence in Fall 2008 due to the construction of Condron Hall, as it had become dilapidated over the years. Lackawanna House. In 1973, the university acquired Lackawanna House, named after Lackawanna County, Pennsylvania, as part of an effort to accommodate the growing number of residential students. The building cost $32,500 and required several thousand dollars of renovation to be converted into a residence for 25 students. It also housed offices for the Aquinas and the Hill Neighborhood Association. After the completion of Redington Hall, a large dormitory on campus with a capacity of approximately 240 students, in 1985 the university closed Lackawanna House because of its dilapidated condition and sold it. Lancaster House. Acquired in 1973 by the university, Lancaster House was a house located on Clay Avenue and converted to a student residence as part of an effort to accommodate the growing number of residential students. Named for Lancaster County, Pennsylvania, it housed upperclassmen. In the 1980s, Lancaster House was demolished to make room for Gavigan Hall, a four-story residence hall that houses approximately 240 students in four-person suites. LaSalle Hall. In 1908, construction was completed on the three-story residence for the Christian Brothers, which would later be named La Salle Hall, adjacent to Old Main, St. Thomas College's main academic building. It was constructed on a site that had been purchased by the Diocese of Scranton in 1888. In 1942, the incoming Jesuits dedicated the building as La Salle Hall as a tribute to the departing Christian Brothers. Because the building was too small to house the large Jesuit community, who chose instead to live in the Scranton Estate, which had been donated by Worthington Scranton in 1941, the Jesuits renovated the building. The first floor housed the office of the University President, the second floor contained a small chapel for daily mass and devotions, and the third floor was converted into offices for the Jesuit faculty. The chapel was dedicated to the Sacred Heart of Jesus and featured a large painting of the apparition of the Lord to St. Margaret Mary from the cloister of the Georgetown Visitation Convent. After the end of World War II, enrollment at the university exploded as veterans went back to college. In order to accommodate these larger numbers, the university acquired three former Navy barracks in 1947 which they constructed on the 900 block of Linden Street, part of the former Scranton Estate in the lower Hill section, as the university was unable to expand any further on Wyoming Avenue. Over the next fifteen years, the university embarked on an ambitious building project to move its entire campus to the Scranton Estate. Thus, in 1962, after the completion of St. Thomas Hall, the university no longer needed to use Old Main or La Salle Hall and they were vacated. In 1964, the University of Scranton donated La Salle Hall to the city of Scranton as a contribution to the Central City Redevelopment Project. The property was worth approximately $360,000 at the time. In 1970, the building was converted into Cathedral Convent for the Sisters of the Immaculate Heart of Mary, who staffed Bishop Hannan High School across the street. Leahy Hall - The YWCA. Leahy Hall was originally the home of the Scranton Chapter of the Young Women's Christian Association (YWCA). The building was constructed in 1907 in the Colonial Revival style. The three-story, red brick building, designed by Scranton architect Edward Langley, featured offices, lounges, meeting rooms, a gymnasium, and a cafeteria. The YWCA held classes in physical culture, sewing, music and singing, arithmetic, grammar, Bible study, cooking, and English. It also created a debate club, served lunch to the public in its cafeteria, and became a meeting spot for local women's civic organizations. In 1927, the Platt-Woolworth building was constructed as an addition to meet the growing needs of the YWCA. Funded by Frederick J. Platt and C. S. Woolworth, the new wing to the YWCA headquarters provided housing for 100 women, as well as kitchens, laundry facilities, an auditorium, and a basement swimming pool. As the University of Scranton expanded and began to accept women students, its women students also benefited from the YWCA's services and programs. Several women resided at the YWCA while studying at the university, including international students. Over time, however, the YWCA found it increasingly difficult to maintain the property. In 1976, the University of Scranton purchased the YWCA building for $500,000. The University of Scranton initially named the building Jefferson Hall. After the YWCA vacated the building in June 1978, moving to a new location on Stafford Avenue, significant renovations converted the structure into an off-campus residence for 91 students. The building also contained a gym for recreational athletic activities, conference rooms, a dark room, and offices for student organizations, including the Aquinas, Windhover, Hanley College Council, Debate Club, Esprit, T.V. and radio stations. A student lounge and snack bar were added in February 1979, although they were removed during later renovations in September 1984. In November 1983, the gym was transformed into a facility for the Physical Therapy department, housing three laboratories, a dark room, classrooms, and faculty offices. In 1995, The university renamed Jefferson Hall as Edward R. Leahy, Jr., Hall in gratitude to the Leahy family for their endowment of health care education at Scranton. The son of Edward and Patricia Leahy, Edward R. Leahy, Jr., was born in 1984 with cerebral palsy and several related disabilities. He died shortly before his ninth birthday in 1993. Until the fall of 2013, Leahy Hall housed facilities, offices, classrooms, and laboratories for the departments of Physical Therapy and Occupational Therapy. Demolition of Leahy Hall began September 16, 2013, and revealed a time capsule, which held a 1907 almanac and a wealth of YWCA papers, pamphlets, and clippings dating back to the 1890s. Construction was completed on the new Edward R. Leahy, Jr. Hall in 2015 and it opened for use for the Fall 2015 semester. Loyola Hall of Science. Loyola Hall was constructed in 1956, as part of a major campus expansion. Built at a cost of $1,205,000, the reinforced concrete structure featured a porcelain enameled steel "skin" brickwork as well as aluminum mullions along its exterior. At the time of its opening, the ground floor was dedicated to engineering, the first floor to physics, the second floor to biology, and the third floor to chemistry. The penthouse housed the university's radio station (WUSV) and its equipment, including a steel radio tower, which was subsequently dismantled in 1974. When the building was first constructed, its ultra modern design, technologically advanced features, and ability to house all of the science departments in one building made it a vital part of the University of Scranton's campus. Before the construction of Loyola Hall, engineering students had been forced to go elsewhere for the final two years of their education because the university lacked the proper equipment to teach them. As part of the "Second Cornerstone" campaign, a fifteen million dollar expansion and improvement project, the university extensively renovated Loyola Hall in 1987. In the $2,750,000 expansion of Loyola Hall, the existing building was remodeled and an expansion towards Monroe Avenue was added, in order to accommodate the growing student body and the expanding science programs. An additional floor and a twenty-foot extension of Loyola's east wall expanded the floor space of the facility by more than 14,000 feet. The new space provided room for additional chemistry laboratories, classrooms, research areas, and computer facilities for faculty and students. With the construction of the Loyola Science Center in 2011, Loyola Hall was functionally superseded. The science departments, classrooms, and laboratories formerly housed in Loyola Hall were moved to the more modern, more technologically advanced, more energy-efficient, and safer The Loyola Science Center. Before being demolished, it served as "swing space," or a housing site for classes or offices whose buildings are undergoing renovations. The building provided housing for the Panuska College of Professional Studies Academic Advising Center and the departments of Physical Therapy and Occupational Therapy, all displaced by the demolition of Leahy Hall and the construction of the new Center for Rehabilitation Education. In the summer of 2016, Loyola Hall was demolished. Luzerne House. In 1978, the university acquired Luzerne House, located at 308 Clay Avenue, for $60,000. It was then converted into a residency for women students with a capacity of 32 occupants. Luzerne House, named for Luzerne County in Pennsylvania, was demolished in 2010 as part of the University of Scranton's restoration project on Clay Avenue. The site now features green space and a graded sidewalk. Mercer House. Acquired in 1974 by the university, Mercer House was converted to a student residence as part of an effort to accommodate the growing number of residential students. Named for Mercer County, Pennsylvania, it housed upperclassmen. In the 1990s, the university stopped using Mercer House as a residence for students after the completion of several larger on-campus residence halls. Montgomery House. Acquired in 1974 by the university, Montgomery House, named for Montgomery County in Pennsylvania, was converted to a student residence as part of an effort to accommodate the growing number of residential students. Montgomery House was retired as a student residence in Fall 2008 following the construction of Condron Hall. Old Main. Old Main, also known as College Hall, was the first building constructed for St. Thomas College and served as the center of the school's campus for many years. In 1883, Bishop O'Hara purchased the Wyoming Avenue property near St. Peter's Cathedral from William H. Pier. On August 12, 1888, he blessed and placed a cornerstone as the foundation for St. Thomas College. The laying of the cornerstone was a city-wide celebration, featuring a parade, musical performances by the Cathedral choir and a local orchestra, and a sermon by Bishop O’Hara, attracting residents from the city of Scranton as well as the surrounding area, as far as Wilkes-Barre and Carbondale. The cornerstone held a copper box, in which were placed six newspapers from the day of the dedication and seven silver coins. After four years of intense fundraising, the construction of Old Main was completed. The three-story red brick building, located on Wyoming Avenue next to St. Peter's Cathedral and the Bishop's residence, had three floors and a basement. Originally, there were eight classrooms on the first and second floors, the third floor was an auditorium/gymnasium, and the basement held a chapel dedicated to St. Aloysius. In September 1892, the college opened for classes. By the 1920s, Old Main could no longer fully accommodate the growing institution and underwent a number of renovations. In 1926, the college's first library was established after part of the gymnasium on the third floor of Old Main was converted. Originally, the library's collection consisted of 300 books that Bishop Hoban had donated from his personal collection. Over the next ten years, the college continued to make changes to Old Main to meet the needs of the expanding student population. The library's collections continued to grow, its existing laboratories were modernized, and the building was repainted and repaired. The gymnasium on the third floor was converted into three laboratories, a lecture hall, and faculty offices. Without a gym on campus, physical education classes moved to the Knights of Columbus gym on North Washington & Olive Streets, and basketball practice moved to Watres Armory. Additional renovations in 1949 transformed the basement of Old Main into a student lounge. Known as Anthracite Hall, it contained a snack bar and could be converted into an auditorium/ballroom with a seating capacity of 600. The library was also expanded to occupy the entire third floor of Old Main, as classrooms and laboratories moved into the Navy barracks, which had been acquired by the university in 1947. In 1941, Worthington Scranton donated his home and adjoining estate, located on Linden Street in the lower Hill section about seven blocks away from Old Main on Wyoming Avenue, to the University of Scranton. As the school continued to grow, additional buildings were acquired and constructed on the former Scranton Estate, as there was no room for expansion on Wyoming Avenue. Gradually, all operations moved from Old Main to the new campus. The arts and sciences, business, and engineering divisions were moved from Old Main to the naval barracks when they were purchased in 1947. During the 1950s, the university embarked on an ambitious $5,000,000 campus expansion plan, building Loyola Science Hall, Alumni Memorial Library, Gunster Memorial Student Center, and St. Thomas Hall, which allowed the school to vacate its Wyoming Avenue properties, including Old Main in 1962. During the dedication ceremony for the new classroom building, the original cornerstone from Old Main transferred to the front corner of St. Thomas Hall. Seventy four years after Old Main's blessing in 1888, the University of Scranton transferred its cornerstone to the new campus, linking the university with its past and providing continuity from both the university's former name, St. Thomas College, and its old campus. After the university vacated Old Main, it was used by Scranton Preparatory School for two years after its previous home, the former Thomson Hospital, was purchased and demolished by the Scranton Redevelopment Authority as part of an effort to widen Mulberry Street. In 1964, Scranton Prep moved to its permanent location, the former Women's Institute Building of the International Correspondence Schools, at 1000 Wyoming Avenue. After Scranton Prep moved locations, the University of Scranton transferred the title of the building back to St. Peter's Cathedral parish. In 1968, Old Main was demolished. Currently, the land serves as the Cathedral Prayer Garden. Somerset House. Acquired in 1974 by the university, Somerset House was converted to a student residence as part of an effort to accommodate the growing number of residential students. Originally housing male students, it was converted to a female residence in 1980 and later became coed. Named for Somerset County in Pennsylvania, Somerset House was razed in the 1990s to make way for Brennan Hall. Thomson Hospital. Constructed in 1895, Thomson Hall was originally the private hospital of Dr. Charles E. Thomson. When it was first built, the structure was four stories tall, but a later expansion added two additional stories for a total of 24,000 square feet. In 1941, Bishop Hafey purchased the hospital, which had by then ceased operation, for $60,000 for use by the University of Scranton. Called the Annex, the building was not used by the Christian Brothers before they relinquished control of the university to the Society of Jesus. When the Jesuits arrived at Scranton, renovations were made to the building, including the creation of additional classrooms, faculty offices, and living quarters for out-of-town students and aviation cadets training at the university. It opened in 1942, after the Jesuits took ownership of the University of Scranton. However, two days before Christmas in December 1943, the Annex was severely damaged by a fire. Since the university was in recess for the Christmas holiday, no one was in the building to be injured, although a firefighter died later that night of a heart attack, believed to have been brought on by exhaustion and smoke inhalation. The upper two floors of the Annex were gutted and subsequently eliminated, before the rest of the building was repaired. The sharp decline in enrollment caused by World War II had reduced the university's space requirements, so when the Annex was repaired, it was decided that the University of Scranton did not need the building. Instead, the Jesuits decided to open a high school housed in the Annex. Since the Jesuits had arrived in Scranton, the Scranton diocese and the Catholic community had requested they establish a college preparatory school. The availability of a reconstructed Annex made such a step possible. Thus, the Scranton Preparatory School was born in 1944. In 1961, Scranton Prep moved from the Annex to the recently vacated Old Main because the Annex had been purchased by the Scranton Redevelopment Authority. It was demolished later that year in order to widen Mulberry Street. Throop House. Throop House was originally the private home of Dr. Benjamin H. Throop, a pioneer Scranton physician. It was constructed in 1880, and owned by Dr. Throop until his death in 1897. The structure, located between the Thomson Hospital and LaSalle Hall, was owned by the Throop Estate until 1922, when it was purchased by the Diocese of Scranton in order to accommodate the growing student body of St. Thomas College and provide additional classroom space. The two-story barn behind the Throop House, later called C Building, was converted into a chemistry laboratory. During the 1920s and 1930s, the Throop House mainly held freshman classes but also served as a meeting space for the local Scranton Catholic Club and classrooms for the high school division of St. Thomas. Though its former barn was used by the university until 1956, Throop House was demolished in January 1943, because it was considered a fire hazard. Wyoming House. Acquired by the university in 1982 for $115,000 to be used as a student residence, Wyoming House was constructed in 1901 and originally known as Jefferson Towne House. The three-floor, Colonial Revival-style Towne House had been used over the years as a medical office, a music conservatory, a funeral parlor, and a catering business. In 2000, Wyoming House was demolished to make room for the construction of Mulberry Plaza.

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=49663618

The fluffy sculpin ("Oligocottus snyderi") or Lizard Fish is a fish species in the sculpin family Cottidae. It inhabits the coastal northwestern Pacific Ocean, ranging from Sitka, Alaska to Baja California (Mexico). Individuals reach up to in length, and are commonly found in tidepools, often associated with algae. Description. The fluffy sculpin grows to a length of about . The dorsal fin has 7 to 9 spines and 17 to 20 soft rays, and the anal fin has no spines but 12 to 15 soft rays. In the male, the first anal ray is enlarged and the first three rays are separated from the others. The body is smooth and lacks scales. There is a short spine on the snout with a cirrus beside it, and tufts of cirri on the top of the head, along the lateral line and at the base of the dorsal fin. The colour of this fish is variable, being anything from green to pink or reddish-brown. Distribution and habitat. The fluffy sculpin is native to the western coast of North America, its range extending from Sitka, Alaska to Baja California. It is found on rocky coasts, being present from the mid littoral zone to the shallow subtidal zone. When the tide is out, it occupies rock pools on the lower shore. When the tide comes in, it forages over a wider area. The fluffy sculpin occupies much the same range as the tidepool sculpin ("Oligocottus maculosus") but the two do not seem to be in direct competition for resources as the fluffy sculpin chooses pools further down the beach where the water remains cooler. Both species can return to their home pool if displaced to a nearby locality outside their immediate home range. Ecology. The fluffy sculpin is a predator, the diet consisting mainly of amphipods and polychaete worms. Larger individuals also feed on small shrimps and crabs. Spawning takes place in winter and spring. The male's first anal ray is prehensile and is used as a clasper to hold onto the female. Fertilisation is internal, with clusters of eggs being laid on rocks and guarded by the male. The larvae are planktonic in the open sea and metamorphosis into juvenile fish probably occurs at times when the upwelling of nutrient-rich water occurs along this coastline. If conditions deteriorate in the pool inhabited by the fluffy sculpin when the tide is out, it is able to leave the water and breathe air. It is less tolerant of adverse conditions than the tidepool sculpin.

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=55491796

The 1990 Big Ten Conference football season was the 95th season of college football played by the member schools of the Big Ten Conference and was a part of the 1990 NCAA Division I-A football season. The Iowa Hawkeyes won a four-way tie for the Big Ten Conference championship by defeating the three other teams atop the conference standings – Michigan, Michigan State, and Illinois – in their respective head-to-head matchups. The Hawkeyes earned their third trip to Pasadena in ten seasons, but lost 46-34 to Washington in the 1991 Rose Bowl. Michigan defeated Ole Miss 35-3 in the Gator Bowl to finish 9-3 on the season. The #7 Wolverines were the highest ranked Big Ten team in the final AP poll. Joining Michigan in the final rankings were the other conference co-champions – #16 Michigan State, #18 Iowa, and #25 Illinois. Iowa running back Nick Bell received the Chicago Tribune Silver Football trophy as the conference's most valuable player. Michigan defensive back Tripp Welborne and Illinois defensive lineman Moe Gardner were consensus first-team All-Americans for the second straight season. Season overview. Results and team statistics. Key<br> AP final = Team's rank in the final AP Poll of the 1990 season<br> AP high = Team's highest rank in the AP Poll throughout the 1990 season<br> PPG = Average of points scored per game; conference leader's average displayed in bold<br> PAG = Average of points allowed per game; conference leader's average displayed in bold<br> MVP = Most valuable player as voted by players on each team as part of the voting process to determine the winner of the "Chicago Tribune" Silver Football trophy; trophy winner in bold Bowl games. Six Big Ten teams played in bowl games: Statistical leaders. The Big Ten's individual statistical leaders include the following: Passing yards. 1. Jason Verduzco, Illinois (2,567)<br> 2. Eric Hunter, Purdue (2,355)<br> 3. Matt Rodgers, Iowa (2,228)<br> 4. Greg Frey, Ohio State (2,062)<br> 5. Elvis Grbac, Michigan (1,911) Rushing yards. 1. Tico Duckett, Michigan State (1,394)<br> 2. Jon Vaughn, Michigan (1,364)<br> 3. Vaughn Dunbar, Indiana (1,224)<br> 4. Hyland Hickson, Michigan State (1,196)<br> 5. Robert Smith, Ohio State (1,126) Receiving yards. 1. Desmond Howard, Michigan (1,025)<br> 2. Shawn Wax, Illinois (863)<br> 3. Richard Buchanan, Northwestern (834)<br> 4. Jeff Graham, Ohio State (763)<br> 5. Rob Turner, Indiana (717) Total offense. 1. Jason Verduzco, Illinois (2,384)<br> 2. Eric Hunter, Purdue (2,355)<br> 3. Matt Rodgers, Iowa (2,292)<br> 4. Greg Frey, Ohio State (1,965)<br> 5. Elvis Grbac, Michigan (1,928) Passing efficiency rating. 1. Elvis Grbac, Michigan (137.2)<br> 2. Jason Verduzco, Illinois (132.5)<br> 3. Matt Rodgers, Iowa (130.2)<br> 4. Dan Enos, Michigan State (122.3)<br> 5. Greg Frey, Ohio State (120.7) Rushing yards per attempt. 1. Robert Smith, Ohio State (6.4)<br> 2. Jon Vaughn, Michigan (6.3)<br> 3. Nick Bell, Iowa (6.1)<br> 4. Howard Griffith, Illinois (5.5)<br> 5. Tico Duckett, Michigan State (5.4) Yards per reception. 1. Rob Turner, Indiana (21.7)<br> 2. Tim Ware, Wisconsin (19.7)<br> 3. Jeff Graham, Ohio State (19.1)<br> 4. Desmond Howard, Michigan (16.3)<br> 5. James Bradley, Michigan State (16.2) Points scored. 1. J.D. Carlson, Michigan (95)<br> 2. Howard Griffith, Illinois (90)<br> 2. Hyland Hickson, Michigan State (90)<br> 4. Nick Bell, Iowa (84)<br> 5. Jeff Skillett, Iowa (83) Awards and honors. All-conference players. The following players were picked by the Associated Press (AP) and/or the United Press International (UPI) as first-team players on the 1990 All-Big Ten Conference football team. Offense Defense Special Teams All-Americans. At the end of the season, two Big Ten players were consensus first-team picks for the 1990 College Football All-America Team. The Big Ten's consensus All-Americans were: Other awards. Hayden Fry of Iowa received his second Big Ten Coach of the Year award. 1991 NFL Draft. The 1991 NFL Draft was held April 21-22, 1991. The following Big Ten players were selected in the first round of the draft:<br>

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=28633177

Crookhaven Heads Light is an active lighthouse located at Crookhaven Heads, a headland on the south side of the entrance to the Shoalhaven River, north of Culburra Beach, New South Wales, Australia. Together with a movable light flashing yellow every 2s it serves as a range light into the channel. The lighthouse is in a severely deteriorated condition, and considered by some the most endangered lighthouse in New South Wales, suffering from repeated vandalization. History. The first light on the vicinity was a red lantern made from a ship's masthead supported on two poles, present at the river entrance since 1872. The station was established with a timber tower in 1882, as part of the Shoalhaven Signal Station west of the current lighthouse, with Thomas Bishop as the first operator. The apparatus had been a brass lantern. The current lighthouse was commissioned in 1904 and the old wooden lighthouse was immediately demolished. The lantern used was the one from the former Cape St George Lighthouse which was replaced by Point Perpendicular Light in 1899. The name of the station was then changed to Crookhaven Heads. The power source was changed to solar power in the late 20th century. State today. The lighthouse is currently in a severely deteriorated condition due to vandalism. The doors have been broken and removed, the windows and lantern room glass have been smashed and trash has been dumped inside. Vandalism is encouraged by its isolation and aggravated by the fact that the reserve is overgrown, making it impossible to see from the nearby Culburra Beach village. The lighthouse was restored in the 1990s with wire mesh surrounding the lantern room, but no ongoing plan or presence was set. It was quickly vandalized again, and every piece of glass in the lantern was broken despite the protective mesh. One step subsequently undertaken was to strip away the thicket so it would be more visible, but without a permanent solution that protects the site, the authorities were reluctant to provide further funds. In 2008 NSW Maritime reported spending $25,600 AUD installing a separate light high atop the tower to protect it from vandalism. In July 2010, funds of $100,000 AUD were allocated for restoration of the lighthouse by the NSW Minister for Lands Tony Kelly. The next step was to be a scoping study to determine the extent of work required, which was to begin in the middle of July, with restoration work to start by the end of August. Discussions were held between the Shoalhaven City Council and the state MP for South Coast, Shelley Hancock on 2013-09-23. In April 2015 the lantern is completely missing. Structure. The tower is made from bricks and attached to a one-story service building. Both are painted white, though the colour is deteriorating. Site operation. The light is managed by NSW Maritime while the land is owned and managed by the Land and Property Management Authority. Visiting. The lighthouse is accessible by a short hike through the bush from the parking area at the north end of Prince Edward Avenue in Culburra Beach. There are two tracks up to the lighthouse, one via a short boardwalk and the other to the left (west) via the beach. The grounds are open, but the tower is closed.

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=20362569

Bahram Akasheh (born 1936) is an Iranian geophysicist and seismologist and Professor of Geophysics at University of Tehran. He is considered one of Iran's leading experts on earthquakes and seismic activity. Dr. Akasheh has done much work in Iran to encourage scientific research and study into earthquakes and possible mitigation measures as a response. He is a strong advocate of urban development which is coordinated with the tight regulations imposed in the 1989 seismic code in Iran by the International Institute of Earthquake Engineering and Seismology. He has also expressed a disagreement and disapproval with the notion in Iran that natural disasters are God given and has stressed the importance of science and technology and the extent to which the effects of a potential disaster can be curbed. According to Akasheh, "Earthquake education is very poor in Iran. Most people think that whatever God wills, will happen. This is absolutely wrong. This thinking is poisonous". Akasheh has been one of the foremost proponents for moving the Iranian capital of Tehran to Isfahan because of a distinct threat from a devastating earthquake. According to Akasheh's calculations, there is a 90 percent chance of a 6.0-magnitude quake hitting the capital and a 50 percent chance of 7.5-magnitude earthquake. The vast majority of buildings in Tehran are located on the convergence of some 100 known fault lines which in its present architectural form are incapable of withstanding even a moderate earthquake. A hypothesis presented by Akasheh indicates that a 6.8 quake in Tehran would kill more than 700,000 people. According to Akasheh, "Tehran must be rebuilt; if not it should be moved. Either we have to put up with millions of dead, millions of injured, or we need to move the capital somewhere else and take steps to decrease the population here and make Tehran more resistant to earthquakes." Following the serious damage caused by the 2003 Bam earthquake, Akasheh wrote to the President of Iran, Mohammed Khatami, in 2004 requesting a move of the capital to Isfahan which had been the nation's main centre during the Persian Empire. He is dean of Engineering faculty of Islamic Azad University North Tehran Branch. He also has been head of geophysics department of this university since 1994.

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=326469

The Didache (; ), also known as The Lord's Teaching Through the Twelve Apostles to the Nations (Διδαχὴ Κυρίου διὰ τῶν δώδεκα ἀποστόλων τοῖς ἔθνεσιν), is a brief anonymous early Christian treatise written in Koine Greek, dated by modern scholars to the first or (less commonly) second century. The first line of this treatise is "The teaching of the Lord to the Gentiles (or Nations) by the twelve apostles". The text, parts of which constitute the oldest extant written catechism, has three main sections dealing with Christian ethics, rituals such as baptism and Eucharist, and Church organization. The opening chapters describe the virtuous Way of Life and the wicked Way of Death. The Lord's Prayer is included in full. Baptism is by immersion, or by affusion if immersion is not practical. Fasting is ordered for Wednesdays and Fridays. Two primitive Eucharistic prayers are given. Church organization was at an early stage of development. Itinerant apostles and prophets are important, serving as "chief priests" and possibly celebrating the Eucharist. Meanwhile, local bishops and deacons also have authority and seem to be taking the place of the itinerant ministry. The "Didache" is considered the first example of the "genre" of Church Orders. The "Didache" reveals how Jewish Christians saw themselves and how they adapted their practice for Gentile Christians. The "Didache" is similar in several ways to the Gospel of Matthew, perhaps because both texts originated in similar communities. The opening chapters, which also appear in other early Christian texts, are likely derived from an earlier Jewish source. The "Didache" is considered part of the group of second-generation Christian writings known as the Apostolic Fathers. The work was considered by some Church Fathers to be a part of the New Testament, while being rejected by others as spurious or non-canonical, In the end, it was not accepted into the New Testament canon. However, the Ethiopian Orthodox Church "broader canon" includes the Didascalia, a work which draws on the "Didache". Lost for centuries, a Greek manuscript of the "Didache" was rediscovered in 1873 by Philotheos Bryennios, Metropolitan of Nicomedia, in the Codex Hierosolymitanus. A Latin version of the first five chapters was discovered in 1900 by J. Schlecht. Date, composition and modern translations. Many English and American scholars once dated the text to the late 2nd century AD, a view still held by some today, but most scholars now assign the Didache to the first century. The document is a composite work, and the discovery of the Dead Sea Scrolls, with its Manual of Discipline, has provided evidence of development over a considerable period of time, beginning as a Jewish catechetical work which was then developed into a church manual. Two uncial fragments containing Greek text of the "Didache" (verses 1:3c–4a; 2:7–3:2) were found among the Oxyrhynchus Papyri (no. 1782) and are now in the collection of the Sackler Library in Oxford. Apart from these fragments, the Greek text of the "Didache" has only survived in a single manuscript, the Codex Hierosolymitanus. Dating the document is thus made difficult both by the lack of hard evidence and its composite character. The "Didache" may have been compiled in its present form as late as 150, although a date closer to the end of the first century seems more probable to many. The teaching is anonymous, a pastoral manual which Aaron Milavec states "reveals more about how Jewish-Christians saw themselves and how they adapted their Judaism for gentiles than any other book in the Christian Scriptures". The "Two Ways" section is likely based on an earlier Jewish source. The community that produced the Didache could have been based in Syria, as it addressed the Gentiles but from a Judaic perspective, at some remove from Jerusalem, and shows no evidence of Pauline influence. Alan Garrow claims that its earliest layer may have originated in the decree issued by the Apostolic council of AD 49–50, that is by the Jerusalem assembly under James the Just. The text was lost, but scholars knew of it through the writing of later church fathers, some of whom had drawn heavily on it. In 1873 in Istanbul, metropolitan Philotheos Bryennios found a Greek copy of the Didache, written in 1056, and he published it in 1883. Hitchcock and Brown produced the first English translation in March 1884. Adolf von Harnack produced the first German translation in 1884, and Paul Sabatier produced the first French translation and commentary in 1885. Early references. The "Didache" is mentioned by Eusebius (c. 324) as the "Teachings of the Apostles" along with other books he considered non-canonical: Let there be placed among the spurious works the "Acts of Paul", the so-called "Shepherd" and the "Apocalypse of Peter", and besides these the "Epistle of Barnabas", and what are called the "Teachings of the Apostles", and also the "Apocalypse of John", if this be thought proper; for as I wrote before, some reject it, and others place it in the canon. Athanasius (367) and Rufinus (c. 380) list the "Didache" among apocrypha. (Rufinus gives the curious alternative title "Judicium Petri", "Judgment of Peter".) It is rejected by Nicephorus (c. 810), Pseudo-Anastasius, and Pseudo-Athanasius in "Synopsis" and the 60 Books canon. It is accepted by the Apostolic Constitutions Canon 85, John of Damascus and the Ethiopian Orthodox Church. The "Adversus Aleatores" by an imitator of Cyprian quotes it by name. Unacknowledged citations are very common, if less certain. The section "Two Ways" shares the same language with the "Epistle of Barnabas", chapters 18–20, sometimes word for word, sometimes added to, dislocated, or abridged, and Barnabas iv, 9 either derives from "Didache", 16, 2–3, or vice versa. There can also be seen many similarities to the Epistles of both "Polycarp" and "Ignatius of Antioch". The "Shepherd of Hermas" seems to reflect it, and Irenaeus, Clement of Alexandria, and Origen of Alexandria also seem to use the work, and so in the West do Optatus and the "Gesta apud Zenophilum." The "Didascalia Apostolorum" are founded upon the "Didache". The Apostolic Church-Ordinances has used a part, the Apostolic Constitutions have embodied the "Didascalia". There are echoes in Justin Martyr, Tatian, Theophilus of Antioch, Cyprian, and Lactantius. Contents. The "Didache" is a relatively short text with only some 2,300 words. The contents may be divided into four parts, which most scholars agree were combined from separate sources by a later redactor: the first is the "Two Ways", the Way of Life and the Way of Death (chapters 1–6); the second part is a ritual dealing with baptism, fasting, and Communion (chapters 7–10); the third speaks of the ministry and how to treat apostles, prophets, bishops, and deacons (chapters 11–15); and the final section (chapter 16) is a prophecy of the Antichrist and the Second Coming. Title. The manuscript is commonly referred to as the "Didache". This is short for the header found on the document and the title used by the Church Fathers, "The Lord's Teaching of the Twelve Apostles" which Jerome said was the same as the Gospel according to the Hebrews. A fuller title or subtitle is also found next in the manuscript, "The Teaching of the Lord to the Gentiles by the Twelve Apostles". Description. Willy Rordorf considered the first five chapters as "essentially Jewish, but the Christian community was able to use it" by adding the "evangelical section". "Lord" in the "Didache" is reserved usually for "Lord God", while Jesus is called "the servant" of the Father (9:2"f". ; 10:2"f".). Baptism was practiced "in the name of the Father and of the Son and of the Holy Spirit." Scholars generally agree that 9:5, which speaks of baptism "in the name of the Lord," represents an earlier tradition that was gradually replaced by a trinity of names." A similarity with Acts 3 is noted by Aaron Milavec: both see Jesus as "the servant (pais) of God". The community is presented as "awaiting the kingdom from the Father as entirely a future event". "The Two Ways". The first section (Chapters 1–6) begins: "There are two ways, one of life and one of death, and there is a great difference between these two ways." Apostolic Fathers, 2nd ed., Lightfoot-Harmer-Holmes, 1992, notes: The closest parallels in the use of the Two Ways doctrine are found among the Essene Jews at the Dead Sea Scrolls community. The Qumran community included a Two Ways teaching in its founding Charter, The Community Rule. Throughout the Two Ways there are many Old Testament quotes shared with the Gospels, and many theological similarities, but Jesus is never mentioned by name. The first chapter opens with the Shema ("you shall love God"), the Great Commandment ("your neighbor as yourself"), and the Golden Rule in the negative form. Then come short extracts in common with the Sermon on the Mount, together with a curious passage on giving and receiving, which is also cited with variations in "Shepherd of Hermas" (Mand., ii, 4–6). The Latin omits 1:3–6 and 2:1, and these sections have no parallel in Epistle of Barnabas; therefore, they may be a later addition, suggesting Hermas and the present text of the "Didache" may have used a common source, or one may have relied on the other. Chapter 2 contains the commandments against murder, adultery, corrupting boys, sexual promiscuity, theft, magic, sorcery, abortion, infanticide, coveting, perjury, false testimony, speaking evil, holding grudges, being double-minded, not acting as you speak, greed, avarice, hypocrisy, maliciousness, arrogance, plotting evil against neighbors, hate, narcissism and expansions on these generally, with references to the words of Jesus. Chapter 3 attempts to explain how one vice leads to another: anger to murder, concupiscence to adultery, and so forth. The whole chapter is excluded in Barnabas. A number of precepts are added in chapter 4, which ends: "This is the Way of Life." Verse 13 states you must not forsake the Lord's commandments, neither adding nor subtracting (see also ,). The Way of Death (chapter 5) is a list of vices to be avoided. Chapter 6 exhorts to the keeping in the Way of this Teaching: The "Didache", like 1 Corinthians 10:21, does not give an absolute prohibition on eating meat which has been offered to idols, but merely advises to be careful. Comparable to the "Didache" is the "let him eat herbs" of Paul of Tarsus as a hyperbolical expression like : "I will never eat flesh, lest I should scandalize my brother", thus giving no support to the notion of vegetarianism in the Early Church. John Chapman in the "Catholic Encyclopedia" (1908) states that the "Didache" is referring to Jewish meats. The Latin version substitutes for chapter 6 a similar close, omitting all reference to meats and to "idolothyta", and concluding with "per Domini nostri Jesu Christi ... in saecula saeculorum, amen", "by our lord Jesus Christ ... for ever and ever, amen". This is the end of the translation. This suggests the translator lived at a day when idolatry had disappeared, and when the remainder of the "Didache" was out of date. He had no such reason for omitting chapter 1, 3–6, so that this was presumably not in his copy. Rituals. Baptism. The second part (chapters 7 to 10) begins with an instruction on baptism, the sacramental rite that admits someone into the Christian Church. Baptism is to be conferred "in the Name of the Father, and of the Son and of the Holy Spirit" with triple immersion in “living water” (that is, flowing water, probably in a stream). If that is not practical, in cold or even warm water is acceptable. If the water is insufficient for immersion, it may be poured three times on the head (affusion). The baptized and the baptizer, and, if possible, anyone else attending the ritual should fast for one or two days beforehand. The New Testament is rich in metaphors for baptism but offers few details about the practice itself, not even whether the candidates professed their faith in a formula. The "Didache" is the oldest extra-biblical source for information about baptism, but it, too lacks these details. The "Two Ways" section of the "Didache" is presumably the sort of ethical instruction that catechumens (students) received in preparation for baptism. Fasting. Chapter 8 suggests that fasts are not to be on the second day and on the fifth day "with the hypocrites", but on the fourth day and on the preparation day. Fasting Wednesday and Friday plus worshiping on the Lord's day constituted the Christian week. Nor must Christians pray with their Judaic brethren, instead they shall say the Lord's Prayer three times a day. The text of the prayer is not identical to the version in the Gospel of Matthew, and it is given with the doxology "for Yours is the power and the glory forever." This doxology derives from 1 Chronicles 29:11–13; Bruce M. Metzger held that the early church added it to the Lord's Prayer, creating the current Matthew reading. Daily prayer. The "Didache" provides one of the few clues historians have in reconstructing the daily prayer practice among Christians before the 300s. It instructs Christians to pray the "Our Father" three times a day but does not specify times to pray. Other early sources speak of two-fold, three-fold, and five-fold daily prayers. Eucharist. The "Didache" includes two primitive and unusual prayers for the Eucharist ("thanksgiving"), which is the central act of Christian worship. It is the earliest text to refer to this rite as the Eucharist. Chapter 9 begins: <poem>Now concerning the Eucharist, give thanks this way. First, concerning the cup: We thank thee, our Father, for the holy vine of David Thy servant, which Thou madest known to us through Jesus Thy Servant; to Thee be the glory for ever...</poem> And concerning the broken bread: <poem>We thank Thee, our Father, for the life and knowledge which Thou madest known to us through Jesus Thy Servant; to Thee be the glory for ever. Even as this broken bread was scattered over the hills, and was gathered together and became one, so let Thy Church be gathered together from the ends of the earth into Thy kingdom; for Thine is the glory and the power through Jesus Christ for ever. But let no one eat or drink of your Eucharist, unless they have been baptized into the name of the Lord; for concerning this also the Lord has said, "Give not that which is holy to the dogs." The "Didache" basically describes the same ritual as the one that took place in Corinth. As with Paul's First Letter to the Corinthians, the "Didache" confirms that the Lord's supper was literally a meal, probably taking place in a "house church." However, Paul quite strictly enjoins upon them the true eucharistic celebration as being not celebrated properly when thus approached, in the Bible. The order of cup and bread differs both from present-day Christian practice and from that in the New Testament accounts of the Last Supper, of which, again unlike almost all present-day Eucharistic celebrations, the "Didache" makes no mention. Scholars once traced the Eucharistic prayers back to Jesus' words at the Last Supper, but contemporary scholars emphasize Jewish and gentile sources instead. Chapter 10 gives a thanksgiving after a meal. The contents of the meal are not indicated: chapter 9 does not exclude other elements as well that the cup and bread, which are the only ones it mentions, and chapter 10, whether it was originally a separate document or continues immediately the account in chapter 9, mentions no particular elements, not even wine and bread. Instead it speaks of the "spiritual food and drink and life eternal through Thy Servant" that it distinguishes from the "food and drink (given) to men for enjoyment that they might give thanks to (God)". After a doxology, as before, come the apocalyptic exclamations: "Let grace come, and let this world pass away. Hosanna to the God (Son) of David! If any one is holy, let him come; if any one is not so, let him repent. Maranatha. Amen". The prayer is reminiscent of and . These prayers make no reference to the redemptive death of Christ, or remembrance, as formulated by Paul the Apostle in , see also Atonement in Christianity. "Didache" 10 doesn't even use the word "Christ," which appears only one other time in the whole tract. John Dominic Crossan endorses John W. Riggs' 1984 "The Second Century" article for the proposition that 'there are two quite separate eucharistic celebrations given in Didache 9–10, with the earlier one now put in second place." The section beginning at 10.1 is a reworking of the Jewish birkat ha-mazon, a three-strophe prayer at the conclusion of a meal, which includes a blessing of God for sustaining the universe, a blessing of God who gives the gifts of food, earth, and covenant, and a prayer for the restoration of Jerusalem; the content is "Christianized", but the form remains Jewish. It is similar to the Syrian Church eucharist rite of the Holy Qurbana of Addai and Mari, belonging to "a primordial era when the euchology of the Church had not yet inserted the Institution Narrative in the text of the Eucharistic Prayer." Church organization. The church organization reflected in the Didache seems to be underdeveloped. Itinerant apostles and prophets are of great importance, serving as "chief priests" and possibly celebrating the Eucharist. Development through the ages indicates that titles changed without understanding of the workings of the various roles by later editors in the belief that the roles were interchangeable-- indicating that prophetic knowledge was not operating actively during a season of "closed vision" (as in the time of Samuel), modernised titles not indicating prophetic knowledge. The text offers guidelines on how to differentiate a genuine prophet that deserves support from a false prophet who seeks to exploit the community's generosity. For example, a prophet who fails to act as he preaches is a false prophet (11:10). The local leadership consists of bishops and deacons, and they seem to be taking the place of the itinerant ministry. Christians are enjoined to gather on Sunday to break bread, but to confess their sins first as well as reconcile themselves with others if they have grievances (Chapter 14). Matthew and the "Didache". Significant similarities between the "Didache" and the Gospel of Matthew have been found as these writings share words, phrases, and motifs. There is also an increasing reluctance of modern scholars to support the thesis that the "Didache" used Matthew. This close relationship between these two writings might suggest that both documents were created in the same historical and geographical setting. One argument that suggests a common environment is that the community of both the "Didache" and the gospel of Matthew was probably composed of Jewish Christians from the beginning. Also, the Two Ways teaching (Did. 1–6) may have served as a pre-baptismal instruction within the community of the "Didache" and Matthew. Furthermore, the correspondence of the Trinitarian baptismal formula in the "Didache" and Matthew (Did. 7 and Matt 28:19) as well as the similar shape of the Lord's Prayer (Did. 8 and Matt 6:5–13) appear to reflect the use of similar oral traditions. Finally, both the community of the "Didache" (Did. 11–13) and Matthew (Matt 7:15–23; 10:5–15, 40–42; 24:11,24) were visited by itinerant apostles and prophets, some of whom were heterodox.

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=452494

A wheellock, wheel-lock or wheel lock is a friction-wheel mechanism which creates a spark that causes a firearm to fire. It was the next major development in firearms technology after the matchlock and the first self-igniting firearm. Its name is from its rotating steel wheel to provide ignition. Developed in Europe around 1500, it was used alongside the matchlock and was later superseded by the snaplock (1540s), the snaphance (1560s) and the flintlock (c. 1610s). Design. The wheellock works by spinning a spring-loaded steel wheel against a piece of pyrite to generate intense sparks, which ignite gunpowder in a pan, which flashes through a small touchhole to ignite the main charge in the firearm's barrel. The pyrite is clamped in vise jaws on a spring-loaded arm (or 'dog'), which rests on the pan cover. When the trigger is pulled, the pan cover is opened, and the wheel is rotated, with the pyrite pressed into contact. A close modern analogy of the wheellock mechanism is the operation of a Zippo Lighter, where a toothed steel wheel is spun in contact with a piece of sparking material to ignite the liquid or gaseous fuel. A wheellock firearm had the advantage that it can be instantly readied and fired even with one hand, in contrast to the then-common matchlock firearms, which must have a burning cord of slow match ready if the gun might be needed and demanded the operator's full attention and two hands to operate. On the other hand, wheellock mechanisms were complex to make, making them relatively costly. The "dog". The "dog" is a spring-loaded arm pivoted on the outside of the lock plate. A sparking material, usually a small piece of iron pyrite, is clamped and held by vise-like jaws at the swinging end of the arm. The dog has two possible positions to which it can be pivoted by hand: a "safe" position, in which the dog is pushed towards the muzzle of the firearm, and an "operating" position, where the dog is pulled towards the operator so that the pyrite in its jaws can engage either the top of the pan cover (see below), or (in the absence of the pan cover) the edge of a steel wheel bearing longitudinal grooves around its circumference. Flint is not suitable as a sparking material in the wheellock because it is too hard and would quickly wear away the wheel grooves. The wheel. The upper segment of the grooved wheel, made of hardened steel, projects through a slot cut to its precise dimensions in the base of the priming pan. The wheel is grooved on its outside circumference with three or more V-shaped grooves with transverse cuts at intervals to provide a friction surface for the iron pyrites. The wheel is fixed to a shaft, one end of which projects outside the lockplate. The outside projection is of square section to permit a spanner (wrench) to be engaged for subsequent tensioning of the lock. The other end of the shaft fits through a hole in the lockplate, and on this end is forged a cam, or eccentric. One end of a short, robust chain (made of three or four flat, parallel links like a short piece of bicycle chain) is fixed to the cam, while the other end of the chain is held in a groove at the end of the longer branch of a large heavy V-spring, which is generally retained by a screw and a headed bracket through upstands inside the lockplate. The pan. As in all muzzle-loading firearms (prior to the introduction of the percussion cap), the pan transmits the fire to the main charge of gunpowder inside the breech of the barrel, via a small hole (or "vent") in the side of the breech, that gives on to the pan. The priming pan of all wheellocks is provided with a sliding cover that has two purposes, the first of which is to contain the priming powder and afford it some protection from the elements (the second is examined below, under 'Operation'). The pan cover may be slid open and closed by hand, but it is also attached to an arm inside the lock plate, which is acted upon by the eccentric on the shaft of the wheel. The sear or trigger mechanism. The trigger engages one arm of a "z"-shaped sear pivoting in its centre between two upstanding brackets riveted or brazed to the inside of the lockplate. The other arm of the sear passes through a hole in the lockplate, and engages in a blind hole on the inner side of the wheel, thus effectively locking it and preventing any rotation but only because of a secondary sear or wedge that is pressed under the rear arm of the sear—that is between the lockplate and the sear—when the forward part of it engages into the recess in the wheel. When the trigger is pulled, the secondary lever is withdrawn from its position and the strong pull of the mainspring pushes the unsupported main sear back into the lock and the wheel is free to rotate. The mechanism may seem overconstructed, but it prevents the trigger mechanism from working against the very powerful mainspring as it is the case with all vertical acting sears in flint and percussion locks or even modern firearms that still have cocks (revolvers). Preparing to fire. First, the dog is rotated forward to the "safe" position, and the priming pan pushed open (if it is not already so). After loading a powder charge and ball through the muzzle in the usual way, the operator takes his "spanner", slips it on to the square section of the wheel shaft, and turns it until a click is heard (about one half to three-quarters of a revolution), and the wheel is felt to lock in place, whereupon the spanner is withdrawn. What occurs is that when the wheel is turned, the mainspring is tensioned via the chain, which is wound partially around the shaft. The click is the sound of one end of the sear engaging in the blind hole on the inside of the wheel, thus immobilising it. The pan is then primed with powder, and the pan cover pulled shut. Finally the dog is pulled back so that the pyrite in its jaws is resting on the top of the pan cover, under some pressure from the spring at the toe of its arm. Operation. On pulling the trigger of a wheellock firearm, the sear effects a slight rotation as described above. The end of the sear arm (that has hitherto locked the wheel and prevented it from turning) is disengaged, leaving the wheel free to turn under the tension of the mainspring. There is a subtlety here that is of vital importance: the "hole" in the side of the wheel into which the sear engages, is not a parallel-sided shaft. If it were, then under the tremendous tension of the mainspring, it would require a huge force on the trigger to disengage the sear. Nor is the tip of the sear arm cylindrical, which would have a similar effect. Rather, the "hole" is a depression in the wheel (like a small crater), and the sear has a rounded end: the wheel is locked by reason of lateral force on the shaft of the wheel rather than vertical force on the sear. As soon as the wheel is released by the sear, the longer arm of the mainspring pulls the chain engaged in it. The other end of the chain being fixed to the cam on the wheel shaft, the latter rotates at high speed, whilst the rotating cam pushes forward the arm to which the pan cover is attached, thus causing the pan cover to slide forward towards the muzzle of the piece, and the pyrites to fall (under tension of the dog spring) on to the now rotating wheel. That is the second purpose of a sliding pan cover: were the pyrites to engage a stationary wheel, it would almost certainly jam the mechanism: but the built-in delay allows the pyrites to slip off the sliding pan-cover on to an already rotating wheel. A more modern development has been the use of a ball bearing between the wheel and the sear. This design allows a smoother and lighter trigger pull, requiring less force to operate. The fast rotation of the wheel against the pyrites produces white-hot sparks that ignite the powder in the pan, which is transferred to the main charge in the breech of the barrel via the vent, and the gun discharges. The wheellock took around a minute to load, prepare and fire. Many contemporary illustrations of a wheellock pistol in action show the gun held slightly rotated (about 45 degree angle from the horizontal) rather than vertically as with a hand cannon, to ensure that the priming powder in the pan lay against the vent in the barrel, and avoid a 'flash in the pan' or misfire. This was not the case for the flintlock, where the sparks had to fall vertically a certain distance on to the pan. History. The invention of the wheellock in Europe can be placed at about 1500. There is a vocal group of scholars who believe Leonardo da Vinci was the inventor. Drawings made by Leonardo of a wheellock mechanism date (depending on the authority) from either the mid-1490s or the first decade of the 16th century. However, a drawing from a book of German inventions (dated 1505) and a 1507 reference to the purchase of a wheellock in Austria may indicate the inventor was an unknown German mechanic instead. In 1517 and 1518, the first gun control laws banning the wheellock were proclaimed by the Emperor Maximilian I, initially in Austria and later throughout the Holy Roman Empire. Several Italian states followed suit in the 1520s and 1530s, another argument used by the pro-German camp. As Lisa Jardine relates in her account of the assassination of William the Silent of the Netherlands, in 1584, the small size, ease of concealment and user-friendly loading aspect of the wheellock, compared to more arduous hand-held weapons, meant that it was used for the killing of public figures, such as Francis, Duke of Guise and William himself. Jardine also argues that a stray wheellock pistol shot may have been responsible for the St. Bartholomew's Day massacre of French Huguenots in 1572. Wheellock pistols were used a lot during the Thirty Years War (1618-1648) on both sides for cavalry and officiers. Around 1650 the flintlock began to replace the wheellock as it was cheaper and easier to use than the wheellock. Wheel-lock firearms were never mass-produced for military purposes, but the best preserved armoury collection at the Landeszeughaus in Graz, Austria, contains over 3,000 examples, many of which were produced in small batches for military units. Features. Among the advantages of the wheellock was a better resistance to rain or damp conditions than the matchlock and the absence of a telltale glow, or smell from the burning slow match, itself a hazard in proximity to gunpowder. A slow match could be next to impossible to light in rain, but the wheellock allowed sparks to be generated in any weather, and the priming pan was fitted with a cover that was not opened until the instant the gun was fired. That made it feasible for the first time to conceal a firearm under clothing. The high production cost and complexity of the mechanism, however, hindered the wheellock's widespread adoption. A highly skilled gunsmith was required to build the mechanism, and the variety of parts and complex design made it liable to malfunction if it was not carefully maintained. Early models also had trouble with unreliable springs, but the problem was quickly solved. The wheellock was used along with the matchlock until both were replaced by the simpler and less-costly flintlock, by the late 17th century. The wheellock mechanism however gave faster ignition than the flintlock, because the sparks were produced directly in the pan rather than having to fall a certain distance from the frizzen.

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=24053563

The St. Gallen Symposium, formerly known as the "International Management Symposium" and the "ISC-Symposium", is an annual conference taking place in May at the University of St. Gallen in St. Gallen, Switzerland. It is one of the world's leading initiatives for intergenerational debates on economic, political, and social developments between decision makers of today and tomorrow. The symposium's goal is to facilitate solutions by addressing the big challenges and chances of our time. The St. Gallen Symposium was founded in 1969 as a response to the international student unrests of 1968 and has since then been organised by the "International Students’ Committee (ISC)", a student initiative at the University of St. Gallen. Currently, this platform for dialogue welcomes more than 1.000 participants with over 70 nationalities every year. Personalities such as Kofi Annan, Josef Ackermann, Mohammad Khatami, Laurence D. Fink, Dominic Barton, Sigmar Gabriel and Christine Lagarde have attended the symposium in recent years. The goal. The St. Gallen Symposium as a platform for dialogue strives to foster constructive debates on current economic, political and social developments. This event gives particular attention to an intergenerational dialogue, characterised by mutual respect. Thus, particular focus is given to discussion in smaller, more informal settings, where the so-called "Leaders of Tomorrow" can debate with the "Senior Leaders (Leaders of Today)" on equal footing. The topic of the symposium is chosen each year based on relevant issues and current events. In recent years, the topic has developed from being more business-oriented to more holistic themes, as embodied by the topics "Growth – the good, the bad, and the ugly" (2016), "The dilemma of disruption" (2017), "Beyond the end of work" (2018) and "Freedom Revisited" (2020). History. Beginning. Five students of the University of St. Gallen – Clemens Ernst Brenninkmeyer (NL), Franz Karl Kriegler (AU), Urs Schneider (CH), Wolfgang Schürer (DE) and Terje I. Wølner-Hanssen (NO) – founded the International Students’ Committee (ISC), which has since organised the St. Gallen Symposium annually. It was established in February 1970 as an alternative to the international student unrests of 1968. The main goal was to establish and promote a constructive and solution-oriented dialogue between decision-makers and the younger generation. This goal has persisted until today. The name "International Students’ Committee" was chosen because of the five different countries the founders originated from, namely Austria, Germany, Netherlands, Norway and Switzerland. On 30 June and 1 July 1970 the first "International Management Dialogue" was held at the University of St. Gallen, with 100 outstanding students and as many business leaders taking part. First years. The widely recognised Club of Rome study "The Limits to Growth", which analysed the effect of exponential growth on a finite planet, was presented at the third symposium in 1972. The global economic downturn caused by the 1973 oil crisis and problems with securing the continuity of the student initiative led to the symposium not being held in 1974. In response, the St. Gallen Foundation for International Studies was founded in order to safeguard the continuity of the International Students’ Committee. Besides the Foundation a sponsor circle was established. Its members support the ISC over several years. In 1977, the St. Gallen Symposium made the headlines with a round table discussion with German Employers' President Hanns Martin Schleyer and DGB Chairman Heinz Oskar Vetter. The 1980s. A big change was introduced in 1989, when the International Students’ Committee founded the "St. Gallen Wings of Excellence Award (today the Global Essay Competition)", which today counts as one of the largest and most renowned student essay competitions worldwide. Students were now required to submit an essay, of which only the 200 best were selected for a participation in the St. Gallen Symposium. Moreover, authors of the best contributions were bestowed with the St. Gallen Wings of Excellence Award, CHF 20,000.– in prize money, and the chance to present their essays at the St. Gallen Symposium (see below). 1995-2010. Since the mid-1990s, the ISC has tried to raise the international profile of the symposium, as well as improve the quality of the dialogue. In this restructuring, a new logo was introduced and the name "International Management Symposium" was changed to "ISC-Symposium". Moreover, the ISC gave a financial support for the construction of the Executive Campus HSG at the University of St. Gallen during this period. With the burst of the dot-com bubble, the September 11 attacks and the bankruptcy of Swissair – one of the symposium's most important benefactors – the beginning of the new millennium posed great challenges for the subsequent year. In 2002 the Swiss Federal Council commissioned the ISC to organise the International Conference on Federalism while maintaining the structure of the symposium. The conference was attended by 8 heads of state and government, 16 ministers, 3 federal councillors, 20 government councillors and their delegations The current name, "St. Gallen Symposium", was introduced in 2005. In the following year Kofi Annan, Secretary-General of the United Nations, received the Freedom Prize of the Max Schmidheiny Foundation, which was already awarded to him in 2003. From 2008 to 2010 the symposium took place in a temporary tent city behind the library building of the University of St. Gallen due to an extensive reconstruction of the main building and the auditorium of the University. 2010-2017. For the 40th St. Gallen Symposium in 2010, a comprehensive new concept was developed to strengthen the intergenerational dialogue. Furthermore, the duration was shortened from half a day to two days, the group of speakers was supplemented by so-called Topic Leaders, who are now responsible for the moderation of individual events, and the selection of student participants was extended by the so-called Knowledge Pool. This Knowledge Pool is made up of 100 people who are specifically invited to the symposium by the ISC, and that provides a counterweight to the 100 winners of the strongly academic St. Gallen Wings of Excellence Award (now the Global Essay Competition). Another innovation is the Global Perspectives Barometer (now Voices Report), an annual survey of current and former student participants on current social issues, which are conducted in cooperation with the GfK Association (Credit Suisse until 2013) since then. To strengthen the St. Gallen Symposium in Asia, an office was opened in Singapore in 2012. 2017-2020 Strategic realignment. 2017 marks the start of a process to strategically restructure the symposium, which will be completed in 2020. The aim of the reorientation is to increase the quality of the participants, to strengthen the exchange among the participants during the symposium and to lay a solid foundation for the coming years. The new group of Aspiring Leaders were introduced, the holding of worldwide Year-Round events intensified, and the offering was also adjusted. The Aspiring Leaders are young decision makers who have reached the first milestones of their career, and as a result should fill the gap between Leaders of Tomorrow and Senior Leaders. The Year-Round Events (approx. 10 in Europe and Asia) implement the aim of the St. Gallen Symposium to lead the intergenerational dialogue throughout the year. The most famous examples are the Singapore Reception in November, and the Zurich Reception in January. To mark its 50th anniversary, the St. Gallen Symposium has had a new branding since September 2019. In cooperation with Interbrand, it receives a new, modern logo and the motto: “Where aspirations get inspired". The rebranding is intended to emphasize the progressive and student character of the initiative and thus lay the foundation for the further development of the St. Gallen Symposium. Programme and sessions. The St. Gallen Symposium takes place during two days in the beginning of May. The official program includes different kind of sessions: Apart from Public Insight Sessions, the sessions are not open to the public. However, selected Plenary Sessions are live and broadcast on the St. Gallen Symposium's official YouTube channel. Furthermore, with the support of the Ria & Arthur Dietschweiler Foundation, key findings of the annual symposium are presented and discussed in the St. Gallen Symposium "Public Forum." Participants. The St. Gallen Symposium has three participant groups: the "Senior Leaders" (former Leaders of Today), the "Leaders of Tomorrow", and the "Aspiring Leaders". The "Senior Leaders" consist of 600 people from economic, political, social and academic fields. They can be classified into the groups partners, participants, guests, speakers and topic leaders, who moderate the discussions. The "Leaders of Tomorrow" are 200 participants below the age of 30. Their qualification is evaluated according to the criteria for the "Global Essay Competition" (former St. Gallen Wings of Excellence Award) or the Knowledge Pool. The latter group of participants will be specifically selected on the basis of criteria such as topic relevance and past performance. The St. Gallen Symposium is intended to provide Leaders of Tomorrow with a platform where they can discuss with today's executives at eye level and challenge them so that new approaches to thinking and solutions can emerge. The "Aspiring Leaders" are participants who have the potential to take on a leading role in an industry. Prize ceremony. Every year, during the St. Gallen Symposium, the Winners of the Global Essay Competition (before St. Gallen Wings of Excellence Award) are awarded. The Global Essay Competition is an essay competition for students from all over the world. In addition, from 1979 to 2003, the St. Gallen Symposium was the platform for the bestowal of the Max Schmidheiny Foundation's Freedom Prize. The Global Essay Competition. The Global Essay Competition (former St. Gallen Wings of Excellence Award) is an essay competition for students on graduate or postgraduate level. The authors of the 100 best submissions get the chance travel to St. Gallen for one week and participate in the St. Gallen Symposium. Since the essay's topic is always related to the symposium's main topic of discussion, the five best authors have the possibility to present their essay in front of the global audience during the Conference. It is endowed with CHF 20’000. With more than 1000 contributions from over 60 different countries annually, the St. Gallen Wings of Excellence Award belongs to one of the biggest student essay competitions of its kind. The evaluation process is completely anonymous and carried out by a preliminary jury and a main jury. The preliminary jury consists of PhD students of the University of St. Gallen as well as the ETH Zurich whereas the main jury comprises professors, corporate executives, entrepreneurs and politicians. The current president of the preliminary jury is Heike Bruch and the main jury's president is Georg F. von Krogh. Other members of the main jury are Peter Day, Nigel Fretwell, Heike Bruch, Marcela Escobari and Riz Khan. The Global Essay Competition was first launched in 1989 to select the student participants for the symposium and has been modified several times in the past. The most essential adjustment was the restriction of the eligibility to graduate and postgraduate students in 2009 and a simultaneous reduction of the invitations based on the essay competition from 200 to 100 invitations. The other 100 students have since then been recruited by the ISC through the so-called Knowledge Pool. Freedom-Prize of the Max Schmidheiny Foundation. From 1979 until 2003 the Max Schmidheiny Foundation annually awarded its Freedom Prize during the symposium. The prestigious honourees include Kofi Annan, Nicolas Hayek, the International Committee of the Red Cross, Jorma Ollila and Muhammad Yunus. In 2003 the Max Schmidheiny Foundation decided to focus on other activities and abandoned the Freedom Prize. Organisation. International Students’ Committee (ISC). Since its establishment in 1969, the St. Gallen Symposium has been organised by the International Students’ Committee, an independent non-profit organisation and an accredited association of the University of St. Gallen. Every year, it consists of a team of about 30 students from the University of St. Gallen, who pause their studies for one year. This team includes three – in former years two – members of the previous ISC-Team who form the Head of the Organising Committee. During the Symposium, the ISC is supported by a crew of about 450 volunteers, all students from the University of St. Gallen. Numerous old ISC members are now occupying leading positions. Some of the most well-known ISC alumni are: St. Gallen Foundation for International Studies (SSIS). The St. Gallen Foundation for International Studies acts as the supervisory body and ensures the continuity of the symposium given the annually changing organising team. The foundation consists of about ten members, with Beat Ulrich being the current CEO. Former CEOs include Philip Erzinger (2008-2017), Andreas Kirchschläger (1997-2008), Eugen von Keller (1995-1997), Gerard & Ursula Stoudman and Wolfgang Schürer (1975-1993). The Board of Trustees supervises the St. Gallen Foundation for International Studies with Peter Voser as its Chairman. Further members are , Bénédict G. F. Hentsch, Bettina Würth, Christian Mumenthaler, Christoph Loos, Ralph Schmitz-Dräger, Claudia Suessmuth Dyckerhoff und Ulrike Landfester. Josef Ackermann is the honorary chairman and former member of the board. Funding. The 1974 established Circle of Benefactors constitutes the key element in the non-profit organisation's funding. Currently, it encompasses more than 400 companies, which commit themselves for three years at a time to support the St. Gallen Symposium with a certain financial amount. By establishing this long-term relation, the continuity is secured and a situation as in 1974, when the symposium had to be cancelled, can be prevented. Besides the participation in the St. Gallen Symposium, these partners receive an invitation to the Dinner for the Circle of Benefactors, taking place on the Wednesday of the Symposium. Within this circle are currently seven Main Partners, who provide special support in their respective areas: ABB, Accenture, Interbrand, Hewlett-Packard Enterprise, Microsoft, Salt und Xerox. In addition, there are two Main Partners exclusively supporting the "Leaders of Tomorrow": "Credit Suisse" and "Swiss Re". The St. Gallen Symposium has established a close cooperation and partnership with the Max Schmidheiny Foundation as well as the University of St. Gallen, which puts its infrastructure at the symposium's disposal every year. Through the support of the St. Gallen based Ria & Arthur Dietschweiler Foundation, the St. Gallen Symposium Public Forum is enabled. Moreover, there are numerous donors, who contribute greatly to the funding.

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The United States' Central Intelligence Agency made several unsuccessful attempts to assassinate Fidel Castro during his time as the president of Cuba. Background. Following World War II, the United States became secretly engaged in a practice of international political assassinations and attempts on foreign leaders. For a considerable period of time, the U.S. Government officials vehemently denied any knowledge of this program since it would be against the United Nations Charter. On March 5, 1972, Richard Helms, Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) Director, declared that "no such activity or operations be undertaken, assisted, or suggested by any of our personnel." In 1975, the U.S. Senate convened the Senate Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities chaired by the Senator Frank Church (D-Idaho). The Church Committee uncovered that CIA and other governmental agencies employed a so-called tactic of "plausible deniability" during decision-making related to assassinations. CIA subordinates were deliberately shielding the higher-ranking officials from any responsibility by withholding the full amount of information about planned assassinations. Government employees were obtaining tacit approval of their acts by using euphemisms and sly wording in communications. Early attempts. According to CIA Director Richard Helms, Kennedy Administration officials exerted a heavy pressure on the CIA to "get rid of Castro." It explains a staggering number of assassination plots, aiming at creating a favorable impression on President John F. Kennedy. There were five phases in the assassination attempts, with planning involving the CIA, the Department of Defense, and the State Department: According to columnist Jack Anderson, the first CIA attempt to assassinate Castro was part of the Bay of Pigs Invasion operation, but five more CIA teams were sent, the last apprehended on a rooftop within rifle range of Castro, at the end of February or beginning of March 1963. Attorney Robert Maheu, who was working as a C.I.A. cutout at the time, was identified as the team leader, who recruited John Roselli, a gambler with contacts in the Italian American Mafia and Cuban underworlds. The CIA assigned two operations officers, William King Harvey and James O'Connell, to accompany Roselli to Miami to recruit the actual teams. Mafia engagement. According to the CIA documents, the so-called Family Jewels that were declassified in 2007, one assassination attempt on Fidel Castro prior to the Bay of Pigs invasion involved noted American mobsters Johnny Roselli, Salvatore Giancana and Santo Trafficante. In September 1960, Momo Salvatore Giancana, a successor of Al Capone's in the Chicago Outfit, and "Miami Syndicate" leader Santo Trafficante, who were both on the FBI's Ten Most Wanted list at that time, were indirectly contacted by the CIA about the possibility of Fidel Castro's assassination. Johnny Roselli, a member of the "Las Vegas Syndicate", was used to get access to Mafia bosses. The go-between from the CIA was Robert Maheu, who introduced himself as a representative of several international businesses in Cuba that were expropriated by Castro. On September 14, 1960, Maheu met with Roselli in a New York City hotel and offered him US$150,000 for the "removal" of Castro. James O'Connell, who identified himself as Maheu's associate but who actually was the chief of the CIA's operational support division, was present during the meeting. The declassified documents did not reveal if Roselli, Giancana or Trafficante accepted a down payment for the job. According to the CIA files, it was Giancana who suggested poison pills as a means to doctor Castro's food or drinks. Such pills, manufactured by the CIA's Technical Services Division, were given to Giancana's nominee named Juan Orta. Giancana recommended Orta as being an official in the Cuban government, who had access to Castro. Allegedly, after several unsuccessful attempts to introduce the poison into Castro's food, Orta abruptly demanded to be let out of the mission, handing over the job to another unnamed participant. Later, a second attempt was mounted through Giancana and Trafficante using Dr. Anthony Verona, the leader of the Cuban Exile Junta, who had, according to Trafficante, become "disaffected with the apparent ineffectual progress of the Junta". Verona requested US$10,000 in expenses and US$1,000 worth of communications equipment. However, it is unknown how far the second attempt went, as the assassination attempt was cancelled due to the launching of the Bay of Pigs Invasion. On October 26, 2017, declassified documents revealed that US Attorney General Robert Kennedy hesitated to recruit the Mafia in assassination attempts on Castro due to his push against organized crime. Later attempts. The Church Committee stated that it substantiated eight attempts by the CIA to assassinate Fidel Castro in 1960–1965. , a retired chief of Cuba's counterintelligence, who had been tasked with protecting Castro, estimated the number of assassination schemes or actual attempts by the Central Intelligence Agency to be 638, a project code-named "Executive Action", and split them among U.S. administrations as follows: Some of them were a part of the covert CIA program dubbed Operation Mongoose aimed at toppling the Cuban government. The assassination attempts reportedly included cigars poisoned with botulinum toxin, a tubercle bacilli-infected scuba-diving suit along with a booby-trapped conch placed on the sea bottom, an exploding cigar (Castro loved cigars and scuba diving, but he quit smoking in 1985), a ballpoint pen containing a hypodermic syringe preloaded with the lethal concoction "Blackleaf 40", and plain, mafia-style execution endeavors, among others. There were plans to blow up Castro during his visit to Ernest Hemingway's museum in Cuba. Some of the plots were depicted in a documentary film entitled "638 Ways to Kill Castro" (2006) aired on Channel 4 of the British public-service television. One of these attempts was by his ex-lover Marita Lorenz, whom he met in 1959. She agreed to aid the CIA and attempted to smuggle a jar of cold cream containing poison pills into his room. When Castro learned about her intentions, he reportedly gave her a gun and told her to kill him but her nerves failed. Some plots aimed not at murder but at character assassination; they, for example, involved using thallium salts to destroy Castro's famous beard, or lacing his radio studio with LSD to cause him disorientation during the broadcast and damage his public image. When Castro travelled abroad, the CIA cooperated with Cuban exiles for some of the more serious assassination attempts. The last documented attempt on Castro's life was in 2000, and involved placing 90 kg of explosives under a podium in Panama where he would give a talk. Castro’s personal security team discovered the explosives before he arrived. Castro once said, in regards to the numerous attempts on his life he believed had been made, "If surviving assassination attempts were an Olympic event, I would win the gold medal." The CIA in 1962 considered a plan called "Operation Bounty," which would have involved dropping leaflets over Cuba offering financial rewards to the Cuban population for the assassination of various individuals, including $5,000 to $20,000 for informants, $57,000 for department heads, $97,000 for foreign Communists operating in Cuba, up to $1 million for members of the Cuban government, and only $0.02 for Castro himself, which was meant "to denigrate" him in the eyes of the Cuban people. The top secret document which revealed the plan, which was never put into practice, was one of 2,800 related to the federal investigation of the Kennedy assassination, which were released as scheduled in October 2017. Repercussions. Besides attempts on Fidel Castro, the CIA has been accused of involvements in the assassination of such foreign leaders as Rafael Trujillo, Patrice Lumumba and Ngo Dinh Diem. The Church Committee rejected political assassination as a foreign policy tool and declared that it was "incompatible with American principle, international order, and morality." It recommended Congress to consider developing a statute to eradicate such or similar practices, which was never introduced. Instead, President Gerald Ford signed in 1976 an Executive Order 11905, which stated that "No employee of the United States government shall engage in, or conspire in, political assassination."

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=10189197

Lassie is a Canadian television series which aired from 1997 to 1999 on YTV in Canada and Sunday nights on the Animal Planet network in the United States, as a modified remake of the original "Lassie" series (1954–1973) about a boy and his faithful dog. As with previous Lassie TV versions and several movies dating back to the original "Lassie Come Home" movie of 1943, the star was Lassie, a trained Rough Collie. Not to be confused with a previous, syndicated follow-up series entitled The New Lassie which aired 1989–1991, this Canadian-produced "Lassie" series starred Corey Sevier as 13-year-old Timmy Cabot in the fictional town of Hudson Falls, Vermont. The show was filmed in Quebec by Cinar Inc.. In this series' story line, Timmy and his recently widowed mother, Dr. Karen Cabot, move to Hudson Falls, where Karen takes over a veterinary practice. In the first (1997) season, Lassie was played by "Howard", an eighth generation collie descended from "Pal", the dog in the original 1943 movie "Lassie Come Home". As with all previous Lassie movies and television series beginning with Pal, Howard was owned and trained by Weatherwax Trained Dogs, founded by brothers Frank and Rudd Weatherwax. Midway through production, Cinar replaced Howard with a non-Pal descended dog. Following Lassie fan protests, "Hey Hey", son of Howard and a ninth-generation direct descendant of Pal, was brought in to assume the role of Lassie for the final thirteen episodes of the show. Although young Corey Sevier impressed critics, others complained that the series relegated Lassie to a bystander role by focusing more on the Cabot family's dealings with various townspeople, at the expense of featuring Lassie's action stunts and feats as had been traditional in the famous canine's previous movie and TV incarnations. The show was canceled after three seasons. A total of 52 episodes were produced. The entire first season is available on DVD in Canada since April 4, 2006. Tie-in book. A Golden Book based on the first episode, sharing the title of "The Great Escape", was written by Diane Muldrow and published in 1998. DVD release. Direct Source released the complete first season on DVD in Region 1 in 2006. This release is now out of print.

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=16639574

Erromangan, or Sie (Sye), is the primary language spoken on the island Erromango in the Tafea region of the Vanuatu islands. The other Erromanga languages are either moribund or extinct. Although the island is quite large (887 km²), the total number of speakers of Erromango is estimated at around 1900. Linguistic situation. Sye is close to being the only language on Erromango. There were once four—Sye, Sorung, Ura and Utaha—but the latter three are extinct apart from a handful of recently discovered Ura speakers. Terry Crowley counted six speakers of Ura in the mid-1990s. The South Vanuatu language group includes these four languages. Erromango Island was once much more diverse linguistically. In the nineteenth century a massive depopulation took place and the languages were realigned. Terry Crowley states that there would have been three different languages prior to European contact. Work on the language. The earliest published account of Erromangan languages is Gordon (1889), whose notes, which he took on the island, were published posthumously. Capell produced a description of the language in the 1920s on the basis of the same materials that were used before by Ray, another scholar. This sketch was never published but it is referred to in detail, however, in unpublished correspondence dated 1927 from Dempwolff to Ray, so he obviously had copies passed on to others. John Lynch gathered new material from speakers of Erromangan in the 1960s and 1970s. A description combining the resources of both his and Capell's work was felt to be feasible and a detailed grammatical sketch was published by Lynch and Capell. Capell's description bases on translated sources, while Lynch's notes base on the spoken language. They published in 1983 and made clear that their work had to be regarded as provisional and to be supplemented. Dialects. The Erromangan language today is dialectically fairly homogeneous. There is very little difference spoken on the coast of the island. While the pre-contact population of the island has been estimated at around 6.000 people³, this number dropped to 400 by 1931. Entire villages became unviable through loss of population and people were apparently constantly building and reconstituting new villages, larger than the old ones and on a different place on the island. This huge demographic change took place in recent historical times. Thus, it is not too surprising that there is relatively little dialectal diversity. Erromangans will point out quickly the differences in the language of the people from Potnarvin and Dillon's Bay but for an outsider these are very small. There are just some differences in very low-frequency lexical items. Phonology. Vowels. The main difference between the Southern Vanuatu vowel systems lies in the status of the mid central vowel. This vowel is not present in Anejom, while it is in the Tanna languages. In Erromango, however, while there is evidence for an underlying contrastive schwa /ə/, it does not contrast at the surface level of representation. Typological overview and examples. Morphology. Other than languages from the North Central Vanuatu subgroup the languages of the Southern Vanuatu subgroup have a rather complex morphology. The phonemes are simple but the phonotactics of Sye allow a wide range of consonant clusters. They stand mostly in the middle of words and can occur at initial and end position, too. Word classes. Sye is typological fairly typical for an Oceanic language with regard to word classes. Both number and type of class that are needed are normal as well as the extent of multifunctionality. The productive use of prefixes and compounding is also typical. Less productive are suffixes. Reduplication. Reduplication is attested in Sye, but to a much smaller extent than it is in other Oceanic languages with regard to productivity. There is, however, a considerable amount of inflectional affixation in the nominal, prepositional and verbal morphology. Inflection. Inflectional morphology with Sye noun phrases is restricted to the marking of number and some types of possession. In the example shown below, the suffix /"-me"/ is used to indicate the plural form of 'who'. Affixation. Verbs are obligatorily marked by prefixes that express a wide range of subject categories and a number of orders of optional prefixes, which appear between the prefixes and the stem. Because this aspect is rather complex the example, which shows the prefixation of // is preceded by a brief overview of the prefix order: SUBJECT (PRIOR PAST) (ITERATIVE) (NEGATIVE) (EM-) STEM. Alienable possession is marked on phrase level; inalienable possession would be indicated on nouns. Syntax. Sye is a classical SVO language in that it has postmodifying adjectives as well as prepositions within the noun phrase. The fairly large set of prepositions makes it unusual. The absence of the widespread patterns of serial verbs makes Sye different from other Oceanic languages. Echo-subject construction. Lacking serial verbs, Sye – along with the other languages of the Southern Vanuatu subgroup – has what we can refer to as an echo subject construction. A verb that has the same subject as the preceding verb is marked with a special reduced set of prefixes which replace the full set of subject prefixes. In the first of the following three examples just the verb /"kamlitouri"/ receives full inflection. The following verbs // ('and we crossed'), // ('and we went up') and // ('and we went past') all carry echo subject markers. The second and the third example follow the same structure, however, in the third example the concurrence of the two events of departing and arriving is hard to grasp for non-Erromango speakers. Number. The near categorical marking of number on nouns is another important feature of the nominal morphology of Sye. The following examples describe three of the noun premodifiers of Sye: hai 'indefinite', ovon 'plural' and 'how much?, how many'. Square brackets surround the noun phrase being illustrated. Accompanying adjectives are also marked for number. Subject markers. Subjects are marked by verbal prefixes, while objects are indicated through verbal suffixes. Both are common in Oceanic languages. There is a huge number of distinct inflectional sets of subject markers on verbs expressing a variety of tense-aspect-mood categories. Not only is this an unusually large number of inflectional categories, but many of these categories are discontinuously marked by combinations of morphotactically separate prefixes for which the constituent forms do not always have definable meanings of their own. Verb morphology. A complex scheme of root-initial mutation is a salient feature of the verb morphology of Erromangan languages in general. Different root forms are determined by the nature of the preceding morphological environment. This stands in typological contrast to the other Central Vanuatu languages which have root forms that are invariant. Sye shares this pattern with the languages of Central Vanuatu, though the patterns of these languages are different in some other respects. Possession. A characteristic of Sye is its lack of separately marked possessive constructions for a variety of alienable categories, such as food and drink possession. These forms are typical for Oceanic languages. But Sye has separate constructions which are typically associated with the expression of alienable and inalienable possession. Abbreviations used. <section begin="list-of-glossing-abbreviations"/> NONSG:non-singular 1NONSG:first person, non-singular ACC:accompanitive CONST:construct suffix TOP:toponymic BR:basic root MR:modified root DISTPAST:distant past RECPAST:recent past ES:echo subject <section end="list-of-glossing-abbreviations"/>

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=91656

Bell County is a county located in the central part of the U.S. state of Texas. As of the 2010 census, its population was 310,235. Its county seat is Belton. The county was founded in 1850 and is named for Peter Hansborough Bell, the third governor of Texas. Bell County is part of the Killeen–Temple, Texas, Metropolitan Statistical Area. In 2010, the center of population of Texas was located in Bell County, near the town of Holland. History. In 1834–1835, Little River became part of Robertson's Colony, made up of settlers from Nashville, Tennessee, led by Sterling C. Robertson; they were the families of Captain Goldsby Childers, Robert Davison, John Fulcher, Moses Griffin, John Needham, Michael Reed and his son William Whitaker Reed, William Taylor, and Judge Orville T. Tyler. This area became known as the Tennessee Valley. Soon after (1836) the settlements were deserted during the Runaway Scrape, reoccupied, deserted again after the Elmwood Creek Blood Scrape, and reoccupied. Texas Ranger George Erath established a fort on Little River. During 1843–44, settlers began returning . The next year, the Republic of Texas founded Baylor Female College (since developed as University of Mary Hardin–Baylor). In 1850, Bell County was organized and named for Texas Governor Peter Hansborough Bell. The population then was 600 whites and 60 black slaves. Belton was designated as the county seat in 1851. The last serious Indian raid in the area occurred in 1859. Bell County assumed its present boundaries with the 1860 resurvey of the line between Bell and Milam Counties. In 1861, the county voted for secession from the Union. Residents were divided, as many yeomen farmers did not support the war. From 1862 to 1865, Union sympathizers and Confederate deserters holed up in "Camp Safety". Following the war, new social movements developed. In 1867, the Belton Women's Commonwealth, the first women's movement in Central Texas, was formed by Martha McWhirter. The group provided shelter to women in abusive relationships. During the early years of the Reconstruction era (1865–1877), so much violence occurred in the county, the government stationed federal troops in Belton. Some racist whites attacked blacks and their white supporters. Corruption, lawlessness, and racial divides were severe. As in many areas, a local version of white paramilitary insurgents developed who were similar to the KKK; they worked to suppress black and Republican voting. The coming of railroads in the late 19th century stimulated growth across the state. In 1881, the Gulf, Colorado and Santa Fe Railway, the first railroad to be built in Bell County, established Temple as its headquarters. Reflecting growth in the county, in 1884, the Bell County Courthouse was built. It is still used. The ambitious Renaissance Revival design was by architect Jasper N. Preston and Sons. As another improvement, in 1905, the Belton and Temple Interurban electric railway was completed, providing service between the cities. During the 1920s, the Ku Klux Klan underwent a revival in Bell County. In many areas, it was concentrated on nativist issues, opposing Catholic and Jewish immigration from eastern and southern Europe. After a scandal involving the leader of the KKK, the group's influence declined markedly by the end of the decade. In 1925, Miriam A. Ferguson, a native of the county, was inaugurated as the first woman governor of the state. She won re-election in 1932 for a nonconsecutive second term. The county and state supported founding Temple Junior College in 1926. The entry of the United States in World War II stimulated war spending across the country. In 1942, Fort Hood was opened as a military training base. It drew recruits from across the country. The postwar period was one of suburbanization in many areas. In 1956, the Killeen school board voted to integrate the local high school. This followed the "Brown v. Board of Education" (1954) ruling by the US Supreme Court that racial segregation in public schools, supported by all the taxpayers, was unconstitutional. The state founded Central Texas College in 1965 in Killeen. Since the late 20th century, new retail development has taken the form of large malls. In 1976, Temple Mall opened. By 1980, Killeen had become the largest city in Bell County. The next year, the Killeen Mall opened, adding to retail choices in the area. In another type of development, in 1987, the Bell County Expo Center opened. Since the late 20th century, the county has been the site of several mass shootings and unusual incidents of gun violence. On October 16, 1991, in what was called the Luby's shooting, disaffected employee George Jo Hennard, Jr., killed 23 people, and wounded 20 others, before killing himself. It was the largest mass murder by firearm in the United States to that time. In 1995, Governor George W. Bush signed a new law easing restrictions on carrying handguns; it allows Texans to carry concealed weapons if they have a permit to do so. Texas overrode a 125-year-old ban on carrying weapons that had been signed and enacted by Governor E.J. Davis. On November 5, in the 2009 Fort Hood shooting, Army Major Nidal Hasan killed 13 people, and wounded 30. He was paralyzed in return fire. He had been described as mentally unstable. On April 2 in the 2014 Fort Hood shooting, Army Specialist Ivan Lopez killed three people and wounded 16. Geography. According to the U.S. Census Bureau, the county has a total area of , of which are land and (3.4%) are covered by water. Demographics. As of the census of 2010, 310,235 people, 114,035 households, and 80,449 families resided in the county. The population density was 295.2 people per square mile (87/km2). The 125,470 housing units averaged 88 per square mile (34/km2). The racial makeup of the county was 61.4% White, 21.5% Black, 0.8% Native American, 2.8% Asian, 0.8% Pacific Islander, and 5.0% from two or more races. About 21.6% of the population was Hispanic or Latino of any race; 14.9% were of Mexican, 3.6% were of Puerto Rican, 0.2% Cuban, and 0.2% were of Dominican descent. Of the 85,507 households, 40.10% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 56.60% were married couples living together, 12.30% had a female householder with no husband present, and 27.50% were not families. About 22.30% of all households were made up of individuals, and 6.50% had someone living alone who was 65 years of age or older. The average household size was 2.68 and the average family size was 3.14. As of the 2010 census, about 3.6 same-sex couples per 1,000 households were in the county. In the county, the population was distributed as 28.90% under the age of 18, 13.40% from 18 to 24, 31.90% from 25 to 44, 17.00% from 45 to 64, and 8.80% who were 65 years of age or older. The median age was 29 years. For every 100 females, there were 100.80 males. For every 100 females age 18 and over, there were 99.30 males. The median income for a household in the county was $36,872, and for a family was $41,455. Males had a median income of $28,031 versus $22,364 for females. The per capita income for the county was $17,219. About 9.70% of families and 12.10% of the population were below the poverty line, including 16.30% of those under age 18 and 9.80% of those age 65 or over. Education. Bell County is served by several school districts: Transportation. Major highways. These major highways run through Bell County: Mass transit. The Hill Country Transit District operates a regularly scheduled fixed-route bus service within the urban areas of Killeen and Temple, as well as a paratransit service throughout the county. Amtrak also has scheduled service to Temple.

much brutality

12100-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=48667933

When the parade season ended in 2014, the New Orleans city government spent $1.5 million to pick up about 1,500 tons of Mardi Gras-induced waste, consisting mostly of beads. This is a recurring problem every year for the city. In addition, the city must also deal with the environmental repercussions endured after Mardi Gras. Because they are not biodegradable and contain high amounts of heavy metals, Mardi Gras beads put the local environment and health of southern Louisianians at risk. Bead composition. Polyethylene and polystyrene are popular plastics used in beads. Polystyrene is very stable and can last for many decades as the beads lay in landfills. Eventually, it will begin to slowly oxidize via UV light from the sun. In contrast, polyethylene cannot decompose with UV radiation and biodegrades extremely slowly. Lead, cadmium, and other elements have been detected in beads in extremely high amounts through various analytical techniques. Many of these elements exceed the suggested safety limits set by the Consumer Product Safety Commission. For example, the safe amount of lead in a product is 100 ppm; however, there have been findings where the amount of lead in a bead surpassed the limit 300 times over. This threatens parade-goers with exposure to high amounts of lead, especially younger children that could potentially put the beads in their mouths. History. Plastic beads weren't always a part of Mardi Gras; they were introduced only in the late 1970s. Entry into the environment. Beads can accidentally enter storm drains, which empty into Lake Pontchartrain and the Mississippi River, which drains into the Gulf of Mexico. The metals in the beads put fish and other marine lifeforms at risk for lead and cadmium poisoning. Exposure to these metals in water causes high mortality rates and increased biomass of these metals among fish species within a month of exposure. Seafood is prevalent in the south Louisiana diet, most of which is harvested from the Gulf. Eating seafood contaminated with lead and cadmium puts people at risk for poisoning. Beads also can get tangled in trees during parades. Here, the lead in the beads can get washed off via rain water and find its way into leaves and soil. Lead has been shown to be an inhibitor of cell division, water uptake, and photosynthesis, eventually causing death to the plant. Impact on humans. Lead exposure has been evidenced to significantly inhibit neurological function. One study examined identical twins who worked together as painters using lead-based paint. Using magnetic resonance spectroscopy, it was discovered that they both had lead levels in their bones about 5-10 times more than the average adult. One twin put himself at a higher risk of lead exposure because he was the only one that removed paint on the job. His lead concentration was 2.5 times higher than his twin’s; and after further testing, his memory was shown to be much worse than his twin’s. Cadmium has been shown to be carcinogenic due to interactions with DNA topoisomerase IIα. This enzyme helps facilitate cell division and DNA repair, specifically with double strand breaks. Cadmium cations react with the topoisomerase in the following manner: Here, the cadmium ions react with sulfur-containing thiol groups in cysteine residues, effectively ruining the structure and function of the topoisomerase. Solutions. Mardi Gras will unlikely be cancelled due to its popularity, cultural significance, and economic importance, but a concerted effort can still be made to curb the negative environmental effects of the beads. One suggested avenue is to replace currently used plastics with polylactic acid (PLA), an environmentally much more friendly material. This polymer can be degraded naturally into lactic acid via hydrolysis or self-hydrolysis, which decomposes whole PLA products in as quickly as a month. A second way is to “recycle” by purchasing used beads rather than buying new ones, which can also translate into cost savings for individual purchasers or re-sellers who buy the beads in large quantities; recycling also provides an environmentally friendly method of "disposal" for those who initially purchased Mardi Gras beads. Another alternative that has an exponentially reduced environmental impact is to impose restrictions on the presence of the current Mardi Gras beads, such as banning them altogether but permitting non-toxic, eco-friendly alternatives such as beads made from paste, paper, clay, wood, or even vegetables (peas painted with a water-based, non-toxic paint, for example). Some cities and communities in the United States have successfully banned plastic bags, so this would not be an impossible goal. To support and enforce the restriction on toxic beads and ensure implementation of the non-toxic alternatives, the City of New Orleans could also begin imposing a substantial tax or fee on vendors, entertainers, attendees, and other individuals and businesses associated with Mardi Gras to alleviate the hefty financial cost of clean-up that the city itself must bear every year.

absurd aim

11068-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=63613967

Matilda Charlotte Houstoun (née Jesse; 16 August 1811 – June 1892) was a British travel writer, novelist, biographer, and women's right activist. She is best known for her series of travel writings, particularly "Texas and the Gulf of Mexico" (1844) and "Hesperos", and their observations about African-American life during the times of the Confederate Deep South. Later on, she turned her pen from novels to social reform, particularly on the rights of working class women and single mothers. During her lifetime, her best known work was "Recommended to Mercy", a female-driven "yellow-back" novel published in 1862. Childhood. Matilda Charlotte Jesse was baptised into the Church of England at All Saints parish church in West Bromwich, Staffordshire, 16 August 1811. Her father, Edward Jesse (1780–1868), was a writer on natural history and the son of a Yorkshire vicar. His family had been one of thousands of Huguenots (French Protestants) who had moved to England following the 1685 revocation of the edict of Nantes. He was a friend of John Wilson Croker, Irish statesman and author, and Rev. John Mitford, editor of "The Gentleman's Magazine". Jesse held various government appointments, including sinecure positions, and became Deputy Surveyor of Royal Parks and Palaces, in which role he helped restore Hampton Court Palace. Her mother, Matilda nee Morris, was the daughter of Sir John Morris, 1st Baronet of Glamorganshire, Wales. Matilda had a brother, John Heneage Jesse, who grew up to be a historian, and a sister, later Mrs. Curwen. The family lived in or near the royal parks to the west of London, first at Richmond Park and then Bushy Park. Edward Jesse became well acquainted with the Duke of Clarence, later William IV, and as Matilda and her father rode around Richmond Park, the Duke would often join them. At one point the family lived in Molesey, Elmbridge, in Surrey. She received a basic education, but her Welsh governess banned her charge from reading novels. However, she would often work on her father's rough drafts, becoming acquainted with numerous artists and literati of the day. She was familiar with the writings of Theodore Edward Hook and Thomas Moore from her father's social circle, and began to write short stories and poems. The debate around the abolition of slavery across the British Empire was a burning political question in the early nineteenth century. Her aunt taught her about this cause as she grew up. The family was visited by William Wilberforce against who she held a ‘childhood grudge’ because 'after the visit of the great emancipator, all cakes and puddings were strictly tabooed as they contained West India sugar, and therefore to eat them was a sin'. Early adulthood. Her first marriage was to Reverend Lionel Fraser circa 1831. He died the following year and she moved back to her parents' home, where she stayed for four years. Georgian mourning etiquette placed expectations on widows to behave with strict propriety. Her second marriage was on 1 Oct 1839 in the chapel of the British Embassy in Paris, to Captain William Houstoun of the 10th Royal Hussars cavalry regiment. Her husband's father was General Sir William Houston, 1st Baronet, sometime Governor of Gibraltar, and his mother was Lady Jane Maitland, the fourth daughter of James Maitland, 7th Earl of Lauderdale. They had two sons, William who was born in 1838, George, who was born in 1841, and one daughter, Sidney, born in 1843. In 1842–1844 she travelled with her husband to New Orleans and Texas, which was the source for her first travel writings; then they travelled in a Britzka carriage through Paris and Naples, returning to Texas in the 1850s. The family moved to Ireland when her husband acquired land in Doolough, County Mayo. Living in Dhulough Lodge, she began her career as a novelist, publishing her first novel in 1862. In her later years, she returned to live in London, and became interested in women's rights, particularly with issues surrounding single mothers and working-class women. North America. Departing September 1842 from England, she went with her second husband, Captain William Houstoun, travelling on their 200 tonne yacht the "Dolphin", fitted with six cannon, over to the United States of America where they landed in Galveston on December 18, later arriving at New Orleans between December 1842 and January 1843, then sailing along onto the Gulf of Mexico, alternating between Texas and New Orleans during their stay. Upon one of these intervals, returning from New Orleans to Galveston, she took a trip on the 111 tonne steamboat Dayton to Houston Texas upon which she spent 3 days, travelling along the Buffalo Bayou. In 1844 she published this as her first travelogue "Texas or the Gulf of Mexico ; Yachting to the New World". This trip was taken for business ventures her husband was undertaking in beef manufacture and preservation at the time. In her 1850 publication "Hesperos"she makes another trip to Texas, which at the time was in the process of the annexation of Texas to the United States. On the second trip to Texas she visited the home of James Morgan, a Texas slave-owner and land speculator, where she met Ferdinand von Roemer. The two did not agree, Roemor characterising her as a 'snob', Houstoun describing him as unfamiliar to a 'change in raiment' and 'having no teeth' due to a 'tobacco' smoking, which she thought of as a disgusting habit to practise. The second trip appeared to have been taken by Captain Houstoun to invest in Texan sugar plantations, however she only observed as a tourist to Texas life. Viktor Bracht in 1848 noted her 1844 work to be the only other account of Texas written by a woman in this time, except the "Texas" 1833 - 1836 works by Mary Austin Holley, worth reading on the subject of Texas as a native to Texas. In "Yachting to the New World", Houstoun notes upon politics and other topics like the advent of a civil war in the United States. Slavery and Racism. To the residents of the British Isles, slavery was considered abolished in the British Empire in 1772, but was not illegal until the parliamentary action of 1840, which was a long process notably involving the work of William Wilberforce (whose work she was acquainted with) and the James Somerset Case in 1772. Abolitionist works (see Clapham sect or Anti-Slavery society) and published authors like Ukawsaw Gronniosaw in his 1772 work "A Narrative of the Most remarkable Particulars in the Life of James Albert Ukawsaw Gronniosaw, an African Prince", Olaudah Equiano in his 1789 work "The Interesting Narrative of the Life of Olaudah Equiano", Phillis Wheatley in her 1773 work "Poems on Various Subjects, Religious and Moral", Mary Prince in her 1831 work "The History of Mary Prince", and in the work of the Sons of Africa (widespread literature publications in London society at the time, each often going through multiple reprints) shaped how in 19th century Britain's societal views on the practice of slavery. Expansion of this was seen as a moral Christian duty to 'brothers' in need at the time and certainly appears to have been the mindset upon which Houstoun went to the United States with by her aunt Mrs.Townsend. "There is scarcely any spectacle more affecting in idea than that of a human being being made a matter of barter. I went to America strongly prejudiced against this unnatural traffic, and prepared to view every instance of it with horror, and every slave with compassion and sympathy.” Yachting in the New World" Particularly surrounding the culture of the 'black population' in New Orleans, she at first believed them to be something akin to passive agents, but over her 1844 work comes to form a more intersectional view of the New Orleanians in the period, regarding them as active agents in their own affairs. "During our drives through the streets especially on Sundays, the display of Negro finery, and taste was very remarkable. … No one pays higher for his outfit than the negro in the Slave States. He gives his money too, so carelessly, and with such an independent air. I have heard of their giving eight dollars for a suit of clothes, and their industry, and efforts to procure money, are highly praiseworthy. They are in the habit of giving their masters a certain sum of money, (generally I believe about two dollars a day) in lieu of their services. Their time then, is their own, and they are at liberty to make as much more out of it as they can. … though still regarding the slave trade generally in the same light, I began to think that the slaves were not quite so to be pitied as I had imagined.” In ‘’Hesperos’’, Houstoun's 1850 publication, she touches on a number of topics including Christianity amongst African-Americans, the ‘settlements of Liberia’ (which she describes as ‘the wilderness’), the population figures in the Americas comparing ‘whites’ and ‘blacks’, the effects of slavery on wealth distribution on the upper classes amongst the northern states, ‘black … labour’ in the ‘West Indies’, redistribution of global slave routes, education among the southern African-American population and England's role in the cotton trade, abolition and ‘prevention of the slave trade’. All of this is measured by her own "social scale," which is evocative of the later The White Man's Burden race-based ideology. Her own intersectionality displays how she thought of the "blacks" as a group to be "pitied" and, particularly Africans who without "the light of civilization" and the "[Americans'] exertion throughout the means of missionaries to propagate the gospel and civilise the nations on the African coast ... [and] a perpetual stream of industrious and intelligent men [who] will be pouring in from the United States" would "retrograde": “May we not, with these facts before us, come to the conclusion that the bondage of the black race in America is a medium [for the Christian god] through which it is probable that the heathen portion of benighted Africa may in time be civilized.” Ireland. Her second husband leased land in North western Ireland however he died on 23 Oct 1872 in Dhulough Lodge Ireland. She published her 1879 work based on living in Ireland in Doolough, at ‘Dhulough Lodge’. It was at Doolough she wrote a great many of her early works. She often wrote as a way to deal with her 'weariness' over the extended periods of time William Houstoun was away on active duty, and then as a widow. Her works were usually ‘sensation fiction’ from this period. She became interested in landscape gardening during her time at Connaught turning the Lodge from ‘a bog’ to ‘dainty and well kept gardens’: "I am sure I was born to be a landscape gardener," remarks Mrs. Houstoun. "That was my real vocation in life. ... Towering above and beyond our roughly-built house was a mountain called Glenumra, over 3,000 feet in height, whilst in front was Muelhrae, or King of the Irish Mountains (as it is the loftiest), and a part of it effectually concealed from us all the glories of the setting sun. The humid nature of the soil was favourable to the growth of plants. I designed and laid out large gardens, and had only to insert a few feet or inches, as the case might be, of laurel, fuchsia, veronica, or hydrangia into the ground, and the slips took root, grew and flourished. Long before we left there were fuchsias thirty feet high; the veronicas, over six feet, blossomed in November. Then I built a stove-house and conservatory, where my exotic fernery was my great delight, and I spent much of my time there. All the money I earned by my writings I spent on my ferns and plants." Writing. Houston's earliest published work is "Katerina", which was published in Bentley's Miscellany, Richard Bentley's London based magazine in 1839. Travelogues. Houstoun published her works Texas and the Gulf of Mexico ; Yachting in the New World in 1844 and Hesperos or Travels in the New World in 1850. Novels. Her novel "Recommended to Mercy" (1862), was a precursor to a number of her other fiction works, a large number of which includes stories surrounding female leads or heroines who are often involved in dangerous scenarios and settings which explore the fallen woman protagonist where each is proactive in Houstoun's novels. These have been described as 'sentimental' works of fiction, which in the 19th century were known for being dissuaded to be read by male authors, known as ‘silly novels by woman novelists’. By 1868 she was regarded as being in 'high note in literature as a novelist and writer'. Her later works (1879–1892) are said to be characterised by challenging the 'institution of marriage' before the New Woman genre grew in popularity in Britain. Such Things Are. Beginning in Wales, "Such things Are" is Houstoun's first sentimental fiction work. Beginning with 'George Bernard', who falls in love after saving his love interest 'Olive', they marry, moving to London together. The story then shifts to the Brigham family, whose father has recently become bankrupt. The eldest, Susan Brigham, moves to be with her wealthy godmother Christina Llewellen and her niece, Margaret Mayford, in the countryside. The Brighams and the Bernards move to the Isle of Wight, then London, whereupon all the characters begun to alternate. The story branches into a number of interwoven subplots regarding debts, gambling, and murder with a number of other characters. The work ends by Christina Llewellen marrying, Margaret Mayfords suitor (Lord George) ending his engagement with her, and a murder subplot, where Susan Brigham's cousin Florence eventually runs away to Malta with her husband. Recommended to Mercy. "Recommended to Mercy" was at the time of its publication said to be possibly banned by Mudie's publishing group. In the end, William Harrison Ainsworth had to recommend that "Mercy" had to be self published by Houstoun, being picked up after its fourth edition and success in papers like The Times, by Tinsley publishers for its two shilling yellowback series in 1869. Mercy's protagonist is Helen Langton or Vaughan, a fallen woman. "Mercy" includes common sentimental novel tropes (like bigamy trials or marriage infidelity) but due to Houstoun's writing of Helen's actions as an ‘experienced heroine’ (the fallen woman trope subverted and re-examined), Mercy has been reclassified by modern scholars as a ‘novel of experience’. Helen sets an example for a ‘more radically... wifely loyalty without the legitimisation of a marriage contract.’ Throughout Mercy are example of loveless marriages which are played in opposition to Helens societally unconventional relationship to her lover, Philip Thornleigh. Helen subverts the audience's expectations by choosing to be a mistress rather than be married unhappily to a stranger, condemning such marriages as ‘errors [for which] she saw no excuse’. Helen therefore ‘disregards the social and legal absolutes’ of Victorian societal expectation to instead ‘privately carry out [her] ideals’ she holds for her own happiness. Houstoun also extended these principles to Helen's happiness in her work, and in Helen's belief in work for post-maternal mothers. Houstoun lays some blame for perpetuating these societal expectations with women themselves. Characters such as Mrs.Wraxham attempts to socially ostracize Helen for her own financial incentive for example. Helen is written as an example of Houstouns proto-feminist relationship dynamics wherein she is generous and charitable to other women, promoting ‘the importance of women's relationships to social harmony’ in the favour of other women's agency which Houstoun prompts the reader to follow by example. The narrator uses a number of these polemics to denounce and examine a number of the supposed judgements the audience would make of the fallen woman trope, so that the reader becomes empathic to Helen, leading the reader to question the value systems which otherwise prevent Helen from thus becoming an accepted member of society. Houstoun ends the novel when Helen is ‘middle-aged’ and ‘resigned to her status’ which is said to be a precursor to the New Woman genre for its ending of ‘uneasy alliance’ of work and Helen's ‘radical’ personal moral and ethics. Taken upon Trust. "Taken upon Trust" is the sequel to "Such Things Are". The plot revolves around Chrissy, who is accused of poisoning someone who is after her affection, this admirer is the friend of Chrissy's husband. Zoe's Brand. "Zoe's Brand" is an escapist fantasy sentimental novel. The female protagonist, Zoe "Cherie" Gordon is the daughter of a Louisiana plantation owner, with numerous prince charming type love interests. Male characters are notable for being viewed through the female gaze of Zoe, rarely developing as characters beyond their gentlemanly behaviour. With the Antebellum South as a backdrop, Zoe's was written based on Houstoun's time in Texas in 1843, written with strong tones of anti-slavery, and pious Christianity seen in Mercy. Although never translated, her work was sought after by the editor of the Revue Contemporaine to be published in French. Cyril Blount. Cyril Blount was a sentimal novel Houstoun had written in response to the bankruptcy and settlement acts by Richard Bethell, where by 1864 a large number of 'gentlemen' had become declared bankruptcy on a change in the law in 1861 which became the Land Registry Act 1862. The novel's protagonist Cyril, is acquainted with a woman, Maudie. Maudie is to marry Captain Henslow, who has married into the same family twice, but Maudie does not wish to marry Henslow. Maudie's mother however has approved of the arrangement. The plot is said to be 'highly flavoured with rascality', inclurding a 'murder plot' and inheritance themes. The Two Rubies. The story revolves around the marriage of two women who are both named Ruby, whom a reviewer describes as 'above the average of young lady heroines'. 'Mrs.Raynor' is also noted to 'write a memorandum on some letter which had come into her possession by mistake [whereby] she describes herself as a Christian gentleman'. Wide of the mark. A man murders the lover of his sister and locks her away in a tower. The themes of the work heavily involving 'insanity' and 'marital cruelty'. Gone Like a Shadow. "Gone Like a Shadow's" heroine is Madeline Ward. Madeline's father's dies and this causes her to leave her home in the country. On her friend's advice, she takes the pseudonym of Ada Wynward, becoming a governess with a family in London. Madeline's mother becomes ill, at which point she becomes the governess for a family in the county of 'Meadshire'. Madeline is treated very well by the new family, however she is blighted by imposter syndrome and becomes worried for her future career prospects. To provide for her mother, she steals a 'small chain' and ends up having to bribe the pawnsbroker to redeem her for the stolen 'jewel'. She becomes more reclusive over the course of the plot due to this incident. 9 months after this incident, Madeline marries Baronet Deane, who eventually finds out about her murky past due to gossip in Meadshire by a 'vulgar ...dragoon', losing her face in polite Meadshire society. On her cousin's advice Madeline flees to London, where she then 'furnishes conclusive evidence of an alibi' to attempt to separate from her husband, to regain standing once more in Meadshire. Sending this alibi as blackmail to the Baronet, he rebuffs her and she is met with a 'stony response' from the baronet. Madeline, now a mother, becomes a fallen woman with Houstoun ending the last volume on the cliffhanger that 'though "gone like a shadow" from the busy world, [she] shall return'. Lilians Penance. "Lilian's Penance" is based around a heroine who marries a man whilst she is in love with someone else. Barbara's Warning. Houstoun set this work amongst the demimonde. Fixed as fate. The novel is based around the marriage of the protagonist Ethel Bassett to General Philip Meredyth, who was originally married to Ethel's sister. Ethel is in need of money, but is stuck between her desire of marrying for love than for money. Whilst Ethel is in Europe, she is telegraphed by Meredyth about a change in the law regarding their situation. This novel is about the implications of such a 'social imbroglio' of a marriage. Women's rights. Houstoun became a champion of women's rights and began publishing her works based on these as her "Only a woman's life; by one who saved it" (1889) "His Besetting Sin" (1888) and later works are said to champion these interests. Biographies. Her 1879 work, "Records of a Stormy Life" and 1883 work "A Woman's memories of World-Known men"; being semi-autobiographies; are based upon the events of her own life. "Sylvanus Redivivus" (1889) also being another of her biographies. Activism. Houstoun became more involved in her later life as a social reformer in women's welfare and rights. Specifically, the most notable being the case of Frances Isabella Stallard (1856–1922), whose case Houstoun became involved with on Houstoun's insistence that Stallard was ‘an innocent woman... condemned to death on circumstantial evidence for the murder of her child’. As a teenager, Frances had met a man called George Gatrell, a shipwright, in Cowes on the Isle of Wight, she became pregnant by this man, who fled to the West Indies. She gave birth to this child as an impoverished single mother out of wedlock, between January and March in 1875 at the Parkhurst workhouse and named her daughter Agnes Ellen Stallard. In the summer of 1875, Agnes was placed into the care of a Mrs Simmons of Newbridge as Frances begin working full time, and Ann Stallard (Frances mother) was already working at Vermont for an Emily Meager. This arrangement was kept until 1877, when a report from a policeman notified the Stallard household that Agnes was being abused in the carer's guardianship, Frances and her mother walked 20 miles to collect Agnes, to bring to their hometown of Chale in the Isle of Wight. Upon collecting the child, it was noted that Agnes, now 2 years of age, was unable to stand or walk and often bled from her nose and ears. Ann became suspicious after Frances had left their residence in Chale. France having taken Agnes, claiming to have gone to Lymington to place Agnes in the care of George Gatrell's family who lived in England proper. Frances did not return for 4 weeks, so by early 1877, Ann led a search for Agnes which ending by finding Agnes’ body was found in a culvert. When later questioned in court, Frances confessed to killing Agnes by placing a cloth across the child's face to stop Agnes's crying. Frances was then charged with the murder of Agnes on April 9, 1877 in a Winchester court by Lord Coleridge, who sentenced Frances to execution, even though the jury had recommended a mercy verdict. She would carry out this period of her sentence on death row in the Knaphill Woking's female convict prison in Surrey, later being transferred to Holloway prison. After the publication of her story in the Telegraph and other Victorian British national newspapers, there was a national outcry against the death sentence verdict in the case, and a national petition was sent to the Home Office demanding further action be taken in Stallard's case. The charge was eventually altered to 'penal servitude for life', the outcome being that Stallard served twelve years in prison. The trial and circumstances of the events of Stallard's life became known to Houstoun circa 1888, and she published her book "Only a Womans Life" in 1889 in support of Stallards defence in the case. In the same year, Judge Matthews had read Houstoun's work and upon deliberation again with Lord Coleridge over Stallard's case caused the dropping of Stallard's guilty verdict, Stallard was released on July 25, 1889 and returned to the Isle of Wight, where by 1891 she found work as a servant, eventually finding work as a housekeeper. Houstoun later noted she "looked back with thankfulness" for her 1889 work, as it was ‘successful in obtaining [Stallards] release after twelve years [as a] convict. Houstoun was noted by Black to ‘[give] little teas and suppers to aged men and women, whose sad cases have from time to time been recommended to her’ in the last years of her life. Last Years. She was known for her art collection which included works by Richard Parkes Bonington, Slingelandt and Francesco Zuccarelli. Houstoun was described herself as a ‘ Liberal who was "not a Gladstonian”’. She was featured in Helen Black's 'Notable Women Author's of the day', published in 1893; Black noted that Houstoun was ‘a great reader... in the literature of the day as she is in the records of the past’. She was said to be fond of the literary work of Caroline Norton and Charlotte Riddell in the 1890s. Suffering from ‘severe neuralgic affection of the joints... [and]... injury to both knees’ she was plagued by continuing health problems from many years as a gardener, leading to Houstoun dying of a cerebral haemorrhage. She died in her home at 16 Gloucester Street, Pimlico, London aged 81.

forthcoming professional opportunities

9514-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=554008

USS "Fanshaw Bay" (CVE-70) was a of the United States Navy. She was named after Fanshaw Bay, located within Cape Fanshaw, of the Alexander Archipelago in the Territory of Alaska. The cape was given its name by Charles Mitchell Thomas, who was mapping the area, in 1887. Built for service during World War II, the ship was launched in November 1943, and commissioned in December, and served in support of the Mariana and Palau Islands campaign, the Battle off Samar, and the Battle of Okinawa. Postwar, she participated in Operation Magic Carpet. She was decommissioned in August 1946, when she was mothballed in the Pacific Reserve Fleet. Ultimately, she was sold for scrapping in September 1959. Design and description. "Fanshaw Bay" was a "Casablanca"-class escort carrier, the most numerous type of aircraft carriers ever built, and was designed specifically to be mass-produced using prefabricated sections, in order to replace heavy early war losses. Standardized with her sister ships, she was long overall, had a beam of , and a draft of . She displaced standard, with a full load. She had a long hangar deck and a long flight deck. She was powered with two Skinner Unaflow reciprocating steam engines, which drove two shafts, providing , thus enabling her to make . The ship had a cruising range of at a speed of . Her compact size necessitated the installment of an aircraft catapult at her bow, and there were two aircraft elevators to facilitate movement of aircraft between the flight and hangar deck: one each fore and aft. One /38 caliber dual-purpose gun was mounted on the stern. Anti-aircraft defense was provided by eight Bofors anti-aircraft guns in single mounts, as well as twelve Oerlikon cannons, which were mounted around the perimeter of the deck. By the end of the war, "Casablanca"-class carriers had been modified to carry thirty cannons, and the amount of Bofors guns had been doubled to sixteen, by putting them into twin mounts. These modifications were in response to increasing casualties due to kamikaze attacks. "Casablanca"-class escort carriers were designed to carry 27 aircraft, but the hangar deck could accommodate more. During the Mariana and Palau Islands campaign, the beginning of the Philippines campaign, and the Battle off Samar, she carried 16 FM-2 Wildcat fighters, and 12 TBM-1C Avenger torpedo bombers, for a total of 28 aircraft. However, during the Battle of Okinawa, she carried 24 FM-2 fighters and 6 TBM-3 torpedo bombers for a total of 30 aircraft. Construction. The escort carrier was laid down on 18 May 1943, under a Maritime Commission contract, MC hull 1107, by Kaiser Shipbuilding Company, Vancouver, Washington. She was named "Fanshaw Bay", as part of a tradition which named escort carriers after bays or sounds in Alaska. She was launched on 1 November 1943; sponsored by Mrs. Lorna V. Kenworthy, the wife of Captain Jesse L. Kenworthy Jr., who was the executive officer of the battleship during the Attack on Pearl Harbor. She was transferred to the United States Navy and commissioned on 9 December 1943, with Captain Douglass Pollock Johnson in command. Service history. Upon being commissioned, "Fanshaw Bay" took on armaments at Port Townsend, Washington on 31 December, and proceeded on a shakedown cruise down the West Coast. During this period, she stopped at Port Angeles, Washington from 6 January 1944 to 8 January, along with another pause at San Francisco, California between 11 and 16 January, where she took on a load of aircraft. She was also assigned to become the flagship of Carrier Division 25, commanded by Rear Admiral Gerald F. Bogan. She departed from San Francisco on 16 January, ferrying her load to Gladstone, Queensland, arriving on 2 February. On her return trip, she touched at Brisbane from 8 to 12 February, and at Nouméa from 15 to 16 February. Upon returning, she underwent maintenance and her crew underwent leave at San Diego from 4 March to 6 April. There, "Fanshaw Bay" received her aircraft contingent, originally intended to be Composite Squadron 4 (VC-4), but switched to Composite Squadron 68 (VC-68), which consisted of 16 FM-2 fighters and 10 TBM-1C torpedo bombers. She departed San Diego on 6 April, accompanied by the seaplane tender , making a stop at Pearl Harbor on 10 April, and arriving at Majuro on 20 April. En route, on 11 April, one of her torpedo bombers crashed in an accident, with its crew being rescued by "Orca". Upon arriving at Majuro, she began conducting antisubmarine patrols, along with the destroyer escorts , , and . Ten days of patrols returned no contacts, and she retired to Pearl Harbor. Mariana and Palau Islands campaign. On 29 May, she sortied from Pearl Harbor, bound for Eniwetok Atoll, where she acted as the flagship of Task Group 52.14, which was assigned to support the upcoming Mariana and Palau Islands campaign. En route, two of her Wildcats were lost, and another was slightly damaged, through accidents. She began combat operations on 11 June, some west of Saipan, providing aerial reconnaissance, close air support, and antisubmarine patrols in support of the Battle of Saipan. On 15 June, at 17:15 in the late afternoon, the officers of "Fanshaw Bay" received a report of five Japanese aircraft proceeding towards her task group to her southwest. Fighters were scrambled, and the aircraft were intercepted away, harrying them as they quickly proceeded towards the carriers. Four of them were shot down, although a fifth aircraft was able to drop a torpedo aimed at "Fanshaw Bay" at 18:12. Fortunately for the carrier, the Japanese plane approaching from the starboard bow, perhaps disrupted by the anti-aircraft fire, dropped its torpedo at a slight turn. Therefore, "Fanshaw Bay" engaged in a hard right turn, easily dodging the torpedo. The Japanese aircraft was subsequently shot down at 18:15. On 17 June, one of "Fanshaw Bay"s torpedo bombers conducting antisubmarine patrols crashed shortly after takeoff, veering port into the sea. A large explosion was triggered, likely from the detonation of one of the bomber's depth charges, killing all three of its crew. Later that day, another torpedo bomber was lost, and although two of the crew were recovered, the radioman drowned with the aircraft. In the late afternoon, the task group detected about seventy Japanese aircraft approaching quickly from the southeast, out. Fighters were scrambled, and "Fanshaw Bay" launched fourteen Wildcats to supplement the thirty-two launched by the other escort carriers. Her fighters, intercepting the planes, shot down one. Nonetheless, the Japanese force penetrated the air screen, and made for the carriers. Early on in the attack, the Japanese planes focused on "Fanshaw Bay" and . Her anti-aircraft guns provided adept assistance, shooting down three planes, and damaging two more. However, at 18:52, a Japanese bomber made a run for "Fanshaw Bay", dropping a bomb (believed to be ) as it flew about above the carrier. The bomb penetrated into her aft aircraft elevator, punching through the wooden decking, and detonating within the hangar bay, some below the flight deck. Shrapnel was launched through the hangar, instantly killing eleven men of Repair Party 3, which had taken up position forward of the elevator. Munitions were stored on both sides of the elevator, and shrapnel sliced through three torpedoes, although they failed to detonate. Nonetheless, the blast had enough force to rupture a fire main, sever electrical cables, and to even eject depth charges from the bomb bays of the Avengers stored within the hangar deck. In addition, several fires were kindled, total steering control was lost, and the ship acquired a 3° list to the port. Although the fires were quickly put under control by the crew, several of her aircraft were compelled to land on other carriers as a result of the blazes. In the action, three planes from her aircraft contingent were lost in the turmoil, albeit there were no fatalities. Rear Admiral Bogan was also compelled to transfer his flag to the destroyer in order to more effectively lead the fleet. The rest of "Fanshaw Bay"s damage was not so easily resolved. Steering control was not regained until 3:55 in the morning of 18 June. Of even greater concern to the ship's officers was that of her list, with her stern sinking lower than design specifications. Originally, they believed that the ship's outer skin had been penetrated, letting seawater in. Further investigation revealed that the cause for the list came from the ruptured fire main, which the damage control teams struggled to plug. Bogan, continuously frustrated by the progress of damage control, later complained in a 1969 interview that "Fanshaw Bay" was "the worst ship [he’d] ever seen in any Navy" and that "the entire complement was incompetent." Regardless of opinions, "Fanshaw Bay" suffered 14 dead and 23 wounded from the attack. On 18 June, at 11:30 in the morning, her dead were buried at sea in a ceremony. "Fanshaw Bay" retired from operations and proceeded to Pearl Harbor for a long period of repairs. Nonetheless, limited flight operations continued, with a fighter pilot perishing in an accident on 29 June. Battle of Morotai. Upon finishing her repairs, "Fanshaw Bay" continued acting as the flagship of Carrier Division 25, now under the command of Rear Admiral Clifton A. F. Sprague. After departing from Pearl Harbor, she arrived at Manus Island, of the Admiralty Islands. "Fanshaw Bay", along with five other escort carriers and a screen of eight destroyer escorts, was assigned to Task Group 77.1, which would support the landings on Morotai. Notably, her aircraft contingent had been swapped, and she now hosted Composite Squadron 66 (VC-66). She departed Manus on 10 September, and she began air support operations on 15 September. On 17 September, two Avengers, one from "Fanshaw Bay", collided while moving into formation on an antisubmarine patrol. Of the six men involved, only a single survivor was recovered by the submarine chaser . On 19 September, "Fanshaw Bay" lost another aircraft, with one of her Wildcats, diving on a Zero, missing and exploding on contact with the water. The carrier continued to hemorrhage aircraft, with an additional two fighters and a torpedo bomber crashing by 27 September. On 3 October, the majority of the escort carriers had already retired, leaving only "Fanshaw Bay" and to continue operations. "Fanshaw Bay" was preparing to retire back to Manus during the night. At the time, her task group was operating to the north of the island, when the Japanese submarine fired a spread of torpedoes towards the escort carriers. The first indicator of a torpedo attack occurred when a torpedo was spotted passing to the front of "St. Lo", and off the port beam of "Fanshaw Bay". Before maneuvers could be conducted, a second torpedo detonated on the destroyer escort , killing thirteen, and wounding twenty-two. The destroyer screen commenced dropping depth charges, forcing "Ro-41" away. Battle off Samar. "Fanshaw Bay" quietly retired back to Manus, where preparations began for the Philippines campaign. More specifically, "Fanshaw Bay", as the flagship for "Taffy 3", would be providing aerial cover for the planned landings on the island of Leyte. After a brief period of replenishment at Manus from 7 to 12 October, "Fanshaw Bay" set off for the Philippines. En route, on 16 October, "Fanshaw Bay" lost yet another aircraft to an accident, with one of her fighters wrecking itself on the flight deck, before being caught by an arresting cable, which resulted in the aircraft precariously dangling over her port side. Her crew, and after a short while, the aircraft, were subsequently recovered. At the time of the invasion, Taffy 3 consisted of "Fanshaw Bay", "St. Lo", "White Plains", , , and , along with an accompanying screen of three destroyers and four destroyer escorts. As the U.S. fleet gathered off the Philippines, the Japanese garrison on Suluan managed to alert their command. This prompted Admiral Soemu Toyoda to launch Shō-Gō 1, a gambit to defend Japan's access to the oil fields of Southeast Asia. On 18 and 19 October, Taffy 3 conducted strikes against Japanese bases located within Cebu, Negros, and Panay, destroying a total of thirty-eight planes, and damaging twenty-eight more. She then steamed off the island of Samar from 20 to 25 October, providing air support for U.S. forces onshore, and dropping leaflets on Japanese positions. In the meantime, Admiral William Halsey Jr. led his Third Fleet northwards, after spotting Vice Admiral Jisaburō Ozawa's diversionary Northern Force. Thus, the only ships covering the vulnerable landing crafts of Leyte Gulf were the three escort carrier task groups and their screens. Taffy 3, the northmost task group, would bear the brunt of Vice Admiral Takeo Kurita's Center Force as it swung through the San Bernardino Strait. On the early morning of 25 October, Kurita's Center Force had already crossed the San Bernardino Strait unmolested, and was entering the open waters of the Leyte Gulf. "White Plains"s radar had possibly spotted the Japanese force maneuvering into position at 3:00, but this information was disregarded by the ship's command. Although World War II era surface radar was notoriously faulty, the speed and course of the spotted blip was consistent with the course set by the Center Force. At 4:30, the escort carriers went to general quarters in preparation for another round of airstrikes and close air support. By 5:30, Taffy 3 had launched twelve fighters to conduct a combat air patrol, before launching another two Wildcats and four Avengers shortly afterwards. The task group continued launching aircraft throughout the morning. By the time of the attack, "Fanshaw Bay" therefore only had twelve aircraft on hand, none of which were equipped to deal with heavily armed surface warships. The first indication of Japanese contact happened shortly after 6:30, when Taffy 3 experienced three almost simultaneous warnings. Firstly, they began receiving unencrypted Japanese chatter. Secondly, they spotted antiaircraft fire, estimated at to the north, where there was known to be no Allied surface presence. In fact, an Avenger from "St. Lo" had stumbled into the midst of the Japanese fleet, and began radioing Rear Admiral Sprague warnings. Thirdly, "Fanshaw Bay"s radar operators spotted an unmistakable surface signature of unknown surface ships just away. Upon coming to an understanding of the severity of the situation, Sprague ordered Taffy 3 to steam eastward, in hopes of being shielded by a passing rain squall. At 6:52, "Fanshaw Bay" launched the remaining twelve of her planes, which consisted of a single Wildcat, and eleven Avengers. Of the Avengers, ten were carrying a single semi-armor piercing bombs, and one was carrying two depth charges. Sprague also radioed for assistance from Vice Admiral Jesse B. Oldendorf, the commander of Task Group 77.2, which had just defeated the Southern Force in the Battle of Surigao Strait. Unfortunately for Sprague, Oldendorf was at least three hours sail away, Task Group 77.2 was scattered over an immense distance because of the previous night's battle, and it was low on both fuel and ammunition. Taffy 3 would have to confront the Center Force by itself. "Fanshaw Bay" and "White Plains" were located on the west flank, and therefore bore the opening volleys of the engagement. Beginning at 6:58, both of the carriers came under fire from the Japanese task group, which was situated about away. The Japanese were firing dye-marked shells to gauge their aim, and the escort carriers were, much to the concern of their command, straddled in plumes of colored water. The officers would certainly be more concerned if they were able to correspond the color of the dyed water to that of a particular Japanese ship, as plumes of red, green, blue, purple, pink and yellow dyed water started to dot the ocean. Unbeknownst to the crew, the pink dyes corresponded to the Japanese battleship , with its guns, the largest ever manufactured, and the yellow dyes corresponded to the Japanese battleship , with its guns. Fortunately for "Fanshaw Bay"s crew, as the shells slowly creeped up to her stern, she happened across a passing rain squall at 7:03, reducing visibility to just . At the same time that "Fanshaw Bay" was being harried by shells, the twelve aircraft that she had launched, joined by four fighters which had been on patrol, commenced attacks against the leading Japanese ships. Their attacks were mostly ineffective, mostly due to their light armaments and a general lack of coordination. The task group emerged from the rain squall by 7:23, but it was not until 7:50 that "Fanshaw Bay" came under concentrated fire again. At 7:50, four shells made impact with her hull, with another two missing just in front of her bow. One shell penetrated through a ventilator, killing two men as it tore into the carrier. Another shell passed under one of her Bofors guns, tearing the face off of one of her crew. Deflected by the gun's shield, the shell ricocheted over her flight deck. Another shell destroyed her catapult track, and resulted in a small explosion within her flag office. Four small fires had been kindled by these shells, but they were quickly put under control, along with a minor issue with flooding. Although four men had been killed in the attack, her operational capability was not significantly compromised. Rather, "Fanshaw Bay"s gun responded by firing against one of the leading Japanese cruisers, landing at least five hits against its superstructure. "Fanshaw Bay" continued whilst under concentrated fire for the next hour, conducting a variety of evasive maneuvers. At 8:35, with the task force weaving back and forth, "Fanshaw Bay" had a close call with the destroyer , narrowly avoiding a collision. Despite the addition of smoke screens, and the heroic defense of her escorts, by 8:55, the Japanese had already closed the distance to only . During the intervening period, the Japanese shells had sparked a series of fires, which the damage control parties struggled to contain, and the situation seemed to be deteriorating. She was also forced to dodge torpedo attacks launched by the Japanese destroyer screen. Fortunately for her crew, Admiral Kurita, discouraged by the dogged defense of Taffy 3 and his losses, harried by constant air attacks, and believing that he was facing an equal or perhaps a superior force, was convinced to withdraw. At 9:25, to the bewilderment of Rear Admiral Sprague, the Japanese fleet turned around and retired. In the chaos of the action, "Fanshaw Bay" lost four Wildcats and an Avenger. In addition, "Gambier Bay" was severely damaged and sunk as a result of Japanese naval gunfire, with her survivors being left behind by the beleaguered task force. As Taffy 3 retired to the southeast following the engagement, five Japanese kamikaze Zeroes, along with four escorting fighters, were spotted at 10:51. The first kamikaze aimed for "Kitkun Bay", but its aim was off, only clipping the carrier before detonating over the flight deck and plunging into the ocean. The second and third planes went for "Fanshaw Bay". The first plane to approach was shot down by her gun, and it nosedived into the ocean. However, one of its bombs still exploded some from her hull, sending shrapnel across the carrier. As the other kamikaze maneuvered into a position to strike the ship, it was shot down a safe distance from the carrier by her anti-aircraft gunners. The fourth kamikaze proceeded towards "White Plains", but only clipped the carrier, inflicting minor damage. The fifth kamikaze plunged towards, and sunk "St. Lo" with the loss of 113 lives. Even more kamikazes attempted to follow on the successful attack on "St. Lo", but accurate anti-aircraft fire and an effective fighter screen ensured that the carriers sustained no more substantial damage. With her destroyer screen detached to recover the survivors of "St. Lo", "Fanshaw Bay" retired towards Manus, recovering aircraft from the action throughout the day. At the end of the day, the carrier's crew had suffered four dead, and four wounded, with three having to be transferred to for treatment ashore. Arriving at Manus on 1 November, she replenished until 7 November, and proceeded back to the West Coast, making a stop at Pearl Harbor. She arrived at San Diego, where repairs were made for the damage sustained in the Battle off Samar. On 10 January 1945, Captain Murr Edward Arnold took over command of the vessel. In addition, a new aircraft contingent, Composite Spotting Squadron 2 (VOC-2), was embarked upon the carrier. Upon finishing repairs, she steamed for the waters off of Hawaii, where training operations were conducted, along with routine patrols. Battle of Okinawa. After finishing training, she sailed westwards to Ulithi, arriving on 14 March. There, she was designated as the flagship of Carrier Division 26, under the command of Rear Admiral Sprague. Preparations were made for the upcoming landings on Okinawa. On 21 March, she departed for Okinawa, and her aircraft began combat operations on 25 March. Her planes supported the initial landings on 1 April, providing extensive close air support, and neutralizing Japanese positions. On 7 April, Rear Admiral Ernest Wheeler Litch took over command of Carrier Division 26. "Fanshaw Bay" remained on station off of Okinawa for sixty-nine consecutive days, and her air contingent flew 2,089 sorties in the battle, claiming five Japanese planes. Throughout the operation, she witnessed near constant kamikaze attacks, with some 1,465 Japanese kamikazes involved. Following a short period of replenishment at San Pedro Bay, "Fanshaw Bay" again returned to Okinawa, arriving off of the Sakishima Islands on 9 June to continue launching airstrikes. She continued these operations until 27 June, when she was assigned to Task Force 39, commanded by Rear Admiral Alexander Sharp. Consisting of 107 minesweepers, seven minelayers, and seven netlayers, the Task Force began minesweeping operations within the East China Sea, beginning on 5 July. "Fanshaw Bay", along with three other escort carriers, provided an aerial screen for the minesweepers, and launched strikes against targets situated around the mouth of the Yangtze River on 28 July. On 30 July, she withdrew from the operations, having assisted the minesweepers in clearing 404 mines over , with no loss in ships, despite the occasional Japanese submarine or plane. "Fanshaw Bay" anchored within Nakagusuku Bay, where she endured further kamikaze and submarine incursions. She then steamed for Guam and Eniwetok, where she loaded aircraft. She was assigned to Vice Admiral Frank Jack Fletcher's Ninth Fleet, which was operating off of the Aleutian Islands. As she departed from Eniwetok, she received news of the Japanese surrender on August 15. Post-war. With the conclusion of offensive operations, "Fanshaw Bay" proceeded northwards, mooring at Kuluk Bay, Adak Island. There, she joined Task Force 44, and sailed southwards to assist in the Japanese occupation. She operated off of Japan between 31 August and 9 September, covering troops as they landed on Hokkaido. After the formal signing of surrender by the Japanese garrison on Hokkaido on 9 September, she returned to Pearl Harbor, arriving on 24 September. At Pearl Harbor, she joined the "Magic Carpet" fleet, which repatriated U.S. servicemen from throughout the Pacific. She cruised around the Pacific, making stops and returning U.S. servicemen back to the mainland, sailing a total of along the way, and with an average of 1,400 passengers on-board during each journey. She first steamed for San Francisco, arriving on 20 October, took on passengers at Pearl Harbor on 27 October, and returned her passengers to San Diego on 4 November. She then made a trip to Japan, arriving at Tokyo Bay on 28 November, returning to the West Coast on 18 December, where she was discharged from the "Magic Carpet" fleet. Following release, "Fanshaw Bay" sailed northwards, arriving at Port Angeles, Washington, on 26 January 1946. Inactivation work began at Tacoma on 29 January, and she was decommissioned on 14 August. She was mothballed as part of the Pacific Reserve Fleet, and she was redesignated as a helicopter escort carrier whilst in reserve on 12 June 1955. She was struck from the Navy list on 1 March 1959, and sold for scrapping on 29 August to Hyman-Michaels Co., Chicago. She was ultimately broken up in Portland, Oregon, later that year. "Fanshaw Bay" received five battle stars for World War II service, and along with the rest of Taffy 3, received the Presidential Unit Citation for conduct during the Battle off Samar.

initial warning

7765-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8692015

The Siege of Alexandria was fought between 17 August and 2 September 1801, during the French Revolutionary Wars, between French and British forces and was the last action of the Egyptian Campaign. The French had occupied Alexandria, a major fortified harbour city on the Nile Delta in northern Egypt, since 2 July 1798, and the garrison there surrendered on 2 September 1801. Background. The battle between the British and French at Canope on 21 March 1801 resulted in a French repulse. The French under Menou, disheartened by this failure, retired to Alexandria. With Abercrombie's death, John Hely-Hutchinson succeeded as commander of the British force in August. He now intended to lay siege to Alexandria and bottle Menou up. Hutchinson left Coote with 6,000 men and then sent part of the reserve with Baron Charles De Hompesh to capture Rosetta. He then advanced to Cairo, which he reached, after a few skirmishes, in mid June. Joined by a sizable Turkish force Hutchinson invested Cairo and on 27 June the 13,000-strong French garrison under General Augustin Daniel Belliard, out-manned and out-gunned, surrendered. General John Moore then escorted them to the coast via Rosetta. The Siege. Hutchinson, with Cairo out of the way, now began the final reduction of Alexandria. He had thirty five battalions in total. While the reserve feinted to the east, Coote, with the Guards and two other brigades, landed on 16 August to its west where fierce opposition was encountered by the garrison of Fort Marabout, which the 54th Regiment of foot eventually stormed. Both sides mounted combined assaults but the French soldiers, unable to break out and with food shortages and disease taking their toll, became increasingly disillusioned with the campaign. Menou knew he had no hope and on 26 August asked for terms; on 26 August he proposed formal terms of capitulation. The terms as amended by British commanders and put into effect are known as the Capitulation of Alexandria. Aftermath. By 2 September total of 10,000 French surrendered under terms which allowed them to keep their personal weapons and baggage, and to return to France on British ships. However, all French ships and cannons at Alexandria were surrendered to the British. Of the warships captured in the harbour, the French frigates "Égyptienne" (50) and "Régénérée" (40), and the ex-Venetian frigate "Léoben" (26) went to Britain, while the French frigate "Justice" (44), the ex-Venetian ship of the line "Causse" (64) and frigate "Mantoue" (26), and the ex-Turkish corvettes "Halil Bey", "Momgo Balerie" and "Salâbetnümâ" went to the Turks, under Capitan Pacha (sic). Historians relate that the French garrison, feeling abandoned by an uncaring Republic, gradually abandoned the high standards of conduct and service characteristic of the French Revolutionary Army. Many soldiers refused to renew their oath to the Republic, or did so half-heartedly. In his memoirs, the surgeon-in-chief of Napoleon's Grand Army, Baron Dominique-Jean Larrey, remembers how the consumption of the meat of young Arab horses helped the French to curb an epidemic of scurvy. He would so start the 19th-century tradition of horse meat consumption in France. The Rosetta Stone. After the surrender, a dispute arose over the fate of French archaeological and scientific discoveries in Egypt. One of the key artifacts was the Rosetta Stone which had been discovered in mid-July 1799 by French scientists of the Institut d'Égypte. Menou refused to hand them over, claiming they belonged to the institute. How exactly the stone came into British hands is disputed. Colonel Tomkyns Hilgrove Turner, who escorted the stone to Britain, claimed later that he had personally seized it from Menou and carried it away on a gun carriage. Turner brought the stone to Britain aboard "Egyptienne", landing in February 1802. On 11 March it was presented to the Society of Antiquaries of London. Later it was taken to the British Museum, where it remains to this day. Inscriptions painted in white on the artifact state "Captured in Egypt by the British Army in 1801" on the left side and "Presented by King George III" on the right.

major relics

10298-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=25023951

Kokoro is a common snack food in Nigeria. It is made from a paste of maize flour mixed with sugar and gari (cassava) or yam flour and deep-fried. It is commonly sold in ogun state in Nigeria. In a 1991 study of foods sold to schoolchildren in Lagos, samples of kokoro were bought from the stalls and subjected to microbiological analysis. Ten different types of bacteria were isolated, including bacteria associated with food poisoning and diarrhea, pointing to the need to improve control of hygiene in their preparation, and to look for ways to extend shelf life. In a study that aimed to find a version with improved nutrition value, it was found that de-fatted soybean or groundnut cake flour could be used, but the taste and texture were not acceptable at more than 10% of the total flour. Another nutritionally improved snack derived from kokoro was developed by extrusion cooking of different mixes of maize, soybean and condiments such as pepper, onion, salt, palm oil, plantain and banana.

research from nine years prior to 2000

9301-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=2418761

What Where is Samuel Beckett's last play produced following a request for a new work for the 1983 Autumn Festival in Graz, Austria. It was written between February and March 1983 initially in French as Quoi où and translated by Beckett himself. Synopsis. The play begins with a voice issuing forth from a dimly lit megaphone: "We are the last five." Only four characters appear throughout the performance however, "Bam", "Bom", "Bim", and "Bem" (an echo of Rimbaud's sonnet, "Voyelles") but the voice does not belong to a putative "Bum", rather it is the "Voice of Bam". The men are all dressed in identical grey gowns with the same long grey hair. Before the drama proper commences there is a quick run through of the action without words. The four characters enter and exit, as they will all do later, in a style more reminiscent of "Quad" than the two "Act Without Words" mimes. Satisfied with this the Voice of Bam says, "Good," switches off the light and prepares us for the action. The play follows a seasonal pattern. The voice tells us that it is spring and turns on the light. Bom enters from the north and is questioned by Bam as to the results of an interrogation. We do not learn who has been subjected to his ministrations – the assumption is Bum – only that he was given "the works", that he "wept", "screamed" and although he "[b]egged for mercy" he still refused to "say "it"". The voice is dissatisfied with how this scene is playing out and makes them start again. This time Bam wants to know if Bom attempted to revive the man. Bom claims that he couldn't at which point Bam accuses him of lying saying that he had been given the information and he would also be subjected to the same grilling until he confessed. Bim appears and asks what information he needs to extract from Bom. Bam maintains he only wants to know: "That he said "it" to him." Bim wants to make sure that is all he needs to obtain and then he can stop. Bam tells him, "Yes." Bam's voice repeats "not good, I start again". Bim then asks what is he to confess. Bam tells him that he needs to confess that he said "it" to him. Bim asks if that is all and Bam says "and what". Bim asks again and Bam says yes. Bim then calls Bom to come with him and they both exit. The same scene is now replayed only it is summer. The Voice of Bam tells us that time has passed but no effort is made to visually convey this fact; it is simply stated. Bim reappears and is questioned. Bam wants to know if he said "it" but the voice is again unhappy and makes them start again. This time Bim is asked if he managed to find out "where" from Bom which he had not as he had not been asked to. In the end Bem appears and is told to find out "where" from Bim. Bem and Bim both exit like before. We are again informed that time has passed. It is now autumn and Bem returns to report he has been unable to extract "where" from Bim. The voice no longer needs to hear the complete interchange and jumps to Bam accusing Bim of lying and threatening him with "the works". Since there is no one left to carry out his orders Bam escorts Bem away himself. The voice tells us that winter has now arrived. Bam appears from the west and waits with his head bowed. There is no one left to ask if he got the information or to accuse him of lying if he has proven as unsuccessful as the others. The voice tells us that he is alone now, "[i]n the present as were I still." There are no more journeys to make and nothing to do apart from let time pass. He leaves the audience to try to make sense of things on their own and switches the light off. Sources of Inspiration. Bim and Bom. Just as Beckett has a fondness for characters whose names begin with M, there are also a host of characters whose names end with an M. From the time of his collection of stories "More Pricks Than Kicks" Bim and Bom appear periodically in Beckett's work. These were Russian clowns of the 1920s and '30s, who for a while were granted permission by the Soviet authorities to satirize the shortcomings of the state. There is a Wikipedia article on Bim Bom which treats the Russian clowns as if they were an individual. as does the issue dated 30 April 1956. "The Faber Companion to Samuel Beckett" has an entry for "Bim and Bom" (p 56) which also refers to them in the plural. James Knowlson in his biography of Beckett, "Damned to Fame", suggests that the names may echo Richard Aldington's "Enter Bim and Bom", the epilogue to his 1931 novel "The Colonel's Daughter", on an English football field to comment upon the degeneration of English society and "became for Beckett emblems of human cruelty, disguised under a comic garb." They first appear in the short story "Yellow", then in "Murphy" (along with Bum), in draft passages deleted from "Waiting for Godot" and "Endgame", Bom and Bem pop up in "How It Is" before finally bowing out in "What Where". Schubert. "Beckett adored Franz Schubert's song cycle, "Winterreise" (Winter Journey) … [and ] used to listen spellbound to Dietrich Fischer-Dieskau's stunning recording of the songs … He also knew about his connections with the town of Graz [Schubert had stayed there for a time] … In the Schubert "Lieder", the traveller in the opening poem, "Gute Nacht" (Good Night) has lost his love and journeys disconsolately from May into snowy winter … [This] provided Beckett with the formal structure of his play, moving from spring to winter … suggesting death." Thomas Moore. In his notes for the German TV production, Beckett wrote "'For PA [i.e. playing area] the light of other days'. And he admitted that he expressly associated this play with Thomas Moore's poignant poem, "Oft, in the Stilly Night", which includes the lines 'Sad memory brings the light / Of other days around me'." James Joyce. Earlier in his career, Beckett—a disciple of Joyce in his younger days—had previously contributed the essay, "Dante...Bruno.Vico..Joyce" in the critical anthology, "Our Exagmination Round His Factification for Incamination of Work in Progress", a work meant to prepare the reading public for what would be the final phase in Joyce's writing. It is possible that Beckett may have been inspired to name his characters from the sixth verse of the so-called "Ballad of Humpty Dumpty" in "Finnegans Wake": So snug he was in his hotel premises sumptuous But soon we'll bonfire all his trash, tricks and trumpery And'tis short till sheriff Clancy'll be winding up his unlimited company With the bailiff's bom at the door, (Chorus) Bimbam at the door. Then he'll bum no more. Notice that, just as "Bum" is the only unspoken name in Beckett's "last five," so too is "Bem" the only vowel variant missing from Joyce's wordplay. More importantly, however, is the context that Joyce's combination of "bom," "Bimbam," and "bum" suggest. The percussive "bailiff's bom at the door," immediately followed by "Bimbam at the door," all suggest physical intimidation by agents of the state—something which could only have informed Beckett's choice in naming his characters, even if Joyce's work was not his only source of inspiration. Interpretation. As with many of Beckett's later works for the stage and television, one definitive interpretation of "What Where" has proven elusive. A clear totalitarian edge exists which is why many opt for a political reading but, as with "Catastrophe" before it, there is more going on here. It can also be interpreted as a portrait of a single consciousness engaged in a self-reflective act. When the Voice of Bam wants the action to restart, rather than instruct the two player to "Start again," it says – significantly – ""I" start again" suggesting that the words and actions of the two men are being directly controlled, remembered or imagined by the consciousness behind the voice, presumably the Bam as he is in the present. A political reading cannot be simply dismissed though since Beckett himself "briefly entertained making each character wear a tarboosh, fezlike headgear associated with Armenians." Even today "[t]orture and ill-treatment in police custody remain widespread in Armenia. Torture usually occurs in pre-trial detention with the aim of coercing a confession or evidence against third parties." Beckett is famously reported as saying of "What Where": "I don't know what it means. Don't ask me what it means. It's an object." There is clearly a danger in taking this remark at face value. Beckett undoubtedly had something quite specific in mind as can be seen in the way he moulded his vision over the three productions in America, Germany and France detailed below. One significant remark he did make was that the Voice of Bam could be thought as coming from "beyond the grave". Beckett, in "Proust", calls memory "some miracle of analogy;" he qualifies it in the preceding phrase as "an accident". The inability to remember, to get at the truth, is a focal point in much of his work. Beckett's characters (e.g. May in "Footfalls", Mouth in "Not I") seem doomed to repeat themselves, as much as the accidents or miracles of analogy allow them some momentary insight into their situations. For Beckett, memory is second-hand knowledge. You were not there. Another "you" was. Can you trust what he says he saw and heard? This would not be the first time Beckett has fragmented an individual for dramatic effect (e.g. "That Time" or "Ohio Impromptu"). Beckett believes people to be in a continual state of flux, often finding it hard to relate to earlier versions of their own selves (e.g. Krapp: Just been listening to that stupid bastard I took myself for thirty years ago, hard to believe I was ever as bad as that.). With each passing day "we are other", Beckett notes in his monograph, "no longer what we were before the calamity of yesterday." Bam is not wallowing in nostalgia though (like the women in "Come and Go"), rather he is trying to remember something – an "it", a "when", a "where" – that insists on remaining just out of reach. Those "familiar with his preoccupation, themes, images, figures of speech … may assume that the 'what where' question is a kind of Oedipus' riddle and that the answer to it cannot be found, despite an obligation to ask the question." Rather than simply "What?" and "Where?" the full questions could easily be: "What is the meaning of life?" and "Where does it all come from?" If Bam is trying to ascertain the details surrounding a particular crime, the question has to be asked: what crime? James Knowlson believes "that crime appears likely to be Calderón’s ‘original sin of being born', which Beckett had evoked at the beginning of his career in this essay "Proust". Consequently, the overall perpetrator is unlikely ever to be known, let alone apprehended." Production history. Beckett was not happy with the piece when first completed. He wrote to Kay Boyle in March 1983: "Just finished a short piece – theatre – for the Graz autumn festival, to my dissatisfaction." As had become his working practice, he refined it in rehearsals over several years until he was better pleased with the result. For example, many of the changes television made possible were then adopted back into the stage version. 1983. "The first production of the play at the Harold Clurman Theatre, New York on 15 June 1983 directed by Alan Schneider, was (naturally) totally faithful to Beckett’s text. The play seemed surprisingly long and showed real 'longueurs' not only in the production but also in the text." "[It] arrived at the last minute when the first two plays were already in rehearsal [having] been hastily translated by the author to finish off Alan Schneider's evening." "Reviewers … tended to concentrate almost exclusively on the play’s possible political resonance. Alan Schneider, commenting on this, wrote to Beckett: ‘"What Where" most people keep wanting to interpret on the literal political level – I think it may suffer from coming after "Catastrophe".’" 1985. In December 1983 Beckett planned to go to Stuttgart to direct the German version Was Wo. Due to ill health the project ended up being postponed. The filming finally took place at the studios of Süddeutscher Rundfunk between 18 and 25 June 1985. "This was to be his last trip abroad." The work was transmitted on 13 June 1986. "The production was a dramatic distillation and transformation of the original, effectively a recreation." Eric Brater contends that "On screen Beckett more clearly establishes that this is a story about Bam remembering … Torture becomes more explicitly self-inflicted, a function of memory, remorse and the relentless need to tell a story." "Instead of players in long gray gowns, their own corporeality suspect, the four figures of the revised, television "What Where" now appeared as floating faces dissolving in and out [of the light] … Neither representation of Bam then is corporeal, Beckett representing instead a spectre and its mirror reflection, and the rest of the figures of "What Where" are ghosts as well, all the more so as they are represented by the patterns of dots on the television screen. What characters, what bodies, finally exist in "What Where" are created by voice, less absent presences than present absences." Beckett referred to the lit playing area in this production as the "field of memory". "The clear indication is that what we are seeing is both a memory and a scenario: instructions come from the megaphone, the Voice of Bam controls what we see, puts the characters through their movements rapidly without words like a film running over its spools at rewind speed, and then starts again, occasionally stopping when Bam is not satisfied and a phrase is improved to add to the force of the theme. [The play can therefore be compared with "Krapp’s Last Tape" but it also] shares many similarities with "Ohio Impromptu", the identical characters in appearance and dress, the unwinding backwards of events and the stylization of image and movement in particular." With Krapp his memories have a certain degree of reliability. Not so with Bam. "[T]he figures in "What Where" emerge from beyond the grave, ghosts of memories that never really were." They are given form "as if they existed". "In this version the difference between the two Bams was achieved mechanically." "There was a slightly higher frequency in [the voice] of the younger Bam, and a lower deeper effect in the older Bam." "'In his Stuggart notebook Beckett wrote that "S ("Stimme" [Voice]) = mirror reflection of Bam’s face … S’s voice prerecorded. Bam’s but changed.' This enlarged and distorted death mask ... replaced the suspended 'megaphone at head level' of the original publication." The altered voices of Bam creates, as Walter Asmus suggests, "the ghost Bam, dead Bam, [a] distorted image of a face in a grave, somewhere not in this world any longer, imagining that he comes back to life in the world, dreaming and seeing himself as a … face on the screen." "Jim Lewis, the cameraman with whom Beckett worked on the German TV production ... suggested that at least with regard to 'V' – 'Voice of Bam' it is a matter of being beyond death as this represents, 'The image of Bam in the beyond or beyond the grave or whatever you want to call it'". The stage Bam is therefore an "historical projection" of the incorporeal voice emanating from the loudspeaker. "The original play had a substantial emphasis on eliciting 'where' from the victims, even where the victim said 'where'. Beckett ... eliminated that potentially confusing repetition, substituting a balanced 'He didn’t say what?’ 'He didn't say where?’ into each encounter. The emphasis on 'where' was decreased, many changed to 'it' and each 'where' followed by a 'what'." 1986. "The [German] television play showed three characters who simply appear and disappear instead of shuffling back and forth on stage, which took a long time. Considering the original printed text not successful, following the clearly superior television piece, Beckett sought with [the director Pierre] Chabert to find a stage equivalent. While Beckett was convinced it could not be done, Chabert proposed to accomplish the appearance/disappearance of the characters with lighting. Beckett agreed to go along with it." The six performances took place at the Théâtre du Rond-Point in Paris and featured David Warrilow as Bam. The revised text (known as "What Where II") did away with the opening mime, Bam's interventions and the characters were again represented only as floating heads. ""Je recommence" (I start again) was amended to "Ici Bam"" (Here is Bam). "Because of technical difficulties, the French stage production replaced the enlarged and distorted reflection of Bam’s face with a halo, a ring of diffuse orange light. Chabert’s production note is as follows: ‘"rond lumineux" = "source de Voix",’" Additionally, "[i]n place of the cowl-covered heads that created the impression of floating faces, Beckett substituted shaved skulls. The field of memory was now implicit ... On the stage the players appeared unrealistically high standing on a concealed two-foot platform, their heads aligned with the pulsing light that echoed the TV tube." 1988. In 1987 Beckett worked with Stan Gontarski and John Reilly to refine the production, filmed at the Magic Theater in San Francisco, for American television. It has been released by Global Video as "Peephole Art: Beckett for Television". The four characters are portrayed by Morgan Upton, Tom Luce, Dave Peichart and Richard Wagner. Beckett had been not quite satisfied with the French stage production and re-introduced the "cowl-covered heads replacing the skulls [and also asked that] the light somehow [take] on the image of Bam (but not, he emphasised, televised)." The opening mime was also reinstated. As with the German television production the Voice of Bam was now represented as an eerily distorted face, hovering in the upper left corner of a dark screen. The Modern Word website describes it "like a living, concave mask. His voice is sepulchral and chilling, yet conveys a sad, lonely quality as well. Bam, Bom, Bim, and Bem appear as detached faces along the bottom of the screen, floating in the black void and illuminated in stark white contrast. The dialogue is delivered in brisk, metallic monotones, emphasizing the sameness of the characters and the repetitiveness of the seasonal interrogations." 1999. Damien O’Donnell directed a filmed version of "What Where" for the "Beckett on Film" project in December 1999. It was filmed at Ardmore Studios in County Wicklow, Ireland. Bam is played and voiced by Sean McGinley. Gary Lewis plays all other characters and the original text and stage instructions are used including the opening mime. O'Donnell sets the play within a claustrophobic, high-tech library, its tall shelves bordered by strips of fluorescent lighting. When the Voice of Bam declares, "I switch on," the luminescent tubes stutter awake to the sound of breakers being thrown. The voice itself is dispassionate and calm; issuing from a megaphone-shaped loudspeaker fixed above the central doors, it evokes HAL 9000 from the film "". The metal clanging of doors and the crisp footsteps on the metallic floor accentuate the chilly atmosphere. O'Donnell said in interview: "[T]here is no set in the original play, but I argued that the whole play is about power and the abuse of power, and how information is power, so we used the library as a metaphor for somebody who has control of all the power and all the information. When it came to casting, I was looking for a particular type of actor – somebody who could bring a sort of menacing quality to the screen. There is a lot of menace in the play. "What Where" is about a brooding, palpable evil, which is a theme that occurs in Beckett's other work." Presented thus is it easy to see "What Where" as Beckett's "Nineteen Eighty-Four". At the end of "Catastrophe" there is a flicker of hope. Not so here. Just as Winston Smith is beaten into submission so are these characters. O’Donnell brings "the scene closer to realism and create[s] a dark, sinister atmosphere by homing in on the faces of the two actors … As he said, 'Filming allows you to show a close-up of a terrified man, bringing a different edge to the work.'" Before switching off for the last time Bam's voice instructs the audience: "Make sense who may" but how do you make sense out of something senseless? And is any adjective used more often to describe violence? Beckett has left it up to the viewer to supply his own meaning. Adaptations. The play has been adapted as a one-act chamber opera by Heinz Holliger, composed in 1988 and first released on a commercial recording in 1997.

short go-through

1825-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=7246977

A quantum dot solar cell (QDSC) is a solar cell design that uses quantum dots as the absorbing photovoltaic material. It attempts to replace bulk materials such as silicon, copper indium gallium selenide (CIGS) or cadmium telluride (CdTe). Quantum dots have bandgaps that are tunable across a wide range of energy levels by changing their size. In bulk materials, the bandgap is fixed by the choice of material(s). This property makes quantum dots attractive for multi-junction solar cells, where a variety of materials are used to improve efficiency by harvesting multiple portions of the solar spectrum. As of 2019, efficiency exceeds 16.5%. Background. Solar cell concepts. In a conventional solar cell, light is absorbed by a semiconductor, producing an electron-hole (e-h) pair; the pair may be bound and is referred to as an exciton. This pair is separated by an internal electrochemical potential (present in p-n junctions or Schottky diodes) and the resulting flow of electrons and holes creates an electric current. The internal electrochemical potential is created by doping one part of the semiconductor interface with atoms that act as electron donors (n-type doping) and another with electron acceptors (p-type doping) that results in a p-n junction. The generation of an e-h pair requires that the photons have energy exceeding the bandgap of the material. Effectively, photons with energies lower than the bandgap do not get absorbed, while those that are higher can quickly (within about 10−13 s) thermalize to the band edges, reducing output. The former limitation reduces current, while the thermalization reduces the voltage. As a result, semiconductor cells suffer a trade-off between voltage and current (which can be in part alleviated by using multiple junction implementations). The detailed balance calculation shows that this efficiency can not exceed 33% if one uses a single material with an ideal bandgap of 1.34 eV for a solar cell. The band gap (1.34 eV) of an ideal single-junction cell is close to that of silicon (1.1 eV), one of the many reasons that silicon dominates the market. However, silicon's efficiency is limited to about 30% (Shockley–Queisser limit). It is possible to improve on a single-junction cell by vertically stacking cells with different bandgaps – termed a "tandem" or "multi-junction" approach. The same analysis shows that a two layer cell should have one layer tuned to 1.64 eV and the other to 0.94 eV, providing a theoretical performance of 44%. A three-layer cell should be tuned to 1.83, 1.16 and 0.71 eV, with an efficiency of 48%. An "infinity-layer" cell would have a theoretical efficiency of 86%, with other thermodynamic loss mechanisms accounting for the rest. Traditional (crystalline) silicon preparation methods do not lend themselves to this approach due to lack of bandgap tunability. Thin-films of amorphous silicon, which due to a relaxed requirement in crystal momentum preservation can achieve direct bandgaps and intermixing of carbon, can tune the bandgap, but other issues have prevented these from matching the performance of traditional cells. Most tandem-cell structures are based on higher performance semiconductors, notably indium gallium arsenide (InGaAs). Three-layer InGaAs/GaAs/InGaP cells (bandgaps 0.94/1.42/1.89 eV) hold the efficiency record of 42.3% for experimental examples. However, the QDSCs suffer from weak absorption and the contribution of the light absorption at room temperature is marginal. This can be addressed by utilizing multibranched Au nanostars. Quantum dots. Quantum dots are semiconducting particles that have been reduced below the size of the Exciton Bohr radius and due to quantum mechanics considerations, the electron energies that can exist within them become finite, much alike energies in an atom. Quantum dots have been referred to as "artificial atoms". These energy levels are tuneable by changing their size, which in turn defines the bandgap. The dots can be grown over a range of sizes, allowing them to express a variety of bandgaps without changing the underlying material or construction techniques. In typical wet chemistry preparations, the tuning is accomplished by varying the synthesis duration or temperature. The ability to tune the bandgap makes quantum dots desirable for solar cells. For the sun's photon distribution spectrum, the Shockley-Queisser limit indicates that the maximum solar conversion efficiency occurs in a material with a band gap of 1.34 eV. However, materials with lower band gaps will be better suited to generate electricity from lower-energy photons (and vice versa). Single junction implementations using lead sulfide (PbS) colloidal quantum dots (CQD) have bandgaps that can be tuned into the far infrared, frequencies that are typically difficult to achieve with traditional solar cells. Half of the solar energy reaching the Earth is in the infrared, most in the near infrared region. A quantum dot solar cell makes infrared energy as accessible as any other. Moreover, CQD offer easy synthesis and preparation. While suspended in a colloidal liquid form they can be easily handled throughout production, with a fumehood as the most complex equipment needed. CQD are typically synthesized in small batches, but can be mass-produced. The dots can be distributed on a substrate by spin coating, either by hand or in an automated process. Large-scale production could use spray-on or roll-printing systems, dramatically reducing module construction costs. Production. Early examples used costly molecular beam epitaxy processes. However, the lattice mismatch results in accumulation of strain and thus generation of defects, restricting the number of stacked layers. Droplet epitaxy growth technique shows its advantages on the fabrication of strain-free QDs. Alternatively, less expensive fabrication methods were later developed. These use wet chemistry (for CQD) and subsequent solution processing. Concentrated nanoparticle solutions are stabilized by long hydrocarbon ligands that keep the nanocrystals suspended in solution. To create a solid, these solutions are cast down and the long stabilizing ligands are replaced with short-chain crosslinkers. Chemically engineering the nanocrystal surface can better passivate the nanocrystals and reduce detrimental trap states that would curtail device performance by means of carrier recombination. This approach produces an efficiency of 7.0%. A more recent study uses different ligands for different functions by tuning their relative band alignment to improve the performance to 8.6%. The cells were solution-processed in air at room-temperature and exhibited air-stability for more than 150 days without encapsulation. In 2014 the use of iodide as a ligand that does not bond to oxygen was introduced. This maintains stable n- and p-type layers, boosting the absorption efficiency, which produced power conversion efficiency up to 8%. History. The idea of using quantum dots as a path to high efficiency was first noted by Burnham and Duggan in 1989. At the time, the science of quantum dots, or "wells" as they were known, was in its infancy and early examples were just becoming available. DSSC efforts. Another modern cell design is the dye-sensitized solar cell, or DSSC. DSSCs use a sponge-like layer of as the semiconductor valve as well as a mechanical support structure. During construction, the sponge is filled with an organic dye, typically ruthenium-polypyridine, which injects electrons into the titanium dioxide upon photoexcitation. This dye is relatively expensive, and ruthenium is a rare metal. Using quantum dots as an alternative to molecular dyes was considered from the earliest days of DSSC research. The ability to tune the bandgap allowed the designer to select a wider variety of materials for other portions of the cell. Collaborating groups from the University of Toronto and École Polytechnique Fédérale de Lausanne developed a design based on a rear electrode directly in contact with a film of quantum dots, eliminating the electrolyte and forming a depleted heterojunction. These cells reached 7.0% efficiency, better than the best solid-state DSSC devices, but below those based on liquid electrolytes. Multi-junction. Traditionally, multi-junction solar cells are made with a collection of multiple semiconductor materials. Because each material has a different band gap, each material's p-n junction will be optimized for a different incoming wavelength of light. Using multiple materials enables the absorbance of a broader range of wavelengths, which increases the cell's electrical conversion efficiency. However, the use of multiple materials makes multi-junction solar cells too expensive for many commercial uses. Because the band gap of quantum dots can be tuned by adjusting the particle radius, multi-junction cells can be manufactured by incorporating quantum dot semiconductors of different sizes (and therefore different band gaps). Using the same material lowers manufacturing costs, and the enhanced absorption spectrum of quantum dots can be used to increase the short-circuit current and overall cell efficiency. Cadmium telluride (CdTe) is used for cells that absorb multiple frequencies. A colloidal suspension of these crystals is spin-cast onto a substrate such as a thin glass slide, potted in a conductive polymer. These cells did not use quantum dots, but shared features with them, such as spin-casting and the use of a thin film conductor. At low production scales quantum dots are more expensive than mass-produced nanocrystals, but cadmium and telluride are rare and highly toxic metals subject to price swings. The Sargent Group used lead sulfide as an infrared-sensitive electron donor to produce then record-efficiency IR solar cells. Spin-casting may allow the construction of "tandem" cells at greatly reduced cost. The original cells used a gold substrate as an electrode, although nickel works just as well. Hot-carrier capture. Another way to improve efficiency is to capture the extra energy in the electron when emitted from a single-bandgap material. In traditional materials like silicon, the distance from the emission site to the electrode where they are harvested is too far to allow this to occur; the electron will undergo many interactions with the crystal materials and lattice, giving up this extra energy as heat. Amorphous thin-film silicon was tried as an alternative, but the defects inherent to these materials overwhelmed their potential advantage. Modern thin-film cells remain generally less efficient than traditional silicon. Nanostructured donors can be cast as uniform films that avoid the problems with defects. These would be subject to other issues inherent to quantum dots, notably resistivity issues and heat retention. Multiple excitons. The Shockley-Queisser limit, which sets the maximum efficiency of a single-layer photovoltaic cell to be 33.7%, assumes that only one electron-hole pair (exciton) can be generated per incoming photon. Multiple exciton generation (MEG) is an exciton relaxation pathway which allows two or more excitons to be generated per incoming high energy photon. In traditional photovoltaics, this excess energy is lost to the bulk material as lattice vibrations (electron-phonon coupling). MEG occurs when this excess energy is transferred to excite additional electrons across the band gap, where they can contribute to the short-circuit current density. Within quantum dots, quantum confinement increases coulombic interactions which drives the MEG process. This phenomenon also decreases the rate of electron-phonon coupling, which is the dominant method of exciton relaxation in bulk semiconductors. The phonon bottleneck slows the rate of hot carrier cooling, which allows excitons to pursue other pathways of relaxation; this allows MEG to dominate in quantum dot solar cells. The rate of MEG can be optimized by tailoring quantum dot ligand chemistry, as well as by changing the quantum dot material and geometry. In 2004, Los Alamos National Laboratory reported spectroscopic evidence that several excitons could be efficiently generated upon absorption of a single, energetic photon in a quantum dot. Capturing them would catch more of the energy in sunlight. In this approach, known as "carrier multiplication" (CM) or "multiple exciton generation" (MEG), the quantum dot is tuned to release multiple electron-hole pairs at a lower energy instead of one pair at high energy. This increases efficiency through increased photocurrent. LANL's dots were made from lead selenide. In 2010, the University of Wyoming demonstrated similar performance using DCCS cells. Lead-sulfur (PbS) dots demonstrated two-electron ejection when the incoming photons had about three times the bandgap energy. In 2005, NREL demonstrated MEG in quantum dots, producing three electrons per photon and a theoretical efficiency of 65%. In 2007, they achieved a similar result in silicon. Non-oxidizing. In 2014 a University of Toronto group manufactured and demonstrated a type of CQD n-type cell using PbS with special treatment so that it doesn't bind with oxygen. The cell achieved 8% efficiency, just shy of the current QD efficiency record. Such cells create the possibility of uncoated "spray-on" cells. However, these air-stable n-type CQD were actually fabricated in an oxygen-free environment. Also in 2014, another research group at MIT demonstrated air-stable ZnO/PbS solar cells that were fabricated in air and achieved a certified 8.55% record efficiency (9.2% in lab) because they absorbed light well, while also transporting charge to collectors at the cell's edge. These cells show unprecedented air-stability for quantum dot solar cells that the performance remained unchanged for more than 150 days of storage in air. Market Introduction. Commercial Providers. Although quantum dot solar cells have yet to be commercially viable on the mass scale, several small commercial providers have begun marketing quantum dot photovoltaic products. Investors and financial analysts have identified quantum dot photovoltaics as a key future technology for the solar industry. Safety Concerns. Many heavy-metal quantum dot (lead/cadmium chalcogenides such as PbSe, CdSe) semiconductors can be cytotoxic and must be encapsulated in a stable polymer shell to prevent exposure. Non-toxic quantum dot materials such as AgBiS2 nanocrystals have been explored due to their safety and abundance; exploration with solar cells based with these materials have demonstrated comparable conversion efficiencies and short-circuit current densities. UbiQD's CuInSe2-X quantum dot material is another example of a non-toxic semiconductor compound.

likely benefit

6771-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=10477990

San Salvador was the flagship of explorer Juan Rodríguez Cabrillo (João Rodrigues Cabrilho in Portuguese). She was a full-rigged galleon with draft and capacity of 200 tons. She carried officers, crew, and a priest. Explorations. In 1542 Cabrillo was the first European to explore the coast of present-day California. He had three ships: the 200-ton galleon "San Salvador", the 100-ton "La Victoria", and lateen-rigged, 26-oared "San Miguel". The two ships were not the square-rigged galleons commonly used for crossing open ocean. Rather, they were built in Acajutla, El Salvador, and the ship San Salvador, was named after Pedro de Alvarado's newly founded city in western El Salvador, San Salvador, the ship San Miguel was named after the second newly founded city in eastern San Miguel, El Salvador, and the ship Victoria was named after the Victory of Pedro de Alvarado against the long and arduous battle against the Native American resistance in El Salvador. In 1540 the fleet sailed from Acajutla, El Salvador, and reached Navidad, Mexico on Christmas Day. While in Mexico, Pedro de Alvarado went to the assistance of the town of Nochistlán, which was under siege by hostile natives, and was killed when his horse fell on him, crushing his chest. Following Alvarado's death, the viceroy took possession of Alvarado's fleet. Part of the fleet was sent off to the Philippine Islands under Ruy Lopez de Villalobos and two of the ships were sent north under the command of Cabrillo. Navidad is some northwest of Manzanillo, Colima. A requirement of exploration ships was the ability to sail with ease into small harbors. The ships were rigged with triangular sails supported by swept booms. This sail arrangement, a forerunner to the sails found in the modern-day fore-and-aft rig of sloops, ketches and yawls, made the craft more agile and gave them the ability to point higher into the wind than square riggers. Departing from Navidad on 27 June 1542, Cabrillo discovered San Diego Bay on 28 September. He went ashore and claimed the land for Spain. Continuing his explorations northward, he landed on Santa Catalina Island on 7 October and described nearby San Clemente Island. (He gave names to his discoveries, but all were renamed later.) He continued north as far as the Russian River before turning back to overwinter at Santa Catalina. Cabrillo died there of an infected injury on 3 January 1543. His second-in-command brought the ships and crew back to Navidad, arriving on 14 April 1543. "San Salvador" replica. Starting in spring 2011 and concluding in 2015, the Maritime Museum of San Diego built a full-sized, fully functional, historically accurate replica of "San Salvador". The ship was constructed in full public view at Spanish Landing park on Harbor Drive in San Diego. The keel was laid on 15 April 2011. The construction site, called "San Salvador Village", opened 24 June 2011 and was open to the public. The project gave people the opportunity to see an example of sixteenth century shipbuilding, which was the first modern industrial activity in the Americas. The replica galleon is long with a beam of . When completed, "San Salvador" was launched on San Diego Bay and became part of the Museum's fleet of historic and replica ships. As of April 2015 construction was nearly completed, and a launch ceremony was planned for 19 April 2015. However, on April 8 the ceremony was postponed due to "unanticipated technical complications involving the movement and lifting of the ship". The ship was eventually moved by barge to a boatyard in Chula Vista. She made her public debut on 4 September 2015, leading a parade of tall ships for the start of San Diego's annual Festival of Sail. At that time she was powered by an auxiliary engine since she had not yet been fitted with sails. She opened for public tours in September 2016 and now sets sail regularly on public sightseeing tours. In 2018, her original mizzen lateen yard was replaced with a lighter version. The original was considered to be too heavy, resulting in difficulties maneuvering and possible damage to the mizzen mast. Over a dozen crew members were required to remove the original yard, while only four were need to place the replacement. Model of "San Salvador". Cabrillo's flagship "San Salvador" has been described as having four masts: a square-rigged foremast, lateen-rigged main and mizzen-masts and an even smaller mizzen-type mast with a boom that swung well outboard, in the style of the modern-day yawl. "La Victoria" is described as having two masts, both lateen rigged. A model of "San Salvador" was built by Señor Manuel Monmeneu in association with the Naval Museum in Madrid, Spain. The model project was sponsored by the Portuguese-American Social and Civic Club of San Diego. This model depicts "San Salvador" more like "La Victoria", with two major masts.

out in the open

11487-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=11059542

The Malay Archipelago is a book by the British naturalist Alfred Russel Wallace which chronicles his scientific exploration, during the eight-year period 1854 to 1862, of the southern portion of the Malay Archipelago including Malaysia, Singapore, the islands of Indonesia, then known as the Dutch East Indies, and the island of New Guinea. It was published in two volumes in 1869, delayed by Wallace's ill health and the work needed to describe the many specimens he brought home. The book went through ten editions in the nineteenth century; it has been reprinted many times since, and has been translated into at least eight languages. The book describes each island that he visited in turn, giving a detailed account of its physical and human geography, its volcanoes, and the variety of animals and plants that he found and collected. At the same time, he describes his experiences, the difficulties of travel, and the help he received from the different peoples that he met. The preface notes that he travelled over 14,000 miles and collected 125,660 natural history specimens, mostly of insects though also thousands of molluscs, birds, mammals and reptiles. The work was illustrated with engravings, based on Wallace's observations and collection, by the leading illustrators Thomas Baines, Walter Hood Fitch, John Gerrard Keulemans, E. W. Robinson, Joseph Wolf and T. W. Wood. "The Malay Archipelago" attracted many reviews, with interest from scientific, geographic, church and general periodicals. Reviewers noted and sometimes disagreed with various of his theories, especially the division of fauna and flora along what soon became known as the Wallace line, natural selection and uniformitarianism. Nearly all agreed that he had provided an interesting and comprehensive account of the geography, natural history, and peoples of the archipelago, which was little known to their readers at the time, and that he had collected an astonishing number of specimens. The book is much cited, and is Wallace's most successful, both commercially and as a piece of literature. Context. In 1847, Wallace and his friend Henry Walter Bates, both in their early twenties, agreed that they would jointly make a collecting trip to the Amazon "towards solving the problem of origin of species". (Charles Darwin's book on the "Origin of Species" was not published until 11 years later, in 1859. It was based on Darwin's own long collecting trip on HMS Beagle, its publication precipitated by a famous letter from Wallace, sent during the period covered by "The Malay Archipelago" while he was staying in Ternate, which described the theory of evolution by natural selection in outline.) Wallace and Bates had been inspired by reading the American entomologist William Henry Edwards's pioneering 1847 book "A Voyage Up the River Amazon, with a residency at Pará". Bates stayed in the Amazons for 11 years, going on to write "The Naturalist on the River Amazons" (1863); however, Wallace, ill with fever, went home in 1852 with thousands of specimens, some for science and some for sale. The ship and his collection were destroyed by fire at sea near the Guianas. Rather than giving up, Wallace wrote about the Amazon in both prose and poetry, and then set sail again, this time for the Malay Archipelago. Overview. The preface summarises Wallace's travels, the thousands of specimens he collected, and some of the results from their analysis after his return to England. In the preface he notes that he travelled over 14,000 miles and collected 125,660 specimens, mostly of insects: 83,200 beetles, 13,100 butterflies and moths, 13,400 other insects. He also returned to England 7,500 "shells" (such as molluscs), 8,050 birds, 310 mammals and 100 reptiles. The book is dedicated to Charles Darwin, but as Wallace explains in the preface, he has chosen to avoid discussing the evolutionary implications of his discoveries. Instead he confines himself to the "interesting facts of the problem, whose solution is to be found in the principles developed by Mr. Darwin", so from a scientific point of view, the book is largely a descriptive natural history. This modesty belies the fact that while in Sarawak in 1855 Wallace wrote the paper "On the Law which has Regulated the Introduction of New Species", concluding with the evolutionary "Sarawak Law", "Every species has come into existence coincident both in space and time with a closely allied species", three years before he fatefully wrote to Darwin proposing the concept of natural selection. The first chapter describes the physical geography and geology of the islands with particular attention to the role of volcanoes and earthquakes. It also discusses the overall pattern of the flora and fauna including the fact that the islands can be divided, by what would eventually become known as the Wallace line, into two parts, those whose animals are more closely related to those of Asia and those whose fauna is closer to that of Australia. The following chapters describe in detail the places Wallace visited. Wallace includes numerous observations on the people, their languages, ways of living, and social organisation, as well as on the plants and animals found in each location. He talks about the biogeographic patterns he observes and their implications for natural history, in terms both of the movement of species and of the geologic history of the region. He also narrates some of his personal experiences during his travels. The final chapter is an overview of the ethnic, linguistic, and cultural divisions among the people who live in the region and speculation about what such divisions might indicate about their history. Publication. "The Malay Archipelago" was largely written at Treeps, Wallace's wife's family home in Hurstpierpoint, West Sussex. It was first published in Spring 1869 as a single volume first edition, however was reprinted in two volumes by Macmillan (London), marked second edition the same year by Harper & Brothers (New York). Wallace returned to England in 1862, but explains in the Preface that given the large quantity of specimens and his poor health after his stay in the tropics, it took a long time. He noted that he could at once have printed his notes and journals, but felt that doing that would have been disappointing and unhelpful. Instead, therefore, he waited until he had published papers on his discoveries, and other scientists had described and named as new species some 2,000 of his beetles (Coleoptera), and over 900 Hymenoptera including 200 new species of ant. The book went through 10 editions, with the last published in 1890. Illustrations. The illustrations are, according to the "Preface", made from Wallace's own sketches, photographs, or specimens. Wallace thanks Walter and Henry Woodbury for some photographs of scenery and native people. He acknowledges William Wilson Saunders and Mr Pascoe for horned flies and very rare longhorn beetles: all the rest were from his own enormous collection. The original drawings were made directly on to the wood engraving blocks by leading artists Thomas Baines, Walter Hood Fitch, John Gerrard Keulemans, E. W. Robinson, Joseph Wolf, and T. W. Wood, according to the "List of Illustrations". Wood also illustrated Darwin's "The Descent of Man", while Robinson and Wolf both also provided illustrations for "The Naturalist on the River Amazons" (1863), written by Wallace's friend Henry Walter Bates. Reception. Contemporary. "The Malay Archipelago" was warmly received on publication, often in lengthy reviews that attempted to summarise the book, from the perspective that suited the reviewing periodical. It was reviewed in more than 40 periodicals: a selection of those reviews is summarised below. "Anthropological Review". The "Anthropological Review" notes that while the descriptions of animal life are "full of interest", "our readers, as anthropologists, will, however, take a keener interest" in the "great man-like ape of Borneo,—the orang-utan, or "mias", as it is called by the aborigines". Two pages are taken up with a discussion of the orang utan. The review then turns to Wallace's observations on "the races of man" in the book, observing that the anthropological details given are useful but perhaps chosen to support "a particular theory", namely Wallace's belief that there were eastern and western races—"Malays" and "Papuans", though the boundary between them was east of the Wallace line. The review accepts Wallace's data on natural history, but suspects he was selective in recording details of individuals. It notes that Wallace agreed with French authors that the Polynesians (included in his Papuans) "had a local origin". The review remarks that "Mr Wallace relies more on the diversity of moral features to prove differences of race than on physical peculiarities, although he declares that these are strongly marked" and doubts the difference, and wonders whether the "Javan chief" and the Dyak do not differ more. The review, after ten pages of reflections on race, concludes by recommending the book to its readers as much better than ordinary travel books "and even in the absence of any very stirring incidents" that it will "amply repay the perusal" of both scientific and general readers. "Journal of the Ethnological Society of London". The "Journal of the Ethnological Society of London" focussed exclusively on the ethnology in the book, praising the value both of the information and of Wallace's "thoughtful and suggestive speculation". The review notes that Wallace identified two "types of mankind" in the archipelago, "the Malayan and the Papuan", and that he thought these two had "no traceable affinity to each other". It remarks that Wallace greatly extends knowledge of the people of Timor, Celebes, and the Maluccas, while also adding to what is known of the Malays and Papuans, reprinting his entire description and his engraving of a Papuan. The reviewer remarks that the portrait "would as well suit a Papuan of the south-east coast of New Guinea as any of those whom Mr. Wallace saw", noting however that the southern tribes are more varied in skin colour. The reviewer disagrees with Wallace about the extension of this "Papuan race" as far as Fiji, noting that there are or were people like that in Tasmania, but that their features and height varied widely, perhaps forming a series. The reviewer disagrees also that the Sandwich Islanders and "New Zealanders" (Maori) are related to the Papuans; and with Wallace's claim that the presence of Malay words in Polynesian languages is caused by the "roaming habits" — trade and navigation – of the Malays, arguing instead that the Polynesians long ago migrated from "some common seat in, or near, the Malay Archipelago". The review ends by stating that despite all these disagreements, it holds Wallace's ethnology in "high estimation". Royal Geographical Society. Sir Roderick Murchison, giving a speech at the "Royal Geographical Society", felt able to "feel a pride" in Wallace's success, and in the "striking contributions" made to science. He takes interest in "Wallace's line" which he calls "this ingenious speculation", with "the two faunas wonderfully contrasted" either side of the deep channel between Borneo and Celebes, or Bali and Lombok. He points out the same principle between the British Isles and continental Europe, though there the conclusion is rather that the same fauna and flora is found on both sides. However, Murchison states his disagreement with Wallace's support for James Hutton's principle of uniformitarianism, that ""all" former changes of the outline of the earth were produced slowly", opining that the Bali–Lombok channel probably formed suddenly. He mentions in one sentence that the book contains "interesting and important facts" on physical geography, native inhabitants, climate and products of the archipelago, and describes Wallace as a great naturalist and a "most attractive writer". "The Ladies' Repository". One of the shortest reviews was in "The Ladies' Repository", which found it The reviewer notes the region is "of terrific grandeur, parts of it being perpetually illuminated by discharging volcanoes, and all of it frequently shaken with earthquakes." The review summarises the book's geographical reach and style in a paragraph. "The Popular Science Review". "The Popular Science Review" began by writing that "We never remember to have taken up a book which gave us more pleasure". It was quite unlike the dull journey logs of most travel books; it was "a romance, which is, nevertheless, plain matter of fact". The review especially admires the way that Wallace "has generalised on the facts" rather than just shooting "a multitude of birds" and interminably describing them. The account notes that Wallace was the joint originator of the theory of natural selection, and summarises the discovery of the Wallace line in some detail. The review ends by placing the "Malay Archipelago" between Charles Lyell's "Principles of Geology" and Darwin's "Origin of Species". "American Quarterly Church Review". The "American Quarterly Church Review" admires Wallace's bravery in going alone among the "barbarous races" in a "villainous climate" with all the hardships of travel, and his hard work in skinning, stuffing, drying and bottling so many specimens. Since "As a scientific man he follows Darwin" the review finds "his theories sometimes need as many grains of salt as his specimens." But the review then agrees that the book will "make the world wiser about its more solitary and singular children, hid away over the seas", and opines that no-one will mind paying the price of the book to read about the birds of paradise, "those bird-angels, with flaming wings of crimson and gold and scarlet, who twitter and gambol and make merry among the great island trees, while the Malay hunts for them with his blunt-headed arrows..." The review concludes that the book is a fresh and valuable record of "a remote and romantic land". "Australian Town and Country Journal". The "Australian Town and Country Journal" begins by stating that and quickly makes clear that it objects to Wallace's doubts about "indications of design" in plants. Despite this "grave" fault, the reviewer considers the book to be of immense value, and that it would become a standard work on the region. The review quotes a paragraph that paints "a picture of country life in the Celebes", where Wallace describes his host, a Mr. M., who relied on his gun to supply his table with wild pigs, deer, and jungle fowl, while enjoying his own milk, butter, rice, coffee, ducks, palm wine and tobacco. However, the Australian reviewer doubted Wallace's judgement about flavours, given that he praised the Durian fruit, namely that it tastes of custard, cream cheese, onion sauce, brown sherry "and other incongruities", whereas "most Europeans" found it "an abomination". Otherwise, the review notes that Wallace seemed to have enjoyed his time in the Celebes, with the hornbills flapping past, and the baboons staring down from their trees, and enjoys his enthusiasm for the birds of paradise. The review is respectful of his account of the Wallace line, having no difficulty agreeing that the Australian-type vegetation continues into the archipelago as far as Lombok and Celebes. It concludes that he covers almost every natural phenomenon he came across "with the accuracy and discriminating sagacity of an accomplished naturalist", and explains that the "great charm" of the book is "a truthful simplicity" which inspires confidence. "Calcutta Review". The "Calcutta Review" starts by noting that this is a book that cannot be done justice in a brief notice, that Wallace is a most eminent naturalist, and chiefly known as a Darwinian; the book was the most interesting to cross the reviewer's desk since Palgrave's "Arabia" (1865) and Sir Samuel Baker's "Explorations of the Nile" (1866). By combining geography, geology and ethnology into one narrative, the reader is saved "the monotony of traversing the same regions several times". The review describes in detail Wallace's findings of different birds and mammals either side of the Wallace line. It notes Wallace's cheerfulness and good temper in the face of "the difficulties and inconveniences attendant upon foreign travel", such as having to cross "a hundred miles of open sea in a little boat of four tons burthen", which Wallace calmly describes as comparatively comfortable. The reviewer remarks that Wallace was "set down as a conjuror by these simple people" with unimaginable purposes from a faraway country, but is less admiring about Wallace's moralising tone, especially when he supposes that "wild communities" can be happier than "in a more highly civilised society". The review ends with some reflections of surprise on how little-known the Malay Archipelago is in India, given that they were closely connected with Hindu temples in Java and Bali, and hopes that soon there will be some "productions" of the archipelago in the Indian Museum of Calcutta. "Revue des Deux Mondes". The book's fame spread beyond the English-speaking world. R. Radau wrote a lengthy review of "Un naturaliste dans l'Archipel Malais" in the French "Revue des Deux Mondes". Radau notes the many deaths from volcanic eruptions in the archipelago, before explaining the similarity of the fauna of Java and Sumatra with that of central Asia, while that of the Celebes carries the mark of Australia, seeming to be the last representatives of another age. Radau describes Wallace's experiences in Singapore, where goods were far cheaper than in Europe – wire, knives, corkscrews, gunpowder, writing-paper, and he remarks on the spread of the Jesuits into the interior, though the missionaries had to live on just 750 francs a year. Singapore was covered in wooded hills, and the sawn wood and rotten trunks supported innumerable beetles for the naturalist to study. The only disagreeable element was that the tigers that roared in the forest devoured on average one Chinese per day, especially in the ginger plantations. Radau summarises one passage from the book after another: the orang utans of Borneo wrestling open the jaws of a crocodile, or killing a python; the Timorese walking up tall trees, leaning back on ropes as they pull themselves upwards; the indescribable taste of a durian fruit, at once recalling custard, almond paste, roasted onions, sherry and a host of other things, that melts on the tongue, that one does not want to stop eating; more, the fruit has a repulsive odour, and the tree is dangerous, as the hard and heavy fruits can fall on your head. Radau follows Wallace up to the high plateaux of Java, where there are cypress forests covered in moss and lichen; finally at the summit the vegetation seems European, an island vegetation recalling the resemblance between the plants of the high Alps and of Lapland. And in Celebes, men run amok, generally killing a dozen people before meeting their own death. Radau returns to food, describing sago and the breadfruit tree. The breadfruit tastes like Yorkshire pudding or mashed potato; with meat it is the best of vegetables; with sugar, milk, butter or molasses, it is a delicious pudding with a special flavour; Radau hopes that perhaps it will one day be found in European markets. As for the sago palm, one tree yields 1,800 cakes, enough to feed a man for a year. There is torrential rain; there are savages; there are dangerous trips in small boats. Only in the final paragraph does Radau reflect on it all: "We have tried, in this study on Wallace's two volumes, to give an idea of what he saw in his eight year stay in the Far East." He admits he has left out most of the natural history, and regrets not having space for more "charming pages" which would have taken him too far. He joins Wallace in reflecting on the relative state of "civilized" and "savage", wondering which is morally superior, and notes the "nostalgia for the primitive state", concluding that civilisation brings the benefit of reason to restrain hasty action. Modern. "The Guardian". Tim Radford, writing in "The Guardian", considers that "The Malay Archipelago" shows Wallace to be "an extraordinary figure", since he is Radford finds "delights on every page", such as the Wallace line between the islands of Bali and Lombok; the sparkling observations, like "the river bed 'a mass of pebbles, mostly pure white quartz, but with abundance of jasper and agate'"; the detailed but lively accounts of natural history and physical geography; the respectful and friendly attitude to the native peoples such as the hill Dyaks of Borneo; and his unclouded observations of human society, such as the way a Bugis man in Lombok runs amok, where Wallace "The Observer". Robin McKie, in "The Observer", writes that the common view of Wallace "as a clever, decent cove who knew his place" as second fiddle to Charles Darwin is rather lopsided. Wallace, he writes, is "capable of great insights" in the "Malay Archipelago". Travelling over 14,000 miles and collecting 125,000 specimens, he also made "scrupulous notes" for the book which In McKie's view, Wallace was a gifted writer with "an eye for catchy observation", and this is one of the finest of travel books. McKie liked the account of Wallace's night sleeping "'with half-a-dozen smoke-dried human skulls suspended over my head'". In research. The researcher Charles Smith rates the "Malay Archipelago" as "Wallace's most successful work, literarily and commercially", placing it second only to his "Darwinism" (1889) among his books for academic citations. Influence on other works. "The Malay Archipelago" influenced many works starting with those of Wallace's contemporaries. The novelist Joseph Conrad used it as source material for some of his novels, including "Almayer's Folly", "An Outcast of the Islands", and "The Rescue". Commentators have suggested it had a particularly profound influence on "Lord Jim", crediting it with among other things the inspiration for the character Stein the entomologist. Conrad's assistant Richard Curle wrote that "The Malay Archipelago" was Conrad's favourite bedside book; Conrad refers directly to what he calls Alfred Wallace's famous book on the Malay Archipelago in The Secret Agent. In his short story, "Neil MacAdam", W. Somerset Maugham has the title character read "The Malay Archipelago" while travelling to Borneo, and its influence can be felt in the story's description of that island. More recently, the book has influenced a number of non-fiction books including "The Song of the Dodo" by David Quammen (1997), which discussed Wallace's contributions to the field of island biogeography; "The Spice Islands Voyage" by Tim Severin (1997) that retraced Wallace's travels; and "Archipelago: The Islands of Indonesia", by Gavan Daws (1999), which compared the environment described by Wallace with the modern state of the archipelago. "The Malay Archipelago" is considered to be one of the most influential books ever written about the Indonesian islands. It remains a resource for modern authors of works about the region such as the 2014 book "Indonesia Etc", which contains multiple quotations from Wallace's book as well as recommending it as further reading on the geography of Indonesia. The English comedian Bill Bailey travelled around Indonesia in the footsteps of Wallace for a two-part television programme on BBC Two, first broadcast in 2013, the centenary of Wallace's death. Bibliography. Wallace. Each edition was reprinted in subsequent years, so for example the tenth edition appeared in 1890, 1893, 1894, 1898, 1902, 1906 and later reprints, so many different dates can be found in library catalogues.

simple question

13721-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=34570831

The automotive industry in New Zealand supplies a market which has always had one of the world's highest car ownership ratios. The distributors of new cars are essentially the former owners of the assembly businesses. At the dealership level they have maintained their old retail chains in spite of the establishment of the many new independent businesses built since the 1980s by specialists in used imports from Japan. Toyota entered into direct competition with those used-import businesses refurbishing old Toyotas from Japan and selling them through their own dealers as a special line. The nation's car fleet is accordingly somewhat older than in most developed countries. New Zealand no longer assembles passenger cars. Assembly plants closed after tariff protection was removed and distributors found it cheaper to import cars fully assembled. Cars had been assembled at a rate nearing 100,000 a year in 1983 but with the country's economic difficulties their numbers dropped sharply. Towards the end of the decade the removal of various restrictions as part of the nation's restructuring of its economy made available low-priced old used cars from Japan. These used cars met the local need for high ownership levels in a financially straitened world but since that time continue to arrive in such large numbers they substantially increase the average age of the nation's fleet. Toyota, Ford, and General Motors Holden division still dominate the new vehicle market but there were more new Mazda cars than Holden cars sold in 2018 while Ford and Nissan cars were no longer among the volume sellers. They were overtaken by Hyundai, Kia and Suzuki. Holden cars are sliding towards Ford sales levels in 2019. The tiny home market—the size of a large city — and distance from potential export customers combined with first-world pay rates against the formation of any significant indigenous manufacturers. Only small boutique kit and replica car firms were able to survive. They produce original kit and replica cars using locally-made car bodies and imported componentry for both the local and international markets. Several of these, while small in size, are noted internationally for the quality of their workmanship. First automobiles. The industry began with the importation in 1898 of two Benz cars from Paris by William McLean. Apart from a few early attempts to build complete cars all chassis were imported. Local coachbuilders, out-priced, finally disappeared in the 1920s though not without representations to government. A few moved to assembly of complete cars or to making bus, truck and trailer bodies, sometimes both. New Zealand assembly of American ckd packs got properly under way in the 1920s, English ckd packs a full decade later. McLean's motor cars arrived in Wellington from Sydney by the "SS Rotomahana" on 19 February 1898. They were a Benz Petrolette and a Benz Lightning. After McLean's Benz cars were imported it was almost two years before the next four-wheel car was imported. A three-wheeler arrived in Auckland in November 1898 for Messrs George Henning and WM Service. At least three three-wheelers are said to have been imported in 1899 including a De Dion for Acton Adams of Christchurch and another for Robert and Frederick Maunsell of Masterton, sons of the missionary. All three arrived in September 1899, with Acton Adams's vehicle being involved in New Zealand's first motor vehicle accident two months later. Young Auckland engineer Arthur Marychurch returned from England twelve months later with a four-wheeled Star, which he sold after a few weeks to Skeates and Bockaert. They took up the Star agency and sold this first car to Christchurch grocers Wardell Bros. The three motor-tricycles were followed in 1900 by a Darracq and a Locomobile steam car along with a Pope-Toledo, Eagle, Argyll, Oldsmobile, and Daimler. In 1903, 153 cars and motorbikes were imported. Cars in 1903 cost more than twice the average annual income meaning the market was limited to the wealthy. Petrol or Benzine was not readily available except as a lighting fuel for certain lamps and in some instances for sufficient quantity owners had to order it from Sydney, Australia. By 1925 imports had increased to over 20,000 cars a year. Early indigenous cars. If steam-powered vehicles are counted, the first vehicles were believed to be a steam buggy constructed by a Mr Empson of Christchurch in 1870 and a steam buggy imported from Edinburgh by J L Gillies of Dunedin, also in 1870. There is no information about Mr Empson's vehicle. The first traction engine, an 8 hp Reading Iron Works Limited traction engine, had only been imported three years earlier. Gillies steam buggy was more probably a Thomson Road Steamer and not a steam buggy. Gillies sold the Thomson to the Canterbury Provincial Government in 1871 for £1,200. These were followed by Professor Robert Julian Scott's 1881 steam buggy, which was the first indigenous designed self propelled vehicle in New Zealand. There is debate about who made the first petrol driven vehicle. Timaru engineer Cecil Wood made a petrol engine in 1897, but later made an unsubstantiated claim to have created and driven a three-wheel vehicle in 1896 followed by a four-wheel vehicle in 1898. His first independently confirmed vehicles date from 1901. On 3 May 1898 a Nelson newspaper reported that a Mr Sewell of the Upper Buller had constructed a motor car and was to drive it to Wakefield that week. A letter to the Evening Post's editor later that year stated that there were two engineering firms in Wellington constructing motor car engines. Whether Wood, Sewell, or the engineering firms made a roadworthy vehicle at this time is not known as there were no further articles about them. The first New Zealand designed and constructed automobile known to have run was made by Frederick Dennison. It was a motor tricycle reported in the local newspaper on 8 May 1900. The article stated that Dennison intended to convert the tricycle to a four-wheel motor-car. He did so and drove it from Christchurch to Oamaru in July 1900. It was the only one made and was destroyed by fire on its return journey. A replica of this car was completed and driven in June 2000 in celebration of its first journey. This was followed by several models constructed by Wood between 1901 and 1903, A W Reid of Stratford's steam cars from 1903 to 1906, Gary Methven of Dunedin's petrol driven car, Pat and Thomas Lindsay of Timaru's steam cars in 1903, and Topliss Brothers of Christchurch's car in 1904. A Blenheim engineer, John Birch, constructed the Marlborough in 1912 and several cars named Carlton's between 1922 and 1928 at Gisborne. One of these is still in existence with the Gisborne vintage car club. Level of car ownership. The number of cars owned per 1000 persons Impact of legislation. Government legislation has always had a major impact on the New Zealand industry. The first automobile legislation was the McLean Motor Car Act 1898 rushed through by McLean just before his cars were unloaded. It legalised the operation of motor vehicles, providing they were lit after dark, and did not go faster than 20 kilometres (12 miles) per hour. The Motor Cars Regulation Act 1902 followed. A tariff did apply to cars and car parts brought into New Zealand, although with McLean's cars there was some initial confusion as to what rate might apply. In 1906 local coachmakers sought an increase in the tariff to 50% for completely built up vehicles and in 1907 a 20% tariff was introduced on cars that arrived in New Zealand already assembled to protect them but there remained no duty on chassis. America's domination. Higher duties were imposed on imports from countries outside the British Empire. Nevertheless new cars registered during 1917 show rather more than 90 per cent of New Zealand's cars originated in North America During the First World War the tariff on car bodies was reduced to 10% but the same rate was also imposed on the previously free chassis. Import statistics of the time provide different quantities for bodies and more numerous chassis no mention of complete cars. Unlike in Australia local coachbuilders lost business in the early 1920s. Some of the bigger firms ended up producing only commercial vehicles, truck cabs, trailers but mainly bus bodies, for example New Zealand Standard Motor Bodies (Munt Cottrell) in Petone, Steel Bros in Christchurch. Some simply became motor retailers themselves like Auckland's Schofields in Newmarket. Before the First World War motoring was reserved for the prosperous. Roads in cities and towns may have been very dusty but were smooth and well-formed. Townsfolk were on the whole satisfied with their English cars designed for the same conditions, built with care to high engineering standards but with only lip-service to interchangeability of parts. They required regular expensive maintenance at short intervals. American cars were built in large quantities and thus cheaper, designed by much better engineers and built for bad surfaces and to cope with irregular maintenance which might be hard to find even in their homeland. During the 1920s the most common vehicles were U.S. brands made in Canada (to attract reduced Imperial Preference duties) or USA. For example, in the first nine months of 1927, out of 8,888 cars sold the five top-selling brands, 4612 cars, were all North American. The top three were Ford in first place with 1651 vehicles sold, Chevrolet in second place with 1,100 vehicles sold, and Essex (by Hudson) in third place with 898 vehicles sold. At the onset of the great depression car imports fell away. Cars from Britain. In 1934 Government announced tariffs intended to further protect Empire trade while encouraging local assembly. The level of imports began to rise at this time and by 1940 42 per cent had been added to the size of the nation's car fleet. British sourced vehicles took a much larger share. The prosperity of country districts with the bad roads and the demand for big strongly built economically priced American cars did not revive until the end of the decade or the outbreak of war. Another factor locking in market shares was an urgent need to conserve foreign currency which saw the government introduce import quotas at the end of 1938. Licences were allocated to local importers in proportion to their imports in the previous year. Because the new licensing system was based on recent history it kept North American imports at an artificially low level when their market was reviving. Unless they bought their erstwhile distributor and with that business its entitlement to the necessary licences without the history car manufacturers could not enter the New Zealand market but this new factor had no effect until after the war. The outcome was to be quite a large number of mostly small, New Zealand owned, possibly under-capitalised assembly plants. They often sought substantial support from their foreign suppliers. Australia and Japan. British sourced cars maintained their new share into the 1960s when Detroit's big three began to replace British Vauxhalls and Zephyrs with their Australian-made Holden Specials, Falcons and, later, Valiants which soon accounted for a third of the market. All locally assembled cars were their manufacturer's most basic stripped down versions with a tiny number of honourable exceptions, the brief post-war runs of Jaguars or Rovers etc. This was brought about by the struggle to meet demand within the amount of cash the government's exchange controls made available. One of the outcomes of import licensing was to make relatively new second hand vehicles more expensive than new ones. Another was the expectation that a car would be made to last a long time and undergo many repairs that would be regarded as uneconomic in almost any other market. This experience may account for the ready acceptance of so very many used imports. Any Government intervention was designed to protect the New Zealand car assembly and related industries and to reduce the effect of vehicle purchases on the country's balance of payments with the rest of the world. Japanese cars entered the market in the 1960s beginning local assembly by New Zealand owned businesses in the middle of that decade. One of their attractions was that they did not all display the stripped down to bare essentials look of the local cars. By the 1980s —when the number of assembly plants reached its high of 16— following its relaxation of restrictions on importing ckd packs the Government seemed to recognise, as did the Australian government 30 years later, it was cheaper and more efficient for cars to be assembled in the country where they were made. A government Motor Vehicle Industry Development Plan was put into effect in 1984. It began by opening import competition, though spreading that over the four years to 1988, and by mid-1988 only seven of the sixteen separate assembly plants remained in business. The Government announced in December 1987 following a review of the plan that all import controls would be removed from 1 January 1989. At the same time a programme for reduction of tariffs on vehicles and their components was announced. Used imports. As tariffs on imported cars were phased out a flood of second-hand Japanese imports swamped the new car market beginning decades of low or no growth in sales of new cars. Imports rose from less than 3,000 cars in 1985 to 85,000 in 1990. By 2004 over 150,000 vehicles were imported in one year. Second-hand Japanese cars made up the majority of these cars. The last tariffs were removed in 1998. Assembly process. Kits Assembly plant buildings, plant, machinery and other equipment are not specific to the car assembly industry and could be used for many other activities. What is special is the use of the equipment to one purpose. Assembly plants. New Zealand's car assembly industry has its roots in pre-car trades. In the early 20th century, coachbuilders and wheelwrights quickly moved into building bodies for imported motor vehicle chassis. In 1926 after the announcement that General Motors would begin local assembly a deputation of members of the New Zealand Coach and Motor Body Builders' Federation waited on the Prime Minister asking for greater protection because they said American manufacturers were dumping cars in New Zealand and flooding the market. The Prime Minister deferred any decision until he had heard from other interested parties. The local managing director of General Motors responded that the failure of chassis imports to grow was "entirely due to public preference and price". Until the advent of all-steel bodies which began in USA in 1915 with Dodge and began in Britain more than a decade later motor bodies in essence remained the upholstered structures of timber and sheet metal of 19th century carriages and the required skills were readily available. Imported bodies faced a duty of twenty per cent, materials to be used in bodies manufactured in New Zealand entered duty-free. Initially chassis entered duty free with or without a body. In the six years ended March 1933 64,300 cars were imported but only 7,600 were given New Zealand made bodies and tariff protection ended. From the 1920s to the mid 1930s American makes mostly sourced in Canada for Imperial Preference tariffs dominated the local assembly industry. Postwar supply was restricted by a dollar shortage then balance of payments difficulties and British later combined with Australian makes dominated. In the late 1960s assembly of Japanese vehicles began to supplant the British vehicles and by the end of the 1990s British vehicles had virtually disappeared. 1912 W.G. Vining Limited. While Dominion Motors of Wellington was the distributor for Hudson and Essex motor vehicles for North Island from 1912, distributorship for South Island, went to W.G. Vining Limited of Nelson, also beginning in 1912. Vining had built a 31,500 square feet (2,926.5 square meters) garage in 1908 which was the largest garage in New Zealand at the time. A car assembly plant was established at the premises and shortly thereafter Vinings obtained additional licenses to import and assemble Cadillac, Maxwell, Haynes, and Ford vehicles from the United States; Bean cars from the United Kingdom; and Darracq and Unic vehicles from France. The plant later assembled Chevrolet and Rover vehicles until they established their own New Zealand assembly operations. The business ceased when it was sold on 30 September 1927 upon W.G. Vining's retirement. Vining's son formed a new business, P. Vining & Scott, and continued the Hudson and Essex franchise, adding Morris in 1932. 1922 Colonial Motor Company. Rouse and Hurrell, coachbuilders and wheelwrights of Courtenay Place Wellington, took up a Ford Motor Company sole agency for New Zealand in 1908. In 1911 their business was transferred to a newly incorporated Colonial Motor Company Limited. CMC's first specialised car assembly building was begun in 1919 and completed in 1922 at 89 Courtenay Place, Wellington – a steel box of nine floors, its design and location on the nearest ground off the reclamation to deepwater Taranaki Street wharf based on the Ford assembly works in Ontario, Canada. The building stood over 30 metres high and was Wellington’s tallest building at the time. The top two floors were used for administration. Assembly of cars from imported packs of parts started on level 7, and finished vehicles were driven out the ground floor. CMC also built smaller assembly plants in Parnell, Auckland, and in Timaru. At the end of 1925 staff numbers were 641: Wellington 301, Parnell 188 and Timaru 152 people. At that time daily output was: 25, 20 and 18 respectively. In the 1970s Wellington's former assembly building was given a new facade inspired by a car radiator. 1926 General Motors. In 1926, General Motors New Zealand was formed, opening an assembly plant in well-established industrial area, Petone, in the Hutt Valley. In its first twelve months ended mid September 1927 the plant assembled 2,191 cars. In late 1929 GM was able to report the following locally sourced materials were used in their cars: wool in the upholstery, Miro timber for commercial bodies, varnishes, glues, enamels and numerous small parts, glass would shortly be added. Other articles which in GM's opinion should be made locally included carpets and top material and its necessary padding. All associated advertising literature was locally printed and in colour. At first, it produced American Chevrolet, Pontiac and Buick cars, adding Oldsmobile in 1928. Its first British Vauxhalls were built in 1931, along with Bedford trucks. In its first eight years it assembled more than 25,000 vehicles. By the late 1930s the plant employed 760 and was building GM's Frigidaire commercial refrigerators. Silencers or mufflers were added to the range of products, 172,000 of them were made in the next ten years. A run of German Opel Kadetts was put through. The factory's size was almost doubled in 1939, more than 6 acres were now under roof and the site had been expanded to acres incorporating a cricket ground, sports field and parking for employees' cars and bicycles. This Petone plant closed in 1984 and production was moved to Trentham. Australian Holdens were first introduced as assembled cars in 1954, but the first Holden from General Motors’ Petone plant, an FE Series, emerged in 1957. A large new plant at Trentham in the Hutt Valley was opened in 1967, where General Motors built such vehicles as the Australian Holden HQ series and UK Vauxhall Viva during the 1970s and Commodore during the 1980s. By the early 1970s, more than 80% of New Zealand's new cars were supplied by General Motors, Ford, Todd Motors and New Zealand Motor Corporation. By 1990 the General Motors plant at Trentham had been reduced to a truck assembly operation, later to close altogether. General Motors New Zealand changed its name to Holden New Zealand on 15 July 1994. 1931 Rover. In July 1931 the Rover Company of New Zealand Limited told local newspapers a building was in course of erection at 35 Jackson Street Petone where they would assemble Rover cars. It was hoped the building would be completed before Christmas. New Zealand materials would be used as far as possible. Parts that couldn't be made locally would be imported from the English factory. The new factory was formally opened by the Prime Minister on 17 February 1932 in the presence of among others the chairman of the Development of Industries Board and the Rover managing director from England. The Prime Minister noted the Rover company was the first English company to open an overseas chassis assembly and body-building plant in any part of the Empire. He also said "Britain bought our produce and it was only right for New Zealand to buy in return from Britain". The only imported material in the bodywork was the leather and the steel panels. The price of the car, Rover's "Family Ten", was reduced 5 per cent the following July "with the benefit of economies arising out of New Zealand manufacture". It was described as greatly improved over the imported car having special bodywork, strengthened chassis frame, heavier rear springs etc all to suit local conditions. In February 1932 Rover Coventry announced strengthening of their Family Ten chassis by using heavier gauge material and re-designed cross members to improve torsional rigidity. These improvements were, they said, the outcome of lengthy testing on New Zealand's and Australia's roughest roads carried out to make the cars suitable for overseas use. By July 1933 the former Rover factory premises were vacant and advertised for sale. In 1935 tin plate printers and canister manufacturers J Gadsden and Company, subsidiary of an Australian business of the same name, were making four-gallon petrol cans (benzine tins) in the former Rover building. Government action. A factor identified as economic nationalism. In 1927 when 80 per cent of cars were imported from North America the method of calculating duty was adjusted in the hope of encouraging imports of the smaller British cars and more importantly encouraging more enterprises into local assembly. At the height of the depression the government announced its determination to ensure as much as possible work should be done by New Zealand labour. In August 1934 Minister of Finance Gordon Coates announced that as the present tariff concessions had not been sufficient to encourage foreign manufacturers to assemble their cars in New Zealand the new duties to take effect from 1 January 1935 would be: A definition of "completely knocked down" (CKD) would be fixed by the minister and modified to ensure an increasing use of locally sourced materials. The motor vehicle trade's response was that they considered the reduction in tariff for ckd imports would not pay for the cost of local assembly Completely knocked down. The industry had always been encouraged to increase local content. Compliance required importers to bring in the chassis frame assembled with its engine and gearbox but no other parts attached. Scuttle and windscreen could be assembled and primed. The body shell could be assembled and primed. Upholstery materials could not be sewn but might be cut to shape. There was no restriction on the components included in the CKD pack. The first determination was published in the "New Zealand Gazette" of 18 October 1934. Having lost the local bodybuilding trade, upholsterers found they could not survive and in 1939 upholstery materials could no longer be included in imported CKD packs, nor could batteries and the degree of assembly of imported components was further restricted. Inclusion of a banned item attracted full duty to the whole CKD pack. Import quotas by value. Import licensing or fixed quotas to ration imported cars— and all other imports—were first announced at the end of 1938. Commentators expressed concern that this was a short step from a total takeover of the country's import trade and at least would allow the government to issue licences in such proportions and to such persons or businesses as it might choose. The minister's announcement was greeted by the chairman of the Primary Producers Federation with the description: "the Hitler plan" adding (even if it was a) "retreat from the Moscow road". The purpose was to conserve foreign exchange and to protect local industry, in particular to promote manufacturing to improve employment opportunities and to reduce the economy's reliance on the rural sector. During the war the restrictions were generally recognised to be necessary but they were not dismantled only eased when conditions improved. In the early 1950s the import licensing system was overhauled and many categories were made exempt. The same period saw the beginning of the safety-valve no-remittance licence scheme. A balance-of-payments crisis in 1957 brought new controls to restrict imports but by foreign exchange allocation. Another foreign exchange crisis in 1967 brought a reversal of the easing during the previous decade. A new policy in 1979 allowed importers to obtain extra licenses when they could show "significantly deficient" price/quality differentials between local and imported products. By the early 1980s the industry employed around 8,000 workers. However by 1981 official thinking had begun to swing away from import controls considering they did not in the long run remedy underlying conditions though they might be entirely successful at controlling imports. If the intention was to protect local industry tariffs, officials considered, would be a more efficient tool. Accordingly, by 1984 economic liberalisation, reduced protection for local businesses and deregulation were becoming official policy. A rationalisation scheme was underway when a new government elected in July 1984 found it was facing a foreign exchange crisis and chose to deal with the economic situation with these new tools. The automotive assembly industry was recognised to be essentially artificial. Its poor build quality meant consumers preferred imported cars. The cost of a fully assembled car on Auckland's wharves was barely more than the cost of a CKD kit. In December 1984 all controls on outward and inward foreign exchange transactions were lifted and the same month the Motor Vehicle Industry Plan 1984 was approved. The Closer Economic Relations agreement with Australia stopped immediate free trade in cars and components. Import licensing for most goods was removed in July 1988 and the process of removing controls protecting the motor industry further accelerated. A final review was set down for 1992. In 1985 New Zealand supported 14 assembly plants but by 1989 five of those had closed. In that same period Toyota, Nissan, Mitsubishi and Honda bought out their local assemblers. The following plants closed between 1984 and 1990: leaving the following passenger plants (and three commercial plants; worker numbers are as at 1997) Assembly plants continued. 1935 Todd Motors. Todd Motors developed out of a Ford agency held by their small Otago stock and station agency. They later distributed a number of American brands throughout New Zealand. One of them was Maxwell which was bought by Walter P. Chrysler and given his name. In 1929 Todd set up an assembling (sic) plant in Napier Street, Freeman's Bay Auckland. Modern methods were planned including electric cranes. This Auckland assembly plant was closed and sold in September 1932 to J Gadsden & Co to make four-gallon petrol containers In 1935 having successfully introduced Russia sourced "Europa" brand petrol and oil to New Zealand the Todd brothers built a new building and created a small car assembly plant in Petone which gathered more facilities about it as sales rose. There, starting with Fargo trucks and Plymouth cars, Todds assembled Rootes Group's Hillman, Humber, Commer and Karrier brand vehicles and Chrysler Corporation's Plymouth, Dodge and DeSoto Diplomats from Canada Britain (Chrysler Kew) and Belgium and, from 1963 until 1979, Valiants from Chrysler Australia. The building that became the main Petone factory building had been a Railway Workshop until New Zealand Railways' new Woburn workshops were built. Situated opposite Austin on McKenzie Street later known as the Western Hutt Road now a part of the Hutt Expressway the old factory became an indoor sports hall until it was removed in 2013. The site became a part of the Petone campus of Wellington Institute of Technology and it is used by their School of Construction. In 1971 Todd acquired New Zealand's Mitsubishi franchise and erected a large capacity purpose-built plant at Porirua which it named Todd Park. The first Mitsubishi vehicles were assembled by Todd Motors in Petone, Fuso heavy trucks followed by Galant 1850 Coupes. In Porirua Todd continued to build Rootes/Chrysler's vehicles for a few years but steadily switched over to Mitsubishi's. Todd Park had begun assembling vehicles in early 1974. Todd Motors’ Porirua plant was sold to Mitsubishi in 1987, the last of the assemblers to be taken over by the parent company. Mitsubishi closed the plant in 1998. 1936 Ford Motor Company. In late 1935 Ford Motor Company of Canada announced from Windsor Ontario that construction of a new assembly plant would begin immediately at Wellington and it would be ready to operate on 1 July 1936. So Ford Motor Company of New Zealand took over assembly and distribution of its own vehicles in its new factory at Seaview in Lower Hutt. The principal retail operations remained with Colonial Motor Co.<br> The Petone factory is now a PlaceMakers Building Supply outlet. Ford Motor Company officially opened a new transmission and chassis component plant at Wiri in November 1973. It was intended to supply components for light and medium passenger cars to Australia as well as New Zealand. Ford and Mazda operated Vehicles Assemblers of New Zealand at Wiri from 1987 to 1997. A 45 minute walkthrough video was made in 1997 and may be viewed on YouTube. Lower Hutt assembly closed in 1988. New Zealand Motor Corporation. New Zealand Motor Corporation was a public listed company formed in 1970. It was a combination of the two independent Morris and Austin assemblers Austin Distributors Federation and Dominion Motors. Ownership passed to Honda in the last quarter of the 20th century and its business was renamed Honda New Zealand. Rationalisation followed the aggregation of all the Austin and Morris plants and by 1985 NZMC was down to two plants: Morrin Road, Panmure in Auckland's suburbs and Stoke near Nelson. Panmure closed in 1987. As well as the more popular British Leyland cars NZMC had assembled a few Jaguar, Rover and Land Rover products and Leyland commercial vehicles at its assembly plant at Stoke. During the 1980s Stoke switched to assembling Japanese Honda vehicles. It finally closed on 21 August 1998. 1936 Motor Assemblies. South Island retailers Amuri Motors, P.H. Vickery, Cossens and Black, and Boon and Co. (coachbuilders), announced they planned to assemble cars in the St Asaph Street, Christchurch factory of Boon and Co. Dodge and Standard cars would be assembled from CKD packs beginning with Dodge. Motor Assemblies (South Island) Limited was incorporated in June 1935. Each partner held one quarter of the capital. Rover having closed it would have been New Zealand's third assembly plant, the other two being in Wellington but within a month of the announcement of Motor Assemblies' plans Todd, in the presence of the acting prime minister, had opened a plant in Petone. By December 1936 Dodge display advertisements pointed up the contribution of Motor Assemblies to the New Zealand economy and detailed their many assembly activities in their Christchurch factory. It is difficult to see why a 1.6-litre wood-framed-body Standard Twelve priced at £365 might be preferred by a non-enthusiast to an all-steel six-cylinder 3.6-litre Dodge sedan priced at £389 except on the two scores of (presumed) fuel consumption and parking space. In 1939 three brands of car were being assembled at St Asaph Street. The purchase of 3 acres in Ensor's Road, Opawa was announced at the end of July 1939 and it was expected construction of 40,000 square feet of buildings would be complete by the end of the year. The site would include a test track. St Asaph Street premises would then be sold. War was declared just five weeks after that announcement and there appears to be no subsequent record of the Ensor's Road intentions. A new plant in Tuam Street between Barbados and Madras Streets did begin operations after the war assembling Studebaker and Standard cars. In 1954 it was acquired by Standard-Triumph International. Christchurch production stopped 24 August 1965 and all its plant and machinery was moved more than 400 kilometres to Nelson and into a never-used 100,000 square foot building on a 27 acres site intended for a cotton mill but abandoned in mid 1962. S-T I was bought by Leyland Motors in 1960 and ultimately the Nelson operation became part of British Leyland in 1968. By then owned by Honda New Zealand this plant closed in August 1998. 1937 Seabrook Fowlds. Distributors of Austins in Auckland Province and Taranaki, Seabrook Fowlds, announced in the winter of 1936 that to comply with the new tariff regulations for imported vehicles they would build "an assembly factory" in Auckland to supply Austins to these areas. Situated behind the timber yards at the corner of Great South Road and Manukau Road, Newmarket on a boundary with Epsom's residential area it would be a single storey building with two brick and two iron walls and its paint shop would have an air conditioning plant to absorb paint vapour. Previously there had been a small facility in Parnell in St George's Bay Road. In the new Newmarket plant the body shell was removed from the wooden case of its export packaging which also held its matching chassis and pre-assembled engine, gearbox and back axle units. The body was painted and trimmed and seats and upholstery added, wiring completed then the whole reunited with the newly assembled chassis and its mechanicals. There were 54 office and works staff at the new factory and its output was expected to be 20 cars each week. At the end of the war this small plant became the Austin truck assembly factory. 1939 Austin South Island. David Crozier Limited had been running two small assembly plants for some years. In March 1939 a consortium of South Island dealers announced a new assembly plant would be built in Christchurch on a six and a half acre block beside the Christchurch-Lyttelton railway line. It was expected the new business would require a staff of 125 people and it was expected to open in July 1939. Austin Motor Industries Limited, the company which would own the business was incorporated 25 May 1939. Shareholders' businesses were in Christchurch, Dunedin and Invercargill. Vickery Black and Boon were involved with Motor Assemblies (see above) which contracted assembly to Boon and Company. 1926 Dominion Motors. Wellington's Dominion Motors business began in 1912 with wholesale distribution of imported vehicles. In 1919 it amalgamated with a Christchurch business, J A Redpath’s Universal Motor Co., and opened new retail departments in Christchurch as well as in Wellington. Distributorships included Oldsmobile, Crossley, Chevrolet, Stutz, Rolls-Royce, Hudson and Essex, and Vauxhall. For the first nine months of 1927 Essex would become the third most popular car brand in New Zealand, behind Chevrolet in second place, and Ford in first place. Combined with parent company Hudson's sales for 1927 the two brands together actually trumped Chevrolet for second place. Auckland operations were run from premises at 166 Albert Street (formerly Gillett Motors, Buick dealers, absorbed March 1926) where there was one of a number of small workshops run in the main centres by Dominion Motors that finished assembly of partly knocked down cars. In 1928 the 161 Albert Street "assembly line" took one hour to assemble each new car. Just before Christmas 1930 Morris Motors Limited announced the appointment of Dominion Motors to control the distribution of Morris cars and commercial vehicles in New Zealand They took over Morris's Auckland Province retailing from long established Harrison & Gash, originally coachbuilders, who had their showroom at 175 Albert Street and carried out servicing at the foot of Khyber Pass in Newmarket. In 1938 it built in Mortimer Pass Newmarket a real assembly plant on acres of bare land beside Highwic bought from the Buckland estate. The building was completed at the end of February 1939 when it was expected the necessary plant would be installed by the middle of the year. The new plant would turn out 10 vehicles a day at the Mortimer Pass frontage. War was declared on 3 September 1939 but the plant was opened and began production. By the start of the 1950s it employed more than 600 people. A new extra plant was built in Panmure in 1953. Opened in 1954 it continued to grow until 1961 and built Morris Minor commercial models until 1975. Production was transferred from Mortimer Pass and Nuffield Street to Panmure in 1978. Panmure closed 1987. A new factory for the assembly of Rolls-Royce industrial equipment was built in Panmure in 1960 Second World War. During the Second World War General Motors Petone built 1,200 Universal Carriers also known as Bren Gun carriers, sub-contracts for parts were spread throughout the country. Other light-armoured vehicles, mortars, shells, grenades, anti-tank mines and Tommy guns were made too. Joining them were aircraft frames and parts and the assembly of light tanks and aircraft. The nation's 9,600 tractors in use in 1939 reached over 18,900 by 1946. Until the 1980s Wellington's main airport building was a wartime De Havilland aircraft factory. US forces sent to Wellington worn out or badly damaged heavy trucks and jeeps from war service in the Pacific Islands. Reclamation was carried out in the Hutt Valley by Ford - jeeps, General Motors - heavy trucks and Todd Motors - weapons carriers. Each truck went back with a jeep on its tray In the four years leading up to the outbreak of war the national car fleet had bounced back by 42 per cent from its depression-starved level and New Zealand was second only to the United States in cars per head. Petrol rationing came into force on 5 September 1939 and lasted until 31 May 1950 with just 17 months respite in 1946–1947. The volume for private car owners was eased or constricted as the nation's circumstances permitted partly because tankers on a run to New Zealand were unavailable for a long time and in any case the government welcomed reduced foreign currency payments. By mid-1942 a rubber shortage put tyres in very short supply, Japan had captured most of the plantations. A motor trade journal pointed out that with the standard private petrol ration and the usual mileage from new tyres a set of tyres would last 36 years. Newspapers suspecting cheating on petrol supplies threatened to track cars from remote places at well-attended race meetings. It became necessary to obtain a licence to buy gumboots and hotwater bottles. The US Navy's mid-1942 success in the Battle of the Coral Sea removed the threat of Japanese invasion. No-remittance licences. From May 1950 buyers could dodge the apparently endless queues for a new car by using "overseas funds". They could even import cars for which no import licence would ever be provided. In essence the buyer would pay for the overseas content of the car from a source beyond the control of New Zealand's manifold foreign currency restrictions. The balance of dealer overheads, duty and sales tax was paid in local currency when the vehicle was delivered. If the vehicle were locally assembled the "overseas funds" requirement was much lower. Until late in the scheme "Overseas funds" were not difficult to obtain or "create". Most New Zealanders disliked the necessary deviousness. It seems to have been seen as a valuable safety valve and guide to the shape of a free market. Holden dealers even incorporated the statistics in their advertising. The scheme seems to have lasted more than thirty years. Assembly plants continued. 1946 Austin Distributors Federation. Austin agent George H. Scott became New Zealand's official Austin factory representative in 1919. He formed the Austin Distributor Federation. 1946 Associated Motor Industries and Austin Distributors Federation. Two new companies were incorporated in August 1945 Associated Motor Industries Limited and Austin Distributors Federation (N.Z.) Limited both of Wellington. The Petone plant, situated on McKenzie street across the road from the Todd Motors plant, closed in May 1983. After various uses including a paintball arena and a car dealership the building was demolished in 2015 1958 Motor Holdings. Motor Holdings was founded in 1936 and developed from the New Zealand franchise of Jowett Motors. The New Zealand franchise imported and assembled Bradford's very light vans and trucks in Auckland. Motor Holdings controlled 15 smaller companies including a new assembly company called Motor Industries International Ltd. Following Jowett's 1954 closure Motor Holdings won the Volkswagen franchise and changed the name of its Auckland operation to VW Motors. VW Motors built a new assembly plant which opened in 1958 at Fort Richard Road in Otahuhu. Rambler vehicles by American Motors Corporation were built at the VW plant as a secondary line to Volkswagen until 1962. Motor Holdings assembled many different makes in addition to Volkswagen including Studebaker, Nash, and Hudson in the 1950s; Rambler, Peugeot 403 and 404 in the early 1960s; and Datsun, Simca, Skoda, the Fiat 500 (christened "Fiat Bambina" in New Zealand in 1965), and the New Zealand-made Trekka through the 1960s and 1970s. European Motor Distributors was formed by Colin Giltrap in 1978, and continued to assemble Volkswagens until 1986. The Otahuhu plant built around 127,000 vehicles before it was sold to Mazda and its last vehicle was a Mazda utility made in 1987. The empty plant remained untouched since that time when visited by the former CEO of Motor Holdings with a writer in late 2018, 30 years later. 1964 Steel Brothers. Steel Brothers Canterbury Coach Factory began making commercial motor vehicle coachwork in the early 1900s. They were among the first to assemble Japanese cars in New Zealand. In 1964 Steel Brothers incorporated Steel Motor Assemblies Limited and began assembling Prince Glorias. They followed with more Datsuns (Nissans) and added Mazdas. In February 1967 they began to put together the first New Zealand assembled Toyotas, Toyota Corona T40 and T50 cars for Consolidated Motor Industries which owned the New Zealand Toyota franchise. Consolidated Motor Industries was a partnership of Mercedes-Benz importers Cable-Price-Downer with Challenge Corporation renamed in November 1970 as Consolidated Motor Distributors. Manufacturers like Toyota were unable to establish their own assembly plants because New Zealand's import licensing system granted licences by marque to existing franchise holders. So Toyota was obliged to buy the licence holders. In February 1977 Toyota acquired from Challenge a 20 per cent stake in Consolidated Motor Distributors, which now controlled Campbell Motor Industries in Thames, and in May 1979 CMD was re-named Toyota New Zealand Limited. Purchase from the New Zealand shareholders was completed in June 1992. Toyota also acquired Steel Motor Assemblies and renamed it Toyota New Zealand Christchurch. Steel Brothers also made and exported Lotus Seven sports cars from 1973 to 1979. Prototypes of a replacement car were made but did not enter production. Though changes of regulations had begun in 1978 New Zealand's long-distance internal transport system was transformed in 1983 when New Zealand Railways Corporation' long-haul freight monopoly was removed. Steelbro having built more than 5,000 truck cabs and bodies in the previous ten years elected to concentrate on their trailers and semi-trailers. 1964 Campbell Motor Industries. Goldmining centre Thames was from 1872 the base of A & G Price and it remains so. In the 1960s A & G Price was the heavy engineering component of vehicle importer and conglomerate Cable Price Downer, owners with Challenge Corporation of Toyota franchise holder Consolidated Motor Distributors. Steel Motor Assemblies in Christchurch assembled Toyota Coronas for Consolidated Motor Distributors later known as Consolidated Motor Industries. Campbell Tube Products (exhaust pipes, mufflers) established at Thames in 1939 was a subsidiary of long-established 438 Queen Street and provincial Auckland motor vehicle importers and distributors Campbell Motors (Willys, Studebaker). Already having a presence in Thames Campbell's bought land from Thames's local council in 1963 to build an assembly plant to build vehicles. The assembly business was named Campbell Motor Industries, beginning with assembly of the Peugeot 404. The first 404 left the factory on 3 September 1964. Earlier in the year Campbell Motors acquired the rights to assemble American Motors Rambler which had previously been assembled by VW Motors in Otahuhu, Auckland. The first Rambler to be assembled by Campbell Motors Industries in Thames came off the assembly line also in September 1964. CMI assembled the Rambler Classic, and from 1967 the Rambler Rebel sedan. CMI also imported fully assembled right-hand-drive vehicles from AMC, including the Rambler Rebel station wagon and hardtop coupe. CMI did not continue with assembly of the Rebel's 1971 replacement, the AMC Matador, but assembled the 1970 Rebel again in 1971. A total of 590 Rebel sedans were built by CMI and an additional 177 wagons and hardtops were fully imported. For 1970 only, CMI brought in a small number of fully assembled, right-hand-drive 1970 AMC Ambassador sedans. From 1966 CMI acquired the rights to assemble Hino Contessas and Isuzu Belletts. Renaults were added in 1967. New Zealand's first Toyota Corollas were assembled by CMI in April 1968 as a joint venture with Consolidate Motor Industries. followed by Datsun in 1970. Challenge had become the major shareholder by 1975 and by 1977 sold this holding to Consolidated Motor Industries which was renamed Toyota New Zealand in May 1979. The Thames buildings are now used to refurbish used Toyotas imported from Japan and sold as "Signature" Toyotas.<br> Campbell Tube Products is now New Zealand Wheelbarrows Limited. New Zealand Motor Bodies. New Zealand Motor Bodies was established as Munt, Cotterell, Neilsen and Company Ltd in 1926, located in Petone, Wellington. In 1937 the company name was changed to NZ Motor Bodies. NZMB built metal frame bus and coach bodies and other commercial bodies, hoists and other truck equipment at its Petone plant. They were the first local business to manufacture steel bus bodies in New Zealand, and provided 2,500 bodies for the Army and Air Force during the Second World War. Its largest customer was New Zealand Railways Road Services. During the 1940s NZMB built buses for NZRRS using the Bedford truck chassis. When the Bedford SB bus was released in Britain in 1950, NZMB continued to build NZRRS buses up until 1980. NZMB built 1,280 SB buses between 1954 and 1981. In 1978 operations shifted from Petone to Palmerston North. In 1983 the business again changed its name, to Coachwork International Limited. It was by then the largest builder of buses and coaches in New Zealand. In the early-1980s, NZMB bodied 450 Volvo B58 and Mercedes-Benz buses for Singapore Bus Service. In 1981 it began assembling Plaxton Supreme bodies delivered in CKD packs from England. The company ceased trading in 1993. 1970 Nissan. "The Nissan Motor Distributors assembly plant in Stoddard Road, Mt Roskill, was opened on 25 March 1974. It will assemble sedans, utilities and heavy trucks for Nissan Datsun." Components industry. Original equipment manufacturers Locally manufactured components included upholstery, paint, batteries, alloy wheels, tyres and rubber components, springs, windscreens, glass, wiring looms, radios, exhaust systems and bumpers. They had been favoured since the 1920s but received their greatest encouragement immediately after the Second World War. The conflict between what seemed commonsense to overseas suppliers and local requirements could make for strange events. It was reported that CKD units were being received with ready installed spark plugs in their engines. Assemblers were obliged to remove and destroy the plugs and replace them with inferior plugs of local manufacture. The component industry shared the fate of the assembly industry. The 1999 New Zealand Official Year Book reported that there were around 40 component manufacturers left employing about 4,000 people. About $180 million of their $400 million production was exported. Location of assembly plants. In 1969 p33, A snapshot of the industry 1966. Source: Report by New Zealand Vehicle Manufacturer as quoted in IBRD statistical data 24 April 1968 Japanese Cars. The first Japanese cars constructed in New Zealand were Nissans, then known as Datsuns. Datsun Bluebird P312s were built in Mount Wellington from March 1963. Until it built its own permanent plant in Wiri, south Auckland, in the late 1970s, Nissans were assembled all over New Zealand - by NZ Motor Bodies in Mt Wellington (early Bluebirds) Campbell Industries in Thames (1200 and 1600, 120Y, 180B), Motor Holdings, Waitara (1200 wagon, 120Y wagon), Todd Motors, Porirua (180B) a Nissan-owned 'temporary' plant in Mt Roskill, Auckland (1200, 120Y) and commercial vehicle plants in Glen Innes and Mangere. Other Japanese manufacturers followed Nissan with Toyota Coronas (and later Crowns) being assembled by Steel Brothers Limited in Christchurch and Campbell Motor Industries (CMI) in Thames building the Corolla from the late 1960s. Steel Brothers Limited also assembled Lotus Sevens under licence. CMI also assembled Hino Contessas, the Isuzu Bellett, and Toyota Corollas after their takeover of Hino. New Zealand Motor Corporation first built Hondas in Petone in from 1976, adding Mt Wellington, Auckland, later and eventually consolidating at the former Jaguar/Triumph/Rover/Land Rover plant in Nelson. Todd Motors replaced its Petone plant in 1975 with a large new facility in Porirua to produce Mitsubishi, Chrysler and Talbot vehicles plus some Datsuns. Mazda B-Series pickup trucks were first built by Steelbros (later Toyota) in 1969 and the first cars in 1972 were made by Motor Holdings in Otahuhu and, later Mount Wellington (taking over the Motor Bodies plant). Later Mazda assembly was shared with Ford in a joint assembly plant called Vehicle Assemblers NZ (VANZ), originally Ford's new Wiri plant opened in 1973. New Zealand assembled 1967. In this period the world's fourteen largest motor companies were: At that time products of each of them were assembled in New Zealand except in the case of Citroen, Daimler-Benz and Volvo. NZIER review 1971. In 1970 three-quarters of the cars produced were assembled in the Hutt Valley, most of the rest were assembled in Auckland. Nine companies carried out the assembly, three of them were overseas-owned. Each company had one plant except one of them (Austin) which had a plant in both Hutt Valley and Auckland. By that time imported components represented just 60 per cent of a car's wholesale price fallen from 71 per cent in the 1940s. New Zealand Institute of Economic Research judged that assembly was not capital-intensive and that most of the work required unskilled labour. In 1971 they estimated that including freight but without duty fully imported vehicles would cost around 3 per cent less than locally assembled cars. At the same time the costs of local assembly and local components were around double the costs if carried out by the overseas manufacturer. The report of the Institute's study claimed that limiting the then-current production levels to one or two models assembled by one or two plants would bring significant savings from economies of scale. It was also claimed that production of 200,000 units a year would be needed to give major economies of scale. In summary, forcing local manufacture was not difficult but the results were not fully satisfactory. It was suggested that the protection afforded British and Australian vehicles be dropped as low as permitted by treaties with those countries. Demise of the assembly plants. With the reduction and removal of tariffs through the 1980s and 1990s plus the importation of second-hand Japanese cars, the major assembly plants began to close. New Zealand Motor Corporation which had closed its aging Newmarket plant in 1976 and Petone plant in 1982 closed their Panmure plant in 1988. General Motors closed its Petone plant in 1984 and its Trentham plant in 1990. 1987 saw a run of closures: Motor Industries International, Otahuhu, Ford Seaview, Motor Holdings Waitara. Suzuki in Wanganui closed 1988 and VANZ at Sylvia Park in 1997. Toyota Christchurch in 1996 and VANZ Wiri the next year. Finally in 1998 along with Mitsubishi Porirua, bought from Todd in 1987, Nissan shutdown at Wiri, Honda closed in Nelson and Toyota in Thames. Redundancies occurred in manufacturing industry; approximately 76,000 manufacturing jobs were lost between 1987 and 1992. Second Hand Imports and Left Hand Drive vehicles. In the early 1990s, import regulations were relaxed and an influx of Japanese second hand vehicles occurred. These had a two-fold effect. Second hand car prices collapsed and the New Zealand public were faced with a huge range of Japan-only, low mileage motor vehicles, many of which were unheard of in neighbouring Australia, where otherwise car trends were similar. The relaxation of regulations also led to many imported American and European cars, trucks and SUVs. Despite being a right hand drive country many left hand drive cars, mostly from the United States or Canada, could be seen on New Zealand roads until 2001 when the New Zealand government introduced new regulations requiring owners of LHD cars to have a special permit. Prior to this a permit was not required to own and use a left hand drive vehicle. Accordingly, subsequently imported LHD vehicles were required to be converted to right hand drive with some exceptions. The two main exceptions are: Category A. LHD vehicles under 20 years of age that have been recognised as special interest vehicles by the NZ Transport Agency and have been issued with a Category A left-hand drive vehicle permit, and Category B. Light vehicles that were manufactured 20 years or more before the vehicle was certified in New Zealand. Local manufacturers. From Trekka to date. Legislation had created a virtual closed shop to local manufacturers with the large assembly plants of General Motors, Ford, Todd Motors and Dominion Motors making it nearly impossible for indigenous start-up companies to compete. Several ventures started making utility vehicles, mainly aimed at farmers such as the Trailmaker (1965–71), the Terra (1967–1975) and the most successful the Trekka from 1966 to 1973. Others in the same period attempted to make production cars like the Anziel and Hamilton Walker's Rotarymotive never got started. There was also a reasonably successful farm vehicle, the three wheel Gnat Scarab. It was not intended for on road use. In 1974 two young Whataroa brothers, Kevin and Rodney Giles, formed the Duzgo Manufacturing Company to make a small two wheel drive light utility vehicle for use primarily on farms. Their creation, called the "Duzgo" was made using assorted Austin and Morris parts, a single-cylinder Kohler 12 hp engine and a double gearbox giving 12 forward and three reverse gears. Later models used a Robin 14–16 hp twin opposed engine. It was light and ran on knobbly motorcycle tyres which gave it excellent traction in muddy farm conditions. In all 10 were made by 1979 before the Customs Department determined that they were a vehicle manufacturing business and therefore needed to pay 30% sales tax on each vehicle. This effectively ended their business. In 2004 a "Duzgo" featured in the BBC series Billy Connolly's World Tour of New Zealand. There is a "Duzgo" (possibly number 1) in the Coaltown Museum, Queen Street, Westport and several still remain in use. Following in this tradition of farm utility vehicles was the Avatar UTV, which began as a concept of Hamish Gilbert in 2009. The vehicles are manufactured for Avatar in China. With the removal of all tariffs in 1998, new car companies need to be able to compete directly against overseas competition. The most recent New Zealand companies to try have been aimed niche markets. The first was Hulme in 2006, which is aiming to create a model for the supercar market. Its website stated that the first production model was expected to be completed in 2012. It was followed in 2013 by Martin Foster's Zetini Haast Barchetta, another sports car. In 2014 it was priced at $NZ215,590 plus GST with a six-month lead time for delivery. Whether either of these companies has sold any cars, as at May 2015, is unknown. In 2016 Mike McMaster designed and Magoos Street Rods of Kuripuni, Masterton made a version of the tuktuk. The three wheel machine used a mix of Suzuki Swift and Harley-Davidson parts. He planned to initially build about 20 per annum. Alternative fuel vehicle development. There have been several electric vehicles developed in New Zealand, although none have made it into production. University of Canterbury's Department of Electrical and Electronic Engineering has been researching electric powered vehicles since the 1970s, one by the University of Waikato called the UltraCommuter in 2008 and the other in 1995 by Heron called the PC80 and made for the electricity supply company Powerco. Canterbury Universitys first vehicle, EV1, was registered for road use in September 1976. This was followed by a modified 1962 Austin A40 Farina, renamed EV2, in the early 1980s. This underwent further development up until 2000. In 1999 Simon Round of the Department acquired a 1992 second-generation Toyota MR2 which was shipped to New Zealand from Japan. The project on this car, renamed EV3, began in 2001 with the car being registered for road use in May 2006. The Engineering School of Waikato University is continuing work on electric and solar-powered vehicles with a Suzuki Carry being converted to electricity in 2014. The van was to be driven to Christchurch to take part in New Zealand's first electric motorsport event, Evolocity on 30 November 2014. Auckland University has been working on inductive power transfer technology for a number of years. This provides a means of recharging electric vehicles without the need for them to be directly coupled to a power supply. In 2013 Otago Polytechnic Associate Professor Zi Ming (Tom) Qi along with students from the Polytechnic, the National Taiwan University of Science and Technology, and China’s Shenzhen Polytechnic teamed to develop an electric car which was driven by electric motors and had four independently turning wheels. By November 2015 Qi announced that the car was being manufactured in China for assembly in New Zealand. Kit cars and replicas. New Zealand has a long history of small garages and vehicle enthusiasts modifying and creating sports and sports racing cars. The Everson brothers, who were noted for making New Zealand first indigenous twin engined mono-plane, between 1935 and 1937 created a small two-seater rear engined car called the Everson Cherub. Three different one-off models were made by the brothers. Ernest's son Cliff built a variety of Everson models from the 1960s to the 1980s. The most successful was his eight Cherub's that were similar in design to the Mini Moke. In the early 1950s, with the advent of fibreglass bodied cars, a new opportunity arose for local companies associated with car enthusiasts to create car bodies. Among these early manufacturers was Weltex Plastics Limited of Christchurch, which imported a Microplas Mistral sports car mould and began making bodies and chassis in 1956. They were followed in 1958 by Frank Cantwell's Puma and Bruce Goldwater's Cougar. Also in New Zealand during this period, Ferris de Joux was constructing a variety of sports racers. De Joux is noted in particular for his Mini GT from the 1960s. Ross Baker's Heron Cars started in 1962 making racing cars and eventually began producing kit cars in 1980. Bill Ashton, formerly of Microplas and Weltex, joined with Ted George in the 1960s and made the Tiki. Three were known to have been made. Graham McRae with Steve Bond of Gemini Plastics imported a replica Le Mans McLaren M6B styled GT mould in 1968, The cars were made and sold by Dave Harrod and Steve Bond of Fibreglass Developments Ltd, Bunnythorpe as the Maram. McRae went on to make a very good Porsche Spyder replica in the 1990s. A number of new companies entered the market in the 1980s - Almac 1985, Alternative Cars (1984), Cheetah (1986), Chevron (1984), Countess Mouldings (1988), Fraser (1988), Leitch (1986), and Saker (1989). Some recent ones are Beattie (automobile) (1997), which became Redline in 2001, and McGregor (2001). Two companies which specialise in making replicas of various models to order are Classic Car Developments (1992) and Tempero. Both of these companies were noted for the quality of their workmanship. Commencing in 2002, Coventry Classics Limited from Gore specialised in making replica Jaguar C-Types.

nuts and bolts

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=67466203

Elections are currently held every four years to elect the mayor of Springfield, Massachusetts. Before 1961, mayoral elections were partisan. Starting in 1961, they have been nonpartisan. Terms had, originally, been for a length of a single year, but were later extended to two years. Starting with the 2011 mayoral election, terms were extended further to four years. 1953 mayoral election. The 1953 Springfield, Massachusetts mayoral election was held on November 3, 1953. It saw incumbent mayor Daniel B. Brunton reelected to a fifth term. The primaries marked the first instance in which the city of Springfield used voting machines in all of its precincts. Turnout for the primaries was over 20%. Democratic primary. Incumbent mayor Daniel B. Brunton ran unopposed in the Democratic primary. More than 7,000 voters cast votes in the non-competitive Democratic primary. Republican primary. In the Republican primary, Massachusetts state representative Wendell P. Chamberlain defeated four candidates for the nomination. His competitors were ward 1 alderman Normand J. Beaudry, assessor Vernon E. Bradley (who had previously been the Republican nominee for mayor in 1951), ward 4 alderman and Springfield Board of Alderman president Henry Clay, and former school board member Theodore Wiel. 1955 mayoral election. The 1955 Springfield, Massachusetts mayoral election was held on November 8, 1955. It saw incumbent mayor Daniel B. Brunton reelected to a sixth term. Democratic primary. In the Democratic primary, incumbent Daniel B. Brunton faced Hampden County registrar of deeds John P. Lynch and Springfield superintendent of streets James J. Sullivan. Republican primary. In the Republican primary, businessman and Springfield Fire Commission member Leon H. Hutchins defeated Board of Assessors member William G. Macauley. General election. Brunton defeated Hutchins. 1957 mayoral election. The 1957 Springfield, Massachusetts mayoral election was held on November 5, 1957. It saw incumbent mayor Daniel B. Brunton unseated, losing renomination in the Democratic primary to Thomas J. O'Connor, who went on to win the general election. O'Connor became the youngest mayor in the city's history. Democratic primary. Incumbent mayor Daniel B. Brunton lost renomination to Massachusetts state representative Thomas J. O'Connor in a landslide, losing in all of the city's 68 voting precincts. When Brunton first announced his campaign against the longtime mayor, his odds of succeeding were seen as slim. Significant issues debated in the primary included the city's police commission, off-street parking, and businesses leaving the city's downtown. 1959 mayoral election. The 1959 Springfield, Massachusetts mayoral election was held on November 3, 1959. It saw the reelection of incumbent mayor Thomas J. O'Connor. This was Springfield's final partisan mayoral election, as voters also voted to approve a move to nonpartisan elections. The measure that did so also switched from a weak mayor form of government to a strong mayor form. Democratic primary. In a rematch of the 1957 Democratic primary, incumbent mayor Thomas J. O'Connor was challenged by former mayor Daniel B. Brunton. O'Connor handily defeated O'Connor, leading him in all 66 of the city's 68 voting precincts. Republican primary. Paul E. Affleck, the city councilman from the city's 5th ward, won the Republican primary unopposed. General election. Running as an independent candidate was Daniel B. Brunton, who had failed to win the Democratic primary.. 1961 mayoral election. The 1961 Springfield, Massachusetts mayoral election was held on November 7, 1961, and was preceded by a primary on October 10. It saw Charles Ryan defeat incumbent mayor Thomas J. O'Connor. It was the city's first nonpartisan mayoral election Campaign. The 1960 reassessment of all of real estate in Springfield led to a furor when 1/3 of the Springfield's homeowners saw increases over their 1959 tax. On October 11, 1960, 4,500 residents attended a meeting at Springfield Auditorium where members of the Board of Assessors attempted to explain the tax increase. Each member was booed off the stage before they could speak and O'Connor, who had no role in the property reassessment, failed to quiet the crowd and police were called in. O'Connor planned to cut 578 jobs from the 1961 budget to reduce the city's taxes, however he reversed this decision due to a lack of public support. O'Connor's general election defeat was considered an upset. Two weeks after O'Connor's loss, the city's percentage assessment system, which had been a major issue during the campaign, was declared unconstitutional by the Massachusetts Supreme Judicial Court. 1963 mayoral election. The 1963 Springfield, Massachusetts mayoral election was held on November 6, 1963, and was preceded by a primary on October 8. It saw incumbent mayor Charles Ryan reelected. This was the city's first nonpartisan mayoral election Campaign. Incumbent mayor Charles Ryan and registrar of deeds John P. Lynch were considered the two major contenders. A third candidate in the primary, Arthur R. Caney, was regarded as a political unknown. As widely predicted, both Ryan and Lynch were the two who advanced to the general election. Both Lynch and Ryan identified as Democrats. Ryan's campaign was managed by his brother, Donald Ryan. The campaign turned tense when, eight days before the general election, Lynch accused Ryan of being an advocate of busing, bringing a racially-charged issue into the mix. The day before the election, in a television appearance, Ryan alleged that bussing had already started, and that Ryan had approved it. On the day of the election, the Springfield Union ran two full-paged advertisements which showed black children departing school buses at Memorial School in the fashionable, and largely white, East Forest Park neighborhood. The ads, again claimed that Ryan had begun busing in the city. Ryan responded by making a series of radio appearances on Election Day. In one he claimed that the photos actually were showing black children that had been transported to the school, not for the sake of racial integration, but due to overcrowding at schools in parts of the cities that were predominantly black. He also came out against using bussing to resolve de facto segregation. 1965 mayoral election. The 1965 Springfield, Massachusetts mayoral election was held on November 2, 1965, and was preceded by a primary on October 4. It saw the reelection of Charles Ryan to a third term. The primary, held October 4, had been moved from its original date of October 5. Unusually, this made Election Day a Monday instead of a Tuesday. The change of date was made to avoid the election overlapping with the Jewish holiday of Yom Kippur. Campaign. In the general election Ryan faced state representative and Springfield city councilor James Grimaldi. He faced several additional candidates in the primary. In the primary, Charles E. Cobb was the first black candidate to run for mayor in the city's history. Frances L. Shea was among the earliest women to run for Springfield's mayoralty. A major issue in the campaign was how to resolve inequality in the quality of the schools buildings serving the city's largely non-white neighborhoods compared those serving its largely-white neighborhoods. Mayor Ryan proposed limited open enrollment, and hoped for the state to pay for the expense of busing. He felt that black groups had failed to assist in making open enrollment successful in the city. Grimaldi hoped to resolve these inequalities by replacing the city's older school buildings, many of which were located in largely black neighborhoods. Rojer J. Lemelin pledged to follow state's racial imbalance law. Charles E. Cobb argued that students at Buckingham Junior High School (a 63.2% non-white school) were 2.5 years behind students at junior high schools with predominantly white student bodies. He argued against open enrollment, saying that it asked, "the very people least able to pay" to personally finance their children's transportation. Frances L. Shea promised to follow the state's racial imbalance law, but argued that, "all laws are flexible and we should make them fit our situation". Other major issues included taxes, the proposed closure of the Springfield Armory, and allegations of police brutality in the city. 1967 mayoral election. The 1967 Springfield, Massachusetts mayoral election was held on November 7, 1967. It saw the election of Frank Harlan Freedman. Freedman, a Springfield city councilor and assistant attorney general for western Massachusetts (on leave from the latter role during his campaign), defeated state representative James Grimaldi. Incumbent mayor Charles Ryan did not seek reelection, instead opting to retire to accept a lecturing job at Springfield College. While the race was officially nonpartisan, Freeman was a Republican, while Grimaldi was a Democrat. Freedman became the city's first Jewish mayor. If elected, Grimaldi would have been its first Italian mayor. 1969 mayoral election. The 1969 Springfield, Massachusetts mayoral election was held on November 4, 1969, and was preceded by a primary held on October 7, 1969. It saw the reelection of Frank Harlan Freedman. Campaign. Democratic state representative James Grimaldi was a late entrant into the race. Frederick Hurst's performance in the primary was regarded to have been surprisingly poor. He was one of the earliest black candidates to run for mayor of Springfield. Freedman's reelection in the general election was aided by popular approval of how he had recently handled a public transit strike and welfare-related protests. 1971 mayoral election. The 1971 Springfield, Massachusetts mayoral election was held on November 2, 1971, and was preceded by a primary on October 5, 1971. It saw the reelection of Frank Harlan Freedman to a third term. 1973 mayoral special election. The 1973 Springfield, Massachusetts mayoral special election was held on January 30, 1973, to fill the vacancy left after Frank Harlan Freedman resigned as mayor in October 1972 to accept an appointment as a U.S. district court judge. The election saw the election of William C. Sullivan. Paul Mason was only the third black candidate to run for mayor in the city's history. He openly regarded his candidacy as more an effort to build up a following to help him run more successfully for the office two years later. 1973 mayoral election. The 1973 Springfield, Massachusetts mayoral election was held on November 6, 1973. It saw the reelection of incumbent William C. Sullivan (first elected earlier that year in a special election) to his first full term. Because only two candidates ran, there was no need for a primary election. 1975 mayoral election. The 1975 Springfield, Massachusetts mayoral election was held on November 4, 1975, and was preceded by a primary on October 5, 1975. It saw the reelection of William C. Sullivan to a second full, and third overall, term. Campaign. Stephen Desmond was a first-time candidate for public office, and ran as a U.S. Labor Party-backed candidate. 1977 mayoral election. The 1977 Springfield, Massachusetts mayoral election was held on November 8, 1977, and was preceded by a primary on October 11. It saw the election of Theodore E. Dimauro. Incumbent mayor William C. Sullivan did not seek reelection. Campaign. Theodore E. Dimauro campaigned on revitalizing the city's downtown, and talked about pursuing further public-private partnerships to accomplish this. James L. Grimaldi, an experienced elected official (with 12 years experience on the Springfield City Council and 13 years experience in the Massachusetts House of Representatives) had long aspired to be Springfield's mayor, having run four times previously. By 1977, Grimaldi was 66 years of age, and likely saw the election as his last chance to win the city's mayoralty. He campaigned hard against Dimauro, accusing him of being a puppet for big business, of valuing the city's downtown at the expense of the remainder of the city, and criticizing him for his vote as a member of the Massachusetts Governor's Council to confirm a black woman to be an associate justice of the Boston Municipal Court. With both Dimauro and Grimaldi being Italian-Americans, the general election matchup guaranteed that the city would elect its first mayor of Italian descent. 1979 mayoral election. The 1979 Springfield, Massachusetts mayoral election was held on November 6, 1979, and was preceded by a primary on October 9, 1979. It saw the reelection of Theodore Dimauro to a second term. 1981 mayoral election. The 1981 Springfield, Massachusetts mayoral election was held on November 3, 1981, and was preceded by a primary on October 6, 1981. It saw the reelection of Theodore Dimauro to a third term. 1983 mayoral election. The 1983 Springfield, Massachusetts mayoral election was held on November 3, 1983, and was preceded by a primary on September 20, 1983. It saw the election of Richard Neal. Facing a prospective challenge from city councilor Richard Neal, incumbent mayor Theodore Dimauro opted to instead retire. 1985 mayoral election. The 1985 Springfield, Massachusetts mayoral election was held on November 5, 1985. It saw the reelection of Richard Neal. 1987 mayoral election. The 1987 Springfield, Massachusetts mayoral election was held on November 3, 1987. It saw the reelection of incumbent Richard Neal to a third term. 1989 mayoral special election. The 1989 Springfield, Massachusetts mayoral special election was held on April 25, 1989, and was preceded by a primary on March 21, 1989. It was held to fill the vacancy left after mayor Richard Neal resigned to become a U.S. congressman. The election saw the election of the city's first female mayor Mary Hurley, who defeated acting mayor Vincent MiMonaco. Campaign. In his brief period as acting mayor, DiMonaco had taken a tough stance on drugs, and expressed criticism of what he deemed to be "insufficient" financial support coming from the state and federal governments. He also, with 18 years experience on the City Council and prior experience on the Springfield School Committee, made an effort to portray himself as the more experienced candidate Hurley accused DiMonaco of "flip-flopping" on various issues, such as whether the National Guard should be used to fight against illegal drugs in the city, which he had previously advocated for, but since walked back his support for. DiMonaco accused Hurley of receiving the back of a Richard Neal-led political machine. Neal, however, remained publicly remained neutral in the election, and questioned DiMonaco's assertion that a political machine existed in the city. Hurley raised $240,000 for her campaign, almost five times as much as DiMonaco managed to raise for his. This fundraising advantage enabled her to run a last-minute battery of television advertisements. 1989 mayoral election. The 1989 Springfield, Massachusetts mayoral election was held on November 7, 1989, and saw the reelection of incumbent mayor Mary Hurley (first elected earlier that year in a special election) to her first full term. 1991 mayoral election. The 1991 Springfield, Massachusetts mayoral election was held on November 5, 1991, and was preceded by a primary on September 24, 1991. It saw the election of Robert Markel. Incumbent mayor Mary Hurley did not seek reelection, announcing in February that she would not be running, to focus her attention on the city's budget problems. Hurleys' mayoralty had been beset by problems by this time, including wrangling with unions in the prior year. Campaign. A major issue of the campaign ahead of the primary election was the problem of "white flight" to the city's suburbs. The frontrunners ahead of the primary election were broadly considered to be Ray DiPasquale, Robert Markel, and Paul Kalill. As a candidate, Markel advocated for increasing the amount of fees for city services and increasing the enforcement of city codes. Kalill called for a "clean sweep" of politicians in city government. Benjamin Swan was a first-time candidate for elected office. William Montana advocated for a curfew for minors, as well as a revival of school prayer and corporal punishment. 1993 mayoral election. The 1993 Springfield, Massachusetts mayoral election was held on November 2, 1993, and was preceded by a primary on September 21, 1993. It saw the reelection of incumbent mayor Robert Markel. Campaign. Merkel took credit for restoring services previously cut in past budgets. Walsh argued that Markel had been neglecting towards public safety. Swan said that safety, education, and employment were the top issues in the city. 1995 mayoral election. The 1995 Springfield, Massachusetts mayoral election was held on November 7, 1995, and was preceded by a primary on September 19, 1995. It saw the election of mayor Michael Albano, who unseated incumbent mayor Robert Markel. Markel placed third in the primary, thereby failing to make the general election. Campaign. Expected to be a central issue to voters in the general election was whether Springfield would receive a casino or not. A year prior, voters had rejected a referendum to allow casinos in the city. However, a new nonbonding ballot initiative was up for a vote coinciding with the mayoral general election, which, if approved, would show citizen approval for building a casino in the city's downtown. Albano supported passing the initiative, while Ryan opposed it. The issue dominated the campaign. In the end, however, despite the voters voting against the ballot initiative, Albano (who had supported it) beat Ryan (who had opposed it). Ahead of the general election, Springfield Newspapers, the publisher of The Springfield Union News & Sunday Republican, backed both the casino ballot initiative and Albano's candidacy. 1997 mayoral election. The 1997 Springfield, Massachusetts mayoral election was held on November 4, 1997. It saw the reelection of incumbent mayor Michael Albano, who was running uncontested. 1999 mayoral election. The 1999 Springfield, Massachusetts mayoral election was held on November 2, 1999. It saw the reelection of incumbent mayor Michael Albano, running uncontested, to a third term. 2001 mayoral election. The 2001 Springfield, Massachusetts mayoral election was held on November 6, 2001, and was preceded by a primary on September 25, 2001. It saw the reelection of incumbent mayor Michael Albano to a fourth term. 2003 mayoral election. The 2003 Springfield, Massachusetts mayoral election was held on November 4, 2003. It saw former three-term mayor Charles Ryan returned to office for a fourth non-consecutive term. Incumbent mayor Michael Albano did not seek reelection. 2005 mayoral election. The 2005 Springfield, Massachusetts mayoral election was held on November 8, 2005, and saw the reelection of incumbent mayor Charles Ryan reelected to a second consecutive, and fifth overall, term as mayor. 2007 mayoral election. The 2007 Springfield, Massachusetts mayoral election was held on November 6, 2007. It saw Domenic Sarno unseat incumbent mayor Charles Ryan. When announcing his candidacy for reelection, Ryan had declared that he intended this to be his final campaign for mayor. At the age of 79, he was the oldest mayor in the state at the time he announced his reelection campaign in April. Since only two candidates ran, no primary was held. 2009 mayoral election. The 2009 Springfield, Massachusetts mayoral election was held on November 3, 2009. It saw the reelection on Domenic Sarno. Since only two candidates ran, no primary was held. 2011 mayoral election. The 2011 Springfield, Massachusetts mayoral election was held on November 8, 2011, and was preceded by a primary on September 20, 2011. Incumbent mayor Domenic Sarno won reelection to a second term. This was the first election to a four-year mayoral term, Springfield voters had, in 2009, approved a change to the city's charter which extended the mayor's term in office from two to four years. This was the first time since 2001 that more than two candidates ran, which triggered a primary election. Campaign. Both Jose and Tosado and Antonette Pepe were considered to be high-profile and politically experienced challengers to Sarno. Nevertheless, Sarno heavily led both in the primary, and handily defeated Tosado in the general election. Results. Turnout in the primary, at 14.64%, was historically low. 2015 mayoral election. The 2015 Springfield, Massachusetts mayoral election was held on November 3, 2015, and was preceded by a primary on September 8, 2015. Incumbent mayor Domenic Sarno won reelection to a third term. Campaign. Salvatore S. Circosta was politically conservative, closely tying his candidacy with his Catholicism. Early into his candidacy, Circosta publicly disclosed that he was a gay man. Circosta described himself as conservative on issues such as abortion rights and financial matters, but "progressive" on some issues such as gay rights. 2019 mayoral election. The 2019 Springfield, Massachusetts mayoral election was held on November 5, 2019, and was preceded by a primary on September 10, 2019. It was held in the city of Springfield, Massachusetts, United States. Incumbent mayor Domenic Sarno won reelection to a fourth term. By virtue of winning reelection to his fourth term, Sarno became poised to be the city's longest-serving mayor.

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Self-compassion is extending compassion to one's self in instances of perceived inadequacy, failure, or general suffering. Kristin Neff has defined self-compassion as being composed of three main elements – self-kindness, common humanity, and mindfulness. Self-compassion in some ways resembles Carl Rogers' notion of "unconditional positive regard" applied both towards clients and oneself; Albert Ellis' "unconditional self-acceptance"; Maryhelen Snyder's notion of an "internal empathizer" that explored one's own experience with "curiosity and compassion"; Ann Weiser Cornell's notion of a gentle, allowing relationship with all parts of one's being; and Judith Jordan's concept of "self-empathy", which implies acceptance, care and empathy towards the self. Self-compassion is different from self-pity, a state of mind or emotional response of a person believing to be a victim and lacking the confidence and competence to cope with an adverse situation. Research indicates that self-compassionate individuals experience greater psychological health than those who lack self-compassion. For example, self-compassion is positively associated with life satisfaction, wisdom, happiness, optimism, curiosity, learning goals, social connectedness, personal responsibility, and emotional resilience. At the same time, it is associated with a lower tendency for self-criticism, depression, anxiety, rumination, thought suppression, perfectionism, and disordered eating attitudes. Self-compassion has different effects than self-esteem, a subjective emotional evaluation of the self. Although psychologists extolled the benefits of self-esteem for many years, recent research has exposed costs associated with the pursuit of high self-esteem, including narcissism, distorted self-perceptions, contingent and/or unstable self-worth, as well as anger and violence toward those who threaten the ego. As self-esteem is often associated with perceived self-worth in externalised domains such as appearance, academics and social approval, it is often unstable and susceptible to negative outcomes. In comparison, it appears that self-compassion offers the same mental health benefits as self-esteem, but with fewer of its drawbacks such as narcissism, ego-defensive anger, inaccurate self-perceptions, self-worth contingency, or social comparison. Scales. Much of the research conducted on self-compassion so far has used the Self-Compassion Scale, created by Kristin Neff, which measures the degree to which individuals display self-kindness against self-judgment, common humanity versus isolation, and mindfulness versus over-identification. The Self-Compassion Scale has been translated into different languages. Some of these include a Czech, Dutch, Japanese, Chinese, Turkish and Greek version. Development. The original sample for which the scale was developed consisted of 68 undergraduate students from a large university in the United States. In this experiment, the participants narrowed down the potential scale items to 71. The next stage of development involved testing the reliability and validity of the scale among a larger group of participants. During this research study, 391 undergraduate students were selected at random to complete the 71 previously narrowed down scale items. Based on their results, the number of items was reduced to 26. The self-compassion scales have good reliability and validity. A second study was conducted to look more closely at the difference between self-esteem and self-compassion. This study consisted of 232 randomly selected, undergraduate students. Participants were asked to complete a number of different scales in questionnaire form. They were as follows: The 26-item Self-compassion Scale, the 10-item Rosenberg Self-esteem Scale, the 10-item Self-determination Scale, the 21-item Basic Psychological Needs Scale, and the 40-item Narcissistic Personality Inventory. Based on the findings, Neff reports "that self-compassion and self-esteem were measuring two different psychological phenomena." A third study was conducted to examine the construct validity. By comparing two different groups of people, researchers would be able to see the different levels of self-compassion. Forty-three Buddhist practitioners completed the Self-compassion Scale as well as a self-esteem scale. The sample of 232 undergraduate students from the second study was used as the comparison group. As expected by Neff, the Buddhist practitioners had significantly higher self-compassion scores than the students. Self-compassion scale. The long version of the Self-compassion scale (SCS) consists of 26 items. This includes 6 subscales – self-kindness, self-judgement, common humanity, isolation, mindfulness, and over-identification. Neff recommends this scale for ages 14 and up with a minimum 8th grade reading level. Presented on a Likert scale, ranging from 1 (almost no self-compassion) to 5 (constant self-compassion), those completing the SCS are able to gain insight on how they respond to themselves during a struggle or challenging time. Short form. The short version of the Self-Compassion Scale (SCS-SF) consists of 12 items and is available in Dutch and English. Research reveals that the short form scale can be used competently as a substitute for the long form scale. A study conducted at the University of Leuven, Belgium concluded that when examining total scores, this shorter version provides an almost perfect correlation with the longer version. Six-factor model. Neff's scale proposes six interacting components of self-compassion, which can be grouped as three dimensions with two opposite facets. The first dimension is self-kindness versus self-judgment, and taps into how individuals emotionally relate to themselves. Self-kindness refers to one's ability to be kind and understanding of oneself, whereas self-judgement refers to being critical and harsh towards oneself. The second dimension is common humanity versus isolation, and taps into how people cognitively understand their relationship to others. Common humanity refers to one's ability to recognize that everyone is imperfect and that suffering is part of the human condition, whereas isolation refers to feeling all alone in one's suffering. The third dimension is mindfulness versus over-identification, and taps into how people pay attention to their pain. Mindfulness refers to one's awareness and acceptance of painful experiences in a balanced and non-judgmental way, whereas over-identification refers to being absorbed by and ruminating on one's pain. Neff argues the six components of self-compassion interact and operate as a system. Support for this view was demonstrated in a study which found that writing with either kindness, common humanity or mindfulness yielded increases on the other self-compassion dimensions. Criticisms of Neff's scale. Currently, Kristin Neff's Self-Compassion Scale is the main self-report instrument used to measure self-compassion. Although it is widely accepted as being a reliable and valid tool to measure self-compassion, some researchers have posed questions regarding the scale's generalizability and its use of a six-factor model. Generalizability. Although some have questioned the generalizability of Neff's Self-Compassion Scale, a recent study found support for the measurement invariance of the scale across 18 samples, including student, community, and clinical samples in 12 different translations Six-factor model. A 2015 study performed by Angélica López et al. examined the factor structure, reliability, and construct validity of the 24 item Dutch version of Neff's Self-compassion Scale using a large representative sample from the general population. The study consisted of 1,736 participants and used both a confirmatory factor analysis (CFA), and an exploratory factor analysis (EFA) to determine if Neff's six-factor structure could be replicated. Lopez's study could not replicate the six-factor structure of Neff's Self-compassion Scale, but rather suggested a two-factor model of the scale, created by grouping the positive and negative items separately. Lopez argued that self-compassion and self-criticism are distinct. More recently, however, a large 20 sample study (N=11,685) examined the factor structure of the SCS in 13 translations, using bifactor Exploratory Structural Equation Modeling, which is a more appropriate way to analyze constructs that operate as a system. In this comprehensive study one general factor and six specific factors had the best fit in every sample examined, while a two-factor solution had an inadequate fit. Moreover, over 95% of the reliable variance in item responding could be explained by a single general factor. This factor structure has been found to be invariant across cultures Other evidence for the view that self-compassion is a global construct composed of six components that operate as a system stems from the fact that all six components change in tandem and are configured as a balanced system within individuals Exercises. Self-compassion exercises generally consist of either a writing exercise, role-playing, or introspective contemplation, and are designed to foster self-kindness, mindfulness, and feelings of common humanity. Self-compassion exercises have been shown to be effective in increasing self-compassion, along with increases in self-efficacy, optimism, and mindfulness. These exercises have also been shown to decrease rumination. In individuals who were vulnerable to depression, one week of daily self-compassion exercises lead to reduced depression up to three months following the exercise, and increased happiness up to six months following the exercise, regardless of the pre-exercise levels of happiness. How would you treat a friend? This exercise asks the user to imagine that they are comforting a close friend who is going through a tough situation. The user is then asked to compare and contrast how they react internally to their own struggles, and to endeavour applying the same loving kindness to themselves that they would apply to a friend. Self-compassion break. This exercise is to be used during times of acute distress. The user is asked to focus on a stressful event or situation. Then, the user is asked to repeat several prompts to themselves, each of which emphasizes one of the three main tenets of self-compassion: mindfulness, common humanity, and self-kindness. Exploring through writing. In this exercise, the user is asked to focus on a facet of themself that they believe to be an imperfection, and that makes them feel inadequate. Once they have brought this issue to mind, they are asked to write a letter to themself from the perspective of an unconditionally loving imaginary friend. The user is then asked to focus on the soothing and comforting feelings of compassion that they have generated for themself. Criticizer, criticized, and compassionate observer. This exercise asks the user to occupy several "chairs" during the course of the practice. Initially, they are asked to occupy the chair of the self-critic, and to express their feelings of self-criticism. They are asked to analyze this criticism and make note of its defining characteristics. Then, the user is asked to take the chair of their criticized self, and to imagine verbally responding to their inner critic. Subsequently, the user is prompted to conduct a dialogue between these two aspects of the self, the criticizer and the criticized. Following this, the user is asked to imagine themself as a compassionate observer of this dialogue, and finally the user is asked to reflect upon the experience. Changing your critical self-talk. This exercise is meant to be conducted over several weeks, in the form of recurring reflection on the nature of their self-criticism. Users are asked to aim to notice when they are being self-critical, to react to their self-criticism with compassion, and to reframe the language of their inner critic. Journal. This exercise entails keeping a daily journal for at least one week, and is used to reflect on difficult experiences, self-criticisms, and other stressors. The user is asked to analyze each of these events through the lenses of self-kindness (using gentle, comforting language to respond to the event), mindfulness (awareness of the negative emotions elicited by the situation), and common humanity (how the experience is part of the human condition). Identifying what we really want. In this exercise, the user is asked to think about the ways that they use self-criticism as a way to motivate themself. Then, the user is asked to try to come up with a kinder and gentler and more caring way of motivating themself to make the desired change, and to try and be aware of how they use self-criticism as a motivational tool in the future. Taking care of the caregiver. This exercise prompts the user to engage in meaningful self-care on a regular basis, and to practice these techniques while they are actively caring for others. Self-forgiveness as an element. Self-forgiveness is an element of self-compassion that involves releasing self-directed negative feelings. Research has found that self-forgiveness promotes greater overall well-being, specifically higher self-esteem and lower neuroticism. Pro-social behavior. When self-directed negative feelings are a result of negative past action, self-forgiveness does not mean ignoring or excusing offenses, but rather practicing self-compassion while taking full responsibility for past action. In this way, self-forgiveness may increase people's willingness to repent for wrongdoing. Despite this research, there is not yet a clear link between self-forgiveness and pro-social behavior. It would seem that accepting responsibility for negative actions leads to pro-social behavior, and coupling acceptance with self-forgiveness increases this effect. Self-acceptance as an element. Self-acceptance is an element of self-compassion that involves accepting oneself for who and what they are. Self-acceptance differs from self-esteem in that self-esteem involves globally evaluating one's worth. Self-acceptance means accepting the self despite flaws, weaknesses, and negative evaluations from others. Mindfulness. History. The concept of mindfulness and self-compassion has been around for over 2500 years, and is rooted in Eastern traditional Buddhist philosophy and Buddhist meditation. In Buddhist philosophy, mindfulness and compassion is considered to be two wings of one bird, with each concept overlapping one another but producing benefits for wellbeing. The word Mindfulness is the English translation of the word Vipassan, which a combination of two words Vi, meaning in a special way and Passana, to observe, hence implying to observe in a special way. Compassion (karunaa) can be defined as an emotion that elicits the wanting to be free from suffering. Mindfulness in the context of self-compassion comprises acknowledging one's painful experiences in a balanced way that neither ignores, or ruminates on the disliked characteristics of oneself or life. According to Neff (2012) it is essential to be mindful of one's own personal suffering in order to extend compassion towards one's self. However it is essential to pay attention to self suffering in a grounded way in order to avoid "over-identification". Mindfulness tends to focus on the internal experience such as sensation, emotion and thoughts rather than focusing on the experiencer. Self-compassion focuses on soothing and comforting the self when faced with distressing experiences. Self-compassion is composed of three components; self kindness versus self-judgement, a sense of common humanity versus isolation and mindfulness versus over-identification when confronting painful thoughts and emotions. Mindfulness-based stress reduction. Mindfulness-based stress reduction (MBSR), developed by Jon Kabat-Zinn is a structured group program that uses mindfulness meditation to relieve suffering associated with physical, psychosomatic and psychiatric disorders. Mindfulness-based stress reduction therapy seeks to increase the capacity for mindfulness, by reducing the need for self-focused thoughts and emotions that can lead to poor mental health. The exercise of mindfulness-based stress reduction therapy brings together the elements of meditation and yoga, greater awareness of the unity of mind and body, as well as the ways that the unconscious thoughts, feelings, and behaviors can undermine emotional, physical, and spiritual health. Clinical research from the past 25 years has found that MBSR is efficacious in reducing distress and enhancing individual well-being. Self-Compassion can play a critical role in mindfulness-based cognitive therapy interventions. In the study Shapiro et al. (2005) found that health care professionals who underwent a MBSR program reported significantly increased self-compassion and reduced stress levels compared to the waitlist control group. It was also reported that the increase of self-compassion appeared to reduce stress associated with the program. Mindfulness-based cognitive therapy. Mindfulness-based cognitive therapy (MBCT) is an intervention therapy that combines meditation practices, psycho-education and cognitive behavioral strategies to prevent the relapse or recurrence of major depression. MBCT teaches individuals how to observe their thoughts and feelings by focusing their attention on natural objects, such as breathing and bodily sensations. Individuals are taught how to achieve awareness while holding an attitude of non-judgemental acceptance. Within MBCT, mindfulness skills are taught in order to recognize distressing thoughts and feelings, to be aware of these experiences, and utilize acceptance and self-compassion to break up associative networks that may cause a relapse. Self-compassion in response to negative thoughts and feelings is an adaptive process, which validates it as a key learning skill in MBCT. Self-compassion has been found to be a key mechanism in the effectiveness of mindfulness-based interventions such as mindfulness-based cognitive therapy (MBCT). Kuyken et al. (2010) compared the effect of MBCT with maintenance antidepressants on relapse in depressive symptoms. They found that mindfulness and self-compassion were increased after MBCT was introduced. They also found that MBCT reduced the connection of cognitive reactivity and depressive relapse, and that the increased self-compassion helped mediate this association. Mindfulness-based pain management. Mindfulness-based pain management (MBPM) is a mindfulness-based intervention (MBI) providing specific applications for people living with chronic pain and illness. Adapting the core concepts and practices of mindfulness-based stress reduction (MBSR) and mindfulness-based cognitive therapy (MBCT), MBPM includes a distinctive emphasis on the practice of 'loving-kindness', and has been seen as sensitive to concerns about removing mindfulness teaching from its original ethical framework within Buddhism. It was developed by Vidyamala Burch and is delivered through the programs of Breathworks. It has been subject to a range of clinical studies demonstrating its effectiveness. Mindful self-compassion therapy. Mindful self-compassion (MSC) therapy is a hybrid therapy consisting of self-compassion and mindfulness practices. The term mindful is referred to in the MSC program as the basic mindfulness skills which is turning toward painful thoughts and emotions and seeing them as they are without suppression or avoidance which is crucial to the development of self-compassion. The MSC program however focuses more on self-compassion and sees mindfulness as a secondary emphasis. MSC teaches both formal (meditation) and informal (daily life) self-compassion practices. In addition there are homework MSC assignments that teaches participants to be kinder to themselves. The goal of MSC therapy is to provide participants with a variety of tools to increase self-compassion which they can then in turn integrate into their lives. A study conducted by Neff and Germer (2012) found that compared with the control group, MSC intervention participants reported significantly larger increases in self-compassion, mindfulness, wellbeing and a decrease in depression, stress and anxiety which were maintained for 6 months after the initial intervention. Compassion focused therapy. Paul Gilbert (2009) developed compassion focused therapy (CFT) that teaches clients that, due to how our brains have evolved, anxiety, anger and depression are natural experiences that are occur through no fault of our own. Patients are trained to change maladaptive thought patterns such as "I'm unlovable" and provide alternative self-statements, such as "know for sure that some people love me". The goal of CFT is to help patients develop a sense of warmth and emotional responsiveness to oneself. This is achieved through a variety of exercises including visualization, cultivating self-kindest through language by engaging in self-compassionate behaviors and habits. In CFT self-compassion is utilized through thoughts, images, and attention which is needed to stimulate and develop the contentment, sooth and safeness system. Mindfulness skills in dialectical behavior therapy. Dialectical behavior therapy (DBT), is a derivative of cognitive behavior therapy that incorporates Eastern meditative practice. DBT is based on a dialectical world view that incorporates the balance and integration of opposing beliefs, particularly in acceptance and change. We accept ourselves as good enough, and we recognize the need for all of us to change and grow. Unlike MBCT and MBSR therapies, dialectical behavior therapy does not use meditation but less formal exercises, such as individual therapy sessions and group skill sessions. In general last for approximately a year where participants will engage in weekly individual skill therapy sessions and group skill sessions. The skills therapy sessions include four segments; core mindfulness, interpersonal effectiveness, emotion regulation, and distress tolerance skills. Dialectical behaviour therapist recommend developing self-compassion. The basic premise of using self-compassion therapies in DBT is to cultivate a compassionate mind state, defined by feelings of warmth, safety, presence and interconnectedness that can in turn relieve emotional dysregulation. Mindfulness and related skills in acceptance and commitment therapy. Acceptance and commitment therapy utilizes behavior change process, mindfulness and acceptance process. ACT, involves non-judgmental awareness and openness to cognitive sensation an emotional experiences. It also promotes exposure to previously avoided situations that have caused anxiety in order to promote acceptance. The avoidant behavior is treated by having clients observing their thoughts and accepting that their thoughts are not necessarily harmful. In general ACT strategies are customized to fit each participant so they obtain psycho-education, problem solving skills and psychological flexibility. Mindfulness and acceptance exercises and skills facilitate the behavioral changes necessary for its user to pursue a life that they feel is vital and meaningful. Various sources have indicated that acceptance and commitment therapy overlaps with Neff's conceptualization of self compassion particularly ACT's relational frame theory. The basic theories and concepts underlining ACT, may be relevant and have shown to be parallels and hold similarities found in self-compassion The first is ACT's perspective and Neff's concept of self-kindness are both linked to self-acceptance. Acceptance of one's painful experiences and hurt is related to kindness to one's self. Second Neff's conceptualization of self-compassion and ACT both emphasize mindfulness, which is practiced in ACT through the concepts of defusion, acceptance, contact with the present moment and the self as a context. Defusion is also used in self-compassion as a means of allowing self-criticisms to pass through the mind without believing, proving them wrong or engaging in a stance to make these thoughts workable. In a study conducted by Yadavaia, Hayes & Vilardaga, 2014 test the efficacy of an ACT approach to self-compassion as compared to a waitlist control, the study showed that ACT interventions led to a large increase in self-compassion and psychopathology compared to the waitlist control at post-treatment and two months post intervention.

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=1776510

The Daewoo Nubira is a compact car which was produced by the South Korean automaker Daewoo from 1997 to 2002 as a 4-door sedan, 5-door hatchback and a 5-door station wagon. Development. The Daewoo Nubira (J100 platform) was released in 1997 reflecting Daewoo's new found design and manufacturing process. Production took under 30 months by ex-Porsche and BMW engineering chief Dr. Ulrich Bez (later of Aston Martin), with Daewoo's growing in-house R&D network in Korea, Worthing and Munich collaborating with the world's best engineering consultancies. Styling was done by I.DE.A Institute in Italy, and other companies involved in the development programme included Ricardo and GM Holden. Built in Kunsan, South Korea in a factory equipped with sophisticated laser-guided robots, it was developed as a replacement. People weren't entirely sure what was the replacement, but Daewoo said that not only did it replace the lower and medium specification of the Espero, but also those at the upper end line-up of the Nexia. Overview. The name Nubira (누비라) is the command form of the Korean verb Nubida (누비다), meaning to crisscross. Thus the name was chosen to convey the aspiration that this car would be seen crisscrossing every corner of the globe. The Nubira II (J150) (facelift) was released for the model year 2000. Over 90 improvements were made by Daewoo's Worthing Technical Centre in the United Kingdom, including an increase in passenger space and a decrease in noise, harshness and vibration (by adding a fourth engine mount and retuning the intake resonators for example). Offset crash performance was further improved in the second generation, as demonstrated by Australian ANCAP tests, though it fell well short of exemplary performance. The exterior was reworked, including the revamped front, a more angular rear and door mirrors creating a more dynamic upright and swept look of the era, a design later seen reflected by the Lexus ES350 and 2004 Mitsubishi Diamante. International market Nubiras had a choice of a Daewoo "E-Tech" 1.3,"E-Tech" 1.6, or Holden 1.8 or 2.0-litre inline-four gasoline engines: no diesel version was ever offered, although the Worthing Technical Centre installed Renault's F8 1.9-litre engine in a small number of test vehicles, under a development programme known as J151. The Nubira was also briefly produced from CKD kits on Taganrog, Russia TagAZ factory; it was marketed as the Doninvest Orion by the Russian automaker Doninvest. Until 2008, Daewoo Nubira was produced in Romania in a former Daewoo factory which had the licence from GM Daewoo. The Daewoo Nubira was still produced in Egypt in 2008, in a former Daewoo factory which has the licence from GM Daewoo. The Nubira was replaced in 2004 with the J200 Daewoo Lacetti, under GMDAT management with a new Pininfarina-designed body offered as a sedan, station wagon, and Italdesign hatchback. It was sold in some European markets as the Chevrolet Nubira and in the United States as the Suzuki Forenza and Reno. The European Market. In all European markets, production starts in 1997 and facelifts were done in 1999. United Kingdom. Daewoo announced that production of the Nubira would begin in autumn 1997 in the following month of the year May along with the new Daewoo range (that is with the Lanos and Leganza). At 9 September 1997, prices were confirmed for the Nubira to go to sale on 11 September 1997: These prices included the Daewoo package. The four-model range offered two engines which included the 1.6 and the 2.0. There were two equipment levels, SE and CDX and two body styles, a four-door saloon and a five-door estate. The five-door hatchback was not offered at all. All models had the following equipment: air-conditioning, ABS, driver and front passenger airbags, alarm, engine immobiliser, power steering, electric front windows, central locking, metallic paint and RDS radio/cassette players as standard. The only differences were that the SE had hubcaps, non-body coloured door handles and door mirrors and 'SE' emblems at the body wings. Alloy wheels were an option on the SE model. However, the CDX came with alloy wheels, body-coloured door handles and wing mirrors, rear electric windows and 'CDX' emblems at the body wings. Then, promotions were extended to one years' free insurance for the new range from 1 January 1998. New finance packaging were provided and the prices were then realigned to the following for 1999: After, Daewoo provided an Easter sale which reduced the prices of the three new models (Lanos, Nubira, Leganza) for a month. This meant the two-for-one offer (buyers of 'S' plate cars would be replaced for 'T' plate ones in March 1999), generated some low-mileage well-conditioned 'S' plate ones. Prices were reduced to the following: In 2001, prices were reduced (up to 16%) to the following: Reviewing. The AA first tested out the Nubira in August 1997. They claimed that the ride was subtle and the driving experience was decent. In conclusion, they said that its keen value for money and decent equipment makes it a good family car. However, for them it was just another family car, rather competent than trendsetting. After that, in November 1998, AA tested out the 1.6 SE version of the Nubira estate. The way it drove, versatility and its good conglomeration of styling in Italy, Engineered in Britain and assembled in South Korea is what the AA liked about it. Their verdict was that it was a sensibly competent rather than a crowd-drawing performer, it fitted a lot of motoring for the money and the aftersales package was outstanding. Finally, the facelift version of the Nubira was tested in July 1999. The AA liked its comfort (particularly the seats) yet some of the mechanical improvements weren't very good for them; for instance despite the new engine management system, they thought the new two litre engine still suffered a nasty 'shunt' as the accelerator was released and applied. The verdict was the facelift made it a more refined and comfortable car with the sublime aftersales peace-of-mind package. Facelift (Nubira J150). On 22 July 1999, the facelift of the Nubira was announced, barely after 24 months of its official release in the UK. Stylists at the Daewoo's Worthing Technical Centre (or DWTC), led by Daewoo Design Director Ginger Ostle were already working on a facelifted one since the production started in Autumn 1997. Engines (1.6 and 2.0 litres) were revised too, including decreased torque and performance yet making it more economical. Limited edition models included price reduction for the 1.6 SE 4-door (£9,995). The saving (on equivalent models) was £1,814. Extra equipment included 14" alloy wheels, metallic/mica paint and a CD autochanger free-of-charge. Also, Daewoo provided finance offers, which means more promotions and expanding it on the Nubira Estate. For the Nubira, offers included 0% Hire Purchase, 36 months, 40% deposit on CDX. In 2002, Daewoo provided a £1,500 cashback on the Nubira CDX. Recalls. At 18 June 2001, Daewoo recalled 3,000 Nubira CDX's due to a fault in the fuel filter. The Netherlands. In the Netherlands, there were three trim levels available, SE (base model), SX and CDX with three body types including the hatchback, saloon and estate. Prices varied depending on the model, starting from less than €15,000 for the base model saloon to less than €20,500 for the top-of-the-range estate. Prices were then varied for the facelift, which started from €15,395 for the base model hatchback all the way up to €21,095 for the top-of-the-range estate. The American Market. Production began in 2000. In the United States, the Nubira was marketed with Daewoo's smaller subcompact Lanos and midsize Leganza. Daewoo had a difficult time entering the US auto market due to financial trouble at home; with 2002 being the last model year available due to bankruptcy and a lack of new product. In North America, the cars are relatively obscure, if not rare, and sourcing parts for them became relatively difficult; though many powertrain parts were shared worldwide with other GM platforms (Opel, Holden, Isuzu). Promotions were provided, including a peace-of-mind 3-year/36,000 mile comprehensive warranty, 3-year/24-hour priority assistance program and a 5 year/60,000 mile powertrain warranty. All with no extra charge.United States Nubira models came equipped only with an Australian built Holden produced DOHC 16-valve 2.0-liter inline-4 General Motors "D-Tec" gasoline engine paired with either a Daewoo-designed D-20 five-speed manual transaxle or optional GM sourced 4T40E automatic. Producing torque at 4,400 rpm, the GM Family-II engine had a square 3.4" stroke and a 3.4" bore and at 5,400 rpm making . Two trim levels were available, SE and CDX. All Nubira's were equipped with power-steering and an array of other standard equipment. CDX models got extra equipment, like air-con, cruise control, alarm with keyless-entry, alloy wheels and a CD player.

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=23440349

Lighthouse Mouse is a 1955 Warner Brothers "Merrie Melodies" animated cartoon, written by Sid Marcus and directed by Robert McKimson, with voice characterizations provided by Mel Blanc. The short was released on March 12, 1955, and stars Sylvester the Cat and Hippety Hopper. Plot. It is 11 o'clock at night at a lighthouse on a small island, and the clock's pendulum is intermittently deflecting the light from the beacon into a mouse-hole downstairs, keeping the resident mouse wide awake. The baggy-eyed rodent crawls out of bed, climbs the steps to the beacon, and yanks the plug out of the outlet to turn it off. Polly the parrot immediately flies into the light-keeper's bedroom squawking "Light's out! Light's out!" The lightkeeper wakes up shouting, "Grrrreat Scott! It's that crrrrazy moose (mouse) again!" Consequently, a cargo carrier named "Australia" crashes into the rocks on the shore of the island, causing several wooden crates to spill overboard. The frustrated captain admonishes the light-keeper to keep the beacon lit, and the light-keeper and Polly apologize for the mishap. Hippety Hopper, a baby kangaroo intended for delivery to a city zoo, is inside one of the fallen crates, and after the ship departs, he hops off within the crate until it breaks apart against the rocks, setting him free. While all this is going on, Sylvester is downstairs sleeping. The light-keeper abruptly wakes him up, rebuking, "While you sleep, that crrrrazy moose is loose in the hoose (house)!" (which Polly repeats), then orders him to go upstairs to catch him and to "Hurrrry up, now, hurrrry up, now" (which Polly also echoes). Sylvester tells Polly he can catch the mouse in a matter of seconds, and Polly starts counting the seconds. Hippety then hops into the lighthouse and follows Sylvester up the stairs. Sylvester sets a mousetrap and attaches a string to said trap. When he hears a snap, he pulls on the string and sees he has caught Hippety, whom he thinks is a giant mouse, which makes his jaw drop to the floor and then fall into pieces. Sylvester then shoots like a bullet down the stairs as Polly keeps counting ("542...543..."), and dashes to the bathroom, thinking he must have "lighthouse eyes" or "stigmatism". He puts in eye drops, then, grabbing a bottle of vitamins, gulps them down and showers himself with them. Meanwhile, the mouse frees Hippety from the trap, and Hippety returns the favor by pulling the plug out of the wall. ("Lights out! Lights out!") Sylvester runs out of the bathroom, tells Polly to "Keep counting, buster" ("3,685...3,686...3,687"), runs upstairs, puts the plug back in and pounds a few nails over it to prevent Hippety and the mouse from pulling it out again. He then prepares to knock Hippety out with a club and swings at him when he sees what appears to be Hippety's shadow approaching, but misses and sees that it is only the mouse wielding a mallet, which he uses to slam Sylvester's foot. The mouse then zips behind the elevator door. Sylvester pounds on the door, and Hippety kicks him into the wall. Sylvester then sees Hippety and the mouse behind the door playing a back-and-forth switcheroo, making him think he must be hallucinating. Sylvester then charges back toward the elevator and Sylvester, the mouse, and Hippety get into a scuffle, which ends with Hippety sending Sylvester tumbling down the stairs. By this time, Polly has counted more than 70,000 seconds (which in reality is most of a day (19.444... hours)), but the punch-drunk feline goes back for more, assuring Polly he will get the mouse "quicker than you can count up to Jack Robinson". The mouse cuts the extension cord in two places with a pair of scissors, putting the lights out again, and the furious light-keeper stalks Sylvester with a Shillelagh (a traditional Irish club/walking-stick) threatening to "fix that good-fer-nothin' pussycat.". Seeing this from higher up the stairs puts Sylvester in a panic and runs up the stairs and attempts to reconnect the cord by stretching it but to no avail; as the light-house keeper approaches the room, Sylvester improvises a temporary solution by using himself as a conductor between the cut parts of the cord and gets a massive electric jolt, which turns the lights back on ("Lights on! Lights on! Lights on!") and spares him a beating...for the moment. As Sylvester tapes the cord back together, the mouse rigs a dynamite stick with the cord wrapped around it. It explodes, completely destroying the cord beyond any chance of repair. Immediately, the light-keeper runs back up the stairs and pummels Sylvester with not his Shillelagh but a big club. In the final scene, the light-keeper, Polly, Hippety, and the mouse are sleeping happily while Sylvester is serving as the beacon, hooked up to a battery with the light projecting through his eyes. To this, he laments, "I never thought just being a pussycat could be so complicated! ".

large weapon

11494-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=1371949

Kernmantle rope () is rope constructed with its interior core protected by a woven exterior sheath designed to optimize strength, durability, and flexibility. The core fibers provide the tensile strength of the rope, while the sheath protects the core from abrasion during use. Parachute cord. Parachute cord (also paracord or 550 cord when referring to type-III paracord) is a lightweight nylon kernmantle rope originally used in the suspension lines of parachutes. This cord is useful for many other tasks and is now used as a general purpose utility cord by both military personnel and civilians. Use as climbing rope. Nylon ropes that were used in yachts for hauling were tested and found useful in climbing and caving and are now the modern standard. The German company Edelrid introduced the first kernmantel rope in 1953, which revolutionized fall prevention. Hemp climbing rope became a thing of the past and rope breakage was greatly reduced. In 1964, Edelrid and Mammut both developed dynamic ropes capable of withstanding multiple falls. These became the forerunner of the modern dynamic climbing rope. Although there were occasional innovations, the rope used today is similar in construction, strength, and durability across manufacturers. Overall there is a huge variety of climbing ropes available for different purposes; for instance, there are well over one hundred different dynamic single ropes (the most popular rope system in climbing). Kernmantle ropes are still used in sailing and other sports, but the technical requirements are usually not as rigorous for such purposes as for climbing, since those applications are not as critical to safety. Small kernmantle ropes are commonly called accessory cords; they are often used to make prusik knots and loops or to attach accessories such as chalk bags. Depending upon the ultimate use of the rope, one or more of its many characteristics (material, structure, finish, color, strength, durability, elasticity, flexibility, price, etc.) are altered, sometimes at the expense of other properties. For example, rope used in caving is generally exposed to increased abrasion, so the mantle is woven more tightly than rope used in climbing or rappelling. However, the resulting rope is cumbersome and difficult to tie knots in. Kernmantle construction may be used for both static and dynamic ropes. Static ropes are designed to allow relatively little stretch, which is most useful for applications such as hauling and rappelling. Dynamic rope is used to belay climbers, and is designed to stretch under a heavy load to absorb the shock of a fallen climber. Dynamic ropes manufactured for climbing are tested by the UIAA. A test of "single" standard rope involves tying an 80 kg (176 pound) weight to the end of a length of rope. This weight is then dropped 5 meters (16½ feet) on 2.7 meters (9 feet) of rope, with the rope running over a rounded surface simulating that of a standard carabiner. This process is repeated until the rope breaks. For "double" ropes the weight is 55 kg, and for twin ropes two strands are used. In addition to the number of drops, the impact force is also measured. It is a common misunderstanding to think that the number of drop test falls (as conducted by the UIAA) is the number of real-life climbing falls a rope can sustain before it becomes unsafe. The drop test falls are of extreme severity and a real-life climbing fall will not often generate a comparable force. This adds a margin of safety for climbers who use such ropes as the ropes age. Rope care. Kernmantle rope should be inspected before and after every use for any form of damage. "Boogers", which indicate internal damage to the kern, appear as tufts of white threads poking out from the mantle. Ropes that have been severely stressed have tapered sections which are visibly or palpably thinner due to crushed or parted (incomplete) core strands. Parted core strands no longer provide full strength to the rope, and (if not tightly braided) tend to withdraw from the damage with use, twisting & kinking toward the undamaged ends. Rope that has been abraded or cut on sharp edges should be examined closely by an experienced user, who may choose to cut the rope at that point, rather than risk it parting at that location. A rope can be cleaned by forming it into a chain sinnet to prevent excessive tangling and washing it in a front-loading clothes washing machine with soap flakes. Strong cleansers, including bleach and detergent should not be used on life-critical nylon components. Commercial rope cleaning devices are also available, but must be used carefully to avoid kinking (& weakening) the core strands.

similar impact

9551-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=61981357

Ribose is a simple sugar and carbohydrate with molecular formula C5H10O5 and the linear-form composition H−(C=O)−(CHOH)4−H. The naturally-occurring form, -ribose, is a component of the ribonucleotides from which RNA is built, and so this compound is necessary for coding, decoding, regulation and expression of genes. It has a structural analog, deoxyribose, which is a similarly essential component of DNA. -Ribose is an unnatural sugar that was first prepared by Emil Fischer and Oscar Piloty in 1891. It was not until 1909 that Phoebus Levene and Walter Jacobs recognised that -ribose was a natural product, the enantiomer of Fischer and Piloty's product, and an essential component of nucleic acids. Fischer chose the name "ribose" as it is a partial rearrangement of the name of another sugar, arabinose, of which ribose is an epimer at the 2' carbon; both names also relate to gum arabic, from which arabinose was first isolated and from which they prepared -ribose. Like most sugars, ribose exists as a mixture of cyclic forms in equilibrium with its linear form, and these readily interconvert especially in aqueous solution. The name "ribose" is used in biochemistry and biology to refer to all of these forms, though more specific names for each are used when required. In its linear form, ribose can be recognised as the pentose sugar with all of its hydroxyl functional groups on the same side in its Fischer projection. -Ribose has these hydroxyl groups on the right hand side and is associated with the systematic name (2"R",3"R",4"R")-2,3,4,5-tetrahydroxypentanal, whilst -ribose has its hydroxyl groups appear on the left hand side in a Fischer projection. Cyclisation of ribose occurs via hemiacetal formation due to attack on the aldehyde by the C4' hydroxyl group to produce a furanose form or by the C5' hydroxyl group to produce a pyranose form. In each case, there are two possible geometric outcomes, named as α- and β- and known as anomers, depending on the stereochemistry at the hemiacetal carbon atom (the "anomeric carbon"). At room temperature, about 76% of -ribose is present in pyranose forms (α:β = 1:2) and 24% in the furanose forms (α:β = 1:3), with only about 0.1% of the linear form present. The ribonucleosides adenosine, cytidine, guanosine, and uridine are all derivatives of β--ribofuranose. Metabolically-important species that include phosphorylated ribose include ADP, ATP, coenzyme A, and NADH. cAMP and cGMP serve as secondary messengers in some signaling pathways and are also ribose derivatives. The ribose moiety appears in some pharmaceutical agents, including the antibiotics neomycin and paromomycin. Synthesis and sources. Ribose as its 5-phosphate ester is typically produced from glucose by the pentose phosphate pathway. In at least some archaea, alternative pathways have been identified. Ribose can be synthesized chemically, but commercial production relies on fermentation of glucose. Using genetically modified strains of "B. subtilis", 90 g/liter of ribose can be produced from 200 g of glucose. The conversion entails the intermediacy of gluconate and ribulose. Ribose has been detected in meteorites. Structure. Ribose is an aldopentose (a monosaccharide containing five carbon atoms) that, in its open chain form, has an aldehyde functional group at one end. In the conventional numbering scheme for monosaccharides, the carbon atoms are numbered from C1' (in the aldehyde group) to C5'. The deoxyribose derivative found in DNA differs from ribose by having a hydrogen atom in place of the hydroxyl group at C2'. This hydroxyl group performs a function in RNA splicing. The "-" in the name -ribose refers to the stereochemistry of the chiral carbon atom farthest away from the aldehyde group (C4'). In -ribose, as in all -sugars, this carbon atom has the same configuration as in -glyceraldehyde.Relative abundance of forms of ribose in solution: β--ribopyranose (59%), α--ribopyranose (20%), β--ribofuranose (13%), α--ribofuranose (7%) and open chain (0.1%). For ribose residues in nucleosides and nucleotide, the torsion angles for the rotation encompassing the bonds influence the configuration of the respective nucleoside and nucleotide. The secondary structure of a nucleic acid is determined by the rotation of its 7 torsion angles. Having a large amount of torsion angles allows for greater flexibility. In closed ring riboses, the observed flexibility mentioned above is not observed because the ring cycle imposes a limit on the number of torsion angles possible in the structure. Conformers of closed form riboses differ in regards to how the lone oxygen in the molecule is positioned respective to the nitrogenous base (also known as a nucleobase or just a base) attached to the ribose. If a carbon is facing towards the base, then the ribose is labeled as endo. If a carbon is facing away from the base, then the ribose is labeled as exo. If there is an oxygen molecule attached to the 2' carbon of a closed cycle ribose, then the exo confirmation is more stable because it decreases the interactions of the oxygen with the base. The difference itself is quite small, but when looking at an entire chain of RNA the slight difference amounts to a sizable impact.A ribose molecule is typically represented as a planar molecule on paper. Despite this, it is typically non-planar in nature. Even between hydrogen atoms, the many constituents on a ribose molecule cause steric hindrance and strain between them. To relieve this crowding and ring strain, the ring puckers, i.e. becomes non-planar. This puckering is achieved by displacing an atom from the plane, relieving the strain and yielding a more stable configuration. Puckering, otherwise known as the sugar ring conformation (specifically ribose sugar), can be described by the amplitude of pucker as well as the pseudorotation angle. The pseudo-rotation angle can be described as either "north (N)" or "south (S)" range. While both ranges are found in double helices, the north range is commonly associated with RNA and the A form of DNA. In contrast, the south range is associated with B form DNA. Z-DNA contains sugars in both the north and south ranges. When only a single atom is displaced, it is referred to as an "envelope" pucker. When two atoms are displaced, it is referred to as a "twist" pucker, in reference to the zigzag orientation. In an "endo" pucker, the major displacement of atoms is on the β-face, the same side as the C4'-C5' bond and the base. In an "exo" pucker, the major displacement of atoms is on the α-face, on the opposite side of the ring. The major forms of ribose are the 3'-endo pucker (commonly adopted by RNA and A-form DNA) and 2'-endo pucker (commonly adopted by B-form DNA). These ring puckers are developed from changes in ring torsion angles; there are infinite combinations of angles so therefore, there is an infinite number of transposable pucker conformations, each separated by disparate activation energies. Functions. ATP is derived from ribose; it contains one ribose, three phosphate groups, and an adenine base. ATP is created during cellular respiration from adenosine diphosphate (ATP with one less phosphate group). Signaling pathways. Ribose is a building block in secondary signaling molecules such as cyclic adenosine monophosphate (cAMP) which is derived from ATP. One specific case in which cAMP is used is in cAMP-dependent signaling pathways. In cAMP signaling pathways, either a stimulative or inhibitory hormone receptor is activated by a signal molecule. These receptors are linked to a stimulative or inhibitory regulative G-protein. When a stimulative G-protein is activated, adenylyl cyclase catalyzes ATP into cAMP by using Mg2+ or Mn2+. cAMP, a secondary messenger, then goes on to activate protein kinase A, which is an enzyme that regulates cell metabolism. Protein kinase A regulates metabolic enzymes by phosphorylation which causes a change in the cell depending on the original signal molecule. The opposite occurs when an inhibitory G-protein is activated; the G-protein inhibits adenylyl cyclase and ATP is not converted to cAMP. Metabolism. Ribose is referred to as the "molecular currency" because of its involvement in intracellular energy transfers. For example, nicotinamide adenine dinucleotide (NAD), flavin adenine dinucleotide (FAD), and nicotinamide adenine dinucleotide phosphate (NADP) all contain the -ribofuranose moiety. They can each be derived from -ribose after it is converted to -ribose 5-phosphate by the enzyme ribokinase. NAD, FAD, and NADP act as electron acceptors in biochemical redox reactions in major metabolic pathways including glycolysis, the citric acid cycle, fermentation, and the electron transport chain. Nucleotide biosynthesis. Nucleotides are synthesized through salvage or de novo synthesis. Nucleotide salvage uses pieces of previously made nucleotides and re-synthesizes them for future use. In de novo, amino acids, carbon dioxide, folate derivatives, and phosphoribosyl pyrophosphate (PRPP) are used to synthesize nucleotides. Both de novo and salvage require PRPP which is synthesized from ATP and ribose 5-phosphate by an enzyme called PRPP synthetase. Modifications. Modifications in nature. Ribokinase catalyzes the conversion of -ribose to -ribose 5-phosphate. Once converted, -ribose-5-phosphate is available for the manufacturing of the amino acids tryptophan and histidine, or for use in the pentose phosphate pathway. The absorption of -ribose is 88–100% in the small intestines (up to 200 mg/kg·h). One important modification occurs at the C2' position of the ribose molecule. By adding an O-alkyl group, the nuclear resistance of the RNA is increased because of additional stabilizing forces. These forces are stabilizing because of the increase of intramolecular hydrogen bonding and an increase in the glycosidic bond stability. The resulting increase of resistance leads to increases in the half-life of siRNA and the potential therapeutic potential in cells and animals. The methylation of ribose at particular sites is correlated with a decrease in immune stimulation. Synthetic modifications. Along with phosphorylation, ribofuranose molecules can exchange their oxygen with selenium and sulfur to produce similar sugars that only vary at the 4' position. These derivatives are more lipophilic than the original molecule. Increased lipophilicity makes these species more suitable for use in techniques such as PCR, RNA aptamer post-modification, antisense technology, and for phasing X-ray crystallographic data. Similar to the 2' modifications in nature, a synthetic modification of ribose includes the addition of fluorine at the 2' position. This fluorinated ribose acts similar to the methylated ribose because it is capable of suppressing immune stimulation depending on the location of the ribose in the DNA strand. The big difference between methylation and fluorination, is the latter only occurs through synthetic modifications. The addition of Fluorine leads to an increase in the stabilization of the glycosidic bond and an increase of intramolecular hydrogen bonds. Medical uses. -ribose has been suggested for use in management of congestive heart failure (as well as other forms of heart disease) and for chronic fatigue syndrome (CFS), also called myalgic encephalomyelitis (ME) in an open-label non-blinded, non-randomized, and non-crossover subjective study. Supplemental -ribose can bypass part of the pentose phosphate pathway, an energy-producing pathway, to produce -ribose-5-phosphate. The enzyme glucose-6-phosphate-dehydrogenase (G-6-PDH) is often in short supply in cells, but more so in diseased tissue, such as in myocardial cells in patients with cardiac disease. The supply of -ribose in the mitochondria is directly correlated with ATP production; decreased -ribose supply reduces the amount of ATP being produced. Studies suggest that supplementing -ribose following tissue ischemia (e.g. myocardial ischemia) increases myocardial ATP production, and therefore mitochondrial function. Essentially, administering supplemental -ribose bypasses an enzymatic step in the pentose phosphate pathway by providing an alternate source of 5-phospho--ribose 1-pyrophosphate for ATP production. Supplemental -ribose enhances recovery of ATP levels while also reducing cellular injury in humans and other animals. One study suggested that the use of supplemental -ribose reduces the instance of angina in men with diagnosed coronary artery disease. -Ribose has been used to treat many pathological conditions, such as chronic fatigue syndrome, fibromyalgia, and myocardial dysfunction. It is also used to reduce symptoms of cramping, pain, stiffness, etc. after exercise and to improve athletic performance.

sizeable shift

3664-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8598581

During the Ming dynasty (1368–1644), Chinese painting progressed further basing on the achievements in painted art during the earlier Song dynasty and Yuan dynasty. The painting techniques which were invented and developed before the Ming period became classical during this period. More colours were used in painting during the Ming dynasty. Seal brown became much more widely used, and even over-used during this period. Many new painting skills/techniques were innovated and developed, calligraphy was much more closely and perfectly combined with the art of painting. Chinese painting reached another climax in the mid and late Ming. The painting was derived in a broad scale, many new schools were born, and many outstanding masters emerged. Development. Early Ming period. About 1368–1505, from the Hongwu Era () to Hongzhi Era (). The painting schools of the Yuan dynasty still remained in the early Ming period but quickly declined or changed their styles. The painting styles which were developed and matured during the Yuan period, still heavily influenced the early Ming painting. But new schools of painting were born and grew. "Zhe School" and the school which was supported by the royal court ("Yuanti School") were the dominant schools during the early Ming period. The scholar-artist style of painting (Renwen Painting, in Chinese: 人文畫) became more popular. Both these two new schools were heavily influenced by the traditions of both the Southern Song painting academy and the Yuan scholar-artist. Mid Ming period. About 1465–1566, from the Chenghua Era () to Jiajing Era (). Classical Zhe School and Yuanti School declined. Wu School became the most dominant school nationwide. Suzhou, the activity center for Wu School painters, became the biggest center for the Chinese painting during this period. The Wu painters they mainly inherited the tradition of Yuan scholar-artist style of painting (Renwen painting, 人文畫) and further developed this style into a peak. Wu School was a large group of people, including teacher-student relationship (e.g. Shen Zhou was the teacher of Tang Yin, Wen Zhengming and so on) and family relationship (e.g. Wen family, including painters Wen Zhengming, Wen Jia (文嘉), Wen Boren (文伯仁) and so on). Xu Wei () from Shaoxing, Zhejiang Province developed the "enjoyable style" of Chinese painting ("Xieyi", 寫意畫) considerably, especially the "great enjoyable style" ("Daxieyi", 大寫意). As an outstanding scholar, his accomplishments are mainly in the field of scholar-artist painting, especially in bird-and-flower painting. Chen Chun () followed the teaching from Wu School of painting during his early years and then developed his own "enjoyable" style in "Shan shui painting (landscape painting, 山水畫). Late Ming period. About 1567–1644, from the Jiajing Era () to Chongzhen Era (). Songjiang School and Huating School were born and developed, they formed the rudiments of the later Shanghai School. Schools and painters. Dai Jin (), Wu Wei (吳偉), Lan Ying () (Lan family) The core place for this school was Hangzhou in Zhejiang Province. Jiangxia School from Hubei Province was a branch of this school. Dai Jin was the founder of this school, and he also kept a very close relationship with the Yuanti School. Lan Ying was the last master of this school, along with his family members, they formed a branch of Zhejiang School—Wulin School, because their family was located in Wulin (武林), a place in Hangzhou near the West Lake. Most of the painters from this school, they are Zhejiang natives. Lin Liang (), Lv Ji () This school was organized and supported by the Ming central government, and it served for Ming royal court. The activity center for this school first was in Nanjing and then went to Beijing because of the change of Ming's capital. The Tang Yin (), Wen Zhengming (), Shen Zhou (), Qiu Ying (), Zhou Chen (), Wen Jia (文嘉) The primary location for this school was Suzhou, whose literary name was Wumen (吳門). Tang Yin, Wen Zhengming, Shenzhou and Qiu Ying, these four painters also were regarded as the "Big Four of the Ming Period" in Ming period painting. Xu Wei () Chen chun () Dong Qichang () The core place for this school was in the southern part of Jiangsu Province at that time, but now part of Shanghai. During the late Ming dynasty, the Songjiang School rivaled Wumen, particularly in generating new theories of painting. Zhao Zuo (趙左) This school is close to Songjiang School. This school is similar to Songjiang School. Influence. Japan. The Japanese Zen monk painter Sesshū Tōyō (Japanese: ) travelled to Ming China, and stayed for about 10 years in Ming China learning painting. He was heavily influenced by the ink and wash painting, Zhejiang School of painting and the Yuanti School of painting. He resided in Tiantong Temple (Chinese: ) in Mingzhou (明州, now Ningbo), and also spent time in Beijing in the royal palace (Forbidden City). Before he went to Ming China, he studied Song and Yuan styles of painting (Chinese/Japanese: 宋元山水畫派) in Japan, and wanted to seek for the very origin of the Chinese painting and the real spirit inside of the Chinese art. After returning to Japan, Sesshū Tōyō set up his school and further developed his own style of painting (漢畫派), a style mixed with the Japanese native traditional elements, and became the most celebrated master of painting in his era in Japan, continuing to heavily affect Japanese history to the present day. Qing painting. Ming painting provided the basis for early Qing painting, from skills, style, subjects and theoretical basis. The concept of Northern and Southern Schools, developed by Dong Qichang in the late Ming period, influenced the more academic formal painters, such as Wang Yuanqi well as providing an inspiration for daring originality for the "Individualist" painters, such as Kun Can and Shitao.

vast scope

3896-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=1703085

Universal's Islands of Adventure (originally Universal Studios Islands of Adventure) is a theme park located in Orlando, Florida. It opened on May 28, 1999, along with CityWalk, as part of an expansion that converted Universal Studios Florida into the Universal Orlando Resort. The resort's slogan "Vacation Like You Mean It" was introduced in 2013. Islands of Adventure is modeled after a journey of exploration, where guests embark on an adventure to visit a variety of themed islands. Initially, the park featured six islands. A seventh, The Wizarding World of Harry Potter, was added in 2010, themed to the highly successful "Harry Potter" franchise. It was Universal's largest investment since the resort's founding in 1990. The expansion led to a significant increase in attendance, and in 2013, Islands of Adventure ranked seventh domestically and eleventh internationally after hosting approximately 8.1 million guests. The eighth island, , opened on July 13, 2016, and is themed to the King Kong franchise. Licensed properties. Like Universal Studios Florida next door, Islands of Adventure has not limited itself to Universal's own library, because it licensed other characters from rival studios, many of whom did not own theme parks of their own, as attractions and lands. Some of these include: History. Before Islands of Adventure was built, the site was originally planned as a shopping mall called Galleria Orlando. Plans were first drawn up for the mall in 1985, but it was ultimately canceled in 1990. Preview Center. During the construction of the park, Universal opened a Preview Center (known as the "Islands of Adventure Preview Center") at adjacent Universal Studios Florida. Opening two years before the new theme park, the Preview Center was designed to give guests a sneak peek at some of the themes and attractions for "Islands of Adventure". The attraction was located in the Paradise Theater building located in the New York section of Universal Studios Florida, next to the Kongfrontation attraction. In the attraction, guests would walk through various rooms themed to the various "Islands" in the new park. The final room stated when the "Islands of Adventure" park would open, and showed guests Universal's future plans for the Universal Orlando Resort. The Preview Center was closed shortly after the opening of Islands of Adventure. The space that was used for the preview center is now a locker room and the queue for Revenge of the Mummy. Opening. Islands of Adventure had a soft opening beginning March 27, 1999, during which visitors could preview the park at a discounted price while the staff conducted a technical rehearsal and worked on the "finishing touches." During this soft opening, guests were informed that attractions might open and close throughout the day without notice and that some attractions might not be open at all. Initial plans were to open the park in mid-May, but this was ultimately delayed until May 28, 1999. After the enormous capital expenditure required to build Islands of Adventure, CityWalk, and the resort hotels, Universal sought to overtake nearby Walt Disney World in attendance. However, with the addition of the second park, new resorts, and entertainment district, the resort was named "Universal Studios Escape". Essentially, it seemed that visitors were confused by the name, assuming that Islands of Adventure was a new area added to the already-existing Universal Studios Florida theme park. For the first two years, attendance did not rise as expected. By 2001, the marketing was revamped, clarifying that Islands of Adventure was indeed a second, completely separate park with new rides and attractions. Universal Studios Escape was renamed Universal Orlando Resort, and ended up being the only resort in the Orlando area to actually have an increase in attendance after the September 11 attacks on the United States. Former attractions. As with almost any amusement park, older attractions are sometimes removed to make way for newer ones. At Islands of Adventure, some have simply been closed with no replacement like Island Skipper Tours while others like Poseidon's Fury were changed from their initial concept to the attraction that operates today. Islands. Islands of Adventure consists of eight themed "islands", the majority of which are based on licensed intellectual properties, with only two lands based on original Universal Pictures works. They are, in clockwise order from entry: Port of Entry, Marvel Super Hero Island, Toon Lagoon, Skull Island, Jurassic Park, The Wizarding World of Harry Potter, The Lost Continent, and Seuss Landing. Port of Entry. Port of Entry is the park's main entrance and is home to many shops and services including Guest Services aptly named "The Open Arms Hotel". The park's centerpiece, Pharos Lighthouse, is also located within Port of Entry. Each night, this real, functioning lighthouse sends out a bright beam to lead visitors to and from the park's gates. Like many theme parks using the "hub and spokes" format, this entry Island contains no rides. It has dining options including Croissant Moon Bakery™, Backwater Bar, The Grinch™ & Friends Character Breakfast, Confisco Grille™, Starbucks®, & Cinnabon®. It has such shopping options including Port Provisions™, Island Market and Export™ Candy Shoppe, DeFoto's Expedition Photography™, Port of Entry™ Christmas Shoppe, Ocean Trader Market™,& Islands of Adventure Trading Company™ Marvel Super Hero Island. Marvel Super Hero Island is based on the superhero characters featured in Marvel Comics. The area features comic-book styled architecture; many of the building interiors are created in comic book perspective, with exaggerated lines and angles. Many exteriors are painted in a special paint which appears to change color based on the angle from which it is viewed – sometimes purple, sometimes orange. The buildings are all labelled generically: "Store," "Shop," "Food," and "Comics", etc. The area is home to a variety of dining outlets and merchandise shops. Food and beverage items can be purchased from "Cafe 4" and "Captain America Diner". Merchandise items can be bought from a variety of themed stores including "Spider-Man Shop" (The Amazing Adventures of Spider-Man), "Marvel Alterniverse Store", "Comic Book Shop", and "Oakley". "The Incredible Hulk Coaster" confronts visitors as they enter the area with an attention-grabbing roar. Hulk is a high speed launched steel roller coaster which has a top speed of . It closed on September 8, 2015, for major refurbishments and reopened in summer 2016. "Storm Force Accelatron" is a teacups ride themed after X-Men. "Doctor Doom's Fearfall" is a pair of S&S Power Space Shot attractions themed after the Fantastic Four. "The Amazing Adventures of Spider-Man" is a 3-D simulator ride based on the character Spider-Man. The ride is set in New York as Spider-Man prevents The Sinister Syndicate from taking the Statue of Liberty. "Meet Spider-Man and the Marvel Super Heroes" is a meet-and-greet attraction, where guests can meet superheroes including Wolverine, Storm, Cyclops and Rogue, Spider-Man, and Captain America. In late 2009, The Walt Disney Company (Universal's biggest competitor in the theme park market) announced that it had sought to acquire Marvel Entertainment. Universal announced that Marvel's new ownership would not affect Marvel Super Hero Island, and Disney CEO Bob Iger acknowledged that Disney would continue to honor any contracts that Marvel currently has with Disney competitors. In March 2012, Bob Iger revealed that Disney had begun preliminary concepts of incorporating Marvel's properties into their parks, although no major negotiations with Universal were announced. Hong Kong Disneyland has since announced an expansion to its park featuring characters from the Marvel Universe. Disney California Adventure Park at the Disneyland Resort in California has also since incorporated meet-and-greet Marvel characters, as well as an "Avengers" Super Hero Half Marathon Weekend at the resort. Both Hong Kong Disneyland and Disney California Adventure have opened Marvel attractions since the acquisition, with Iron Man Experience at the former and at the latter. Both attractions officially opened in 2017. Only Walt Disney World Resort and Tokyo Disney Resort are barred from having Marvel characters in its parks, due to contractual obligations to Universal and Universal's use of Marvel characters in the region. However, this only includes characters Universal is currently using, other characters in their "families" (Spider-Man, X-Men, Avengers, Fantastic Four, etc. ), the villains associated with said characters, and the Marvel name. This clause has allowed Walt Disney World to have meet and greets, merchandise, attractions, and more with other Marvel characters not associated with the characters at Islands of Adventure, such as Star-Lord and Gamora from "Guardians of the Galaxy". Toon Lagoon. Toon Lagoon is based on the cartoon characters of King Features Syndicate and Jay Ward, including Popeye and Dudley Do-Right of the Mounties. The area focuses on water-based rides (hence the name) and features three counter-service restaurants. Toon Lagoon features three main attractions. "Dudley Do-Right's Ripsaw Falls" is a traditional log flume combined with roller coaster track based on the Dudley Do-Right character. "Popeye and Bluto's Bilge-Rat Barges" is a river rafting water ride themed after Popeye the Sailor Man saving Olive Oyl from Bluto. "Me Ship, the Olive" is a kids' playground built in and around Popeye's ship. The three levels of the ship all contain a variety of interactive elements including cannons and hoses which can further soak riders on the "Popeye and Bluto's Bilge-Rat Barges" ride. Skull Island. Skull Island is the newest island at the park, having been opened in the summer of 2016. The area's sole attraction, "", opened on July 13, 2016. The attraction and island mark the return of the King Kong character to the Universal Orlando Resort, after the Kongfrontation attraction closed at Universal Studios Florida in 2002 to make way for the Revenge of the Mummy: The Ride. Jurassic Park. Jurassic Park is themed to the film series of the same name. Set after the events of the first film, the area undertakes the guise of the John Hammond's dinosaur theme park featured in the series. As such, the area is filled with the attractions and exhibits one would find in the "real" Jurassic Park, including thrill rides and discovery-based exhibits. Attractions. Jurassic Park features five main attractions: , constructed by Superior Rigging & Erection, is a water ride based on Steven Spielberg's film and Michael Crichton's novel. Triceratops Discovery Trail (formerly "Triceratops Encounter"), which closed in 2012, was a walkthrough attraction where guests could get up close and interact with a full-scale animated replica of a Triceratops, while a "veterinary technician" performed a semi-annual exam on the Trike. The attraction featured three different Trikes – Topper, Chris, and Cera. All 3 were female. Chris was named after a member of the team that created the dinosaurs who died before the attraction opened. Spar Aerospace (now known as MD Robotics) was contracted to construct the three robotic trikes, each of which are long and high. Universal requested specific requirements for the robots including the ability to replicate breathing (through synchronised rib cage movements), sneezing, snorting, urinating and flatulating. Due to maintenance and staffing issues, the trail was closed off in 2005. However, after five years, the attraction reopened in December 2010 for seasonal operation before it was permanently closed in 2012. Pteranodon Flyers is a steel suspended roller coaster manufactured by Setpoint USA. Riders join the queue located within Camp Jurassic. Pteranodon Flyers features three two-seater cars suspended on a track. The cars are pulled up a hill and then travel a circuit around Camp Jurassic at low speed before returning to the station. Due to the low capacity of the ride, only those who are between 36 and 56 inches (91 and 140 cm) or those with a child of that height may ride. The Universal Express pass cannot be used on this attraction due to the ride's low capacity. A similar ride, Canopy Flyer exists at Universal Studios Singapore. Camp Jurassic is a children's play area centered around an imported tall Banyan tree. It features a variety of play elements including slides, nets, water cannons and fountains. Pteranodon Flyers' queue is located within Camp Jurassic. The Wizarding World of Harry Potter – Hogsmeade. The Wizarding World of Harry Potter – Hogsmeade is themed around the "Harry Potter" universe, authored by J. K. Rowling. It officially opened to the public on June 18, 2010. On May 31, 2007, Universal announced that it had secured the licensing rights from Warner Bros. and Rowling to incorporate the "Harry Potter" franchise to Islands of Adventure. The island features attractions, shops, and restaurants set inside such locations as the Forbidden Forest, Hogsmeade Village, Diagon Alley, and the iconic Hogwarts Castle. Ground breaking began in 2007, with the official opening scheduled for June 18, 2010, as announced on March 25, 2010. As part of the promotion for the then-upcoming area, a behind-the-scenes documentary on production of the park section is included on the Blu-ray and DVD release of "Harry Potter and the Half-Blood Prince". There are five main attractions in the Wizarding World of Harry Potter: "Harry Potter and the Forbidden Journey", the section's signature attraction, is located inside Hogwarts Castle and takes guests through scenes inspired by the Potter books and films. "Flight of the Hippogriff", previously known as "Flying Unicorn", is a Vekoma junior roller coaster. The "Hogwarts Express" is a train ride that transports visitors between The Wizarding World – Hogsmeade in Universal's Islands of Adventure and King's Cross Station in Universal Studios Florida. "Hagrid's Magical Creatures Motorbike Adventure", a multi-launch roller coaster, opened on June 13, 2019, replacing the former "Dragon Challenge", which closed on September 4, 2017. "Ollivanders" is an interactive shopping experience based on the "Harry Potter" "Ollivanders" wand shop. There is also a singing "Frog Choir" and a "Triwizard Spirit Rally" held in the town center. These events feature "Hogwarts, Beauxbatons, and Durmstrang" students. An expansion of The Wizarding World of Harry Potter, based on the Diagon Alley and London settings from the series, opened on July 8, 2014, at the adjacent Universal Studios Florida park in the former site of the park's Jaws attraction. The Hogwarts Express attraction connects the two areas of The Wizarding World of Harry Potter in each park. The Lost Continent. The Lost Continent is themed to ancient myths and legends, and is divided into two sub-sections; an ancient Arabian marketplace called "Sinbad's Bazzaar", and a Grecian-Atlantis-esque "Lost City". Formerly, the Lost Continent included a medieval section "Merlinwood", but the majority of that area was re-themed for the "Wizarding World of Harry Potter". This land is also home to "Mythos", which is one of two full-service restaurants in the park and was voted winner of best theme park restaurant by Theme Park Insider for six successive years between 2003 and 2008. There is now only one main attraction in the Lost Continent, which is The Mystic Fountain. "The Eighth Voyage of Sinbad" was a live-action stunt show located in the ancient Arabia section and was closed on September 15, 2018. In front of this show is "The Mystic Fountain" that entertains and interacts with guests. "Poseidon's Fury" is an indoor special-effects show located in the Lost City section that has temporarily closed due to COVID-19 restrictions. Seuss Landing. Seuss Landing is based on the works of author Dr. Seuss. The island features several Seuss-themed attractions, especially geared towards small children, as well as a Green Eggs and Ham Cafe and Circus McGurkus restaurant. As in the books, one of the unique characteristics of this area is that there is almost no straights line anywhere. Palm trees bent by the winds of Hurricane Andrew were even planted in the area to continue this theme. The area is home to a variety of dining outlets and merchandise shops. Food and beverage items can be purchased from "Circus McGurkus Cafe Stoo-pendous" (The High in the Sky Seuss Trolley Train Ride), "Green Eggs and Ham Cafe" (opened seasonally), "Hop on Pop Ice Cream Shop", and "Moose Juice, Goose Juice". Merchandise items can be bought from a variety of themed stores including "Cats, Hats & Things" (The Cat in the Hat), "All The Books You Can Read" (The High in the Sky Seuss Trolley Train Ride), "Snookers & Snookers Sweet Candy Cookers", and "Mulberry Street Stores Trading Co". Seuss Landing includes six attractions inspired by Dr. Seuss' books. "The Cat in the Hat" is a dark ride that takes guests through the Dr. Seuss story of the same name. "The High in the Sky Seuss Trolley Train Ride" is a twin-tracked tour above and around Seuss Landing. "One Fish, Two Fish, Red Fish, Blue Fish" is a spinning ride with a musical riddle that will help riders escape water-spitting fish. "Caro-Seuss-el" is a Seuss themed carousel. "Oh, The Stories You'll Hear" is a stage show based on the Dr. Seuss books and characters. "If I Ran the Zoo" is an interactive play zone for kids. Universal's Express Pass. Several attractions in Islands of Adventure allow guests to utilize "Express Pass". This pass admits users to a separate line for the attraction, which is given priority status when boarding. Express Pass is not a virtual queuing service. Instead, passholders may enter the "Universal Express" line whenever they wish. The price of this pass is "not" included in the charge for park admission.

Big Apple area

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=624905

A bar examination is an examination administered by the bar association of a jurisdiction that a lawyer must pass in order to be admitted to the bar of that jurisdiction. Australia. Administering bar exams is the responsibility of the bar association in the particular state or territory concerned. Those interested in pursuing a career at the bar must first be admitted as lawyers in the Supreme Court of their home state or territory. This generally requires the completion of legal studies which can take up to 8 years depending on the mode of study, the particular degree being completed and the law school. After completing a law degree, law graduates are then usually required to complete a period of Practical Legal Training (PLT). During the PLT period, law graduates are provided with further legal education focusing more on the practical or technical aspects of the law, such as court practice, conveyancing and drafting statements of claim. Law graduates are also required to complete a minimum number of days under the supervision of a more senior lawyer. After the successful completion of practical legal training, law graduates must then apply to be admitted to the Supreme Court in their state or territory. This ceremony is usually held with the Chief Justice of the state or territory presiding. It is a formal ceremony which also includes taking an oath (or making an affirmation) to uphold the laws of the jurisdiction and results in the person's name being recorded on the Roll of Practitioners in that jurisdiction. Once admitted, those wishing to practise as barristers must contact the relevant bar association to register and sit the bar exam. The frequency and availability of these exams depends on the relevant bar association. Generally, the bar exams focus on three main areas of practice which are relevant to barristers; namely evidence, procedure and ethics. The exams are usually administered during the course of a day and comprise a variety of question types, usually answers are given in essay form. Candidates are informed of their results within a few months and pass rates are very competitive. Passing the bar exam in and of itself does not automatically allow one to practise as a barrister, in many jurisdictions (such as New South Wales) further requirements apply. New South Wales. In New South Wales, successful bar exam candidates are required to complete the NSW Bar Association Bar Practice Course (BPC), which despite its name, is a mandatory course required to be taken after passing the bar exam. The BPC consists of lectures, assignments and a significant amount of further reading about court procedure and case law. At the conclusion of the BPC, candidates are then required to appear in a mock trial, often before real judicial officers, and argue their respective case. Once satisfied that the candidate has completed these requirements, the NSW Bar Association then provides each candidate with their practising certificate. Newly called barristers are referred to as readers for a period of usually one year and are required to have at least one tutor who is barrister with at least seven years of call but is not Senior Counsel. The term reader and tutor are similar to the term pupil and pupil master as used in the United Kingdom Inns of Court. The initial practising certificate often contains restrictions on what type of work readers are permitted to do. This may include restrictions such as appearing in court alone, undertaking direct access briefs or any other restriction which the bar association deems appropriate. After the 12-month period and upon completion of further requirements such as civil and criminal reading to the bar associations satisfaction, readers are then provided with an unrestricted practising certificate and are no longer readers but barristers. Further Information. Further information can be obtained from the relevant bar association in each state or territory: New South Wales Bar Association Victorian Bar Association Queensland Bar Association Brazil. The Order of Attorneys of Brazil (Ordem dos Advogados do Brasil), the Brazilian bar association, administers a bar examination nationwide two to three times a year (usually in January, March and September). The exam is divided in two stages – the first consists of 80 multiple choice questions covering all disciplines (Ethics, Human Rights, Philosophy of Law, Constitutional Law, Administrative Law, Civil Law, Consumer Law, Civil Procedure Law, Criminal Law, Criminal Procedure Law, Labour Law and Labour Procedure Law). The candidate must score at least 40 questions correctly to proceed to the second part of the exam, four essay questions and a drafting project (motion, opinion or claim document) in Civil Law "(including Consumer Law)", Labour Law, Criminal Law, Administrative Law, Constitutional Law, Corporate Law or Tax Law, and their respective procedures. The Bar examination can be taken on the graduation year. Success in the examination allows one to practice in any court or jurisdiction of the country. Canada. In Canada, admission to the bar is a matter of provincial or territorial jurisdiction. All provinces except for Québec follow a common law tradition. Lawyers in every common law province are qualified as both barristers and solicitors, and must pass a Barristers' Examination and Solicitors' Examination administered by the Law Society that governs the legal profession in their respective province or territory. The common law provinces all require prospective lawyers to complete a term of articles (usually 10 months) after graduation from law school during which they work under the supervision of a qualified lawyer. The bar exams may be taken after graduation from law school, but before the commencement of articling, or may be taken during or after articling is completed. Once the barristers' and solicitors' exams have been passed and the term of articles is successfully completed, students may then be called to the bar and admitted to the legal profession as lawyers (barristers and solicitors). England and Wales. Since the UK has a separated legal profession, Law graduates in England and Wales can take examinations to qualify as a Barrister or a Solicitor by either undertaking the Bar Professional Training Course (BPTC) or the Legal Practice Course (LPC) respectively. These courses are the vocational part of the training required under the rules of the Bar Standards Board and the Solicitors Regulation Authority and are either undertaken on a full-time basis for one year or on a part-time basis over two years. After successfully completing these courses, which generally include various examinations and practical ability tests, graduates must secure either a training contract (for those who have completed the LPC) or a pupillage (for those who have completed the BPTC). These are akin to articling positions in other jurisdictions and are the final practical stage before being granted full admission to practice. The general timescale therefore to become fully qualified after entering Law School can range between 6–7 years (assuming no repeats are required). However some controversy remains about the lack of training contracts and pupillages available to graduates even after having completed the LPC/BPTC. These courses can vary in cost anywhere from £9,000 to £17,000 and are generally undertaken by students on a private basis making them incur additional costs. The final debt in student fees alone after having completed the academic and vocational training can range between £20,000-£25,000. This is set to increase to £40,000-£50,000 for students entering law school. France. In France, Law graduates must obtain a vocational degree called "certificat d'aptitude à la profession d'avocat" (or in everyday speech) in order to practice independently. The most common way to achieve the is by training in an "école d'avocats" (Lawyer's School). This training includes academical and vocational courses and mandatory internships in law firms. Entrance to Lawyer's School is obtained by competitive examination. Germany. To become a lawyer in Germany, one has to study law at university for four or five years. Then, one has to pass the First Juristic Examination (Erste Juristische Prüfung) in Law, which is administered in parts by the Oberlandesgericht (Higher State Court) of the respective state and in parts by the university the person attends; the state part accounts for two thirds of the final grade, the university part for one third. This examination provides a very limited qualification, as there are no formal careers in the legal field that can be followed without further training. After the first juristic examination, candidates that wish to fully qualify must participate in a two-year practical training period (Referendariat) including practical work as judge, prosecutor, and attorney. At the end of this training, candidates must take and pass the Second State Examination (Zweites Staatsexamen). This examination, if passed, allows successful participants to enter the bar as attorney, to become judges and to become state attorneys. All careers have the same legal training (Einheitsjurist), even though some careers require additional training (namely public notaries and patent lawyers). Ghana. To become a lawyer in Ghana, you have to study law at any university that offers the Bachelor of Laws degree. After completing the four year law degree, graduands can apply to be enrolled at the Ghana School of Law. Following two years of professional training, successful students can take their bar examination. Upon passing the bar examination, an induction and calling to the bar ceremony is held for all graduating students. Hungary. In Hungary, the Bar Examination is called "Jogi Szakvizsga", can be translated as "Legal Profession Examination". To sit for an exam, the candidate needs at least 3 years of daily 8 hours work experience after having a law university degree (masters level). This exam is composed of three parts: After passing these exams the candidate can practice law as a lawyer or as a court secretary, judge, a prosecutor at the public prosecutor's office, as a notary public, deputy notary, or an in-house legal counsel etc., and may operate individually at any field of Hungarian law (which also means that they may appear before any Hungarian court without a professional legal representative ). Ireland. The bar exams in Ireland are the preserve of the Honorable Society of King's Inns, which runs a series of fourteen exams over ten weeks, from March to June each year, for those enrolled as students in its one-year Barrister-at-Law degree course. These exams cover such skills as advocacy, research and opinion writing, consulting with clients, negotiation, drafting of legal documents and knowledge of civil and criminal procedure. For those who fail to meet the requisite 50% pass mark, repeats are held in the following August and September. Israel. Israel requires candidates to have a law degree from an educational institution recognized by the Law Faculty of the Hebrew University of Jerusalem before being eligible to take the examinations for admittance to the Israel Bar Association. The candidate must pass a battery of examinations for admittance. There is an initial series of examinations in eight separate areas of law: obligations and labor law, property law, family and succession law, criminal law and procedure, civil procedure and professional ethics, constitutional and administration law, commercial law on corporations, partnerships, and other associations, and commercial law on bankruptcy, liquidations, bills, exchange, and tax law. After passing these exams, candidates must serve as an articled clerk for one year, after which they must pass the final examinations, which deal with court procedure, procedure for registering land rights in real estate, procedure for registering corporations, partnerships, and liquidations, interpretation of laws and judicial documents, professional ethics, evidence, and recent changes in case law and legislation. The final examinations consist of a written examination followed by an oral examination in front of three judges. Iran. The Bar Exam in Iran is administered by two different and completely separate bodies. One is the Bar Association of every province—all of which are under the auspices of the country's syndicate of the bars of the country. The other one is administered by the Judicial System of Iran subject to article 187 of the country's economic, social and cultural development plan. To receive the license to practice as a "First Degree Attorney" in Iran, an applicant should complete a bachelor of law program. The official career path starts after passing the Bar Exam and receiving the title of "Trainee at Law". The exam is highly competitive and only a certain number of top applicants are admitted annually. After admission to the bar, an 18-month apprenticeship begins which is highly regulated under the auspices of Bar Syndicate Rules and supervision of an assigned First Degree Attorney. Trainees or apprentices must attend designated courts for designated weeks to hear cases and write case summaries. A logbook signed by the judge on the bench has to certify their weekly attendance. By the end of the eighteenth month, they are eligible to apply to take the Final Bar Exam by submitting their case summaries, the logbook and a research work pre-approved by the Bar. It is noteworthy, however, that during these 18 months, Trainees are eligible to have a limited practice of law under the supervision of their supervising Attorney. This practice does not include Supreme Court eligible cases and certain criminal and civil cases. Candidates will be tested on Civil law, Civil Procedure, Criminal law, Criminal Procedure, Commercial Law, Notary (including rules pertaining Official Documents, Land & Real Estate registrations and regulations etc.). Each exam takes two days, a day on oral examination in front of a judge or an attorney, and a day of essay examination, in which they will be tested on hypothetical cases submitted to them. Successful applicants will be honoured with the title of "First Degree Attorney", after they take the oath and can practice in all courts of the country including the Supreme Court. Those who fail must redo the program in full or in part before re-taking the Final Bar Exam. Italy. In Italy, the Bar Examination is called "abilitazione all'esercizio della professione forense". To sit for an exam, the candidate needs a 5-year university degree in jurisprudence and 18 months of legal apprenticeship at a law firm with at least 20 court hearings per semester. The State Bar Exam is composed of two parts: a written exam and an oral exam. The written exam is composed of three written tests over three seven-hour days. The candidate writes two legal briefs, respectively on contracts and torts (and more generally about civil law), and criminal law, and a third court brief on civil, crime, or administrative law. The candidates who pass the written tests (the pass rates vary from 30% to 50% according to jurisdiction) can sit at an oral exam before a panel of judges, lawyers, and law professors, who interview for about an hour the candidates on six areas of law. Italian lawyers may represent their clients on any Italian criminal, civil, or administrative court, except the Supreme Court of Cassation for which an additional exam after several years of law practice is required. Japan. The bar exams in Japan yield the fewest successful candidates worldwide. The old format of the examinations, last held in 2010 saw only 6% passing the exam. With the new format of examinations—even after extensive reforms and a new mandatory duration of graduate school education for a period of two years—the pass rate is only 22%. Since 2014, candidates are allowed to take the examinations within five years before their right to take the exam is revoked and they either have to return to law school, take the preparatory exam or give up totally. It is administered solely by the Ministry of Justice. Korea (South). Due to the colonial-era influence, Korea's bar exam system closely follows that of Japan's. First introduced in 1963, Korea is phasing out in 2017 its old system that allows anyone to take the exam and undergo mandatory 2-year state-sponsored training that is criticized for generating "고시낭인" or "exam jobless" referring to people who spend many years of their lives preparing for the exam. The new law school system that began in 2009 allows only the graduates of a law school to apply for the bar exam. Philippines. The Philippine Bar Examination is administered once every year on the four Sundays of November (September before 2011). It covers eight areas of law: political law, labor law and social legislation, criminal law, civil law, commercial law, taxation law, remedial law, and legal ethics and practical exercises. Poland. In Poland, the bar examination is taken after graduating from a law faculty at a university. It allows a person to undertake practice, the duration of which varies depending on the specialization. After the practical period applicants must pass the exam held by the Professional Chambers with assistance from some members of the Ministry of Justice. Singapore. The Singapore Bar Examination (Part B) is administered once every year, usually over the course of four days. The exam is generally held on the last week of November, and is administered by the Singapore Institute of Legal Education (SILE). The eight practice areas covered in the examination include, Civil Law Practice, Criminal Law Practice, Ethics and Professional Responsibility, Family Law Practice, Real Estate Practice, Insolvency Practice, and two electives to be chosen from a list of elective subjects offered, such as, Mediation, Arbitration, and Intellectual Property. From 2023 the exam will become more stringent and training will be lengthened. In Singapore, the legal profession is a fused profession, granting the professional qualification of an 'Advocate and Solicitor' to any successful candidate of the Bar Examinations and its practical requirements. To qualify as a candidate for the Bar Examinations, an aspiring candidate must first be a graduate from a law school or university that is on the approved list of schools mandated by the Ministry of Law. The three universities based in Singapore offering a Bachelor of Laws degree are, National University of Singapore, Singapore Management University, and Singapore University of Social Sciences. There are presently twenty-seven (27) foreign universities offering an approved Bachelor of Laws degree on the list, hailing from four countries, United Kingdom, Australia, New Zealand, and the United States of America. To be called to the Singaporean Bar, all law graduates must complete the following: In addition, all law graduates of non-Singaporean university must complete the following additional requirements: Spain. In Spain the examination to access the legal profession and legal practice is called State Examination for Access to the Legal Profession. The evaluation test has a total duration of 4 hours and consists of: Thailand. In Thailand, the bar examination is separate from the lawyer licence. To practice law as a lawyer—i.e. to speak in the court—one must pass a lawyer licence examination and does not need to be called to the bar. People take the bar examination to become qualified to take a judge or public prosecutor examination. To be called to the bar, one must pass the written exams consisting of four parts as follows. Each part has 10 essay questions. The pass mark is 50. The parts 1-2 are usually taken in October and the rest are usually taken in March. One does not need to pass all four parts in one year. After passing all the written exams, there is an oral exam. Around 10,000 bar students sit the exam each year. In 2013, 1,231 students were called to the bar, 111 of whom did it in only one year. Quite confusingly with international norms, students called to the bar are referred to as "netibandit" (เนติบัณฑิต), which means Barrister-at-Law in English. The Thai legal profession, however, is a fused one and those with lawyer licenses are able to practice both as barristers and solicitors in the British/Commonwealth sense. Many students called to the bar choose to become judges or public prosecutors instead of lawyers. As the Thai bar examination (administered and awarded by the Thai Bar Association) is separate from the lawyers licensing scheme (administered and awarded by the Lawyers Council of Thailand), this means that judges and public prosecutors belong to a separate licensing organization from lawyers. This is unlike in the US where judges and prosecutors most often come from the ranks of senior lawyers and belong to the same bar. United States. In the United States, bar examinations are administered by agencies of individual states and territories. In almost all U.S. states and territories, the bar examination is one of several requirements for admission to the bar. In most jurisdictions, the examination is two days long and consists of multiple-choice questions, essay questions, and "performance tests" that model certain kinds of legal writing. The National Conference of Bar Examiners (NCBE) creates several component examinations that are used in varying combinations by all but two jurisdictions, sometimes in combination with locally drafted examination components. The main exceptions are Louisiana and Puerto Rico, which follow civil law systems unlike other parts of the United States. Generally, earning a degree from a law school (or, more rarely, apprenticeship in a law office) is a prerequisite for taking the bar exam. Most law school graduates engage in a regimen of study (called "bar review") between graduating from law school and sitting for the bar.

closing indebtedness

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=53919572

The 2009 Breeders' Cup Classic was the 26th running of the Breeders' Cup Classic, part of the 2009 Breeders' Cup World Thoroughbred Championships program. It was run on November 7, 2009 at Santa Anita Park in Arcadia, California with a purse of $5,000,000. For the first time in the race's history, a mare won when Zenyatta closed from last place to win by a length. The race was named the NTRA Moment of the Year. The Classic is run at a distance of one mile and one-quarter (approximately 2000 m). It is normally run on a dirt surface but in 2009 was run on a synthetic surface. It is run under weight-for-age conditions, with entrants carrying the following weights: Contenders. In 2008, European-based horses finished one-two in the Classic, a result that many attributed to the synthetic surface used at Santa Anita. California had adopted synthetic surfaces starting in 2007 due to safety concerns but many horsemen and bettors felt that the synthetics performed more like turf than dirt. As a result, a few East Coast racehorses who had only raced on natural dirt surfaces did not ship to Santa Anita for the Breeders' Cup. Most notably, the connections of the outstanding filly Rachel Alexandra announced that she would not race on "plastic". Instead, the favorite for the race was Zenyatta, who in 2008 had won the Ladies Classic and was named the Champion Older Female Horse. Zenyatta came into the Classic undefeated in thirteen career starts and was, with Rachel Alexandra, one of the most popular horses in recent memory. However, some handicappers questioned her credentials. As a California-based horse, she had demonstrated her ability to win on synthetic but was viewed as having faced inferior competition to that on the East Coast. She also had never raced against male horses, had never run at miles, and the Beyer Speed Figures that she had recorded in previous races were unexceptional for a Grade I winner. She was part of a thirteen horse field that included eight other Grade I/Group One winners from three countries. The most highly regarded contenders were: Race Description. In post position four, Zenyatta was initially reluctant to enter the starting gate. Then Quality Road in post position twelve started acting up, delaying the start of the race by five minutes when he refused to load even after being blindfolded. When he injured himself kicking the gate, he was scratched. The rest of the field was unloaded due to the delay and then reloaded. When the race finally began, Zenyatta broke poorly and got off on the wrong lead. As was her custom, she dropped to the back of the field and trailed by as much as fifteen lengths. Down the backstretch, she had passed only one horse and was still about a dozen lengths behind. She started her move around the final turn, with jockey Mike Smith keeping her close to the rail to save ground. Track announcer Trevor Denman had kept an eye on the mare throughout the race, noting she had a lot of work to do at the top of the stretch, and saying "If she wins this, she'll be a superhorse!" Turning into the stretch, Zenyatta faced a wall of horses in front of her, so Smith angled her away from the rail. When she finally had running room in mid-stretch, she was still in sixth place but closed ground rapidly. As she moved to the lead, announcer Trevor Denman exclaimed, "Zenyatta is flying on the grandstand side! This. Is. Un-be-liev-ABLE! What a performance! We will never see another like this! "[52][53][54] Zenyatta eventually won by a length. Gio Ponti, who had received an excellent trip on the rail, finished second while Twice Over was third. After moderate opening fractions, the time for the race was a solid 2:00.62. Nearly seven lengths behind with a quarter-mile remaining, Zenyatta ran the final quarter-mile in 23 seconds flat. It was the first time that a female horse had "beat the boys" in the Classic. Zenyatta was given a hero's welcome on her return to the winner's circle, with many fans holding signs honoring 'Queen Z.' After the race, Smith described the run. "I had to hit her out of the stall," he said. "Then she was on her left lead and you want to be on your right down the straight. Then she gathered herself up... At the half-mile (pole), they were stacked up... but then it was like the parting of the sea as it opened up down there. She won it well within herself, believe it or not." He also said, "I believe if there was another horse ahead of Gio Ponti, she would have caught him, too. She still had run left. "[50] "She is all heart," said trainer John Shirreffs. "The way the crowd took to her was just amazing. They cheered for her, they clapped for her. They love her. What a wonderful relationship." Even veteran horsemen were moved by Zenyatta's performance and the crowd's reaction. "I switched camps at the eighth pole," said Bob Baffert, the trainer of Richard's Kid. "When I saw my horse wasn't going to win, I started yelling for Zenyatta... I have never seen a grandstand like that; nobody wanted to leave. The crowd was captivated. It felt like a horse had just won the Triple Crown." "She's a freak, what can I say?" said Gio Ponti's trainer Christophe Clement. "My horse ran a great race but he couldn't beat her." The race was named the NTRA Moment of the Year. Results. Quality Road was scratched Source: Equibase Times: – 0:24.16; – 0:47.88; – 1:11.88; mile – 1:36.16; final – 2:00.62<br> Fractional Splits: (:24.16) (:23.72) (:24.00) (:24.28) (:24.46) Payout. Payout Schedule: External links. Race on YouTube

current records

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=24213607

The history of Millwall Football Club, a professional association football club based in Bermondsey, South East London, England, dates back to the club's formation in 1885 as Millwall Rovers. Formation of the club. The club was founded in 1885 as Millwall Rovers by the workers of J.T. Morton in Millwall on the Isle of Dogs. J.T. Morton had been founded in Aberdeen, Scotland in 1849 to supply sailing ships with food. They opened their first English cannery and food processing plant on the Isle of Dogs at the Millwall dock in 1870, and attracted a workforce from across the whole of the country, including the East Coast of Scotland who were predominantly Dundee dockers. The club secretary was seventeen-year-old Jasper Sexton, the son of the landlord of "The Islander" Pub in Tooke Street where Millwall held their meetings. The first chairman of the club was local GP Doctor William Murray-Leslie, who surprisingly never played for the club. (Murray-Leslie is sometimes cited as being an Irish international footballer, but this is incorrect, since he was a Scot from Knockbain, Ross-shire and in those days you had to be born in Ireland to represent the IFA, ancestry or residence being insufficient. Consequently, there is no-one of that name registered as having played for Ireland.) Millwall Rovers' first fixture was in 1885 against Fillebrook, who played in Leytonstone. The newly formed team was well beaten 5–0. Learning from this early defeat, they were unbeaten in their next 12 games before they lost to the top east London side Old St Pauls. In their first season, they were only beaten three times. In November 1886, the East End Football Association was formed, and along with it came a Senior Cup Competition. Millwall made it to the final against London Caledonians. The game was played at the Leyton Cricket Ground. The match finished 2–2 and the teams shared the cup for six months each. During this season, Millwall played two games on the same day, both at home. The first was a 0–0 draw against Dreadnought in the morning; the second, a 4–1 win against Westminster Swifts in the afternoon. Despite an 8–1 defeat in the FA Cup, Millwall went on to win the East London Senior Cup at the first attempt. They went on to win it for the following two years and the trophy became their property. Southern League years. The club (now playing under the name of Millwall F.C. ), went on to become founder members of the Southern League which they won for the first two years of its existence and were runners up in its third. In those days, The Football League was in its infancy and consisted mainly of northern clubs such as Bury, Notts County, Sheffield United and Preston North End. In the south, the Southern League was not only seen as a rival league, but as prestigious. Millwall were also the Western League Champions in 1908 and 1909. Millwall played on a variety of grounds on the Isle of Dogs. It was not unusual for Millwall to attract thirty or forty thousand spectators to a game, especially at their second ground at East Ferry Road. This was quite an achievement, given that travelling facilities were sparse. The Den. They are most famous for The Old Den at New Cross, London, which they moved to in 1910. They had previously occupied no fewer than four separate grounds on the Isle Of Dogs in the 25 years since their formation as a football club. Tom Thorne, the director in charge, had sought the help of architect Archibald Leitch and builders Humphries of Knightsbridge. The estimated cost of The Den was £10,000. The first match was on Saturday 22 October 1910 against the reigning Southern League Champions Brighton & Hove Albion, who spoiled the celebrations by winning 0–1. The price of the official Match Programme was one penny. Unfortunately, the opening ceremony also suffered a slight hitch when it was discovered that Lord Kinnaird, had inadvertently gone to the Canterbury (Ilderton) Road end. He had to be unceremoniously hauled, pushed, and pulled over the wall into the ground. After rushing to the other end (Cold Blow Lane) the President of the FA performed a brief opening ritual and led the players onto the pitch. Before kick off a brass lion, inscribed (in Gaelic) "We Will Never Turn Our Backs To The Enemy", was presented to the club. However the official Club Motto was already established. The first and second editions of the club handbook (published 1908–09 and 1909–1910) bore the slogan: ""We fear no foe, where e'er we go"." It was here that the infamous "Millwall Roar" was born. During this era, it was considered "good form" for home fans to show their appreciation of good football displayed by the opposition. The Millwall fans however, would quite literally "roar" for only their team, from start to finish. This strongly partisan support was soon to be regarded by the team as "a goal start." The Den became one of the most feared grounds in the country due to the fact no team liked to play there, because the crowd and the place itself created such a stomach-turning atmosphere. Many supporters from the East End of London continued to follow The Lions in the early years after their move south of the River Thames by walking through the Greenwich foot tunnel to join the supporters drawn mainly from the Surrey Docks. The Lions fans were rough, uncompromising, quick to open their mouths to the team and officials. They came from a background of poverty, hard work and danger – where toughness was necessary for survival. Anyone visiting The Den thinking that southerners were soft, soon realised they were in the wrong part of London. The Den also hosted a full England international match against Wales on 13 March 1911. England won the game 3–0. The Football League. Millwall's first Football League match at The Den was on 28 August 1920. They beat Bristol Rovers 2–0. This victory over Rovers was the Lions' seventh successive win against them since moving to The Den. The game was played in the Football League Division 3 South of which Millwall were founder members. They became known as a hard-fighting Cup team and competed in various memorable matches, notably defeating three-time league winners (and reigning champions) Huddersfield Town 3–1 in the third round of the FA Cup in 1927. Matches against Derby County, Sunderland and others that saw packed crowds of forty-eight thousand plus in the 1930s and 1940s. However, it can be argued that the biggest cup upset came in the fourth round of the FA Cup on 26 January 1957, when Millwall beat the then mighty Newcastle 2–1, watched by a crowd of 45,646, at a time when The Lions were fighting for Third Division survival. Millwall were the tenth best supported team in England in the pre-war years, despite being a Third, then Second Division side. Many thought they would go on to become one of England's best clubs, that is until the Second World War cruelly robbed them of their chance. Millwall at this stage, had dropped the title of "Athletic", and were playing as they do today, under the name of "Millwall F.C." Wartime exploits. On 7 April 1945, Millwall appeared in a Southern FA Cup Final at Wembley against Chelsea, but because it was an unofficial Wartime Cup Final it is not acknowledged in the record books. With the War in Europe in its last days, there was a relaxation on the number of spectators allowed to attend games. The attendance was 90,000, which is the largest crowd Millwall have ever played in front of. Despite being favourites to win, Millwall played poorly and lost 2–0 to Chelsea. To this day Lions fans who were at the game blame the "guest players" in the Millwall side, and Sam Bartram, the Charlton goalkeeper, in particular. Despite having won the Cup which was presented by King George VI, the Chelsea post match celebrations soon "fizzled out", and most of their players ended up at the Millwall party, which continued well into the early hours of the morning. With the loss of so many young men during the Second World War it was difficult for all clubs to retain their former status. This was especially true for Millwall, who appeared to suffer more than most. From being one of the country's biggest clubs before the war, Millwall were reduced to one of its smallest afterwards. The Den sustained severe bomb damage during The London Blitz. A German bomb hit The North Terrace on 19 April 1943 and on 26 April, a fire destroyed the main stand. The club accepted offers from neighbours Charlton, Crystal Palace and West Ham to stage games. On 24 February 1944 Millwall returned to The Den, to play in an all-standing stadium. This was achieved, in part, with considerable volunteer labour by the Lions fans. After the war, rationing in Britain continued and Millwall were refused permission by the Ministry of Works to construct a new two tier stand, despite having procured all the materials. They had to wait until 1948, when permission was granted to build a smaller single tier stand two thirds the length of the pitch, with a forecourt terrace at the front. Archibald Leitch's "trademark gables" were never replaced. In the doldrums. Their form during the 1950s was poor, and they suffered relegation on a regular basis. One highlight during this period was on 5 October 1953, when Millwall played Manchester United to mark the opening of their floodlights. A crowd of 25,000 saw The Lions beat The Red Devils 2–1. In the 1958–59 season, Millwall became founder members of Division Four. It wasn't until the early 1960s that things began to change. During this time, they discovered a number of useful players, such as winger Barry Rowan and goalkeeper Alex Stepney. Stepney later went on to fame with Manchester United, winning a European Cup Winners medal in 1968. The class of '71. Later in the decade, Millwall established an incredible record of 59 home games without defeat from: 22 August 1964 to 14 January 1967. This was thanks largely to managers Billy Gray, who laid the foundations, and Benny Fenton, a former player who continued to build on Gray's side. All the players were presented with a commemorative gold cigarette lighter by the Football Association. In the early 1970s Millwall boasted a truly great side, now remembered by Lions fans as "The Class of '71". This was a team that boasted the inspirational Harry Cripps, Dennis Burnett, Derek Possee, Barry Kitchener, Eamon Dunphy, Keith Weller, Doug Allder, Alan Dorney, Bryan King, and more. They lost out on promotion to the old Division One by just one point. In 1974 Millwall hosted the first game to be played on a Sunday (against Fulham). To get around the law at the time, admission was gained by "Programme Only". On production of a matchday magazine, the bearer was then sold a team sheet bearing the words "Official Programme". The programme was sold for the same price as admission to the ground. Millwall repeated this exercise against Fulham on 25 April 1982, hosting the second game to be played on a Sunday. Millwall are also the only club to be unbeaten at home in four different divisions: 1927–28 Division 3 (South), 1964–65 Division Four, 1965–66 Division Three, 1971–72 Division Two, 1984–85 Division Three. George Graham. George Graham was Millwall manager from 1983 to 1986, and during that time he guided the club to promotion to the Second Division. Millwall also won the Football League Group Trophy, beating Lincoln City 2–3. It was during this game that Graham spotted a talented young Lincoln striker, John Fashanu, who signed for Millwall and was an F.A Cup winner with his next club, Wimbledon. In the 1984–85 season Millwall knocked Leicester out of the FA Cup. This was a Leicester side that boasted Gary Lineker and Alan Smith, but Millwall showed tremendous discipline and ended up winning 2–0. Graham left to begin a successful nine-year spell as Arsenal manager. Reflecting on his time as the Millwall manager Graham informed the South London Press: "The Millwall fans reminded me of home. The ground may have been a bit spartan, but I soon realised that the fans were in a different class. In fact, their passion for the game reminded me of my days in Glasgow. The people up there are really fanatical about their football, they eat it and sleep it, and the Millwall fans were exactly the same. That was something I wasn't used to, because I thought that in general, southerners were less passionate. I learned so much". The First Division at long last. Graham's replacement was Glaswegian John Docherty, previously a manager at Brentford and Cambridge United. In his second season as manager, Millwall surprised observers by winning the Second Division championship and gained promotion to the top flight of English football for the first time in their history. Millwall had been the only professional team in London never to have played in the top flight. Docherty stated at the time: "The full enormity of what we had achieved struck home that night as we celebrated with the players and fans. When Frank McLintock and I went into the "Royal Archer" with the Championship Trophy, I think most of our fans thought that I was a cardboard cut-out! They couldn't believe that we wanted to have a drink with them and let them hold the Trophy, but for me, that sort of moment is what the game is all about". During this season, Millwall were the first club to open a crèche in the Football League. Millwall were also voted "Community Club Of The Year". Millwall had a good start to the 1988–89 First Division campaign, topping the League on 1 October 1988 having played 6 games- winning 4, drawing 2, losing 0 and rarely being out of the top five before Christmas. This was mainly due to their deadly strike force of Tony Cascarino and Teddy Sheringham, also, Terry Hurlock and team Captain Les Briley who totally dominated the Millwall midfield. Cascarino was signed from Gillingham for £225,000. Sheringham began his professional career at Millwall in 1982 at the age of sixteen, after impressing a scout when playing for Leytonstone & Ilford during a youth team game against Millwall. The first live television transmission of a Millwall game was on 22 January 1989. The TV cameras picked out a banner bearing the slogan "It's Taken You Long Enough To Find The Den!" Viewers were treated to a 5-goal thriller in which Millwall were beaten 2–3 by Norwich City thanks to a spectacular Robert Fleck goal scored deep into injury time against the run of play. During the post match interview, Docherty, instead of criticing the referee's addition of 6 minutes injury time (as the commentary team had done), chose to praise the quality of the young Scot's goal. Millwall's first top division season ended with a tenth-place finish, which was the lowest place occupied by the club all season. They also briefly led the league for one night in September 1989 after beating Coventry 4–1, but won only two more games all season and were relegated in bottom place at the end of the 1989–90 campaign. Life outside the top flight. Just before relegation was confirmed, John Docherty was sacked and replaced by ex-Middlesbrough manager Bruce Rioch. Striker Teddy Sheringham, who later played for the England team and was the highest scoring player throughout the Football League in 1990–91, was sold to Nottingham Forest for £2,000,000 after Millwall's defeat in the Second Division playoffs. Rioch left Millwall in 1992 to be succeeded by Irish Defender Mick McCarthy. McCarthy guided Millwall to third place in the new Division One at the end of the 1993–94 season. This was their first season at the new ground, also known as The Den, which was opened by the Labour Party leader John Smith MP on 4 August 1993. They also knocked Arsenal out of the 1994–95 FA Cup in a third round replay, beating them 2–0, with a spectacular goal coming from young Irish midfielder, Mark Kennedy. This was the second consecutive season in which Millwall had drawn Arsenal in the third round of the FA Cup, having lost to them the season before. But they also lost to Derby County in the playoff semi finals that season. Mark Kennedy was sold to Liverpool in March 1995 for £2,300,000. McCarthy resigned to take charge of the Republic of Ireland national team on 5 February 1996, shortly after Millwall had been knocked off the top of the Division One table by Sunderland after a 6–0 defeat. The new ground was the first new football stadium to be built in London since the Second World War. Another slump. Jimmy Nicholl of Raith Rovers was appointed as McCarthy's replacement, but could not address the slump in form which saw Millwall relegated at the end of the season in 22nd place. Just five months before this they had been top of Division One. Instead Millwall found themselves in Division Two for the 1996–97 season. The club also experienced extreme financial difficulties that resulted in them being placed in financial administration for a short time. Jimmy Nicholl was relieved of his duties and John Docherty returned on a short-term basis to stabilise the club at playing level. The club came out of administration, and new chairman Theo Paphitis appointed ex-West Ham United (Millwall's bitter rivals) manager Billy Bonds as manager. Paphitis proposed that Millwall should play in grey shirts, but after fans objected he relented and Millwall's home colours became all white, with a blue away strip. He also dispensed with the "Rampant Lion" crest. An ongoing campaign was launched to have the "Rampant Lion" restored to the Millwall Shirt. This was not a successful season, with the club hovering close to relegation to the Third Division. Bonds was sacked and replaced by Keith "Rhino" Stevens, with Alan McLeary as his assistant. McLeary was promoted to joint manager. Millwall's blue "home" shirts were reinstated. Keith Stevens and Alan McLeary led Millwall to their first ever official Wembley appearance. The Lions reached the final with a Golden Goal win against Gillingham in the Semi-Finals, and a 2–1 aggregate victory over Walsall in the Regional Final. They faced Wigan Athletic in the Auto Windscreens Final. However, Millwall, who were playing in front of 49,000 of their own fans lost by a single injury time goal. Millwall also lost on aggregate to Wigan in the 2nd Division play-off semi finals in 2000. Early in 2007, members of Millwall Supporters Club voted overwhelmingly for the "Rampant Lion" to be reintroduced. The Millwall Board agreed to abide by the vote and it has been in use since the start of the 2007/8 season Promotion. Mark McGhee was named as Millwall's new manager in September 2000, and eight months later the club won promotion as Division Two champions after five years in the lower tier of the league. Winning the first match of the season 4–0 at home to Norwich City set the team up well for a good season in which Millwall qualified for the Division One playoffs, but lost to eventual winners Birmingham City 0–1 in the semi finals. This meant that they missed out on a second successive promotion, which would have given them a place in the Premiership. Millwall missed out on a playoff place in 2002–03 and McGhee was sacked soon after the start of the 2003–04 season. FA Cup final. In 2003 Dennis Wise, ex-Chelsea and England player, became caretaker, and subsequently permanent player-manager, of the club. In his first season in charge Wise led the club to the first FA Cup final in their history (excluding the 1945 War Cup Final). When Millwall took to the field at the Millennium Stadium they were only the second team from outside the top flight to play in the final since 1982, and were the first team from outside the Premiership to reach the final since its foundation in 1992. They were also missing no less than sixteen players from their squad due to suspension or injury. They played the Cup final on 22 May 2004, losing 3–0 to Manchester United. As Manchester United had already qualified for the Champions League, Millwall were assured of playing in the 2004/05 UEFA Cup. Millwall midfielder Curtis Weston, substituted for Wise with one minute of normal time remaining, became the youngest Cup Final player in history at 17 years 119 days, beating the 125-year-old record of James F. M. Prinsep. Dennis Wise also insisted that the injured Tony Warner and Kevin Muscat be presented with medals. Foray into Europe. In the 2004/05 UEFA Cup, Millwall lost 4–2 on aggregate in the first round proper, to Hungarian Champions Ferencváros, with Wise scoring both Millwall goals. Millwall put up a brave fight in both games, but the Hungarian champions were too strong. Surprisingly, whilst Millwall were seeded, Ferencvaros were not. Millwall could have had an easier draw, against Chechnyan minnows Terek Grozny. If Millwall had beaten them, then they would have made it into the group stage of the competition, where they would have faced some of Europe's elite, including teams such as Lazio and Schalke. Change of hands. In 2005 Theo Paphitis announced that he was stepping down as chairman of the club with Jeff Burnige to replace him from May 2005. At the end of the 2004–05 season, manager Dennis Wise announced that he was leaving as he was unable to form a working relationship with the new chairman. Another change of hands. On 21 June 2005 Steve Claridge (Millwall forward 2001–03) was announced as the new player/manager of Millwall FC. However, when Burnige then stepped down just two months after taking up the post, it was announced on 27 July that Claridge had been sacked after 36 days, without ever taking charge of the team in a competitive match. A leap into misery. Former Watford, Wolves and Walsall manager Colin Lee replaced him but lasted only five months in charge of the club. On 21 December, with the club bottom of the Championship, he became the club's Director of Football and was replaced as manager by 32-year-old player Dave Tuttle, on a short-term contract until the end of the season. Tuttle had no prior experience in football management. In February 2006, Colin Lee left the club altogether. Millwall experienced a very difficult season, possibly as a consequence of having had no fewer than four managers in 2005. Their relegation to League One was confirmed on Monday 17 April 2006 with a 2–0 loss against Southampton. Ironically, sacked manager Steve Claridge had spoken to BBC Sport on 13 April stating, "I was treated absolutely disgracefully at Millwall, for people to come out and say after I'd gone and say, he had to go, we could have got relegated—well, they have done really well since I left, haven't they?" Tuttle was unable to save Millwall from relegation to League One and resigned from the job as a result on 20 April 2006. Goalkeeping coach Tony Burns and Alan McLeary took charge for the two remaining games of the season. Millwall won one and lost one of their two remaining games, with caretaker manager McLeary fielding teams whose average age was just twenty-one. They were officially relegated to League One in 23rd place on Sunday 30 April 2006. McLeary subsequently left the club, remaining an agent following his testimonial match against Charlton. Burns joined South London rivals Crystal Palace. However, he was recently re-appointed Goalkeeping Coach as part of Kenny Jackett's coaching staff. On 1 May 2006, the New Den hosted the FA Women's Cup Final between Arsenal L.F.C. and Leeds United L.F.C.. Arsenal Ladies won the Cup 5–0. A change at the top. In March 2006, Millwall appointed their first Fan On The Board (FOTB). After being elected by members of the Millwall Supporters Club (MSC), Peter Garston was appointed to a two-year term. On 3 May 2006, lifelong Millwall supporter Stewart Till became the new Chairman of Millwall Football Club, with Peter de Savary remaining as chair of the Holding Company, (Millwall holdings plc). New Executive Deputy Chair Heather Rabbatts oversaw the running of the company. On 23 May 2006, Nigel Spackman was announced as the new manager of Millwall Football Club. Spackman failed to make an impact at the South London club after a run of only 2 competitive wins out of 8 games (up to and including 9 September 2006.) In September 2006, Theo Paphitis (chairman from 1997 to 2005) ended his 9-year association with the club after a year spell as a non-executive director of The Lions. On 25 September 2006 Spackman left the club by mutual consent after five successive defeats, placing assistant Willie Donachie in temporary charge, and leaving Millwall second from bottom in League One. On 27 October 2006, Peter de Savary stepped down as Chairman of Millwall Holdings plc, promoting Heather Rabbatts to the position. On 22 November 2006, Willie Donachie was appointed manager on permanent basis. On 19 March 2007, Donachie received a two-year contract as reward for excellent progress which had seen the club climb to 11th place in the league. Before Donachie took charge, Millwall had taken only six points from their first ten games. Club Chairman Stewart Till told the Millwall website: "This achievement speaks for itself." However, the start of the 2007–08 season saw Millwall bottom of the table at the beginning of October. Willie Donachie and assistant Pat Holland were both sacked on 8 October, with Richard Shaw and Colin West becoming caretaker managers. The Millwall board appointed Kenny Jackett Manager of Millwall Football Club on 6 November 2007. Despite losing their last game of the season 2–1 away to Swindon on 3 May 2008, Millwall had already secured their League One status with a 3–0 home win against Carlisle the previous week. Millwall finished in 17th place with 52 points. Regeneration, Sports City and American investment. In 2006, Millwall's Board unveiled an ambitious scheme to regenerate the area surrounding The New Den backed by new investors. Sports City is to become a major redevolpment of housing and a hotel with the football ground a central point. In March 2007 Chestnut Hill Ventures, led by John Berylson, who have interests in business and financial services, retail, property and sport invested £5m into the club. In addition to this investment, a further £1.5m was raised from investment from other parties and existing directors of the company and former chairman Peter de Savary invested another £500,000. Graham F. Lacey, became the club's biggest shareholder, buying 15% of shares in Millwall Holdings plc, invested £1million as part of the package. Berylson became non-executive chairman of Millwall Holdings plc and a director of the club, while his colleague Demos Kouvaris joined both boards. "This is tremendous news for Millwall and our fans," said Heather Rabbatts, who will continue to run the club in the role of executive deputy chairman. In the wake of calls by Graham Ferguson Lacey to the Millwall board to hold an extraordinary general meeting, requests which the Millwall board twice refused, claiming Lacey's proposals are "vexatious and ineffective", a date was set for 2 July 2008. Chief executive Heather Rabbatts said: "Mr Lacey has left us with little choice so we have decided to call a general meeting as this will result in lesser costs than going to court. "Nevertheless, this is still a highly-damaging exercise we are being forced into and will cost the club many thousands of pounds when we can least afford it." A week before the EGM, Chestnut Hill Ventures, the company of Lions chairman John Berylson, converted a £2.3m loan into shares in Millwall PLC – thereby becoming the club's major shareholder. Fellow directors Constantine Gonticas, Trevor Keyse and Stewart Till also converted a combined sum of £200,000 into shares. Berylson and the rest of the board hold a combined stake of 36.66% in the club, while Lacey's share has dropped to around 22.2%. On 2 July 2008, Chairman John Berylson won the support of 46,000 shareholder supporters at the crucial shareholders meeting, who voted against motions that would have tied his hands on major decisions concerning regeneration around The Den. Lacey who had foisted the meeting on the Millwall Board, did not turn up Summer signings. During July 2008 there was some controversy over the signings that Kenny Jackett made, as there were few promising young strikers other than Ashley Grimes. Some of these concerns were dispelled after Neil Harris found the net frequently throughout the pre-season. The signings of Tony Craig, David Forde, Jimmy Abdou and Grimes have given Millwall fans hope of winning promotion this season and Tony Craig showed his loyalty to the club by stating: "I'm home" on the Millwall web site. Harris and Chris Hackett both agreed terms on new contracts in June. It took Harris a lot longer to decide as it meant him accepting a drop in wages of almost half of what he earned the previous season. Jackett also signed Trésor Kandol on a six-month loan deal from Leeds United on 6 August. Further into the season due to injuries to players like Gary Alexander Jackett signed out of favour striker Jermaine Easter from Plymouth Argyle F.C. on an initial one-month loan deal, and former Burnley F.C. striker Gifton Noel-Williams on a short-term contract after being released from his contract by Spanish side Elche CF. Back in The Championship. After play-off final heartbreak in the 2008–09 season against Scunthorpe United and losing out on automatic promotion on the last day of the 2009–10 season to Leeds United by 1 point, Millwall made it back to Wembley, finally breaking the play-off hoodoo run of five successive losses. A 1–0 win against Swindon Town, meant Millwall made a return to The Championship, after a four-year absence. They were relegated back to League One for two seasons, but were promoted back in 2016–17 to the Championship via the play-offs.

complete aggregate amount

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=73609

Worcester Cathedral, is an Anglican cathedral in Worcester, England, situated on a bank overlooking the River Severn. It is the seat of the Bishop of Worcester. Its official name is the Cathedral Church of Christ and the Blessed Mary the Virgin, of Worcester. The present cathedral church was built between 1084 and 1504, and represents every style of English architecture from Norman to Perpendicular Gothic. It is famous for its Norman crypt and unique chapter house, its unusual Transitional Gothic bays, its fine woodwork and its "exquisite" central tower, which is of particularly fine proportions. The Cathedral contains the tomb of King John. History. Early history. The Cathedral was founded in 680, with a Northumbrian priest, Tatwine, appointed as its first bishop. Tatwine died before he could be consecrated, however, so his successor Bishop Bosel may be regarded as Worcester's first serving bishop. The first cathedral church, dedicated to Ss. Peter and Paul, was built in this period, but no remains of its architecture survive. The crypt of the present-day cathedral dates from the 11th century and the time of Wulfstan, Bishop of Worcester. The community associated with the cathedral the early eighth century included members of various clerical orders. The cathedral community was regulated along formal monastic lines as a consequence of the Benedictine reforms in the second half of the tenth century (one author gives the time range 974-977, another considers 969 more likely). There is an important connection with Fleury Abbey in France, as Oswald, bishop of Worcester from 961 to 992, was professed at Fleury and introduced the monastic rule of Fleury to the monastery that he established at Worcester around the year 966, which was dedicated — as the present cathedral church is — to St. Mary. Medieval. The last Anglo-Saxon bishop of Worcester, Wulstan, unusually remained bishop after the Norman Conquest until his death in 1095. He was later made a saint. It is the burial place of John, King of England, who succeeded his brother Richard I of England. The Cathedral Priory was a major landowner and economic force, both in Worcester and the county. Its properties for instance included the priory manor of Bromsgrove. It was a centre of learning and provided schooling. It was associated with hospitals. The Church received a portion of local taxations and ecclesiastical law applied to Christian morals and could result in punishments. It had close political associations with leading gentry and aristocracy. As such, Worcester's Cathedral had a central role in the medieval life of the city and county. The Cathedral was one of a number of religious institutions in the city. Relations with the Jewish community of Worcester. The Diocese was notably hostile to the small Jewish community which was established in Worcester. Peter of Blois was commissioned by a Bishop of Worcester, probably John of Coutances, to write a significant anti-Judaic treatise "Against the Perfidy of Jews" around 1190. William de Blois, as Bishop of Worcester, imposed particularly strict rules on Jews within the diocese in 1219. As elsewhere in England, Jews were officially compelled to wear rectangular white badges, supposedly representing tabulae. In most places, this requirement was relinquished as long as fines were paid. In addition to enforcing the church laws on wearing badges, Blois tried to impose additional restrictions on usury, and wrote to Pope Gregory in 1229 to ask for better enforcement and further, harsher measures. In response, the Papacy demanded that Christians be prevented from working in Jewish homes, "lest temporal profit be preferred to the zeal of Christ", and enforcement of the wearing of badges. Dissolution and Reformation. The priory came to an end with King Henry VIII's Dissolution of the Monasteries. Shortly beforehand, in 1535, the prior William More resigned, and was replaced by Henry Holbeach. More had a reputation for fine living, although his standards seem in line with other senior ecclesiasts of the time. However, there certainly were problems with the administration of the priory, including divisions within the community. The Protestant Hugh Latimer was bishop from 1535, and preached for reform and iconoclasm. He resigned as bishop in 1539, as a result of a theological turn by Henry VIII towards Roman Catholicism, in the Six Articles. John Bell, a moderate reformer, was bishop from 1539 to 1543, during the period of the priory's dissolution. In the early 16th century, Worcester had around 40 monks. This declined slightly in the years immediately before 1540, as recruitment seems to have halted. There were 35 Benedictine monks plus the Prior Holbeach at the time of dissolution, probably 16 January 1540; eleven were immediately given pensions, while the remainder became secular canons in the new Royal College. Holbeach was re-appointed as the first Dean. A further five former monks were pensioned from the college in July 1540. The former monastic library of Worcester contained a considerable number of manuscripts which are, among other libraries, now scattered over Cambridge, London (British Library), Oxford Bodleian, and the Cathedral library at Worcester of today. Remains of the priory dating from the 12th and 13th centuries can still be seen. John Bell's successor as bishop, Nicholas Heath, was religiously much more conservative and Catholic. Civil War. During the Civil War, the Cathedral was used to store arms, possibly as early as September 1642. Worcester declared itself for the Crown and was quickly occupied by extra Royalist forces,who were using the building to store munitions when Essex briefly retook the city after a skirmish on its outskirts. The Parliamentary troops then ransacked the Cathedral building. Stained glass was smashed and the organ destroyed, along with library books and monuments. The See was abolished during the Commonwealth and the Protectorate, approximately 1646–60. The belltower was demolished in 1647 and the building used as a prison in the aftermath of the 1651 battle. Victorian to present. In the 1860s, the cathedral was subject to major restoration work planned by Sir George Gilbert Scott and A. E. Perkins. An image of the cathedral's west facade appeared on the reverse of the Series E British £20 note commemorating Sir Edward Elgar, issued between 1999 and 2007, remaining in circulation as legal tender until 30 June 2010. Architecture. Worcester Cathedral embodies many features that are highly typical of an English medieval cathedral. Like the cathedrals of Salisbury and Lincoln, it has two transepts crossing the nave, rather than the single transept usual on the Continent. This feature of English Cathedrals was to facilitate the private saying of the Holy Office by many clergy or monks. Worcester is also typical of English cathedrals in having a chapter house and cloister. To the north side of the cathedral is an entrance porch, a feature designed to eliminate the draught which, prior to the installation of modern swing doors, would blow through cathedrals whenever the western doors were open. Worcester Cathedral has important parts of the building dating from every century from the 11th to the 16th. Its tower in the perpendicular style is described by Alec Clifton-Taylor as "exquisite" and is seen best across the River Severn. The earliest part of the building at Worcester is the multi-columned Norman crypt with cushion capitals remaining from the original monastic church begun by bishop Saint Wulfstan of Worcester in 1084. Also from the Norman period is the circular chapter house of 1120, made octagonal on the outside when the walls were reinforced in the 14th century. The nave was built and rebuilt piecemeal and in different styles by several different architects over a period of 200 years, from 1170 to 1374, some bays being a unique and decorative transition between Norman and Gothic. The oldest parts show alternate layers of green sandstone from Highley in Shropshire and yellow Cotswold limestone. The east end was rebuilt over the Norman crypt by Alexander Mason between 1224 and 1269, coinciding with, and in a very similar Early English style to, Salisbury Cathedral. From 1360, John Clyve finished off the nave, built its vault, the west front, the north porch and the eastern range of the cloister. He also strengthened the Norman chapter house, added buttresses and changed its vault. His masterpiece is the central tower of 1374, originally supporting a timber, lead-covered spire, now gone. Between 1404 and 1432, an unknown architect added the north and south ranges to the cloister, which was eventually closed by the western range by John Chapman, 1435–38. The last important addition is Prince Arthur’s Chantry Chapel to the right of the south choir aisle, 1502–04. Worcester Cathedral was extensively restored from 1857 to 1874 by W. A. Perkins and Sir George Gilbert Scott. Most of the fittings and the stained glass date from this time. Some early 17th century screens and panelling, removed from the choir and organ casing in 1864, are now at Holy Trinity Church, Sutton Coldfield. Dean and chapter. As of 2 January 2021: Burials and memorials. The Cathedral contains the tomb of King John in its chancel. Before his death in Newark in 1216, John had requested to be buried at Worcester. He is buried between the shrines of St Wulstan and St Oswald (now destroyed). The cathedral has a memorial, Prince Arthur's Chantry, to the young prince Arthur Tudor, who is buried here. Arthur's younger brother and next in line for the throne was Henry VIII. Worcester Cathedral suffered badly from Iconoclasm but was spared total destruction by Henry VIII during the English Reformation because of his brother's chantry in the cathedral. An epitaph in Latin to Henry Bright, headmaster of the King's School, Worcester, can be found near the north porch. Other notable burials include: Library. The Cathedral Library at Worcester, located since the 19th century in the loft above the South Nave, contains nearly 300 medieval manuscripts, 55 incunabula, and 5500 post-medieval printed books. Of particular note are the Worcester Antiphoner (the only book of its kind to survive the Reformation), the will of King John and a 1225 copy of Magna Carta. The large scriptorium at Worcester produced many manuscripts and was a place of work for many famous scribes, such as the chronicler John of Worcester and the unnamed monk identified by his distinctive handwriting as The Tremulous Hand of Worcester. Misericords. Thirty nine of the misericords date from 1379 and include a complete set of the Labours of the Months. The subject matter includes biblical stories, mythology and folklore including N-07, "The Clever Daughter" which shows a naked woman draped in a net, riding a goat and carrying a rabbit under her arm. Three of the misericords are Victorian replacements such as N-02, "Judas in the jaws of Satan". Bells. The tower has a ring of twelve bells plus three semitone bells and a 4 1/2 tonne non-swinging bourdon. The current peal of 15 ringing bells were cast in 1928 by John Taylor & Co., of Loughborough, from the metal of the original ring cast in 1869. The bourdon bell was cast in 1869 and retuned in 1928. It is only used by the clock to strike the hours and sometimes tolls for special events. The ring is the sixth heaviest ring of twelve in the world, only the bells in the cathedrals of Liverpool, Exeter, York and St Paul's, London & St Mary Redcliffe church in Bristol are heavier. The bells are also considered to be one of the finest toned rings ever cast. The bells hang in a wooden frame that was constructed in 1869 for the previous ring. Worcester Cathedral is unique in having a purpose-built teaching centre equipped with eight special training bells, linked to computers. Music. Worcester Cathedral has three choirs: Worcester Cathedral Choir (the principal choir which has both boys' and girls' sections, normally working independently), Worcester Cathedral Voluntary Choir, and Worcester Cathedral Chamber Choir. All three were involved in the BBC broadcast of the midnight and Christmas morning services in 2007, with the boys and the girls of the Cathedral Choir, respectively, taking the lead in the two services. Since the 18th century, Worcester Cathedral Choir has taken part in the Three Choirs Festival, the oldest music festival in the world. The composer Edward Elgar spent most of his life in Worcestershire. The first performance of the revised version of his Enigma Variations – the version usually performed – took place at the cathedral during the 1899 Three Choirs Festival. He is commemorated in a stained glass window which contains his portrait. Worcester Cathedral has a long history of organs dating back to at least 1417. There have been many re-builds and new organs in the intervening period, including work by Thomas Dallam, William Hill and most famously Robert Hope-Jones in 1896. The Hope-Jones organ was heavily re-built in 1925 by Harrison & Harrison, and then regular minor works kept it in working order until Wood Wordsworth and Co. were called in 1978. It was a large four-manual organ with 61 speaking stops. It had a large Gothic Revival case with heavily decorated front pipes as well as two smaller cases either side of the quire. This organ (apart from the large transept case and pedal pipes) was removed in 2006 in order to make way for a new instrument by Kenneth Tickell, which was completed in the summer of 2008. The nave has a separate three-manual Rodgers organ. Notable organists at Worcester have included Thomas Tomkins (from 1596), Hugh Blair (from 1895), Ivor Atkins (from 1897) and David Willcocks (from 1950). From 2012-2018 the Director of Music and Organist was Peter Nardone. Events. Worcester Cathedral is the host of the annual graduation ceremonies for the University of Worcester. These ceremonies are presided over by the vice chancellor of the university, and take place over four days in November. Since 2018 Worcester Cathedral became the host to the annual Honours celebration of the Royal Life Saving Society UK, celebrating the long service and meritous achievements of their lifesaving members.

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=52271308

The Vishnu Hari inscription (or Hari-Vishnu inscription) is the name given to a Sanskrit language inscription found in the Uttar Pradesh state of India. It records the construction of a temple by Anayachandra, a feudatory of the king named Govindachandra, and also contains a eulogy of Anayachandra's dynasty. Its date portion is missing, and its authenticity has been a matter of controversy. The inscription is said to have been found among the debris of the Babri mosque in Ayodhya when a group of Hindu activists demolished the mosque in 1992. They had long claimed that the Muslim ruler Babur had constructed the mosque after destroying a Hindu temple marking the birthplace of the Hindu deity Rama (an incarnation of Vishnu). Those who believe that a temple existed at the Babri mosque site consider the inscription as evidence of their claim, identifying the king as the 12th century Gahadavala king Govindachandra. Others have claimed that the inscription was planted at the Babri mosque site by Hindu activists. According to one theory, the inscription is actually the "Treta Ka Thakur" inscription, which was found at another mosque in Ayodhya by Alois Anton Führer in the 19th century and later transferred to the Lucknow State Museum. The theory posits that it was brought to Ayodhya from Lucknow museum, and planted at the Babri mosque site. Yet another theory claims that it is a 17th-century inscription that was later planted at the site. Physical features. The Vishnu-Hari inscription contains 20 lines with several Sanskrit language verses. It is written in Nagari script, inscribed on a 1.10 m x 0.56 m sandstone. It is said to have been embedded in the lower portion of a wall of the demolished Babri mosque. Language. The language of the inscription is Sanskrit. It has 29 verses, which feature the following metres: Content. Archaeological Survey of India epigraphists K. V. Ramesh and M. N. Katti have translated the inscription based on its widely circulated photographs. Kishore Kunal (2016) came up with another translation, with support from the Sanskrit scholars Govind Jha and Bhavanath Jha. The inscription starts with obeisance to gods, and then describes a glorious dynasty. Verses 6-18 narrate the heroic exploits of the dynasty's members including Karna or Mame, Sallakshana, and Alhana. According to Kishore Kunal, these appear to be Gahadavala subordinates who preceded Anayachandra as governors of the Saketa mandala (region). Verses 19-21 describe the activities of Alhana's successor Anayachandra, including the construction of a Vishnu-Hari temple at Ayodhya. The rest of the verses describe his successor Ayushchandra. Verse 1: Obeisance to Shiva. The only surviving portion of the first verse is "Namah shiva[ya]", which means "Obeisance to Shiva". The damaged portion has enough space to accommodate a verse in the Shardulavikridita metre. It presumably contained a verse praising Shiva. Verse 2: Obeisance to Vamana. This verse praises Vishnu's dwarf avatar Vamana, calling him as "Trivikrama" (the one who strode over the three worlds in three steps). It describes him as the embodiment of the sixteen branches of knowledge ("mahavidya"). According to K. V. Ramesh's translation, the next part of the verse states that Vamana holds the universe in his palm "like (holding) the Moon, whose "kulagiri", whose falling rocks (while striking one another) create noise had, out of arrogance...". According to Ramesh, Kulagiri here refers to the seven great mountain ranges described in the ancient Indian literature: Mahendra, Malaya, Sahya, Śuktimat, Riksha, Vindhya, and Páripátra. According to Kishore Kunal's translation the verse states that Vamana, in his palm, holds the universe "which gets distributed by cloud Samvarta and Pramad, as they strike against the rocks of Kulagiri and create echo". Verses 3-4: Praise of the dynasty. The third verse cannot be read clearly. K. V. Ramesh translated the surviving portion as "The illustrious Bhargava (Parashurama)... an ornament of the earth... like insects... with firm hands upraised... having increased, events brought into existence, barren faces...". K. V. Ramesh's reading includes the word "sanklimiriva", which is not a familiar Sanskrit word. According to Kishore Kunal, this is a misreading: the actual word appears to be "panktibhirinas". Kishore Kunal reconstructed the verse as describing a dynasty praised as "ornament of the world", and counting Bhargava among its long line of powerful kings. According to this interpretation, the verse further states that blessings were showered on this dynasty by "the Sun and a galaxy of kings". It ends with the claim that a number of heroes, who were always eager to help others, were born in this dynasty. Verse 4 describes the aforementioned dynasty as determined to protect (or resurrect) the Kshatriyas who had been weakened in the battles against Bhargava (Parashurama). This verse refers to the tandava (violent dance) of the god Shiva, who is described as the Lord of the goddess Chandi. According to K. V. Ramesh's interpretation, during this dance, "from the rocking head jewel... [incomplete] genuine reputations which emanated from the opening in the skull-shaped spherical half of the universe". Kishore Kunal's reconstruction states that the fame of the dynasty's members emanated through the upper cavity in the skull-shaped world egg ("brahmanda"), which was "placed like the gem on the matted hair of the dancing Shiva". Verse 5: "Apratima-vikrama". The first line of verse 5 contains the expression "vaṃśyan-tad-eva-kulam". K. V. Ramesh has translated the word "kulam" as "dynasty" or "family". According to his translation, the first line of the verse states that the noble family (the aforementioned dynasty) was "the birthplace of valour" which had erased the sufferings of the others (i.e. the other Kshatriya clans). Kishore Kunal rejects this translation as inaccurate, because the preceding word "vaṃśa" also means "family" or "dynasty". Here, the word "kulam" refers to the residence of the family. This second meaning of the word is attested in Sanskrit dictionaries, ancient Sanskrit thesauruses such as "Amarakosha" and "Haimakosha", as well as ancient texts such as "Raghuvaṃśa". According to Kishore Kunal's translation, the first line describes the place of the inscription as "the abode of the dynasty which had succeeded in ending all anxiety" (about Parashurama's war). It further describes the place as the birthplace of "apratima-vikrama" ("the man with unmatched valour"). Kishore Kunal identifies the man described in this phrase as Rama, and the place of the inscription as his birthplace ("janmabhoomi"). According to mythology, Rama had forced Parashurama to retreat to Mahendragiri after his marriage with Sita. Also, Rama has been given similar epithets in other texts: for example, in "Rama-raksha-stotram", he has been called "Aprameya-vikrama"; in the "Ramayana" (Kishkindha 11.93), he has been called "Vikrama-vare" ("first in heroic worth"). K. V. Ramesh reads an expression in the second line as "Mame-ऽ-janiṣṭa". Based on this reading, he interprets the expression to mean that the hero referred to in this expression was named "Mame". This hero was "the abode of thousands of perfect and valorous deeds", and "the utmost favourite of the world". Kishore Kunal reads this expression as "ma-no-janiṣṭa" ("may not generate"). In the inscription, the two letters preceding ""no" (Ramesh's "me") are "ma" (म). According to Kishore Kunal, a comparison of these three letters makes it clear that the third letter is "no", not "ma"". Based on this reading, Kishore Kunal translates the line as: "Here resides the person who is illuminous with glory on account of thousands of valorous deeds. He may not generate greed in us even for the most sought after wealth by the world." Verses 6-7: Karna or Mame. The verse describes a hero as praying daily to overcome his desire for material wealth and sensual pleasures. The hero is described by the epithet "dinesh-vatsa" ("the son of the Sun"), a synonym of "Karna", which is a common Sanskrit given name. According to K. V Ramesh, this expression refers to the king "Mame" described in the previous verse. According to Kishore Kunal, it refers to another king whose name was Karna. The verse states that the hero described in the previous verse fought sportive battles. As a result of these battles, the women of the rival Meda and Bhilla tribes had to take refuge in the forests. There, the thorny trees wrote on (scratched) their breasts, hips and loins, as if imitating amorous activities. Verses 8-14: Sallakshana. Verse 8 describes the transfer of power from the aforementioned hero to his son Sallakshana. It is said that the heroic father first sent his fame to the heaven. When he himself wished to go to heaven, he gave his throne and his wealth to his son Sallakshana, just like the Sun gives his lustre to the Fire. Verse 9 eulogizes Sallakshana, stating that he acquired super-human valour. According to K. V. Ramesh's translation, this happened because of "some unknown power of the gift of that realm, which had no bounds and was other-worldly". According to Kishore Kunal's translation, Sallakshana's "boundless glory was beyond anybody's tolerance", as this was because of "the power of that gift" (the bequeathal from his father). Verse 10 states that Sallakshana's hand was a sword, his arm was his great army, and his fame was always palatable, just like lavish delicacies. (K. V. Ramesh translates the first part as "the sword was at the tip of his fingers"). The verse further declares that these personal instruments allowed him to spread an empire without obstructions or worries, even without inheriting a kingdom ("even without a kingdom to rule", according to Ramesh). Verse 11 states that Sallakshana could fight battles for long durations, holding his ruthless sword which quickly ended the lives (of his enemies). Verse 12 states that Sallakshana's eulogies were sung in the tranquil surroundings of the Malaya Mountains, on the banks of the heavenly Ganga river, at the Himalayan cave-entrances and the cave residences of the hunter-tribes. According to Ramesh's translation, these eulogies were first composed by "the semi-divine beings moving about in the skies", and sung by "accomplished womenfolk". According to Kishore Kunal's translation, the eulogies were first composed by the Siddhas (accomplished spiritual masters), and sung by "the band of the wives of the air travellers" (the apsaras). Verse 13 boasts that on the advice of the elders, the divine damsels sculpted his images and worshipped his arms to get (matching) husbands. Such worship took place in several regions, including the Himalayan terrains, the pristine Malaya Mountains, and the banks of the heavenly Ganga river. Verse 14 has multiple interpretations. K. V. Ramesh read a word used to describe Sallakshana as "ejyagva", but this word has no meaning. Kishore Kunal read this word as "rajyaddār" ("one who has pleasing wives"). Ramesh translated the first part of the verse as "He who is to be offered oblations... by the beautiful for the realization of their desires... himself by the worlds". Kishore Kunal reconstructs this part to mean that Sallakshana "deserved oblations from handsome persons who concealed themselves from the world to oobtain desired things". The last part of the verse describes Sallakshana's residence as full of wealth and comforts, and where many sing his glory. Verses 15-17: Alhana. Verse 15 states that when Sallakshana started enjoying the company of the heavenly damsels (i.e. died), his son succeeded him. This son looked like his father, was wise and free from sins, and pleased his excited subjects. Verse 16 names the son as Alhana, describing him as beloved of the good people and like a sharp saw to the warmongers. It states that Alhana "retrieved the splendour of the habitually fickle-minded Goddess" using fair means. Verse 17 describes Alhana as an extraordinary man, who melted away the long-accumulated arrogance of his enemies, when he confronted them. It further states that his mere look uncovered the cloaks of good and bad deeds in people. Verse 18 boasts that Alhana destroyed the manliness (of his enemies) and made the fearful effeminate. The people could not believe that his reputation dwarfed the lofty mountains. Verse 19-20: Meghasuta-Anayachandra. The next two verses describe a feudatory who became the ruler of Saketa-mandala (the region around Ayodhya). According to K. V. Ramesh, this person was Meghasuta, who was a nephew of Alhana, and superseded a man named Anayachandra. Kishore Kumar rejects this translation, pointing out that no ruler named Anayachandra has been described in the preceding verses. According to him, Alhana's successor was Anayachandra, who was a son of Alhana's brother Megha ("Megha-suta" means "son of Megha"). The name "Anayachandra" can be interpreted as "the moon amongst darkness generated by injustice". Verse 19 states that Alhana's successor became the ruler of Saketa-mandala (the region around Ayodhya). Ths happened by the grace of Govindachandra, the Lord of the Earth. Verse 20 describes the battle prowess of Alhana's successor. According to K. V. Ramesh's translation, he "put an end to the arrogant warriors who were dancing in unrestrained frenzy in the battles constantly fought by him". According to Kishore Kunal, he "used to cut the neck of his frenzied enemies in his constant battles", and dispelled arrogant warriors. The verse states that the ruler provided a large army (to his people), and mentions the Kalpavriksha (a mythological wish-fulfilling tree). K. V. Ramesh's translation reads that this army was "replete with (soldiers comparable to) the wish-fulfilling trees". According to Kishore Kunal, the army "surpassed the pride of everlasting helpfulness (friendship) of a Kalpa-tree". Verse 21: Construction of the temple. Verse 21 states that the aforementioned ruler (Anayachandra or Meghasuta) erected this beautiful temple of Vishnu-Hari, in a bid to find the easiest way to cross over "the ocean of worldly attachments" (i.e. attain moksha or salvation). The temple was built using blocks of large sculpted stones: no preceding king had built a temple on this scale. The "shikhara" (spire) of the temple was adorned with a golden "kalasha" (cupola). Those who oppose the claim about the existence of a Rama temple at the Babri mosque site point out that the verse does not talk about the construction of a "Rama" temple. Historian Irfan Habib notes that the inscription begins with an invocation to Shiva: Based on this, Habib concludes that the temple mentioned in the inscription was a Shiva temple. Historian Ram Sharan Sharma, who dismisses the Vishnu-Hari inscription as a 17th-century inscription, argues that the name "Vishnu-Hari" does not appear in the text "Vishnu sahasranama", which lists a thousand names of Vishnu. Kishore Kunal, based on his interpretation of Verse 5 and Verse 27 (which refers to Ravana), argues that the temple described in the inscription was a Rama temple constructed by Anayachandra, a feudatory of the Gahadavala king Govindachandra. According to him, the temple deity is called "Vishnu-Hari" in this verse for poetic effect: "Vishnu" alliterates with the preceding word "Vyuhai", while "Hari" alliterates with the succeeding word "Hiranya". Kishore mentions that several texts composed around the 10th century mention Rama as Vishnu and Hari, presenting the "Agastya Samhita" as an example. M. G. S. Narayanan also considers the Vishnu-Hari inscription as "clear evidence" that a temple was built at the site of Babri mosque during the reign of Govindachandra. Verses 22-29: Ayushchandra. Verse 22 names the next feudatory ruler as Ayushchandra, the son of Alhana. It states that Anayachandra's shoulders were "tireless shoulders were like safety latches" for the stability of Govindachandra's kingdom. (According to K. V. Ramesh's reading, this expression refers to Alhana, not Ayushchandra.) Verse 23 praises Ayushchandra as a great poet, stating that the great poets could not find his match in Sahasanka or Shudraka. It further boasts that others feared Ayushchandra: the only one who dared draw the bowstring in his presence was Kamadeva, the god of love. Verse 24 continues to applaud Ayushchandra. According to K. V. Ramesh, it states Ayushchandra "was of good conduct and abhorred strife". Kishore Kunal translates this part to state that Ayushchandra "pacified dissension through his righteous conduct". The verse states that the city of Ayodhya was home to "towering abodes, intellectuals and temples". It further states that during while residing at Ayodhya, Ayushchandra constructed "thousands of wells, tanks, rest-houses and ponds" in Saketa-mandala (the province of Ayodhya). According to Kishore Kunal, this verse proves that Ayodhya had "many grand temples" before the Muslim conquest. Verse 25 states that damsels sang praises of Ayushchandra. K. V. Ramesh's translation states that these damsels were "as attractive as the female musk-deer and does", and sang about Ayushchandra's fame as they rested on the "cool surfaces of the Himalayan rocks". Kishore Kunal's translation states that damsels sang of Ayushchandra's praises to prevent their husbands from falling asleep, as they rested "on beds as spotless as the wide surface of a golden mountain"; this fame of Ayushchandra was "very pleasant to the ears of the young musk-deer". Verse 26 praises the splendid physique and gentle demeanour of Ayushchandra, stating that he was a source of joy to good people, just like the holy city of Kashi was a source of salvation for them. Verse 27 compares Ayushchandra to the four avatars of Vishnu: Verse 28 states that the king, with his fierce arms, annihilated the fear caused by the westerners ("pashchatyas"). K. V. Ramesh and some others identify these "westerners" as Ghaznavid Muslim invaders, but others such as A. G. Noorani believe that no such conclusion can be drawn from this verse. The verse is incomplete; Kishore Kunal reconstructs its second line as "The brilliance of the mighty great ruler (spreads) in the east and west like a festive occasion." Verse 29 states that the illustrious Ayushchandra became world-famous because of his subjects' acts of merit (Punya). Identification. Indologist Hans T. Bakker has stated that there was a Vishnu Hari temple at the Chakratirtha ghat in Ayodhya in the twelfth century. Four other temples from this period included a "Harismriti" temple at the Gopratara ghat, "Chandra Hari" temple on the west side of the Svargadwara ghat, "Dharma Hari" temple on the east side of the Svargadwara ghat, and a Vishnu temple at the Ram Janmabhoomi site. One of these temples was swept away by the Sarayu river, the fate of another ("Harismiriti" temple) is unknown, but the other three were replaced by mosques, including the temple at the Janmabhoomi, according to Bakker. Identification as Treta Ka Thakur inscription. Some scholars such as Irfan Habib have alleged that the Vishnu-Hari inscription was brought to Ayodhya from the Lucknow State Museum and planted at the Babri mosque site. Their theory states that the Vishnu-Hari inscription is actually the Treta Ka Thakur inscription, which was found by Alois Anton Führer in the 19th century. The Treta Ka Thakur inscription is mentioned as "Inscription No XLIV" in Führer's 1899 book "The Sharqi Architecture of Jaunpur" (1899). It was discovered in the ruins of the Treta Ka Thakur mosque in Ayodhya. Führer describes it as a 20-line sandstone inscription, broken off at both the ends, and also fragmented into two parts at the middle. According to his book, it was dated 1184 CE (1241 VS), and was issued during the reign of Jayachandra (a grandson of Govindachandra). Führer mentions that the inscription praises Jayachandra for building a Vishnu temple. According to Führer, the sandstone slab containing the inscription originally belonged to the Vishnu temple, and was later used for building the Treta Ka Thakur mosque commissioned by the Mughal emperor Aurangzeb. (The term "Treta Ka Thakur" literally means "the lord of Treta Yuga", that is, Rama.) Führer's book states that inscription was kept at the Faizabad Local Museum. The inscription was never published in the "Epigraphia Indica" or any other text. Führer's Treta Ka Thakur inscription is said to have been transferred from Faizabad to the Lucknow Museum, where it was marked as Inscription No. 53.4. The 1950-54 Annual Report of the Lucknow Museum describes Inscription No. 53.4 as a 20-line sandstone inscription measuring 2'4" x 10.5". According to the Museum records, the inscription was obtained from Faizabad in 1953. The Lucknow Museum register dates the inscription No. 53.4 to the 10th century, while Führer's inscription was dated 1184 CE. According to the Lucknow Museum officials, the registry entries were based "general nature of the inscription", not on its actual reading. This explains the discrepancy in the dates. After the mosque's demolition, allegations arose that the Vishnu-Hari inscription was actually Führer's inscription: it had been brought to Ayodhya from the Lucknow Museum, where it had been replaced with another inscription. In 1994, Varanasi-based scholar Jahnavi Shekhar Roy visited the Lucknow State Museum, and made a copy of the purported Inscription No. 53.4 kept there. He concluded that it was not the inscription described in Führer's 1899 book. He wrote that the Inscription No. 53.4 at Lucknow did not mention a temple or the king Jayachandra. Its two ends were not missing, unlike Führer's inscription, which is described as "broken off at either end". Roy also described the Inscription No. 53.4 as containing only 10 lines. In 2003, scholar Pushpa Prasad wrote an article describing the Lucknow Museum's Inscription No. 53.4 in "Proceedings Of The Indian History Congress, 2003". Citing palaeographic grounds, she claimed that its two fragments originate from two different epigraphs: the top one records a Gahadavala land grant, and the bottom one mentions a Chandela invocation to a deity. According to her, the handwritings on two fragments are from two different scribes. Moreover, the letters in the upper fragment are smaller in size, compared to the letters on the upper fragment. Based on the articles by Roy and Prasad, a section of scholars alleged that the inscription now marked as No. 53.4 in Lucknow museum is not Führer's Treta Ka Thakur inscription. According to Irfan Habib (2007), Führer's inscription was stolen from Lucknow Museum, and planted as the Vishnu-Hari inscription in the Babri mosque debris. Fuhrer's inscription was dated 1184 CE, which means that it would have been issued during the reign of Govindachandra's grandson Jayachandra. Habib alleged that the Hindu activists deliberately damaged the date portion of the inscription to hide this fact. He points out that the inscriptions of Govindachandra mention grandiloquent royal titles such as "Ashva-pati Nara-pati Gaja-pati". But this particular inscription does not mention any such title for Govindachandra. Therefore, he concludes that the "Govindachandra" mentioned in this inscription was not the Gahadavala monarch, but a "weak Gahadavala princeling" of the same name, who was a contemporary of Jayachandra. Habib theorizes that Ayodhya came under the control of the imperial Gahadavalas, sometime after 1184 CE, during Jayachandra's reign. Identification as a 17th century inscription. Some scholars, such as Ram Sharan Sharma and Sita Ram Roy, believe that the Vishnu-Hari inscription can be dated to the 17th century or later. Archaeologist Sita Ram Roy concluded this after studying the Nagari script characters of the inscription, arguing out that these are far more developed than the characters that appear in a 1098 CE inscription of the Gahadavala dynasty's founder Chandradeva. Historian Ram Sharan Sharma argues that the word the Sanskrit "mandira", which occurs in this inscription, originally meant "dwelling" and was not used to describe a Hindu shrine in any Sanskrit text until the 18th century. Moreover, no earlier sources including the writings of the 17th century saint Tulsidas, refer to any temple at Rama's birthplace. Based on these arguments, Sharma concludes that the Vishnu-Hari inscription is a 17th-century inscription that was mysteriously "thrust and concealed in the brick-wall" of the 16th century Babri mosque. Identification as the Rama temple inscription. Kishore Kunal (2016) criticizes Habib's theory, and concludes that the Vishnu-Hari inscription is different from Führer's Treta Ka Thakur inscription. According to him, the Lucknow Museum Inscription No. 53.4 is indeed Führer's inscription. Kishore obtained a photograph of the inscription from the Lucknow museum, and published it in his 2016 book. This photograph shows that the Inscription No. 53 contains 20 lines, thus invalidating Jahnavi Shekhar Roy's claim that it contains only 10 lines. Kishore further claims that the ends of the inscription appear to be broken, just like Führer's inscription. Kishore also criticizes Pushpa Prasad's conclusions about Inscription No. 53.4 as "full of fancies and fictions". He disagrees with her contention that the handwritings on the two fragments look different. According to him, the topmost letters in the upper fragment are the smallest, and their size gradually increases towards the bottom of the upper fragment. The size increases further in the lower fragment. Kishore concludes that the engraver probably started with small letters, but then realized that the remaining space was more than sufficient, and therefore, gradually enlarged the letters. He further points out that several other historical inscriptions also feature variations in letter size, presenting the "Prayaga prashasti" of Samudragupta as an example. Kishore further notes that four letters broken in the upper fragment continue in the lower fragment, which clearly indicates that the two fragments belong to the same inscription. The surviving text appears to be Sanskrit verse written in the "shardulavikridita" metre. The surviving text, as deciphered by Bhavanath Jha, is unintelligible because the sentences are not complete. The extant words in each verse form only one-fourth of a typical "shardulavikridita" metre verse. Based on this, Kishore theorizes that the portion containing these two fragments formed the left part of a four-times larger inscription. The surviving text does not offer any evidence to show that the upper portion describes a land grant, or that the lower part describes invocation to a deity, thus invalidating Prasad's claim. Kishore notes that the Lucknow Museum has no record of any other pre-1953 inscription transferred from the now-defunct Faizabad Museum. According to him, around 40% of the content from the first four lines of Inscription No. 53 appears to have been deliberately removed by a saw or a chisel. This part probably mentioned the date of the inscription (1241 VS), as mentioned in Führer's 1899 book. Since the surviving text does not mention Jayachandra or the construction of a temple, Kishore theorizes that Führer may have dated it to Jayachandra's reign on the basis of its date, and because it appears to praise a king. Similarly, Führer probably assumed that it records the construction of a temple, because it was found at the ruined Treta Ka Thakur mosque, which is said to have been constructed over the ruins of a temple. According to Kishore, Irfan Habib misleadingly translates the line "Govindachandra-kshitipāla-rājya-sthariryāya" in Verse 22 as "for the stability of Govindachandra's kingdom". This translation omits the word "kshitpala", which means "the protector (ruler) of the earth". In addition, the Verse 19 describes Govindachandra as "dharaṇīndra" ("the master of the world"). These royal epithets indicate Govindachandra could not have been a "weak Gahadavala princeling", as claimed by Habib. According to Kishore, this Govindachandra was indeed the Gahadavala monarch. Kishore also notes that Ayodhya has been mentioned in the inscriptions of the Gahadavala monarchs before Jayachandra, including the dynasty's founder Chandradeva as well as in the other inscriptions of Govindachandra. Thus, Habib's theory that Ayodhya came under Jayachandra's control after 1184 CE is inaccurate.

overall parameters

2993-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=63399366

Parramatta Archaeological Site is a heritage-listed urban facility at 45 Macquarie Street, Parramatta, City of Parramatta, New South Wales, Australia. It is also known as Archaeological Site and Associated Artefacts and V by Crown; 45 Macquarie Street; Wheatsheaf Hotel & Convict Hut Archaeological Site; Foundry/Blacksmithy; Industrial Archaeological Site. The property is privately owned. The site was added to the New South Wales State Heritage Register on 5 July 2019. History. Aboriginal and first contact history. The land at Parramatta was the traditional home of the Burramatta people of the Darug language group who had lived there for some 60,000 years before the arrival of the English colonists. The Burramatta people were a coastal or salt water people, a group boardering the area between the coast and the hinterland. Their traditional lands were a place where the hinterland and coastal groups met to trade and perform ceremonial battles and hold corrobores. The word Burramatta means place of the eel and the eel was the totem symbol for the local people. Each year eels gathered at a particular place where the salt water meets the freshwater to "lie down" and fatten up for their journey north to the Coral Sea to spawn. During this time the eels made a significant contribution to the Burramattagal diet. Women fished from boats and men speared fish from the riverbanks or hunted possum in the woodland areas and yam and fruits were gathered from the land. Grass seeds were collected and crushed on stones and later processed into a dough for cooking. Other stones found in the Parramatta area were large and rounded. In April Captain Arthur Phillip sailed up the Parramatta River and declared the land around present day Parramatta to be suitable place for a 'gaol town and farm." By September Phillip declared a settlement at what was then called . Initially there was some bartering between the Burramattagal and the colonists but with increased settlement and the alienation of more and more land by the colonists relations soured. The farms destroyed the yam beds and settlement did not allow the local people to freely move through their lands. Facing the diminishing of traditional foods sources, the Burramattagal took to harvesting the new crops of corn which met with retaliation from the farmers. In 1789 another blow to the indigenous population occurred when their population was decimated by the outbreak of smallpox. While the population was reduced the many indigenous people of western Sydney including the Burramattagal continued to resist the colonial settlers. From 1790, Pemulwuy was widely seen to be the leader of the conflict and resistance against settlers in outlying settlements including Parramatta, Toongabbie, Georges River and Brickfield Hill. In 1797 he was severely wounded during a raid on the government farm at Toongabbie. He was taken to hospital where he subsequently recovered, escaped and continued to fight. Four years later in 1801, Governor King declared that Aboriginals near Parramatta, Georges River and Prospect could be shot on sight and in the following year Pemulwuy was shot by a group of settlers. While first contact resulted in the reduction of the Aboriginal population all over NSW, many people of the western Sydney area including Parramatta, survived and their descendants still live in the area today. History of the township of Parramatta. The following historical overview has been sourced and summarised primarily from the excavation report prepared by Edward Higgenbotham and Associates with historical research by Terry Kass, which provides a comprehensive historical background for the site. The site is in an area of early European settlement in Parramatta, or Rose Hill as it was originally known, which began in late 1788 as a farm to provide much needed crops for the new colony. The Rose Hill farm was converted into a town in 1790 and renamed Parramatta in June 1791. Initial development in the town centred on what are now George, Macquarie and Church Streets, with the construction of several public and government buildings. While some early town leases were granted to prominent free persons, such as civil servants or members of the NSW Corps, most of the town allotments were occupied by convict huts. The allotments on which these stood generally measured 100 feet by 200 feet and the convict huts were usually 24 feet by 12 feet, containing two rooms one slightly larger than the other to house between 10 and 14 convicts. The large allotment size was to allow for the convict residents to establish household gardens for fruit and vegetables. In November 1790, Watkin Tench described the town has containing 32 completed convict huts occupied by men on either side of the main street (now George Street), with an additional nine huts for women on what is now Church Street, and several other huts occupied by convict families. By the following year, there were approximately 100 convict huts in Parramatta. While the town was primarily at this stage a goal town it was not long before town leases were occupied by free persons. In 1796 the first town lease in Parramatta was let to John McArthur for 14 years and was occupied by a former convict who was pardoned in 1794, James Larra. The number of town leases granted to free persons (both emancipists and free settlers) gradually increased between 1800 and 1809. After his establishment as Governor of New South Wales, Macquarie escalated this trend. Macquarie took the view that the township of Parramatta and other towns should be the domain of the free settler and that convicts should be housed in a way that the government could keep a tight rein on the supervision and control of the convict population. To this end, by 1821, a new convict barracks was constructed at Parramatta, removing the need for convict huts on the allotments within the town. Governor Brisbane granted new town leases in Parramatta in 1823, and on 30 June over 300 leases were made, with many of the town's inhabitants gaining secure title. With the increase in the free population and the laying out of several new streets, Parramatta soon grew from a penal, gaol town into a fully-fledged market town. Site specific history. Allotment 16 - remains of convict hut, brick cottage and wheelwrights Workshop. The archaeological site at 45 Macquarie Street contains the remains of a convict hut which was built around 1800. This hut on Allotment 16 was inhabited by a John Paisley until 1823. In 1823 it was occupied by John Walker who was a wheelwright, an Australian born man who married an Australian born woman. It seems he may have started his working life as a wheelwright working for a Hugh Taylor and later went on to run his own successful business. During the 1820s there is evidence the convict hut was used as a bakery and then in the late 1820s Walker added a wheelwrights workshop to the western side of the hut. In 1839 the permissive occupancy for allotment 16 was converted to a Town Grant in John Walkers name and between the years of 1836 and 1844 the original convict hut was replaced by a brick cottage comprising two large rooms flanking a central hall way with a skillion at the rear and attic rooms above. Evidence of various extensions over the life of the house are revealed in the excavation. After John Walker died in 1846 his wife continued to live in the house until 1875. At this time the wife sold the property to John Pratt, a local fruit dealer who soon subdivided the land into two parcels and sold the western parcel on and the western part sold for (Pounds)260, indicating that it already had a house on it. A weatherboard cottage had been erected, but was replaced in 1911 by a Federation-style house.. The eastern parcel was later sold to a Coach Maker, who retained the cottage. Subsequent owners up to the early 1950s when it became the premises of three Dr Maloufs, retained the cottage. Allotment 17 and 18 - Basement of the Shepherd and Flock Inn. Originally there were three convict huts in on the site facing Macquarie Street - on Allotments 16, as discussed above; on Allotment 17, where the basement and drain of the shepherd and Flock is located; and Allotment 18 on the corner of Marsden and Macquarie Streets. The hut on Allotment 18 was the site of the Wheatsheaf Hotel between 1801–1809, making it one of the earliest hotels in Parramatta. Unfortunately the evidence of convict huts on Lots 17 and 18 was so poorly preserved that they could not be preserved in situ and so the majority of the area of Allotment 18 is not included in the SHR listing. Allotment 18 was, from at least 1823, leased to Thomas Reynolds which had become the Shepherd and Flock Inn by 1825. Reynolds was a convict transported to the colony in 1816 on the Ocean. Recommended for emancipation by Rowland Hassel he became a free man in 1820. He married a colonial born woman, Mary Reynolds in 1820 and by 1823 had leased the Allotment 18. Reynolds purchased the neighbouring property in 1823 from William Sully and extended the hotel into this area. The cellar is associated with this extension. The Shepherd and Flock Inn closed in 1870. Recent history. All buildings on the site had been demolished by the early 1950s, and the area was used as a carpark. The area was identified as PHALMS AMU 3190. The site is included in the Parramatta Historical Archaeological Landscape Management Study (PHALMS) completed in 2001 as Archaeological Management Unit (AMU) 3190, likely to contain intact archaeological resources of State significance including the sites of convict huts. The area was excavated in 2005. In 2012 construction began on the "V by Crown" development at 45 Macquarie Street, Parramatta. The innovatively designed residential/commercial development was completed in 2015. In mid-2017 the "V Heritage" Archaeology Display Centre was opened and celebrates the completion of the conservation and interpretive display of the archaeological relics. Description. The Main Display Area includes archaeological remains of the convict hut, built on Allotment 16, Section 12, Town of Parramatta. The archaeological excavations in 2005 revealed how the hut was extended and altered until the 1836–1844. The most significant addition was a wheelwright's workshop on the west side of the convict hut, built by John Walker after he leased the allotment from the Crown in 1823. Remains of a sandstone working floor, spattered with molten iron and also two forges were located in this area. Other important changes to the convict hut included the addition of a brick floor and two large fireplaces on the south wall, one of which may have been a bread oven. The convict hut and its extensions were demolished between 1836 and 1844 to be replaced by a substantial brick cottage with sandstone foundations. There were two large front rooms, a central hallway, front verandah and rear skillion rooms. Above the main rooms were attic bedrooms with dormer windows. The back wall of the skillion had collapsed due to saturation of the soil during a period of heavy rain, coupled with poor drainage. A large timber outbuilding was built over these footings to extend the back of the house in the late nineteenth century. The cottage was finally demolished in the 1950s but the land remained vacant until the 1990s. A failed development resulted in a series of concrete piles being drilled through the archaeological remains, but left most of the site intact. The second Display Area includes the cellar of the Shepherd and Flock Inn, licensed from 1825 to 1870. The stone built cellar, with intact timber floor, was backfilled with demolition material and a layer of charcoal, indicating alarge fire. The dating of the cellar could only be resolved during the archaeological investigations to open up the site for display in 2016. The cellar is now known to have straddled the boundary between Allotments 17 and 18. Allotment 18 was leased to John Graham on 1 January 1806. It was the site of the Wheatsheaf Hotel from 1801 to 1809, which was housed within a typical convict hut and its extensions. The allotment was leased to Thomas Reynolds in 1823, when he also bought the lease to Allotment 17. The cellar was built over the site of the east wall of the former convict hut on Allotment 17, thus revealing the encroachment onto Allotment 17. Neither of the convict huts on Allotments 17 and 18 could be conserved in situ, since their remains were so poorly preserved. Condition. As at 5 August 2005, of the sites on the Macquarie Street frontage, the remains on former Allotment 16 and the cellar on Allotment 17-18 were preserved in a condition that was suitable for conservation, interpretation and display. Both the cellar and the lower levels of the convict hut presented waterlogged or anaerobic conditions, allowing for the preservation of the timber floor of the cellar and some of the lower timbers of the convict hut. Not all the timbers could be conserved and in some cases modern timbers have been used to indicate the positions of original timbers in the displays. One of the most unusual features was the depth of stratigraphy on Allotment 16, with over a metre from the original topsoil to the current kerb height on Macquarie Street. Pollen samples were taken from the soil profile, revealing the changing environment over time and the presence of cereal pollen at the beginning of historical settlement, when Rose Hill was a government farm from 1788 to 1790. The depth of stratigraphy also allowed assemblages from each period of occupation to be treated separately, revealing the paucity of material comforts for the early convict occupants Modifications and dates. Other development postdates hotel. Further information. The depth of stratigraphy on the Macquarie Street frontage of Allotment 16 preserved intact the remains of the convict hut and its extensions, including the wheelwrights workshop. These were overlain by demolition layers and only partially cut through by the later brick cottage, built between 1836 and 1844. The demolition of the cottage in the 1950s also provided protection for the underlying archaeology. Initially it was thought that the concrete piers from the failed 1990s development had destroyed the archaeological remains, but excavation proved their intactness. Because the site had been in a low lying and poorly drained area, there was a historical tendency to build up the ground around the archaeological sites to the level of Macquarie Street, in order to avoid flooding. The preservation of the archaeological remains on Allotment 16 is therefore largely due to this accumulation of layers and to waterlogging of the lower soil profile. The adjacent buildings on Allotment 17 and 18 were located on higher ground and did not therefore have a similar stratigraphic history. These sites tended to be cut down to the level of the adjacent streets. This resulted in the poor preservation of building remains except for the most recent, but did allow the deep cellar of the Shepherd Inn to survive. Heritage listing. As at 17 January 2019, the two in situ archaeological displays at 45 Macquarie Street, Parramatta are of state heritage significance for their historical values demonstrating the development of Parramatta, the second settlement in NSW, from a Goal Town to a Market Town between the years 1790 and 1823. The in situ remains and wealth of individual artefacts collected from the site, some of which are on permanent display, are compelling evidence of the important role of convicts, native born and free migrants in this transformation. The archaeological site is of state significance as pollen samples from the site are evidence of the first crops, including cereal crops of barley sown in Parramatta from 1788 to 1790. The site is of state heritage significance for its aesthetic values as examples of traditional building and construction technology and for the visual appeal or attractiveness of the in-situ retention of the archaeological remains. The site and its treatment archaeologically as an in-situ museum, is of state significance for the esteem in which it is held in the community, including the community of archaeologists, heritage professionals and those with an interest in our colonial beginnings, not only in Parramatta, but also New South Wales and nationally. The archaeological site is of state heritage significance for its research significance as the excavation has provided evidence relating to a number of research questions relating to the development of Parramatta, the colony's second settlement, from a Gaol Town to Market Town and the progress of settlement in New South Wales as a whole. The Archaeological Site at 45 Macquarie Street, Parramatta is of state heritage significance as it contains a rare well-preserved example of a "convict hut" in the second settlement in the colony of NSW. It also has state level rarity values as, unlike other sites at Parramatta, it provides clear physical evidence of an early convict hut as well as later layers of the sites occupation as a bakery, wheel wrights workshop, masonry residence and evidence of the origins and expansion of the Shepherd and Flock Hotel. As such it clearly demonstrates the transformation of the settlement at Parramatta from a Gaol Town to a Market Town in the early decades of European occupation. The site is of state heritage significance as a rare example of the management of an important archaeological site to be retained and conserved in situ rather than excavated and salvaged off site. The archaeological site at 45 Macquarie St Parramatta is of state heritage significance as a fine example of a remnant "convict hut" at one of the four original colonial settlements. It also represents the evolution and growth of Parramatta and the colony in its first 50 to 60 years. Parramatta Archaeological Site was listed on the New South Wales State Heritage Register on 5 July 2019 having satisfied the following criteria. The place is important in demonstrating the course, or pattern, of cultural or natural history in New South Wales. The two in situ archaeological displays and associated artefacts are of state heritage significance for their historical values demonstrating the development of Parramatta, the second settlement in NSW, from a Goal Town to a Market Town between the years 1790 and 1823. There is compelling evidence on site of the important role of convicts, native born and free migrants in this transformation. Allotment 16 was occupied by firstly by a convict named John Paisley and later a colonial born man John Walker who eventually established a wheel wrights workshop on the property. He prospered and replaced the convict hut with a brick cottage. The basement remains are of a hotel established by Thomas Reynolds, a convict who made good in the town of Parramatta in the decades from 1820s to the late 1840s. The Shepherd and Flock was established on the site of one of the earlier hotels in the area. The basement, located on adjacent land bought to extend the hotel premises, demonstrates the growth of the township and colonial society in the early to mid-19th century. The Archaeological Site and associated artefacts are of state significance as pollen samples from the site have been analysed and shown to contain which contain pollens from cereal from the first crops sown in Parramatta from 1788 to 1790. John Walker died in 1846, but his widow lived in the house until 1875. The convict hut on the corner of Marsden Street was leased to John Graham on 1 January 1806. This lease is one of only two pre 1823 leases that can be located on the south side of Macquarie Street. It was the site of the Wheatsheaf Hotel from 1801 to 1809, one of the earlier hotels in Parramatta. The allotment was leased to Thomas Reynolds in 1823 and by 1825 had become the Shepherd and Flock Inn. Reynolds had purchased the neighbouring Allotment 17 in 1823, enabling him to extend the Hotel across this boundary. The cellar therefore represents an extension of the Wheatsheaf / later Shepherd Inn building, which closed in 1870. Both allotments are important examples of the trends of development from a gaol town to a market town, a process that had largely been completed by 1823. The place is important in demonstrating aesthetic characteristics and/or a high degree of creative or technical achievement in New South Wales. The Archaeological Site and associated artefacts at 45 Macquarie Street are of state heritage significance as it is the first archaeological excavation in Parramatta that revealed remains of a convict hut. Most convict huts reveal only a pattern of post-holes. This convict hut retained waterlogged timber posts, but more importantly a brick floor, associated ovens and the adjacent wheelwrights workshop, showing how the building was extended and used for different purposes over time. The later walls of the overlying 1840s cottage reveal well-built sandstone and brick walls of a large cottage. The remains of buildings and the cellar possess aesthetic significance as examples of traditional building technology and for visual appeal or attractiveness of the in-situ retention of the remains. The place has a strong or special association with a particular community or cultural group in New South Wales for social, cultural or spiritual reasons. The site and collection are of state significance as the investigation, conservation and management of the heritage values of the subject site is deemed of interest and concern to a broader community, including the community of archaeologists, heritage professionals and those with an interest in our colonial beginnings, not only in Parramatta, but also New South Wales and nationally. The place has potential to yield information that will contribute to an understanding of the cultural or natural history of New South Wales. The Archaeological Site and associated artefacts, 45 Macquarie Street, Parramatta, is of state heritage significance for its research significance as the excavation has provided evidence relating to a number of research questions about the foundation of the colony of NSW. The findings contribute to our understanding of the site, the development of Parramatta, the colony's second settlement, from a Gaol Town to Market Town and the progress of settlement in New South Wales as a whole. The place possesses uncommon, rare or endangered aspects of the cultural or natural history of New South Wales. The Archaeological Site and associated artefacts at 45 Macquarie Street, Parramatta are of state heritage significance as it contains a rare, well preserved example of a convict hut in the second settlement in the colony of NSW. While other huts in Parramatta and the other first four settlements in NSW have evidence of convict huts, this site is unique in that there are significant samples of timber surviving in the post holes for the hut on allotment 16. There is also evidence of convict hut at allotment 18 although this is not so well preserved. The site also demonstrates the transformation of the settlement at Parramatta from a Gaol Town to a Market Town through evidence of the transformation of the convict hut on allotment 16 is firstly adapted to a residence and then replaced with a timber and masonry house as the occupant, John Walker, established his business as a Wheelwright and prospered. The basement of the Shepherd and Flock Hotel demonstrates the evolution of the site at Allotment 18 from convict hut to hotel and the further expansion of the hotel as the proprietor, Thomas Reynolds improves his business through the early to mid-1800s. The site had a substantial depth of stratigraphy, enabling separation of the artefact assemblage into several datable phases, from convict occupation, through to the 1880s and later. The site is also be of state heritage significance as a rare example of the management of an important archaeological site to be retained and conserved in situ rather than excavated and salvaged off site. Of the 48 terrestrial -archaeological sites listed on the SHR this is one of only five sites of excavated archaeology dating from the early colonial years which has been retained, conserved and interpreted in situ. The place is important in demonstrating the principal characteristics of a class of cultural or natural places/environments in New South Wales. The Archaeological Site and associated artefacts at 45 Macquarie Street is of state heritage significance as a fine example of a convict hut at one of the four original colonial settlements. It also represents the evolution and growth of Parramatta and the colony in its first 50 to 60 years. The information that has been gained from the study of the assemblages from this site provide representative examples of the information that can be gained from artefact analysis.

fruitless project

2870-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=19556161

A cat repeller is a device or substance used to discourage cats from entering an area, or to encourage them to leave if they do enter. Such deterrents are most commonly used by gardeners, in order to prevent damage to their gardens, to avoid cat feces, or to protect birds. Devices. Ultrasonic devices. Many retailers sell devices which exploit the discomforting effects of in-air ultrasound. These devices are usually combined with a motion sensor which is triggered by movement within the sensors range. This causes the device to emit high frequency noise which is uncomfortable to the cats, and inaudible to most humans (although they can still experience unpleasant subjective effects and, potentially, shifts in the hearing threshold). The devices are available in both battery and mains operated forms, the latter generally having a higher output, greater range and requiring less attention. Some cats are immune to ultrasonic cat deterrents, mainly the ones which are hard of hearing. There are also reports that the devices take a while to become effective, as some cats will stand their ground in a futile attempt to make the deterrent go away. Moving the device to different locations regularly and combining with another form of cat repellent may make these devices more effective. A statistical survey into customer satisfaction levels with ultrasonic deterrents concluded that 80% of owners expressed satisfaction with the results of ultrasonic deterrent devices. The Royal Society for the Protection of Birds (RSPB), has endorsed a commercial product called "CatWATCH", for which it receives 2% of the wholesale price of every device sold by the manufacturer. The RSPB tested the original CatWATCH device in a study using 63 and 96 volunteer observers in two long-running (18 and 33 weeks) blind experiments. Results from the study indicated that the device did have a moderate deterrent effect, reducing the probability of a previous cat intrusion into a garden by approximately 32% in the first experiment, but not in the longer running second experiment. Scatter guns are another form of ultrasonic device. These laser-aiming devices can be targeted at cats and activated by a trigger. They will send out an ultrasonic noise directed where aimed. Professor Timothy Leighton from the Institute of Sound and Vibration Research, has expressed concern about the recent growth in commercial products which exploit the discomforting effects of in-air ultrasound. Leighton claims that commercial products are often advertised with cited levels which cannot be critically accepted due to lack of accepted measurement standards for ultrasound in air, and little understanding of the mechanism by which they may represent a hazard. Electric fences. Commercially produced electric fences are available, specifically marketed to keep cats out of or within a defined area. These systems work on voltages low enough to deter but not cause harm to cats. Typically they require a physical fence too high for a cat to jump over, with an electrified wire strung along the top. Care must be taken with the strength of electric current used. Animals. Dogs. Canines are naturally territorial and will keep cats at bay. Substances. Crystals. A more traditional cat repeller is to use jelly-like crystals containing methyl nonyl ketone, designed to be scattered around the garden, or around the areas the cat likes to foul. These repellents give off a smell that is very unpleasant to the cat, causing it to avoid that place. Citronella. Citronella oil, used for repelling insects, can also be used to get rid of cats. Citronella sticks are a common form, coming in citronella-impregnated plastic "repeller sticks". Lion dung. Although lion dung is supported by the British organisation Cats Protection to be effective in deterring cats, an episode of "MythBusters" found it completely ineffective as a cat repellent. In addition, an anecdotal experience reported by the BBC also found that it was not effective.

minimal consideration

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=27600743

County routes in Suffolk County, New York, are maintained by the Suffolk County Department of Public Works and signed with the Manual on Uniform Traffic Control Devices-standard yellow-on-blue pentagon route marker. The designations do not follow any fixed pattern. Routes 1 to 25 are listed below. County Route 1. County Route 1 is known as County Line Road and extends for through the town of Babylon. It begins at NY 27A (Montauk Highway) in Amityville and heads north to the intersection of Joyce Avenue in East Farmingdale. Parts of the road enter Nassau County; however, the Nassau County sections are not part of CR 1. County Route 2. County Route 2 is mostly known as Straight Path and extends from the village of Amityville to the town of Huntington. It begins at an intersection with NY 110 in Amityville and heads east along Dixon Avenue to CR 47 in Copiague. From there it begins to move to the northeast until it eventually becomes Straight Path before the intersection with NY 27 in North Lindenhurst. The road widens into a four-lane divided highway ahead of its junction with CR 3 (Wellwood Avenue). This intersection contains turning ramps on all corners except the southwest corner, where Heathcote Road ends. The divider ends at Sherbrooke Road and the North Lindenhurst Fire Department, where the road returns to a four-lane undivided highway. The road intersects an at-grade crossing with the Central Branch of the Long Island Rail Road. From there the road crosses NY 109 and meets the Southern State Parkway. As CR 2 approaches the interchange with the parkway, the road becomes narrower despite remaining four lanes wide. On the northwest corner of this interchange is the beginning of St. Johns Catholic Cemetery, where the road widens to accommodate a center left-turn lane. The northern border of the cemetery is along Edison Avenue, located near the intersection with Little East Neck Road in Wyandanch. CR 2 narrows to two lanes with stretches occasionally featuring medians. North of Commonwealth Drive, the road become four lanes with no left-turn lane until it approaches the vicinity of Wyandanch Station. Past Winter Avenue, CR 2 narrows back down to two lanes, but with a center left-turn lane. The road continues in this manner until it reaches its terminus at an intersection with NY 231 in Half Hollow Hills. CR 2 was assigned on January 27, 1930, to the portion of its alignment between Albany Avenue in Amityville and modern NY 231 in Huntington. It was extended west along Dixon Avenue to NY 110 on February 5, 1943, replacing CR 2A. An extension beyond NY 231 was proposed during the 1960s and 1970s and officially added to CR 2's alignment on June 22, 1961. The terminus was to be at the Long Island Motor Parkway; however, this extension was never built. The intersection between CR 2 and NY 27 was once intended to be upgraded into an interchange. County Route 2A. County Route 2A was a former suffixed extension of CR 2 assigned to Dixon Avenue between NY 110 and NY 27 from the 1930s to February 5, 1943 County Route 3. County Route 3 is a north-south road that includes Wellwood Avenue and Pinelawn Road. It runs mostly parallel to NY 110 until it crosses over the Long Island Expressway, where it moves to the northwest to use NY 110 before its northern terminus with Walt Whitman Road. County Route 3 begins as Wellwood Avenue on the Lindenhurst village line at Perry Street in North Lindenhurst, which quickly encounters a cloverleaf interchange with NY 27, where the road briefly becomes a four-lane divided highway until the intersection of Spieglehagen Street and becomes a four-lane undivided highway. The road divides again at CR 2 (Straight Path), and includes a northwest to northeast turning ramp. The divider ends at June Street, and the road returns to a four-lane undivided highway. As the road intersects an at-grade crossing with the LIRR Central Branch and becomes a divided highway again north of Gear Avenue as it approaches NY 109. North of NY 109, CR 3 runs through the center of the Cemetery zone of southwestern Suffolk County along the following burial grounds; Before leaving the cemetery zone, CR 3 becomes a divided highway again and passes by the headquarters of "Newsday", which also includes the former right-of-way for the Long Island Motor Parkway. Both of these sites are on the southwest corner of CR 3 and CR 5 (Ruland Road). North of unsigned CR 5 (Ruland Road), CR 3 becomes Pinelawn Road, and runs parallel to Old East Neck Road until hitting Half Hollow Road, which leads to the only remaining drivable section of Long Island Motor Parkway (CR 67. From there, CR 3 takes a northwesterly turn and crosses over the Long Island Expressway east of exit 49, where it becomes a four-lane highway again approaching NY 110. CR 3 and Pinelawn Road end just north of NY 110 at Walt Whitman Road. The road continues northward as Sweet Hollow Road as it meanders through the Manetto Hills area past Gwynne Park and West Hills County Park before reaching NY 25, but not as CR 3. County Route 4. County Route 4 consists mainly of Commack Road. The road starts at a northeast angle off of NY 231, and immediately has an intersection with Carll's Straight Path to the northwest. The road continues to the northeast as it crosses the Main Line of the Long Island Rail Road. A realigned section exists on the western border of the former Edgewood State Hospital and current Pilgrim State Hospital. The segment in front of Edgewood Hospital was intended to either be replaced by or run parallel to the formerly proposed Babylon–Northport Expressway. Between the Long Island Expressway and Jericho Turnpike, Commack Road is a four-lane undivided highway with sporadic residential frontage roads. Similar features were installed on parts of Larkfield Road and CR 11 (Pulaski Road). North of NY 25, CR 4 becomes Townline Road. Though the first two sites consist of churches listed on the National Register of Historic Places, the rest of the area is standard residential suburbia. North of Dovecote Lane, Townline Road runs mostly along the border between the towns of Huntington and Smithtown. New York State Bicycle Route 25A is shared with CR 4 between Burr Road and Scholar Road. The designation for CR 4 ends at the intersection at Clay Pitts Road in Commack, but the roadway continues northward towards NY 25A in Fort Salonga. County Route 5. County Route 5 is a short, unsigned industrial county route known as Ruland Road and Colonial Springs Road. It runs parallel to a former section of the original Long Island Motor Parkway, beginning at an intersection with New York State Route 110 and heading east. The road passes the headquarters of "Newsday" and the northern end of Long Island National Cemetery, before terminating just east of the intersection with Little East Neck Road North at the Huntington/Babylon town line in Wheatley Heights. County Route 6. County Route 6 is Rabro Drive and serves the Hauppauge Industrial Park and the state and county government office buildings. The road begins at an intersection with County Route 108 and proceeds east to New York State Route 111, all within the hamlet of Hauppauge. The entire route is in Hauppauge. County Route 7. County Route 7, better known as Wicks Road, runs south to north from CR 13 to the Long Island Motor Parkway (at the former Long Island Expressway exit 54). The road is entirely in Brentwood. The road was named for Francis Moses Asbury Wicks (1818-1867), a wealthy landowner and politician who owned the land in the vicinity of the former Thompson's (LIRR station), and later Pine Aire (LIRR station). His home, a large and rambling farmhouse, served as the railroad depot, inn, and general store. Originally, Wicks Road ran further north than CR 67 onto part of what is today Moreland Road, across the Northern State Parkway to the west side of Hoyt's Farm Town Park, and as far north as NY 25. The entire route is in Brentwood. County Route 8. County Route 8 was reserved for the never-built Yaphank Bypass. It was intended to be a new four-lane road beginning at the vicinity of exit 66 of the Long Island Expressway, running west of the Carman's River and terminating at CR 21 near Bayliss (Bailey) Road. County Route 9. County Route 9, known as Greenlawn Road and Cuba Hill Road, is an unsigned county road that runs through the town of Huntington. The road runs northwest to southeast, beginning as Greenlawn Road and crossing over the Long Island Rail Road as Cuba Hill Road. Its northern terminus is East Main Street (NY 25A) in Huntington, and it ends across from Burr Road at the intersection of Elwood Road (CR 10) in Elwood. CR 9 serves BAE Systems Long Island, located at the corner of Cuba Hill Road and Pulaski Road (CR 11) in Greenlawn, and James H. Boyd Intermediate School. The section of CR 9 between Little Plains Road and the intersection with Elwood Road (CR 10) is part of New York State Bicycle Route 25A. The Greenlawn Road portion of CR 9 was formerly CR 34 and was reassigned in 1930. The expansion of CR 9 led from the Long Island Rail Road tracks to CR 10, Elwood Road. This expansion, today, is known as Cuba Hill Road, and was added on December 26, 1936. CR 34 was appended onto CR 9 sometime after the 1960s. The road is currently unsigned; however, there were once signs that marked CR 9. County Route 10. County Route 10, commonly referred to as Elwood Road, is a two-lane suburban county road. It runs from NY 25 in Elwood to NY 25A in Northport. From the 1950s into the 1980s, there were proposals by the New York State Department of Transportation to build the Babylon–Northport Expressway within the vicinity of the west side of Elwood Road, with interchanges at both ends that included ramps utilizing CR 10. Suburban sprawl and public opposition to the roadway has resulted in the cancellation of the highway. County Route 11. County Route 11, commonly referred to as Pulaski Road, runs west to east between Cold Spring Harbor and Kings Park. CR 11 provides the closest access to the Port Jefferson Branch of the Long Island Rail Road, which runs roughly parallel to the tracks throughout its span in northwestern Suffolk County. County Route 11A. County Route 11A was a former suffixed extension of CR 11 assigned to Pulaski Road between CR 86 and CR 10 from January 26, 1931 to September 21, 1966 County Route 11B. County Route 11B was a former suffixed extension of CR 11 assigned to Pulaski Road between NY 110 and CR 86 from December 28, 1931 to September 21, 1966 County Route 11C. County Route 11C was a former suffixed extension of CR 11 assigned to Pulaski Road between NY 108 and NY 110 from November 27, 1933 to September 21, 1966 County Route 12. County Route 12 runs west to east along Oak Street, Hoffman Avenue and Railroad Avenue, parallel to the Babylon Branch of the Long Island Rail Road. It begins at an intersection of CR 1 and Old Sunrise Highway (unsigned NY 900D) and ends at CR 96 at the village of Babylon line in West Babylon. CR 12 was originally a suffixed extension of CR 50 until 1959. At the intersection of CR 47, the elevated Copiague Station over the street is visible to the north. The station can also be seen from the next block at the intersection of an unnamed street leading to Railroad Avenue. The Babylon Branch finally runs along the north side of Oak Street between Garfield and Strong Avenues, where it crosses the Copiague–Lindenhurst village line. In Lindenhurst, the name of CR 12 is changed to Hoffman Avenue. However, this name is also shared by a street running parallel to it on the north side of the Babylon Branch maintained by the village. East of the intersection with CR 3, the road passes in front of Lindenhurst Station, while the village of Lindenhurst's Hoffman Avenue runs behind it. In West Babylon, CR 12's name is changed to South Railroad Avenue, a name it will hold onto upon crossing the border with the village of Babylon. At the border, which is at the intersection of CR 96, is the eastern terminus of CR 12. The roadway east of the terminus reaches NY 109, where it becomes Trolley Line Road, named for the former Babylon Railroad Company, which used the street as part of the route for its streetcar. County Route 13. County Route 13 is a county road that runs north to south from CR 4 near Commack to NY 27A in Bay Shore which includes Fifth Avenue and Crooked Hill Road.. The road runs primarily east of Robert Moses Causeway and Sagtikos State Parkway, until it crosses over the Sagtikos Parkway in the vicinity of Pilgrim State Hospital. The route was added to the county highway system on April 28, 1930, and extensions were made on July 9, 1945. CR 13 begins at NY 27A in Bay Shore. It heads northwest as the northbound one-way Fifth Avenue, part of a one-way couplet that includes the southbound-only North Clinton Avenue (CR 13A) one block to the west. They converge south of CR 57 (Howell's Road) itself located just south of NY 27. CR 13 moves over the main road and service roads of Sunrise Highway (NY 27), connecting to the highway by way of exit 43, a cloverleaf interchange. Continuing on, Fifth Avenue meets Brook Avenue, which leads to a shopping mall along Sunrise Highway before looping back to meet Third Avenue in Bay Shore. Past Brook Avenue, the route takes on a more northerly routing as it heads into North Bay Shore and connects to the Heckscher State Parkway at exit 42. Farther north, CR 13 passes by the Entenmann's bakery factory prior to crossing the Main Line of the Long Island Rail Road and intersecting CR 100 (Suffolk Avenue) in Brentwood. The route's run as Fifth Avenue ends just north of CR 100 at a junction with CR 7 (Wicks Road), which continues north from the intersection on the routing established by Fifth Avenue. CR 13, meanwhile, forks to the northwest as Crooked Hill Road. Not far from CR 7, the route serves both the Pilgrim State Psychiatric Center and Suffolk County Community College's Grant Campus and connects to the Sagtikos State Parkway at exit S2. Crooked Hill Road was originally southbound exit S1 on the Sagtikos Parkway. A traffic circle also existed at the southbound ramps to and from the parkway. When the nearby Long Island Expressway was constructed, the southbound off-ramp was eliminated, but the on-ramp was left intact. The reconstruction of the Long Island Expressway–Sagtikos Parkway interchange from 1988–1991 revived a southbound connection from the parkway to Crooked Hill Road via exit S1W. Today, and as always, Crooked Hill Road is also accessible from exit S2, which connect to roads within the grounds of the Pilgrim State Psychiatric Center, including unsigned CR 106 (Community College Drive). The route continues on, descending Crooked Hill to reach the Long Island Expressway and its service roads. It crosses under the highway between exits 52 and 53, but has no ramps to or from the main road. Instead, the only access is to the service roads that lead to the expressway westbound and from the expressway eastbound. North of the expressway, CR 13 begins to head in a more north–northeasterly direction that takes it on a largely parallel routing to that of nearby CR 4 (Commack Road). CR 13 ends when the two roads finally converge just south of the Long Island Motor Parkway (CR 67) in Commack. County Route 13A. County Route 13A is the southbound only segment of CR 13 in downtown Bay Shore. At the intersection of Reil Place all southbound traffic along CR  13 shifts to a parallel street called Clinton Avenue. This segment was designated CR 53 until May 22, 1967. North of this switch, Clinton Avenue runs parallel to Fifth Avenue as a two-way street, until the intersection with Joseph Avenue, only to be cut off by the interchange with Sunrise Highway. Both CR 13 and CR 13A cross the LIRR Montauk Branch and intersect with CR 50 (Union Boulevard) before terminating at NY 27A. The entire route is in Bay Shore, and the junction list below runs from north to south. County Route 14. County Route 14 is a county highway running south to north from NY 25 (Jericho Turnpike) in Commack to NY 25A in Kings Park. It runs parallel to the east of Sunken Meadow State Parkway. CR 14 ends at NY 25A near Kings Park Station, just two blocks east of CR 11. North of NY 25A, the road turns into Church Street, then Kohr Road, and runs along the east side of Sunken Meadow State Park until ending at Sunken Meadow Road. CR 14 was first added to the county highway system on January 27, 1930. A portion of former CR 2 (Straight Path) was added to CR 14 on June 22, 1961. In 1978, New York State Department of Transportation built an interchange to-and-from the northbound lane of the Sunken Meadow State Parkway, in order to prevent accidents from motorists trying to cross NY 25 in order to get to CR 14 at exit SM3 E. This interchange was designated exit SM3A. West-to-northbound motorists from NY 25 use the on-ramp from this newer interchange to get to the parkway. County Route 15. County Route 15, Maple Avenue, was an unsigned, county highway in Smithtown. The route began at an intersection with NY 111 to NY 25 and NY 25A (Main Street). CR 15 was added to the county highway system on January 27, 1930 and is no longer recognized by the Suffolk County Department of Public Works nor the New York State Department of Transportation. The entire route was in the Community of Smithtown. County Route 16. County Route 16 is a county-maintained highway stretching from NY 25 in Village of the Branch eastward to Montauk Highway (CR 80) in Brookhaven consisting of part of five roads: Terry Road, Smithtown Boulevard, Lake Shore Drive (formerly East Lake Terrace), Portion Road, and Horse Block Road. CR 16 has been in the Suffolk County highway system since January 27, 1930. Though CR 16 has run consistently from the Town of Smithtown to the Town of Brookhaven since the mid-1960s, this was not always the case. Many segments have been part of other county roads. Lake Shore Drive and Portion Road used to be part of CR 19 from the Smithtown–Brookhaven town line to Waverly Avenue in Farmingville. In 1960, this terminus was moved to Patchogue–Holbrook Road. The construction of Sunrise Highway in 1957 lead to the realignment of Horseblock Road west of its original eastern terminus with South Country Road (former Montauk Highway) in South Haven. Because the interchange is shared with CR 21, the new alignment was originally designated as CR 21A. Horse Block Road used to be a western extension of CR 56 between Victory Avenue, a frontage road along Sunrise Highway that begins at CR 46, in Brookhaven and Waverly Avenue in Farmingville. In 1964, it was moved only to Victory Avenue. County Route 17. County Route 17 is a county road located in western Suffolk County. The route runs south-to-north from NY 27A in East Islip to NY 111 in Hauppauge, just south of exit 56 on I-495 (the Long Island Expressway). Originally, CR 17 was an alignment of NY 111 (designated as State Highway 1208 internally). On September 13, 1966, the alignment was transferred from the state to Suffolk County and redesignated CR 17. The exit with the Heckscher State Parkway was added in the early 1990s. The NY 111 designation was moved from Carleton Avenue to Islip Avenue, which runs parallel to Carleton Avenue between NY 27A and I-495, on September 13, 1966, in order to facilitate access to the Heckscher State Parkway. Evidence of County Road 17's former status as a State Highway can be found at the railroad bridge in Islip, which carries the Montauk Line of the Long Island Rail Road. Between then and the mid-to-late 1980s, CR 17 passed over the Heckscher State Parkway with no access, other than to nearby frontage roads that were used for residents. Exit 43A, linking CR 17 to the parkway, was built in the 1980s. Carleton Avenue also runs through the grounds of the former Central Islip Psychiatric Center. Nursing quarters were located on a frontage road along the west side of the street. The hospital was closed in 1990, and converted into a campus for the New York Institute of Technology. The road was widened to four lanes in the 1990s from Heckscher Parkway to the northern terminus of the former hospital grounds. North of the NYIT Campus, Carleton Avenue squeezes through downtown Central Islip. The former Central Islip railroad station was on the corner of the Main Line of the Long Island Rail Road just south of County Road 100 (Suffolk Avenue). A modernized station was built down the tracks on the corner of CR 100 and Lowell Avenue. North of Suffolk Avenue, CR 17 moves northwest onto Wheeler's Road. This section kept its given name while NY 111 was renamed "Wheeler Road" in order to distinguish the state route from CR 17. From there, CR 17 crosses County Road 67 (the Long Island Motor Parkway) and encounters Bridge Road, a side road that mainly runs parallel to Motor Parkway for much of its run south of the Long Island Expressway. The northern terminus is at a fork in the road with NY 111 roughly 250 yards south of I-495. The NY 111/CR 17 intersection has quite a history. It was originally an at-grade interchange with an overhead expressway signpost holding two signs mounted on the corner that could be seen from the Long Island Expressway. The NY 111 shield was moved from one sign to the next in 1966, but the outline of the former NY 111 shield could still be seen on the original sign. Eventually, as the road was downgraded and the area developed, this sign came down. A Texaco gas station was built at the fork in the road in the mid-1970s. It was shortly converted into a Park and Ride for traffic from the Long Island Expressway. County Route 18. County Route 18 was a county highway along Broadway Avenue from east of Sayville to Holbrook. It was an unsigned two-lane arterial spanning from Montauk Highway (CR 85) to CR 19 (Patchogue–Holbrook Road). A former segment of Broadway Avenue called "Old Broadway Avenue" runs east of the segment between Montauk Highway and somewhere south of Sunrise Highway along the border of Sans Soucci Lakes County Park and near a former Girl Scouts of the USA camp. The route was added to the Suffolk County highway system on January 27, 1930. County Route 19. County Route 19 is a south–north arterial through central Suffolk County. The highway begins at an intersection with CR 65 in Patchogue. It connects several bedroom communities with major highways such as I-495 (the Long Island Expressway) and NY 27. CR 19 terminates at an intersection with CR 16 in Lake Ronkonkoma. The route was added to the Suffolk County highway system on January 27, 1930, and was amended on January 29, 1965. The highway's southern terminus is at CR 65 (Division Street). It serves as a widened, upgraded version of local West Street, which continues south of Division Street toward the Great South Bay. The starting point of the highway is immediately to the west of the Long Island Rail Road's Patchogue station. The road heads north and crosses Montauk Highway just west of downtown Patchogue. The road then curves west as it forms the southern bank of Great Patchogue Lake. Curving north again after passing the lake, the road assumes the name of Waverly Avenue, a pre-existing road that extends south of CR 19 toward Montauk Highway. Still with four lanes, the road passes near Saint Joseph's College's Patchogue branch campus before crossing NY 27 (Sunrise Highway). The diamond interchange here was built between 1988 and 1991 when NY 27 was converted from an urban boulevard to a limited-access freeway, although it was originally planned as a cloverleaf interchange. Leaving the Patchogue area, the road curves slightly left, as Waverly Avenue (unsigned CR 61) leaves CR 19 and continues its north–south route. Just to the north, CR 19 (now Patchogue–Holbrook Road) intersects two more partial-limited access highways. CR 99 (Woodside Avenue), which leads to the IRS center at Holtsville, has its terminus at CR 19 with a traffic signal. Less than a quarter mile to the north, CR 97 (Nicolls Road) passes overhead and has a diamond interchange with CR 19. Now entering Holbrook, the road divides various large bedroom communities. As it nears downtown Holbrook, the road moves onto a new alignment that was built between 1971 and 1973 to bypass the hamlet. After this bypass was built, the old section was renamed Main Street, eliminated between the new section and former CR 18 (Broadway Avenue) and designated CR 19A (now a former route). The new alignment carries four lanes up and over the Long Island Rail Road's Main Line, and was intended to have an interchange with Union Avenue and Main Street. Reassuming its former alignment, CR 19 then crosses the Long Island Expressway (I-495) with another diamond interchange. This interchange was the eastern terminus of the Long Island Expressway until 1971. After the Long Island Expressway interchange, the highway narrows to just two lanes with center turn lane. The road again takes an S-curve to the west before heading north again. Halfway within this S-curve, CR 19 was originally intended to terminate at the never built "MacArthur Airport Expressway." The character of this northernmost portion of the road is quite different from the rest, as the road has a much lower speed limit and even passes through a school zone roughly a mile before the terminus at CR 16. County Route 19A. County Route 19A was a former segment of CR 19 in Holbrook. When Patchogue–Holbrook Road was realigned, this section was named Main Street. The old alignment goes "around" Holbrook, which was realigned to carry four lanes up and over the Long Island Rail Road's Main Line, which was intended to have an interchange with Union Avenue and Main Street. The entire route is in Holbrook. County Route 20. County Route 20 was the unsigned designation for a portion of North Country Road from NY 25A in Port Jefferson, just north of the railroad station, to an intersection with NY 25A in Sound Beach. CR 20 was added to the county highway system on January 27, 1930. Until the 1980s, it also included Sheep Pasture Road and Lower Sheep Pasture Road from Stony Brook to Port Jefferson. CR 20 was shared with New York State Bicycle Route 25 east of Belle Terre Road in Port Jefferson, and ran through most of the Miller Place Historic District. Sheep Pasture Road is an alternate route in Setauket connecting Stony Brook to Port Jefferson Station. For a small section it is broken up into Upper Sheep Pasture Road and Lower Sheep Pasture Road. Its main claim to fame is its name which at one time meant that there were sheep and pastures around in abundance but currently it is a heavily travelled artery and is almost all residential. The only sheep to be found are in a petting zoo about a mile north of the road on Gnarled Hollow Road. There are a few businesses closer to the eastern end in Port Jefferson Station. There is a picturesque bridge over the Long Island Rail Road track as it enters Port Jefferson Station. Unfortunately this bridge has been the scene of quite a few suicides in recent years by despondent youths. One of the largest Greek Orthodox church complexes on Long Island is on this road. It is the responsibility of Brookhaven town to maintain this road. County Route 21. County Route 21 is a two lane, highway running from Brookhaven to Rocky Point. Its southern terminus is at CR 80 south of the interchange between CR 16 and NY 27 (which includes Yaphank Avenue in the interchange) in Brookhaven. The highway heads northward and terminates at an intersection with NY 25A in Rocky Point. CR 21 was added to the Suffolk County highway system on January 27, 1930. CR 21 ends at CR 80 (Montauk Highway), although this portion of the road was severed when Sunrise Highway was built. For all intents and purposes as an uninterrupted route, CR 21 ends at CR 16 (Horseblock Road) in Yaphank. The road continues through Yaphank, a formerly agrarian area that has been built up by Suffolk County into a government office center, which includes the Suffolk County Police Department headquarters, and one of the main county jails. In conjunction with the development of this zone, CR 21 was widened in the mid-1970s. This project included a bridge over the Long Island Rail Road Main Line as well as some local streets, one of which leads directly to Yaphank Station. North of the tracks, the Suffolk County Almshouse Barn can be found west of the road, as well as the former Suffolk County Sanitorium, and other county government buildings. In this area, CR 21 also crosses I-495, which was built through the existing road in the late 1960s. The interchange here was not finished until 2000, when a westbound on-ramp and an eastbound off-ramp were added. North of the Long Island Expressway, Yaphank Avenue runs on top of the dam for Lower Yaphank Lake before its terminus at East Main Street. Here the historic Homan-Gerard House and Mills can be found on the southeast corner, while the former Yaphank Garage can be found on the southwest corner. CR 21 makes a left turn at the intersection and proceeds through historic Yaphank. East Main Street leads to another historic Long Island road named Moriches–Middle Island Road, which took residents between Rocky Point and The Moricheses long before the automobile was invented, let alone the Suffolk County Highway System. Near Upper Yaphank Lake, CR 21 intersects with West Main Street, at one of two former Yaphank triangles (the other being at Mill Road and Patchogue–Yaphank Road). At this point, CR 21 resumes its northward heading. Also at this point, a former section of the road is visible on land now owned by the Suffolk County Parks Department. It is visible diagonally across the street from and north of a building formerly owned by New York Telephone. CR 21 meanders through a variety of landscapes as it heads north to Middle Island, including farmland and forest. It passes close to the Carman's River at this point, particularly in the area of Cathedral Pines County Park. This area was notorious as one of the most deadly stretches of the road until safety improvements realigned and modernized the roadway near East Bartlett Road and again north of Longwood Road. Another former section of road called Old Middle Island–Yaphank Road breaks off to the left near CR 21's intersection with NY 25. North of NY 25, the name of the road changes from Yaphank–Middle Island Road to Rocky Point–Yaphank Road. The former alignment of the road continues roughly parallel to the newer road, rejoining it near the intersection of Bayliss Road (also known as Bailey Road). Additionally, a former meander in the road is visible on either side of CR 21 just south of Whiskey Road. Between Middle Island and Rocky Point, much of CR 21 runs through the Rocky Point Natural Resources Management Area, a major conservation area on land once owned by the Radio Corporation of America. This land was once considered the world's largest radio transmitting field. Here, the road is given a second name of Marconi Boulevard. North of the former RCA Labs, CR 21 runs between a high school and a housing project, before terminating at NY 25A. North of NY 25A, the road turns into Hallock Landing Road as it heads towards the bluffs of the Long Island Sound. CR 21 was added to the Suffolk County highway system on January 27, 1930, on various roads dating back to colonial times. A widening project took place along Yaphank Avenue during the 1970s but various realignments took place along Yaphank–Middle Island Road, and Rocky Point–Yaphank Road before then. Though CR 21 runs almost the entire breadth of Central Long Island, it does not intersect many major highways. Due to steep public opposition to highway improvements, there are multiple proposed and never-built highways that would have intersected this road: With the construction of exit 57 along Sunrise Highway, which interrupted original sections of both Horseblock Road and Yaphank Avenue, the new section of Horseblock Road was originally designated CR 21A. This designation was eventually integrated into part of CR 16. County Route 21A. County Route 21A was a suffixed alternate of CR 21 created during the construction of exit 57 along Sunrise Highway, which interrupted original sections of both Horse Block Road and Yaphank Avenue, The new section was officially part of Horse Block Road, but was eventually deleted, when it was integrated into part of CR 16. County Route 22. County Route 22 was an unsigned, north–south county highway known as Manor Lane. The designation ran from NY 25 in the community of Jamesport to an intersection with Sound Avenue, a former alignment of NY 25A, in Northville, just east of now former CR 23. CR 22 began in the Suffolk County highway system since January 27, 1930. County Route 23. County Route 23 was an unsigned, north–south county highway. CR 23, designated Church Lane, began at an intersection with NY 25 (Main Road) in Aquebogue and terminated at an intersection with Sound Avenue in Northville. CR 23 was added to the county highway system on January 27, 1930, and is no longer recognized by either SCDPW or NYSDOT. County Route 24. County Route 24 was an unsigned county highway extending from CR 21 (Yaphank–Middle Island Road) in the community of Middle Island to CR 46 (William Floyd Parkway) in Upton. CR 24, designated Longwood Road, also served Cathedral Pines County Park at its western terminus. The route, which was originally named South Manor Road, was added to the county highway system for Suffolk County on March 25, 1975. The route is no longer recognized by the Suffolk County Department of Public Works and the New York State Department of Transportation. County Route 25. County Route 25 was an north-south two-lane highway running from Center Moriches to Wading River. CR 25 went from the Montauk Highway in Center Moriches to an intersection with NY 25A in the community of Riverhead. The highway was designated on May 1, 1968, from former CR 66 along Brookfield Avenue, Wading River Road and Schultz Road. During the 1970s, the highway was to receive widening and realignment projects west of the existing Wading River Road. The projects were to stretch from exit 69 on the Long Island Expressway (I-495) southward to the Montauk Highway and the western terminus of the Moriches Bypass, designated CR 98. The new section of the road was never built, and the CR 25 designation was eventually removed.

following street

10597-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=31641692

Women in Singapore, particularly those who have joined Singapore's workforce, are faced with balancing their traditional and modern-day roles in Singaporean society and economy. According to the book "The Three Paradoxes: Working Women in Singapore" written by Jean Lee S.K., Kathleen Campbell, and Audrey Chia, there are "three paradoxes" confronting and challenging the career women of Singapore. Firstly, Singapore's society expects women to become creative and prolific corporate workers who are also expected to play the role of traditional women in the household, particularly as wife and mother. Secondly, Singaporean women are confronted by the "conflict between work and family" resulting from their becoming members of the working population. Thirdly, Singapore's female managers are still fewer in number despite of their rising educational level and attainments when compared to male managers. Women's rights in Singapore. Until 2007, marital rape was not legally recognized. In 2007, marital rape was recognized under certain circumstances that signaled marriage breakdown. A committee called for the repeal of any kind of marital rape immunity on 9 September 2018. Marital rape has since been criminalised under the Criminal Law Reform Act passed on 6 May 2019. The laws came into force on 1 January 2020. Proposed White Paper on women and equality. On 20 September 2020, a virtual dialogue session involving more than 100 participants from youth and women organizations was held. Law and Home Affairs Minister K. Shanmugam announced an initiative that will start in October which will include a series of engagements between the public and private sectors, as well as non-governmental organizations. The aim is to identify and tackle issues concerning women in Singapore. These will culminate in a White Paper to be issued by the Government in the first half of 2021, which will consolidate feedback and recommendations during the sessions, to be called “Conversations on Women Development”. The review has since been extended to the second half of 2021 due to high demand. Business and politics. At present, there is a low presence of female participants in the political arena of Singapore. Females constitute 42% of Singapore's workforce, however, a large portion of this number occupy low-level and low-salary positions. According to the 2011 article "Women's Rights Situation in Singapore", these discrepancies can be mainly attributed not to gender discrimination or gender inequality but instead to the women's lower educational qualifications and fewer job experiences than men, the women's focus and dedication to their role in family life, and the paternalistic character and Confucian temperament of Singaporean society. In relation to entrepreneurship, in 1997 "Bloomberg Busineweek" stated that businesswomen in Singapore can be grouped into two main categories: the entrepreneur woman who was already able to establish and raise a family, and the businesswoman who sought a substitute to the conventional "career path". An example of a successful Singaporean businesswoman was Catherine Lam, who established the company known as Fabristeel, a manufacturer of steel carts. Before launching Fabristeel in 1979, Lam worked as an accountant for 10 years. Women in Singapore who ventured into running businesses were motivated by "better education, the labor shortage", the encouragement to achieve entrepreneurial success, and the resulting "flexible lifestyle" while doing business-related roles. Another example is Lim Soo Hoon, who was Singapore's Woman of the Year in 1997. Lim was the first female Permanent Secretary of Singapore who worked for the Public Service Division of the office of the Prime Minister of Singapore. Lim held positions at Singapore's Ministry of Trade and Industry, then later into jobs in Singapore's Ministry of Transport, and then in the Ministry of Manpower, and Ministry of Community Development, Youth and Sports. Sexuality. With regard to sexuality, BBC News reported in 2001 that Singaporean women have a more open attitude about sexual intimacy in Asia. The study reflected that 18% of the Singaporean women interviewed are "most likely to initiate" sexual activity with their personal and intimate partners. This is usually met with mixed opinion, as in the case of the example in 2009 when Dr Eng Kai Er walked through Holland Village naked with Swedish exchange student Jan Phillip and was fined S$2,000 with a warning issued by the Agency for Science, Technology and Research which sponsored her undergraduate studies. During the 2000s, 2-3 out of every 10 unfaithful couple members were women. Former decades, like 1980s and 1990s, adulterous women were rare. During the 2010s decade, the statistics changed, being women half the times. During the 2010s, there was a trend among 50s and 60s years olds women getting divorced. Most of them claimed they grew tired of their husband's infidelities.

free mindset

8907-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=630191

Amdo ( ]; ) also known as Do Kham (which includes Kham) is one of the three traditional regions of Tibet, the others being Ü-Tsang in the west, Kham in the east. (Ngari, including former Guge kingdom, was incorporated into Ü-Tsang.) Amdo is also the birthplace of the 14th Dalai Lama. Amdo residents are called Amdowas, where local governance was administered by numerous autonomous polities. Major Tibetan monasteries are located in Amdo, and a brutal civil repression by China's forces occurred from 1958 to 1959. The wave of Self-immolations in Tibet began in Amdo at Kirti Monastery in 2009. Amdo is located in the northeastern area of the Tibetan plateau, comparable in size to France, where a distinctive shared language includes elements of speech from the Tibetan Imperial era. In the 7th century, imperial soldiers established Tibet's eastern frontier and settled in Do Kham, with Amdo to the north and Kham to the south. Encompassing a biologically diverse region with a vast lake named Tso Ngön ("mtsho sngon"; Kokonor Lake [Mongolian], Qinghai Lake [Chinese], Blue Ocean), both the Ma River (Machu or Yellow River) and the Dri River (Drichu or (Yangtze) flow in Amdo. After Tibet's invasion by the People's Republic of China, most of Amdo was made coterminous with present-day Qinghai province, and smaller areas are included in both Sichuan and Gansu provinces. Historically, culturally, and ethnically a part of Tibet, the social and local political structures were defined by groups of families called tsowa ("tsho ba") which would include both monastic tsowas, or sponsored monastic centers within tsowas. After 1642, the Dalai Lamas were the spiritual authority in Amdo following Kokonor-based Güshi Khan's reunification of Tibet under the 5th Dalai Lama. While Lhasa is said to have not directly governed the area locally since the mid-18th century, Amdo remained a part of Tibet. From 1917 to 1928, much of Amdo was occupied intermittently by the Hui Muslim warlords of the Ma clique. In 1928, the Ma Clique joined the Kuomintang (Chinese Nationalist Party), and during the period from 1928 to 1949, much of Amdo was gradually "assimilated" into the Qinghai province (and part of Gansu province) of the Kuomintang Republic of China. By 1952, Communist Party of China forces had defeated both the Kuomintang and the Tibetan forces. By 1956, Chushi Gangdruk and Tibetan guerilla forces in Amdo emerged and continued operating through to the 1960s. A massive anti-communist movement began in 1958, after which from 1958 to 1959 China brutally assumed control of the region and massacred at least 432 people while destroying tsowas and monasteries. These events in Amdo formed a basis for the 10th Panchen Lama's famous 70,000 Character Petition. Chushi Gangdruk and Tibetan guerilla forces continued fighting to the 1959 Tibetan uprising, then to 1962, fighting the People's Liberation Army and their destruction of Tibetan Buddhist culture and monasteries, and harsh Chinese land reform policies. The four schools of Tibetan Buddhism - Nyingma, Kagyu, Sakya, and Gelug - coexisted peacefully in Amdo, while the earlier Bon school was also represented. Amdo is the birthplace of many important Tibetan Buddhist spiritual leaders and of lamas, monks, nuns, and scholars : Several Dalai Lamas including the 14th Dalai Lama, several Panchen Lamas including the 10th Panchen Lama, as well as the great Gelug school reformer Je Tsongkhapa. The 6th Dalai Lama is said to have survived Qing handlers in 1706, and lived in Amdo after being welcomed by a group of mostly Kagyu monasteries. The Nyingma school practitioners established numerous distinctive "Nyak kangs" or "Mani kangs", village-based spiritual centers for lay people. Important monasteries in addition to the numerous Kirti Gompas include Labrang Monastery, Kumbum Monastery, Taklung Monastery, Tsongkapa's Byakyung Monastery, and Tsasum Lingpa's Gochen Monastery. Geography. Amdo consists of all of former northeastern Tibet, including the upper reaches of the Machu or Yellow River and Lake Qinghai. Its southern border is the Bayan Har Mountains. The area is wind-swept and tree-less, with much grass. Animals of the region consist of the wild yak and the kiang. Domesticated animals of the region consist of the domestic yak and dzo, goats, sheep, and the Mongolian horse. Demographics. Historical demographics. In historical times, the people of the region were typically non-Tibetan, such as Mongols or Tibetan speakers of non-Tibetan origin such as the Hor people. Present demographics. The inhabitants of Amdo (Qinghai) are referred to as Amdowa (ཨ་མདོ་པ།; amdo pa) as a distinction from the Tibetans of Kham (Khampa) and U-Tsang (Central Tibet), however, they are all considered ethnically Tibetan. Today, ethnic Tibetans predominate in the western and southern parts of Amdo, which are now administered as various Tibetan, Tibetan-Qiang, or Mongol-Tibetan autonomous prefectures. The Han Chinese are majority in the northern part (Haixi Mongol and Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture) and eastern part (Xining city and Haidong city) of Qinghai province. While Xining city and Haidong city are geographically small compared to the rest of Qinghai, this area has the largest population density in Qinghai, with the result that the Han Chinese outnumber other ethnicities in Qinghai generally. The majority of Amdo Tibetans live in the larger part of Qinghai Province, including the Mtshobyang (མཚོ་བྱང་།; Haibei in Chinese) Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture (TAP), Mtsholho (མཚོ་ལྷོ་།; Hainan) TAP, Rmalho (རྨ་ལྷོ་།; Huangnan) TAP, and Mgolog (མགོ་ལོག།; Guoluo) TAP, as well as in the Kanlho (ཀན་ལྷོ།; Gannan) TAP of the southwest Gansu province, and sections of the Rngaba (རྔ་བ།; Aba) Tibetan and Qiang Autonomous prefecture of north-west Sichuan Province. Additionally, a great many Amdo Tibetans live within the Haidong (མཚོ་ཤར།; Wylie: "mtsho shar") Prefecture of Qinghai which is located to the east of the Qinghai Lake (མཚོ་སྔོན།, Wylie: "mtsho sngon") and around Xining (ཟི་ལིང།; "zi ling") city, but they constitute only a minority (ca. 8.5%) of the total population there and so the region did not attain TAP status. The vast Haixi (མཚོ་ནུབ།; "mtsho nub") Mongolian and Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture, to the west of the Qinghai Lake, also has a minority Tibetan population (ca. 10%), and only those Tibetans in the eastern parts of this Prefecture are Amdo inhabitants. Mongols too have been long-term settlers in Amdo, arriving first during the time of Genghis Khan, but particularly in a series of settlement waves during the Ming period. Over the centuries, most of the Amdo Mongols have become highly Tibetanised and, superficially at least, it is now difficult to discern their original non-Tibetan ethnicity. Amdo has been famous in epic story and in history as a land where splendid horses are raised and run wild. Language. There are many dialects of the Tibetan language spoken in Amdo due to the geographical isolation of many groups. Written Tibetan is the same throughout Tibetan-speaking regions and is based on Classical Tibetan. History. 3rd century. The Ch'iang people were early users of iron and stories abound of them in their iron breast-plates with iron swords. 7th century. From the seventh through the ninth century, the Tibetan Empire extended as far north as the Turfan, south into India and Nepal, east to Chang'an, and west to Samarkham. During this period, control of Amdo moved from Songtsen Gampo and his successors to the royal family's ministers, the Gar (). These ministers had their positions inherited from their parents, similar to the emperor. King Tüsong tried to wrest control of this area from the ministers, unsuccessfully. 9th century. In 821, a treaty established the borders between the Tibetan Empire and China, while three stele were built - one at the border, one in Lhasa, and one in China. The Tibetan army settled within the eastern frontier. After 838 when Tibet's King Lang darma killed his brother, the Tibetan Empire broke into independent principalities, while Do Kham (Amdo and Kham) maintained culturally and religiously Tibetan. Within Amdo, the historical independent polities of hereditary rulers and kingdoms remained, where Mongol and Chinese populations fluctuated among the indigenous peoples and Tibetans. During time period, Buddhist monks from Central Tibet were exiled in the Amdo region. There is a historical account of an official from the 9th century sent to collect taxes to Amdo. Instead, he acquires a fief. He then tells of the 10 virtues of the land. Two of the virtues are in the grass, one for meadows near home, one for distant pastures. Two virtues in soil, one to build houses and one for good fields. Two virtues are in the water, one for drinking and one for irrigation. There are two in the stone, one for building and one for milling. The timber has two virtues, one for building and one for firewood. The original inhabitants of the Amdo region were the forest-dwellers (nags-pa), the mountain-dwellers (ri-pa), the plains-dwellers (thang-pa), the grass-men (rtsa-mi), and the woodsmen (shing-mi). The grass men were famous for their horses. 10th century. Gewasel is a monk that helped resurrect Tibetan Buddhism. He was taught as a child and showed amazing enthusiasm for the religion. When he was ordained he went in search of teachings. After obtaining the Vinaya, he was set to travel to Central Tibet, but for a drought. Instead he chose to travel in solitude to Amdo. Locals had heard of him and his solitude was not to be as he was sought after. In time he established a line of refugee monks in Amdo and with the wealth that he acquired he built temples and stupas also. 11th century. The historical Qiang came into contact with the Sumpa, then with the Tuyuhun. Then around 1032, they formed the Western Xia, which lasted into the 13th century. 13th century. The Mongols conquered eastern Amdo by 1240, and made the whole Tibetan region under Yuan rule, separated from the territory of former Song dynasty of China. A patron and priest relationship began in 1253 when a Tibetan priest, Phagspa, visited Kublai Khan he became so popular that he was made Kublai's spiritual guide and later appointed by him to the rank of priest king of Tibet and constituted ruler of (1) Tibet Proper, comprising the thirteen states of U-Tsang Province; (2) Kham, and (3) Amdo. He spent his later years at Sakya Monastery in Central Tibet, which required that he travel through Amdo regularly. On one of these trips, he encountered armed resistance in Amdo and required escorts from Mongol Princes to travel through Amdo. Tibet regained its independence from the Mongols before native Chinese overthrew the Yuan dynasty in 1368, although it avoided directly resisting the Yuan court until the latter's fall. Under the Mongol Yuan dynasty of Kublai Khan, Amdo and Kham were split into two commandaries, which, along with Ü-Tsang, were collectively referred to as the three commandaries of Tibet. 14th century through the 16th century. The following Ming Dynasty nominally largely maintained the Mongol divisions of Tibet with some sub-division. However, from the middle of the Ming era, the Chinese government lost control in Amdo, and the Mongols again seized political control. 17th century. Upper (Kokonor) Mongols from northern Xinjiang and Khalkha came there in 16th and 17th centuries. Power struggles among various Mongol factions in Tibet and Amdo led to a period alternating between the supremacy of the Dalai Lama (nominally) and Mongol overlords. In 1642, Tibet was reunified under the 5th Dalai Lama, by gaining spiritual and temporal authority through the efforts of the Mongol king, Güshi Khan. This allowed the Gelug school and its incarnated spiritual leaders, the Dalai Lamas, to gain enough support to last through the present day. Gushi Khan also returned portions of Eastern Tiber (Kham) to Tibet, but his base in the Kokonor region of Amdo remained under Mongol control. 18th century. In 1705, with the approval of the Kangxi Emperor of the Qing dynasty, Lha-bzang Khan of the Khoshud deposed the regent and sent the 6th Dalai Lama to Beijing. Although the Dalai Lama was said to have died mysteriously during the journey, probably near Qinghai Lake (Koko nur) in Amdo, instead the Dalai Lama was reported to have been welcomed by a group of mostly Kagyu monasteries in Amdo, and survived, as his biography indicates. The Dzungar Mongols invaded Tibet during the chaos, and held the entire region until their final defeat by an expedition of the Qing imperial army in 1720. When the Manchu Qing dynasty rose to power in the early 18th century it established Xining, a town to the north of Amdo, as the administrative base for the area. Amdo was placed within the Qinghai Province. During this period they were ruled by the Amban, who allowed near total autonomy by the monasteries and the other local leaders. The 18th century saw the Qing Empire continue to expand further and further into Tibet as it engulfed Eastern Tibet including Amdo and even assumed control over Central Tibet. The Yongzheng Emperor seized full control of Qinghai (Amdo) in the 1720s. The boundaries of Xining Prefecture, which contains most of Amdo, with Sichuan and Tibet-proper was established following this. The boundary of Xining Prefecture and Xizang, or central Tibet, was the Dangla Mountains. This roughly corresponds with the modern boundary of Qinghai with the Tibet Autonomous Region. The boundary of Xining Prefecture with Sichuan was also set at this time, dividing the Ngaba area of the former Amdo into Sichuan. This boundary also roughly corresponds with the modern boundary of Qinghai with Sichuan. A new boundary, following the Ning-ching mountain range, was established between Sichuan and Tibet. East of these mountains, local chieftains ruled under the nominal authority of the Sichuan provincial government; Lhasa administered the area to the west. The 1720s thus saw Tibet's first major reduction in area in centuries. Other parts of old Amdo was administered by the Administrator of Qinghai. In all these predominantly culturally Tibetan areas, the Qing Empire used a system of administration relying on local, Tibetan, rulers. A 1977 University of Chicago PhD. thesis, described the political history of the Tibetan region in Gansu (which was historically one part of Amdo) during the Qing dynasty as follows: In the time of the Manchu dynasty, the entire region was administered by a viceroy of the Imperial Government. That portion of the country occupied by Chinese Moslems and some other, smaller, racial units was under traditional Chinese law. The Tibetans enjoyed almost complete independence and varying degrees of prestige. The Chone Prince ruled over the forty-eight "banners" of one group of Tibetans; other Tibetan rulers or chiefs held grants or commissions- some of them hundreds of years old- from the Imperial Government. At that time the ethnic frontier corresponded almost exactly with the administrative frontier. 20th century. In 1906, the 13th Dalai Lama while touring the country, was enticed by a procession of a thousand lamas, to stay at the temple at Kumbum. He spent a year resting and learning among other things Sanskrit and poetry. In 1912, Qing Dynasty collapsed and relative independence followed with the Dalai Lama ruling Central Tibet. Eastern Tibet, including Amdo and Kham, were ruled by local and regional warlords and chiefs. The Hui Muslims administered the agricultural areas in the north and east of the region. Amdo saw numerous powerful leaders including both secular and non. The monasteries, such as Labrang, Rebkong, and Taktsang Lhamo supervised the choosing of the local leaders or headmen in the areas under their control. These tribes consisted of several thousand nomads. Meanwhile, Sokwo, Ngawa, and Liulin, had secular leaders appointed, with some becoming kings and even creating familial dynasties. This secular form of government went as far as Machu. The Muslim warlord Ma Qi waged war in the name of the Republic of China against the Labrang monastery and Goloks. After ethnic rioting between Muslims and Tibetans emerged in 1918, Ma Qi defeated the Tibetans, then commenced to tax the town heavily for 8 years. In 1925, a Tibetan rebellion broke out, with thousands of Tibetans driving out the Muslims. Ma Qi responded with 3,000 Chinese Muslim troops, who retook Labrang and machine gunned thousands of Tibetan monks as they tried to flee. Ma Qi besieged Labrang numerous times, the Tibetans and Mongols fought against his Muslim forces for control of Labrang, until Ma Qi gave it up in 1927. His forces were praised by foreigners who traveled through Qinghai for their fighting abilities. However, that was not the last Labrang saw of General Ma. The Muslim forces looted and ravaged the monastery again. In 1928, the Ma Clique formed an alliance with the Kuomintang. In the 1930s, the Muslim warlord Ma Bufang, the son of Ma Qi, seized the northeast corner of Amdo in the name of Chiang Kai-shek's weak central government, effectively incorporating it into the Chinese province of Qinghai. From that point until 1949, much of the rest of Amdo was gradually assimilated into the Kuomintang Chinese provincial system, with the major portion of it becoming nominally part of Qinghai province and a smaller portion becoming part of Gansu province. Due to the lack of a Chinese administrative presence in the region, however, most of the communities of the rural areas of Amdo and Kham remained under their own local, Tibetan lay and monastic leaders into the 1950s. Tibetan region of Lho-Jang and Gyarong in Kham, and Ngapa (Chinese Aba) and Golok in Amdo, were still independent of Chinese hegemony, despite the creation on paper of Qinghai Province in 1927. The 14th Dalai Lama was born in the Amdo region, in 1935, and when he was announced as a possible candidate, Ma Bufang tried to prevent the boy from travelling to Tibet. He demanded a ransom of 300,000 dollars, which was paid and then he escorted the young boy to Tibet. In May 1949, Ma Bufang was appointed Military Governor of Northwest China, making him the highest-ranked administrator of the Amdo region. However, by August 1949, the advancing People's Liberation Army had annihilated Ma's army, though residual forces took several years to defeat. By 1949, advance units of the Chinese People's Liberation Army (the PLA) had taken much of Amdo from the Nationalists. By 1952, the major towns in the region were fully under the control of People's Republic of China, though many of the rural areas continued to enjoy de facto autonomy for several more years. In 1958, Chinese communists assumed official control of Tibetan regions in Kham and Amdo. Many of the nomads of Amdo revolted. Some areas were reported virtually empty of men: They either had been killed or imprisoned or had fled. The largest monastery in Amdo was forced to close. Of its three thousand monks, two thousand were arrested. In July 1958 as the revolutionary fervor of the Great Leap Forward swept across the People's Republic of China, Zeku County in the Amdo region of cultural Tibet erupted in violence against efforts by the Chinese Communist Party to impose rapid collectivization on the pastoral communities of the grasslands. Rebellion also stirred the region at the beginning of the 1950s as “Liberation” first settled on the northeastern Tibetan plateau. The immediate ramifications of each disturbance both for the Amdo Tibetan elites and commoners, and for the Han cadres in their midst, elucidates early PRC nation-building and state-building struggles in minority nationality areas and the influence of this crucial transitional period on relations between Han and Tibetan in Amdo decades later. As a prelude to the Beijing Olympics, protests broke out in 2008 in Amdo, among other places. Some were violent; however the majority were peaceful. Monasteries. Amdo was traditionally a place of great learning and scholarship and contains many great monasteries including Kumbum Monastery near Xining, Rongwo Monastery in Rebgong, Labrang Monastery south of Lanzhou, and the Kirti Gompas of Ngawa Tibetan and Qiang Autonomous Prefecture and Taktsang Lhamo in Dzoge County. From 1958 to 1962, the political climate in Amdo was considered unbearable. In 1958, the arrest and murder of the Tseten Monastery's Khenpo Jigme Rigpai Nyingpo while incarcerated in Xining's Nantan prison marked the beginning of the period. Traditional pastoral economy. Amdo Tibetans' traditional lifestyle and economy are centered on agriculture. Depending on the region and environment Amdo Tibetans live in, they are either nomads (Drog pa) or farmers (Sheng pa). The economy of Amdo of has been constant throughout history and has changed little in the modern time. A typical family has two homes or bases: one for when they move up into the mountains with their animals in the summer for better grazing, and another down in the valleys where they weather harsh winters and grow fodder for their livestock in small agricultural fields. The families of some villages may make a shorter seasonal trek as their pasture may be nearby, and they may even migrant between homes each day. Local government. As in Amdo and Kham, independent local polities were the traditional governing systems. In Amdo, communities of nomads, farmers, horse traders and monasteries were organized into these polities, which continued from the era of the Tibetan Empire. Varying in size from small to large, some were inherited while others were not, and both women and men were individual leaders of these polities. "Tsowas", consisting of groups of families, are the basic socio-cum-political organization. The Golok peoples, Gomé and Lutsang peoples arranged themselves in "tsowas". A larger organisation is the "sgar", translated as 'encampment', while larger still is the "nangso", translated as 'commissioner'. There were also kingdoms, such as Kingdom of Co ne (Choné). In 1624, for example, the Drotsang Nangso sponsored a monastery which was called the Drotsang Sargön; the monastery at Detsa Nangso was called the Detsa Gompa. Earlier in 1376, a Horse and Tea Trading Station was in Co né. After the People's Republic of China's (PRC) invasion of Tibet in 1949, the Republic of China's (ROC) county system of identifying areas was used by the PRC. In practice, the authorities of traditional autonomous polities continued. After the brutal invasion of Amdo in 1958, communist administrators overlayed a series of larger Tibetan Autonomous Prefectures (TAP) on top of the existing county system, but only where Tibetans formed the majority of the population. This policy towards Tibetans, considered a "minority nationality" within their own country, was set down in the constitution of the PRC.

contemporary years

2315-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=576135

Edward Miguel "Mike" Garcia (November 17, 1923 – January 13, 1986), nicknamed "Big Bear" and "Mexican Mike", was an American right-handed pitcher in Major League Baseball (MLB). Garcia was born in San Gabriel, California, and grew up in Orosi, Tulare County. Garcia entered minor league baseball at the age of 18. After one season, he joined the U.S. Army and served for three years. Following his honorable discharge, he returned to baseball. He was promoted to the MLB in 1948. He played 12 of his 14 major league seasons for the Cleveland Indians. From 1949 to 1954, Garcia joined Bob Lemon, Early Wynn, and Bob Feller on the Indians' "Big Four" pitching staff. Historians consider the "Big Four" to be one of the greatest starting pitching rotations in baseball history. During those six seasons with the "Big Four", Garcia compiled a record of 104 wins against 57 losses. He had two 20-win seasons and led the American League (AL) in earned run average (ERA) and shutouts twice each. Garcia's best season came in 1954 when the Indians won a league record 111 games. Baseball historian Stephen Lombardi said that Garcia may have been the best AL pitcher that year. Garcia remained with the Indians until 1959, but never duplicated the success he had achieved in 1954. In his last five seasons with Cleveland, he finished with losing records three times. After leaving the Indians, Garcia spent a season with the Chicago White Sox and a season with the Washington Senators. Garcia retired from baseball in 1961. He developed diabetes within a few years and suffered from kidney disease and heart problems until his death. Garcia died outside Cleveland at the age of 62 and was buried in his home state of California. He was the only member of the "Big Four" not elected to the National Baseball Hall of Fame, but he has been included on a list of the 100 Greatest Indians and has been inducted into the Cleveland Indians Hall of Fame. Baseball experts and former teammates have commented on Garcia's overpowering pitching, his fine control and his low ERA. Early life. Garcia was born in San Gabriel, California, of Indigenous Mexican ancestry. He grew up on a ranch in Orosi, California, where his father, Merced Garcia, moved the family when Mike was 2. Mike's family had close ties to that of Atlanta Braves infielder Marty Perez, and the two referred to each other as cousins. Mike's father raised horses, and Mike aspired to race them. He participated in one race and was thrown from the horse. Garcia played four years of high school baseball, the first three years at Orosi High School and the last at Visalia High School. Garcia was pitching in semipro baseball when Cleveland Indians scout Willis Butler noticed him in Tulare, California. In 1942, Butler signed him as an amateur free agent to the organization's Class D farm team, the Appleton Papermakers of the Wisconsin State League. Garcia earned a 10–10 win–loss record with Appleton. He spent the next three years as a signalman in the United States Army during World War II, serving in Europe as a member of the Signal Corps. Garcia was discharged from the Army at the age of 22 and returned to the Cleveland organization. He played for the Class C Bakersfield Indians of the California League. With Bakersfield, Garcia's ERA and strikeouts led the league and he earned 22 wins. In 1947 he joined the Cleveland Indians during spring training, but he was assigned to the Class A Wilkes-Barre Barons of the Eastern League by Cleveland coach Bill McKechnie. He finished the season with 17 wins and a 3.24 ERA. In 1948, he pitched for the Double-A Oklahoma City Indians of the Texas League and earned 19 wins. Major league career. Early career. Garcia debuted with the Indians on October 8, 1948, just before the Indians played in the 1948 World Series. He allowed three hits and no runs in two innings, and he struck out one batter. The Indians won the World Series in six games. It was the franchise's second World Series victory, but Garcia did not make a World Series appearance. Nicknamed "The Big Bear" by teammate Joe Gordon for his large frame, Garcia was listed at , 200 lb (91 kg) during his career. Garcia said that his actual playing weight was between 215–220 lb (97–100 kg). Garcia also acquired the nickname "Mexican Mike" in the press. However, Garcia's minority status was not a novelty. The Indians had signed Larry Doby, the first black player in the American League, in 1947. The 1951 team added manager Al López and Latino players Minnie Miñoso and Jesse Flores to a squad that already included Garcia and Mexican player Bobby Ávila. Early on, Garcia was paired to room with Avila, who had just signed with the team and did not speak English. Garcia served as a translator for Avila well beyond their first season together. Garcia returned to the Indians in 1949. A newspaper article predicted that Garcia might fill big needs in the Cleveland bullpen. Garcia saw action as a starter and as a relief pitcher that year, starting 20 of his 41 regular season appearances. He finished his rookie season with a 14–5 record, a league-leading 2.36 ERA, 94 strikeouts and five shutouts. Fellow pitcher Bob Feller said, "From the beginning, Mike was a sneaky quick pitcher. For a big guy, he was certainly mobile." One year removed from his rookie season, expectations from Indians general manager Hank Greenberg and pitching coach Mel Harder were for Garcia to become a key piece of the Indians' rotation. "Garcia has all the potentialities of a really great pitcher. I see no reason he should not reach greatness this season", Greenberg said. Garcia finished the 1950 season 11–11. By the 1951 season, media sources had given the nickname "Big Four" to the pitching combination of Garcia, Bob Feller, Bob Lemon and Early Wynn. Garcia had learned to control the curveball that Harder taught him in spring training of 1949. Harder said that Garcia already had a terrific fastball, but that he became a good pitcher by learning the curveball and working on his control. Cleveland sportswriter Hal Lebovitz wrote, "Garcia, until the day he died, would tell me how much of the success he owed to Harder." Garcia also once admitted to throwing an occasional spitball, an illegal pitch. "Maybe a dozen in my life. I'm sure plenty of the great pitchers did", he said. Garcia pitched a 10-hit complete game on June 4, 1951 in an 8–2 Cleveland win, helping the Indians beat New York Yankees pitcher Ed Lopat for the first time in two years. Before the game, Lopat's record was 8–0 on the season. Garcia improved his season mark to 5–3. On August 7 against the St. Louis Browns, Garcia reached a career-high 15 wins. In a 5–1 victory, he also recorded his second career home run. Garcia won 20 games in 1951 and finished fifth in the AL with six saves. All-Star seasons. In 1952, Garcia made his first of three consecutive All-Star teams. As the Indians battled for the 1952 American League pennant heading into September, he began the month with three consecutive shutouts during an eight-game Indian win streak. The Indians faced Ed Lopat and the Yankees again on September 14 in what Associated Press columnist Jack Hand labeled "one BIG game." In a 7–1 loss, Garcia gave up four earned runs on five hits in three innings. He finished the 1952 season with a 22–11 record, 143 strikeouts, an AL-best six shutouts and four saves. He was second in the league in ERA (2.37), games (46) and innings pitched (292.1, behind Lemon). Only Wynn had more wins (23) among right-handers; Garcia and Lemon had 22 each, and the pair tied for the league lead with 36 starts. Garcia finished ninth in the 1952 MVP voting. In 1953, Garcia and Lemon were named pitchers on the AL All-Star squad. Doby and Al Rosen were also on the team, with Rosen selected as the game's MVP. Garcia finished the season 18–9; he pitched a career-high 29 complete games with 134 strikeouts and a 3.25 ERA. Like the previous season, Lemon and Garcia finished first and second in the American League in innings pitched. Garcia was labeled "one of the hardest-throwing pitchers in the game" by "The Cleveland Press Guide". As Feller's dominance faded in the latter part of his career, Garcia, Lemon, and Wynn were increasingly referred to as the "Big Three". On May 16, 1954, Garcia pitched a one-hitter against the Philadelphia Athletics in a 6–0 Indians win. Garcia called it the finest game of his career. He was selected for his third and final All-Star Game when American League manager Casey Stengel added him, Lemon, and Doby to an American League roster that already featured Avila and top vote-getter Al Rosen. During a late July exhibition game, Garcia learned that his father had died at the age of 65; Garcia's son Michael was born the same day. He missed several games that year with a broken blood vessel in his throwing hand, but he managed 45 appearances on the season. Entering the final regular season game in 1954, Garcia had 19 wins; he would have received a bonus if he collected 20 wins. After pitching 12 innings, he left with the score tied at 6–6. The Tigers won after 13 innings, 8–7. Earning a no-decision, Garcia failed to reach the 20-win mark. However, Greenberg had assured Garcia he would receive a bonus whether he won 20 games or not. Garcia pitched six innings or more in six out of his seven August appearances. He earned wins in three out of his last four appearances, and pitched seven innings or more in all four appearances. The team finished 111–43. The win total broke a 154-game season record, and the team had the lowest team ERA (2.78) in the AL since the dead-ball era season of 1919. Garcia was 19–8 with 129 strikeouts, again leading the AL in both ERA (2.64) and shutouts (5). In the 1954 World Series, the heavily favored Indians were defeated by the New York Giants. Garcia started game three, but was replaced by a pinch hitter in the bottom of the third inning, already trailing 4–0. Author Jonathan Knight described the progression of the game: "...a throwing error by George Strickland, and Mike Garcia had struggled in the opening frame, allowing three baserunners, as panic began to creep into Municipal Stadium. For the first time all year, it was warranted." The Giants won the game, 6–2, and won game four to claim the Series. Final years with Indians. From 1955–1959, Garcia finished with losing records in three of five seasons. The 1955 season represented Garcia's first losing record (11–13) and his first season ERA over 4.00. The 1954 ERA leader finished 1955 with a 4.02 ERA. The Indians finished in second place in the AL at 93–61, three games behind the Yankees. Garcia repeated a losing mark on the 1956 season (11–12), the only time in his career he finished with consecutive losing seasons. He and Wynn were among those who tied for second place in shutouts on the season (4) behind fellow Indian Herb Score. Cleveland finished 88–66 and nine games behind first place, which went to the Yankees again. Lopez was replaced as manager by Kerby Farrell. In spring training before the 1957 season, Farrell observed that the league's best pitching staff could not carry the team alone. Garcia ended the season 12–8 with a 3.75 ERA, but the Indians finished sixth in the American League. Their 76–77 finish was the club's first losing record since 1946. Bobby Bragan replaced Farrell as manager to begin the 1958 season. During a spring training game in March, Garcia slipped on a wet pitcher's mound and injured his back. He did not make his first regular season appearance until April 27 and he underwent surgery in June for a herniated disc. He finished the season with a 1–0 record in six appearances and eight innings of work. That same month, Bragan was fired as manager. He was replaced by former Indians player Joe Gordon, and the Indians finished 77–76. Garcia elected to become a free agent in the offseason, but he returned to the Indians, saying that his home and his dry cleaning business were in Cleveland. "Everything being equal, I'll sign with the Indians if I decide I'm able to pitch... This is a friendly city and I like it", he said. During a spring training game in March 1959, Garcia was hit in the knee by a Billy Consolo line drive and was carried off the field on a stretcher and taken to a Tucson hospital. He did not make his first season start until May 3, when he allowed four hits and no earned runs in a complete game loss. He finished with a 3–6 record, a 4.00 ERA and 72 innings pitched in his twelfth and final season with the Indians. Chicago White Sox and Washington Senators (1960–61). Garcia signed with the Chicago White Sox for the 1960 season, reuniting with manager Al López and former Indians owner and team president Bill Veeck. Veeck said, "Our reports on Mike were real good. He might help us in 1960." He appeared in 15 games and pitched 17.2 innings with 4.58 ERA and 0–0 record. In July 1961, the expansion Washington Senators signed the 37-year-old Garcia to a contract. The Senators placed him on waivers before the end of the season. He finished with a 0–1 record, pitched 19 innings in 16 games and earned a 4.74 ERA. Garcia finished his major league career with a 142–97 record, 1,117 strikeouts, a 3.27 ERA, 27 shutouts and 23 saves in 428 games (281 starts) and 2,174.6 innings. Beyond baseball. Garcia married Gerda Martin on January 13, 1951; they had three children. He served as a sponsor for Camel cigarettes during his playing days. Garcia raced midget cars during and after his baseball career. Garcia injured the index finger of his throwing hand while working on a midget car in late 1959, but the wound was repaired without lasting effects. Illness and death. Garcia developed diabetes in his forties. As a result, he suffered from kidney disease and heart damage in the last years of his life. Faced with dialysis three times per week, Garcia joined his former teammates at fundraising events to defray his medical expenses. He died in Fairview Park, Ohio on January 13, 1986 at the age of 62. He died on his 35th wedding anniversary. He was buried in his hometown of Visalia, California. Garcia, whose annual salary was never greater than $35,000, died with more than $100,000 in outstanding medical bills. Legacy. Garcia was not selected a member of the National Baseball Hall of Fame. His normal window of eligibility has closed, and he can be elected only by decision of the Hall's Veterans Committee. Baseball historian Bill James dismissed Garcia's low ERA due to the "cold, cavernous Cleveland Municipal Stadium, which at that time had a pitcher's mound higher than white cliffs of Dover". Referring to Garcia's great seasons of 1949 to 1954, baseball historian Wayne Corbett countered, "Garcia's more famous teammates enjoyed the same home-field advantage, but it was Garcia who recorded the staff's lowest ERA in four of those six seasons." Historian Stephen Lombardi wrote, "It is a shame that Mike Garcia is sometimes disregarded. A career such as his does not deserve to fade away from the memory of the overall baseball public." Cleveland sportswriter and Hall of Fame voter Hal Lebovitz wrote, "If Garcia had pitched long enough, he probably would be in the Hall of Fame." Teammates have recalled the difficulty that Garcia presented for opposing hitters. George Strickland, who roomed with Garcia on road trips for several seasons, described Garcia as "a big, strong, powerful pitcher" who threw a "very heavy ball." Bob Lemon describes his pitches similarly. "Hitting a Garcia pitch was like hitting a shotput", Lemon said. Lemon also commented on his deceptive control. "Mike was a sneak. His physical size belied really fine control", said Lemon. Garcia was named one of the 100 Greatest Indians in March 2001 and inducted into the Cleveland Indians Hall of Fame on August 11, 2007. Each year, the Indians organization gives the Mike Garcia Award to an area high school student who demonstrates "outstanding success in the classroom, on the field, and in their community."

great command

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=61402921

The MS Mitch Mitchell Floodway, formerly the Wichita-Valley Center Floodway and known locally as “The Big Ditch”, is a canal in Wichita, Kansas, United States. Built in the 1950s after a series of floods in the preceding decades, the Floodway diverts water from Chisholm Creek, the Little Arkansas River, and the Arkansas River to the west, around central Wichita, before emptying back into the Arkansas downstream of the city. History. Situated at the confluence of the Arkansas and Little Arkansas Rivers, the city of Wichita was built on a swampy floodplain and thus prone to flooding in its early history. Particularly devastating floods struck in 1877, 1904, 1916, and 1923. Following the 1904 flood, the city began undertaking flood control measures, replacing portions of Chisholm Creek with canals and, in 1926, constructing levees along the Little Arkansas. One proposal would divert overflow from the Arkansas River into the Big Slough, a depression west of the city. The U.S. Army Corps of Engineers surveyed the area and evaluated additional flood control options, including the Big Slough diversion plan. The Corps concluded no options were economically feasible and, in 1935, recommended against federal support. But, the Corps reversed its position after passage of the Flood Control Act of 1936. The Act authorized the Wichita and Valley Center Local Protection Project consisting of floodways, levees, and control structures along both rivers and Chisholm Creek. Local support had waned, however, and the Corps once again withdrew federal support. The city flooded again in 1944, rendering more than 5,000 residents temporarily homeless. The Wichita Chamber of Commerce formed a committee to promote implementation of the Big Slough diversion plan but encountered opposition from the Sedgwick County Commission and local farmers and landowners. Opponents derisively nicknamed the proposed floodway “The Big Ditch”. The Commission finally gave its approval in 1947, and the Kansas Supreme Court eventually ruled in favor of the plan. Construction of the Project, including the Floodway, began in May 1950. Initially projected to take 2-3 years to complete, multiple factors caused delays including further legal opposition and a work stoppage due to the Korean War. Construction finished in 1959 for a total cost of $20 million. Upon completion, the Project provided protection from flooding to more than of urban and rural land in the Wichita area. A key figure in the development of the Floodway was local engineer M.S. Mitchell. Nicknamed “Big Ditch Mitch” due to his affiliation with the Project, he later served as the city flood control superintendent from 1964 to 1979. Mitchell died in 2017, and the Wichita and Sedgwick County governments issued a joint request to rename the Floodway in his honor. As of December 2018, a bill doing so had passed both houses of the U.S. Congress. In July 2019, the name was officially changed to the MS Mitch Mitchell Floodway. Geography. The Floodway begins at the Chisholm Creek Diversion in north-central Wichita where the West and Middle Forks of the Chisholm drain into the Little Arkansas River. The Floodway then flows southwest, connecting the Little Arkansas to the Arkansas River. From there, it runs southwest then south through the western part of the city, parallel to Interstate 235. Along the way, it is joined from the west by Big Slough Creek and Cowskin Creek, two minor tributaries of the Arkansas. Southwest of Wichita, the Floodway turns southeast, then east through Haysville, and then southeast again, finally draining back into the Arkansas immediately west of Derby. Infrastructure. The Floodway is the central component of the Wichita-Valley Center Flood Control Project which is among the largest water diversion projects in the United States. In addition to the Floodway, the Project includes of connecting channels, of levees, and 150 control structures throughout the Wichita metropolitan area. Levees run along both banks of the Floodway for its entire length as well as along portions of the Arkansas, Little Arkansas, the West and Middle Forks of Chisholm Creek, and several connecting channels. The largest such channel is the Little Arkansas Floodway. Located west of Valley Center, it connects the Little Arkansas River to the Arkansas River upstream from Wichita. Management. The City of Wichita’s Public Works & Utilities Department, in consultation with the Tulsa District of the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers, operates and manages the Wichita-Valley Center Flood Control Project, including the Floodway. Activities include routine maintenance, inspection of flap and sluice gates, vegetation management, floodway and levee grading as required, and erosion repairs.

governmental assistance

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=39579345

Water supply and sanitation in Vietnam is characterized by challenges and achievements. Among the achievements is a substantial increase in access to water supply and sanitation between 1990 and 2010, nearly universal metering, and increased investment in wastewater treatment since 2007. Among the challenges are continued widespread water pollution, poor service quality, low access to improved sanitation in rural areas, poor sustainability of rural water systems, insufficient cost recovery for urban sanitation, and the declining availability of foreign grant and soft loan funding as the Vietnamese economy grows and donors shift to loan financing. The government also promotes increased cost recovery through tariff revenues and has created autonomous water utilities at the provincial level, but the policy has had mixed success as tariff levels remain low and some utilities have engaged in activities outside their mandate. Access. In 2015, 98% of the total population in Vietnam had access to "improved" water, or 99% and 97%, for the urban and rural population, respectively. That means that around 2 million people lacked access to "improved" water. Regarding sanitation, 78% of the population in Vietnam had access to "improved" sanitation, or 94% of the urban population and 70% of the rural population. Still, approximately 21 million people in Vietnam, in 2015, lacked accessed to "improved" sanitation. According to the UN's Joint Monitoring Programme for Water Supply and Sanitation, access to an improved water source increased from 58% in 1990 to 96% in 2010. However, most Vietnamese receive water from a tap in the yard or a public tap in the village from where they have to carry water to their home. In 2010, only 23% of Vietnamese had a tap in their home. There are substantial differences in access between urban and "rural" areas. 70% of the Vietnamese population lives in rural areas, but many so-called rural areas are actually small towns, e.g. in the densely settled Red River Delta. In urban areas, 59% had a tap in their home, while in rural areas this share was only 8%. In 2009 over 200 out of approximately 650 district towns did not have any piped water system. Access to improved sanitation increased from 37% in 1990 to 75% in 2011. There is a significant gap between urban areas, where access stands at 93%, and rural areas with an access of only 67%. In 2009, 75% of households in provincial towns were not connected to a sewer. Septic tanks are common, but with the exception of Hai Phong, no town offers a reasonable desludging service. Water resources. Vietnam has abundant surface and ground water resources. Nevertheless, local shortages can occur during the dry season. For example, the basins of the Dong Nai River in South Vietnam, the Southeast River Cluster, Ma River in North Central Vietnam, Kone River and Huong River are expected to be at risk of exceeding projected water needs in 2020. The 7 million people in Ho Chi Minh City receive 93% of their drinking water from two treatment plants on the Dong Nai River and the much smaller Sai Gon River, with the remaining 7% coming from overexploited groundwater that is polluted by seawater intrusion and contamination. Dong Nai River, which is regulated further upstream by two dams, has ample water resources to supply the growing city with more water. However, in dry years drinking water supply competes with agricultural uses that may together exceed water availability. Hanoi with its more than 6 million inhabitants receives 80% of its water from groundwater. Groundwater is polluted by ammonium with a concentration that is 5 to 10 times (7–20 mg/l) higher than the allowed standard. Surface water comes from the Gia Lam plant completed in 1994 and the Thang Long North-Van Tri plant completed in 2004, both financed by Japanese development assistance. It is planned that surface water from the Da River, the Red River and the Duong River will satisfy the growing water demand in the future and gradually replace the existing ground water. During the dry season in 2013 several districts of Hanoi went completely without water. A transmission pipeline from the existing plant on the Da River suffered numerous breaks, exacerbating water scarcity. The Vietnamese company Vinaconex built the pipeline with fibreglass-reinforced pipes that it manufactured itself using. With anti-Chinese sentiment riding high in Vietnam, the faults have been blamed on the perceived low-cost Chinese technology behind the manufacturing process. When a Chinese firm won a contract to build a second pipeline in 2016, the government cancelled the contract. Service quality. Drinking water quality. In early 2009 tests by the Vietnam Institute of Biotechnology showed widespread contamination of municipal tap water, including high levels of e-coli. Most residents boil drinking water, because they do not trust the quality of the tap water, or use bottled water. Some tap water samples were also contaminated with ammonia at levels that were 6–18 times higher than the allowed level. Ammonia in drinking water is not a direct health risk, but it can compromise disinfection efficiency, cause the failure of some filters, and it causes taste and odor problems. Arsenic levels were two to three times higher than acceptable according to the World Health Organization guidelines. Bacteria were also found in bottled water samples, according to analyses by the Ho Chi Minh City health department in 2009, leading to 38 water bottling firms being ordered closed. Pollution and wastewater treatment. Water pollution is a serious issue in Vietnam as a result of rapid industrialization and urbanization without adequate environmental management. As of 2008 only 10 percent of municipal wastewater was treated, and only 45% of industrial zones were expected to have wastewater treatment of some kind in 2010. The pollution of rivers and lakes in Hanoi is "alarming" according to municipal authorities, as up to 98 per cent of 200 rivers and lakes fail to meet the required water quality. Sewer systems consist of combined sewers, channeling both rainwater and municipal sewage. Small enterprises engaged in food processing and textile dyeing in so-called "craft villages", of which there are 700 in the Red River Delta alone, discharge untreated wastewater. An analysis by the University of Technologies and the Ministry of Science and Technology showed that 100% of wastewater samples taken from craft villages exceed allowed levels of pollution. Vietnam also has more than 200 registered industrial zones without sustainable wastewater treatment. Industrial zones discharge 1 million cubic meters of untreated sewage per day, about 70 percent of all industrial wastewater. 8 industrial zones will be equipped with wastewater treatment plants with the help of a US$50 million loan from the World Bank approved in 2012. It is also planned to construct 30 wastewater treatment plants in the Mekong Delta until 2020, including 13 plants for domestic wastewater treatment and 17 for industrial wastewater treatment in Can Tho, a Giang, Kien Giang and Ca Mau provinces. In 2012 Hanoi expected to start the operation of the upgraded Yen So waste water treatment plant with a design capacity of 200,000 cubic meters per day; eight more wastewater treatment plants are planned in Hanoi alone. Responsibility for water supply and sanitation. Responsibility for policy setting. Within the national government responsibility for water supply and sanitation is shared between three Ministries. Urban water supply and sewerage is under the Ministry of Construction. Rural water supply is under the Ministry of Agriculture and Rural Development, while rural sanitation and hygiene are under the Ministry of Health. The structure of Ministries is mirrored at the provincial level, where each Ministry has branches. The 58 provinces have considerable autonomy in implementing policies. For example, some focus on public sector service provision, while others − especially in the South - promote the private sector. National policies and targets. The government policy is to achieve full cost recovery for water supply and partial cost recovery for urban sanitation. Decree 117/2007 requires water supply tariffs to be set to full cost recovery and Decree 88/2007 requires sanitation to be charged through a surcharge of the water tariff at a minimum of 10% to achieve recovery of the operation and maintenance costs. In 2009 the government introduced the policy of “socialization” or “equitization” of water supply companies through Prime Minister Instruction 854/2009. The policy is a byword for creating financially autonomous utilities that would ultimately be able to borrow from commercial banks. The government aims at providing 90% of the urban population with access to safe drinking water and at collecting and treating 100% of the urban wastewater by 2020. The latter goal had been set for 2010 as part of the Vietnam Development Goals, but only 10% of urban wastewater was treated as of 2008 according to the Ministry of Construction. Furthermore, the government aims at reducing non-revenue water to 15% by 2020, to provide 120–-150 liters of water per capita per day, and to make water companies financially self-sustaining by 2025. The latter target had also been set for 2010, but was missed. There is a National Strategy for Rural Clean Water Supply and Sanitation that was approved in 2000, which emphasizes a demand-responsive approach, meaning that users should take important decisions such as the most appropriate technology and the model of service provision. Policy implementation and monitoring. The "equitization" was completed in 2010, but – unlike the central government intended – the provincial governments used water utilities to engage in lucrative real estate deals. Provincial and local governments are reluctant to raise tariffs in line with government policies, and the sanitation surcharge is often insufficient to recover even operating costs, leaving local governments with the burden to subsidize the operating costs of wastewater companies. Tariffs were thus barely increased and the level of cost recovery remains low, especially for wastewater. The Asian Development Bank concluded in 2010: There is no meaningful monitoring system for the sector goals. The sector goals concerning access to drinking water and sanitation are not defined in terms of the definition of the UN's Joint Monitoring Programme for Water Supply and Sanitation, which is considered too loose, but in terms of a more narrow definition of access. There is a large number of performance criteria, but there are no baseline data and no methodology for monitoring. There may even be a disincentive for provinces to improve their monitoring systems, since it is in their interest to show that their access figures are low and that they are in need of more central funds. In rural areas decision-making often remains top-down, with little or no meaningful participation by users. For example, in some provinces in Central Vietnam piped water supply with meters is provided at high costs, while users continue to use water that comes in hose pipes from nearby sources, because it is cheaper and is considered of better quality. The Asian Development Bank concludes: Responsibility for service provision. Water supply and sanitation in Vietnam is the responsibility of numerous categories of service providers, with substantial differences in the categories of service providers between urban and rural areas. Urban areas. Water supply in cities and some larger towns is provided by state-owned provincial Water Service Companies (WSCs). Provincial WSCs have evolved from a centralized national water supply organization during the 1990s. Their autonomy is still limited. Key decisions such as budgets, staff salary and benefits, and senior management appointments require approval by the provincial government. Assets are owned by the province, not the WSC. There is no contractual relationship between the Province and the WSC. Some WSCs are Public Service Enterprises (PSEs), while others have converted to private-law enterprises on the basis of the Enterprise Law. Some WSCs only operate the water systems, while others also design or even build them. Some even manufacture equipment. Some WSC are active outside their geographical jurisdiction. Sewerage and wastewater treatment in cities is the responsibility of Provincial Urban Environmental Companies. In some provinces they provide only sewerage and wastewater treatment, while in others they have many other responsibilities such as solid waste collection, and again in other provinces WSCs are also in charge of sewerage. Private sector participation in urban water supply is limited to Build-Operate-Transfer (BOT) contracts for drinking water treatment plants. In Ho Chi Minh City (HCMC), a Malaysian firm has been operating the Binh An plant since 1994. The Thu Duc 2 treatment plant in HCMC and a raw water pumping station supplying water to Ha Noi, including a transmission main from Hoa Binh, are owned and operated by Joint Stock Companies. Rural areas. In small towns and rural areas there are six service models: A 2007 survey by CERWASS in 39 provinces inventoried 4,433 piped water schemes, finding that those operated by CERWASS were best operated and maintained (62% classified as "good"), compared to those operated by people committees (38%) and communities (25%). Most early private water systems were built and financed by local residents and water tariffs are high. Since 2007 private water companies began operating larger water systems, such as in Lim Town, with a total population of approximately 12,500, and Minh Duc Town, with a total population of 11,700, under competitively awarded 10-year lease contracts with the provincial water company. These contracts introduced a new service provision model to small towns in Vietnam. The National Center for Rural Water Supply and Sanitation (CERWASS) and its provincial branch offices provides grant financing, requiring a user contribution, and organizes the construction of infrastructure. It also still operates water systems, although it is supposed to withdraw from this function. A World Bank study of rural water supply service delivery models in 2010 showed that there have been limited efforts to create the institutional framework necessary for sustainable service provision, that up to 90% of wells drilled are not operational and that "a large part of systems break down completely or need major repair within 3-4 years", partly due to poor quality construction. A 2007 survey showed a slightly better picture. It found that out of 4,433 piped water schemes 41% were well operated and maintained, 35% had "medium" operation and maintenance, and 24% had poor or no operation and maintenance. Efficiency. According to a national urban water benchmarking system set up by the Viet Nam Water Supply and Sewerage Association (VWSA) with the support for the Asian Development Bank, non-revenue water is reported by provincial water companies as having been reduced from 39% in 2000 to around 30% in 2009 on average. However, VWSA itself questions the reliability of these figures. In some cities, non-revenue water is as high as 75%. The government says it wants to reduce non-revenue water to 25% by 2015 and 15% by 2025. Financial aspects. Investment and financing. Between 1992 and 2002 about US$1 billion ($100 million per year) was invested in urban water supply and sanitation, out of which US$ 838m was financed by external donors. In rural areas, between 1999 and 2002 a total of VND 3.160 billion ($225 million, corresponding to $56 million per year) was invested, out of which VND 1,460 billion (46%) was financed by users themselves, VND 1300 billion (41%) by the government and “other sources”, and only VND 400 million (13 percent) by donors. The total investment of USD 156m per year corresponds to less than 2 USD per capita and year. Tariff levels and adjustment. Urban water tariffs are set by the executive branch of each province, the Provincial People’s Committees, after the Provincial Water Supply Company (WSC) submits their tariff proposal. Often the People’s Committees obtain the consent of the legislative branch, the People's Council. Tariffs are reviewed annually. A 1999 circular 03/1999 said that local government must gradually increase water tariffs to fully recover costs. Implementation has been slow at first, but it sped up when in 2004 the Ministry of Finance and the Ministry of Construction issued a joint circular stipulating the common tariff framework for the whole country, including rural areas. In 2003 residential urban water tariffs were typically in the range VND 1600 to 2700/m3, with an average of VND 2,181/m3 (US$0.15/m3). According to another source, the average water tariff for all user categories - residential, commercial and others - was $0.26/m3 in 2009. Where water consumption is metered, increasing-block tariffs are applied. The second block of the tariff often starts at a low level of consumption. For example, in HCMC it starts at 4 cubic meters per month. However, connection fees are high, especially in small towns, and – according to the World Bank - were “a major obstacle to achieving greater coverage of water supply services” in 2005. Sewer tariffs did not exist until the early 2000s and have only been introduced gradually. In HCMC the sewer tariff was only 10 percent of the water tariff, far below the actual cost of sewerage and wastewater treatment. Cooperatives and community-based water supply systems in small towns set their own water tariffs, which are then approved by the Provincial People’s Committee. In rural areas, water is typically not being charged for. Cost recovery and affordability. In 2004, all WSC except two recovered their operating costs from tariff revenues. The average operating cost coverage ratio was 168% in 2009. There is no information on cost recovery in small towns and rural areas. Water bills for those connected are below 2 percent of household expenditures. In slums, residents often cannot connect to the public water system since they are not formally registered. They are forced to buy water from households with connections at a price that is 2−8 times higher than the water tariff. External cooperation. The main external donors in water supply and sanitation in Vietnam are the Asian Development Bank and Japan, followed by the World Bank and Germany. In rural areas four smaller donor − Australia, Denmark, the UK and the Netherlands − have joined forces to provide budget support for a national program. Germany. Germany promotes sustainable sanitation through a wastewater management program that involves technical cooperation and financial cooperation. The program ran from 2005 to 2014. It has influenced the national regulatory framework for sanitation through waste water management Decree 88/2007 enacted by the Prime Minister and a corresponding circular enacted in 2009 by the Ministry of Construction. Furthermore, it supports Provincial People's Committees and wastewater companies in nine provinces through the elaboration of corporate development plans and the financing of sewers and wastewater treatment plants. These are Lang Son, Son La, Hoa Binh, Bac Ninh and Hai Duong in the North, Vinh in the Centre, as well as Tra Vinh, Soc Trang and Can Tho in the Mekong Delta. In 2010 the province of Soc Trang has been the first to enact a sewer tariff that is designed to recover the costs of operation and maintenance. In 2012 Bac Ninh introduced a sewer tariff that is designed to recover half the operation and maintenance costs, with the aim of fully recovering them in 2014. The program also supports information campaigns to increase environmental and health awareness. Japan. JICA supports "water environment improvement" in the provinces Thừa Thiên–Huế and Đồng Nai. In Bình Dương, near Ho Chi Minh City, JICA provides a low-interest loan of almost 20 billion Yen (US$170 million) for a sewer system and measures to conserve the city's source of drinking water. World Bank. The World Bank provides support through 12 projects approved between 1997 and 2013 with a total lending of more than US$1 billion. One of them is the Red River Delta rural water supply and sanitation projects that promoted participatory approaches through the creation of joint-stock companies. The World Bank-administered Global Partnership for Output-Based Aid (GPOBA) supports public-private partnerships for water supply in 75 villages in Central Vietnam through a US$4.5 million grant for the East Meets West Foundation. Asian Development Bank. In February 2011 the ADB approved a $1bn 10year-facility for water supply in seven or more cities. In December 2015 the ADB approved a loan to expand a water treatment plant on the Da River to supply Hanoi with drinking water, replacing contaminated groundwater that is currently used to supply the city's residents. The loan proceeds will also be used to connect households west of the city along the transmission line from the Da River to Hanoi. However, in 2016 the Hanoi People's Committee awarded a licence to build another water treatment plant on the Duong River west of the city in an area without a distribution network. The licence was awarded without bidding, using a legal loophole that allows to bypass competitive bidding that is prescribed in a decree on Public-Private Partnerships (PPP) passed as recently as 2015. The private company that received the license is Vietnam-Oman Investment Company (VOI) – a joint venture of the State General Reserve Fund of Oman, State Capital Investment Corporation of Vietnam, state-owned technology enterprise Newtatco, VietinBank Capital, and the Hanoi Water Limited Company (Hawacom).

big difference

14513-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=30800597

Thomas Reid (26 December 1881 – 28 January 1963) was a British diplomat and politician. He was Labour Member of Parliament (MP) for Swindon from 1945 to 1955. Palestine. Reid was known for his strong views against the division of Palestine under the British Mandate for Palestine. In late 1947, a month after the publication of the United Nations Partition Plan for Palestine, he stated in a long speech to parliament: "It is an iniquitous scheme, and the chief instigator is a country for whom I have the profoundest love and admiration, next after my own, namely America. I do not believe all the tales about America, about the almighty dollar, and the rest. Americans are a very noble people and have more idealism than most nations of the world. But I have a criticism to make of America on this occasion, or at least of the American delegates to U.N.O. What is the motive? Let us be frank about it. One of the chief motives is that the Jews have a controlling voice in the election for the President in the States of New York, Illinois, Ohio and elsewhere in America. I suggest that the chief reason for this evil proposal of U.N.O. is that the political parties in America, or their party machines, are partly at the electoral mercy of the Jews. That is public knowledge."

honest society

9587-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=47880216

The externalities of automobiles, similarly to other economic externalities, are the measurable difference in costs for other parties to those of the car proprietor, such costs not taken into account when the proprietor opts to drive their car. According to Harvard University, the main externalities of driving are local and global pollution, oil dependence, traffic congestion and traffic accidents; while according to a meta-study conducted by the Delft University these externalities are congestion and scarcity costs, accident costs, air pollution costs, noise costs, climate change costs, costs for nature and landscape, costs for water pollution, costs for soil pollution and costs of energy dependency. Negative externalities. The negative externalities seem to be the most obvious to confirm, since the driver does not take into account, for example, the negative effects of air pollution on third parties, when they opt to drive their car. The legislators and the regulators shall, therefore, internalize those external costs, either by taxes on fuels for example, either by any kind of limitation to car usage, such as parking meters or urban tolls. Nevertheless, it seems the drivers in some countries, already pay some external costs with taxes. Road taxes in the Netherlands for instance, have a relatively high yearly value, which covers the maintenance of the infrastructures. Nevertheless, in the majority of western nations, the external costs of driving, are not covered totally either by taxes, or by any kind of car usage limitation. Traffic congestion and scarcity. Increased reliance on the automobile leads to increased road congestion. While expansions in road capacity are often touted as relieving congestion, induced demand often means that any reductions in congestion are temporary. Accidents. Cars are the leading cause of fatal traffic accidents in many countries, cars are the leading cause of death of youth and children. In 2010, car crashes in the United States resulted in 32,999 deaths and a projected $871 billion cost to society, around 6% of the United States 2010 GDP. Road traffic accidents cause social costs including material damages, administrative costs, medical costs, production losses and immaterial costs. Immaterial costs are lifetime shortening, suffering as well as for example pain or sorrow, which can arise from death injuries. Material costs are often covered by insurance and also market price of these costs are available. However this does not hold for any immaterial costs and proxy cost factors because these costs are not sufficiently covered by private insurance systems. Air pollution. Cars produce numerous harmful air pollutants in their exhaust such as Nitrogen oxides, particulate matter, low atmospheric ozone (indirectly) and in the case of leaded fuel, lead. Those pollutants are known to cause various respiratory and other health issues and cars are among the leading cause of smog in modern developed world cities. External costs which can arise from using cars and trucks in everyday life are of different kinds (covering also material costs such as damages to buildings and materials), but health costs are the most common. In this case cars might cause cardiovascular and respiratory diseases. Such costs have to be paid by the society as a whole. There is quite a high number of available studies on the methodology of air pollution costs as well as applications of these methods. The CE Delft study (CE Delft; Infras; Fraunhofer ISI, 2011) considers the following cost elements: • Health effects: The aspiration of air transport emissions increases the risk of respiratory and cardiovascular diseases (caused mainly by carbon monoxide, nitrogen oxides and hydrocarbons). In more detail CO reduces oxygen in the bloodstream causing breathing difficulty, NOx (that reacts with form ozone) affects asthmatics and visibility. • Building and material damages: soiling of building and corrosive processes caused by acidifying pollutants • Crop losses • acidification and eutrophication. Noise. Cars significantly contribute to noise pollution. While on common perception the engine is the main cause for noise, at city speeds the noise produced by wheel and asphalt is commonly the dominant factor while at highway speeds air friction noises become a major factor. According to available literature there are two types of negative impacts: • Costs of annoyance: Meaning disturbances that can change into social as well as economic costs. • Health costs: Health problems can arise from noise which level is higher than 55 dBA. Especially stress reactions are the most common. Such a reaction can result in increasing heartbeat or blood pressure Climate change. Climate change is significantly caused by human activity, particularly the production of greenhouse gasses and their release into the atmosphere. Cars produce more Carbon dioxide per passenger kilometer than any other form of land transport. In addition to that Nitrogen oxides are also greenhouse gasses. Transportation is considered as large contributor to global climate change and especially in the US 80 percent of carbon dioxide emissions arise from moving cars and trucks moving goods. Many people understand that what contributes to greenhouse gas emissions is style of driving and length of a trip. Less known fact when considering measurement of emissions is how it changes with changing speed of vehicle. Traffic congestion is dangerous because of its effects on society. Besides increasing risk of injuries arising primarily from high-grade roads together with the high noise, the main consequence of traffic congestion is increasing level of emissions of greenhouse gases. In a research made by Matthew Barth and Kanok Boriboonsomsin from the University of California, they have developed a way how to measure the relationship between driving and carbon emissions. More specifically, they have estimated how to reduce those emissions through three improvements in managing traffic operations • Congestion mitigation strategies that reduce severe congestion and increase traffic speeds (e.g. ramp metering, incident management, and congestion pricing) • Speed management strategies that bring down excessive speeds to more moderate speeds of approximately 55 mph (e.g. enforcement and ISA) • Traffic smoothing strategies that reduce the number and intensity of acceleration and deceleration events (e.g. variable speed limits and ISA). Costs for nature and landscape. Roads, parking spaces but also suburban sprawl caused by cars need significant amount of space. Typically, once agricultural or uncultivated land is turned over into ever wider motorways and ever larger parking lots to accommodate the automobile but induced demand means any relief is temporary and more and more surfaces are sealed in the process.. Costs for water pollution. Lubricants and fuels used by automobiles are harmful when they leak into the groundwater. Oil refineries and particularly the mining of unconventional oil like oil shales and oil sands can be extremely harmful for the surrounding water resources and bodies of water. In addition to that runoff of impervious surfaces like roads or parking lots can be contaminated with all sorts of pollutants. Costs for soil pollution. In addition to the fertile topsoil often "buried" under freeways and parking spaces, cars directly or indirectly release pollutants into the soil. Oil may leak into the groundwater and the common practice to clean cars in the front yard causes surfactants and other products in the cleaning products to pollute the ground. Similarly, salt is often used to keep roads and highways free of snow and ice and chlorides cause major damage to vegetation as well as being an aggressive substance linked to rust and corrosion. Costs of energy dependency. While trains and tramway often run on electricity which can be generated through renewable sources or locally available fuel, cars by and large run on petroleum derived fuels. Only a handful of countries are net exporters of petroleum. For developed countries this causes a political dependence on a reliable petroleum supply and has been cited as the reason for foreign policy decisions of the United States among others. For developing countries, petroleum products can be among the chief imports and reliance on automobiles can significantly impact the trade deficit and public debt of such nations. Obesity. Some research indicates a correlation between urban sprawl and obesity. Car centric development and lack of walkability lead to less use of active modes of transportation such as utility cycling and walking which is linked to various health issues caused by a lack of exercise. Solutions to negative externalities. Pigovian taxes. Pigovian taxes are one solution used for correcting negative externalities caused by automobiles. By increasing the cost of using an automobiles, it is possible to reduce consumption to an economically optimal level while raising tax revenue. This is achieved through the use of fuel taxes and road taxes. Which are intended to raise revenue for infrastructure investment and repair. In the United states, this revenue is inadequate for infrastructure repair as federal gas taxes have not been raised since 1993. Thus a majority of the revenue has been lost to inflation. In the case of carbon taxes, revenue is used for investment in environmentally friendly initiatives. Fuel and carbon taxes have been criticized as being a regressive tax, that affect low income individuals greater than high earners. As a result, the Canadian government has used a portion of tax revenue from carbon taxes to rebate lower income households. Congestion pricing. Major cities such as London and Stockholm have introduced congestion pricing in order to reduce traffic and pollution in their city centres. This is implemented as a toll on automobiles entering the city centre during peak hours. This toll aims to correct the negative externalities and change consumer behaviour, by making consumers more aware of the costs induced by their consumption. Congestion pricing is an efficient way at reducing traffic externalities, as monitoring technology allows prices to adapt to changes in traffic levels. This added toll reduces congestion, encourages the use of public transit, and raises revenue from tolls. Subsidizing alternatives. Many governments have begun subsidizing electric vehicles. With the intention of correcting the positive externality that electric vehicles contribute to the environment. This has been implemented through the use of tax credits, purchase rebates, and tax exemptions. In the United States, the purchaser of a new electric vehicle will receive a tax rebate anywhere between $2500 to $7500. These subsidies reduce the cost of Zero-emissions vehicle and as a result increase demand. By incentivizing consumers to reduce their purchases of petrol vehicles in favour of electric cars, there is a decrease in negative externalities associated with emissions. There has been backlash against the equity of these subsidies, stating that these subsidies favour the wealthy. In 2014, 80% of American electric vehicle tax credits went to households with an adjusted gross income over $100,000. Regulation. The use of emission standards on automobiles, reduces the amount of pollutants emitted by new automobiles thus reducing negative environmental externalities. This is an important piece in regulating automobile externalities, as emission levels per litre of gasoline consumed are not reduced by fuel taxes. The European Union has set a target of 95g of CO² per kilometre by 2021. Emission limits are based on mass of automobiles with heavier vehicles having higher limits. Manufacturers who miss this target are charged with increasing costs for each gram of additional pollution. This policy serves to regulate pollution while accounting for unmeasured costs placed by automobiles on the environment. Positive externalities. While the existence of negative externalities seems consensual, the existence of positive externalities of the automobile does not have consensus amongst economists and experts in the transportation sector. The creation of jobs or the fact that the related industries pay taxes, cannot be considered, as such, as positive externalities, because any legal economic activity pays taxes, and the big majority also needs job demand. Time saving to the driver, and therefore, eventually more personal production, cannot either be considered a positive externality, because the driver has already taken those factors into account when they opted to use their car, and therefore these factors cannot be considered, by many authors, a pure externality. Accessibility and land value. Notwithstanding the above objections, some authors enumerate positive externalities for the automobile like accessibility and land value. Where land is expensive, it is developed more intensively. Where it is more intensively developed, there are more activities and destinations that can be reached in a given time. Where there are more activities, accessibility is higher and where accessibility is higher, land is more expensive. However, observations show that less car-dependent forms of development produce denser settlement patterns and higher land values. City growth. Economists have sought to understand why cities grow and why large cities seem to be at an advantage relative to others. One explanation that has received much attention emphasizes the role of agglomeration economies in facilitating and sustaining city growth. The clustering of firms and workers in cities generates positive externalities by allowing for labor market pooling, input sharing, and knowledge spillovers. Nevertheless some other economists mention urban decay and urban sprawl as a negative effect or cost of the automobile, when the city grows due to automobile dependency. Most large cities currently require most of their food to be trucked in by motor vehicle. Historic Paris is a counterexample, using up to 1/6 of its landspace for growing food.

higher paid individuals

14389-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=3416558

David Nelson Cutcliffe (born September 16, 1954) is the head football coach of the Duke University Blue Devils. Under Cutcliffe, in 2012 the Blue Devils ended an 18-year bowl drought and also brought the Victory Bell back to Duke after beating arch-rival University of North Carolina in 2012. The following season, 2013, Cutcliffe led the team to a second straight bowl appearance, another win over North Carolina, an Atlantic Coast Conference Coastal Division championship and the first 10-win season in school history. He also earned multiple college football coach of the year awards from the Walter Camp Football Foundation, the Maxwell Football Club, and the Bobby Dodd Foundation. Early life. Cutcliffe was born and raised in Birmingham, Alabama, which played a formative role in his development as a football coach. He has two brothers (Charles "Paige" Cutcliffe, and Raymond Eugene "JR." Cutcliffe) and three sisters (Mary Marlyn Cutcliffe Sullivan, Margart Lynn Cutcliffe, and Elizabeth "Buff" Cutcliffe Easterly). Cutcliffe attended Banks High School in Birmingham where he played football. He attended the University of Alabama, where he worked as an assistant director of the athletic dormitory. Coaching career. Early coaching career. In 1976, Cutcliffe took a job at Banks High School where he served as an assistant and later as the head coach. In 1982, he was hired as a part-time coach at the University of Tennessee. A year later, he was promoted to full-time status as the tight ends and assistant offensive line coach. By 1990, Cutcliffe was promoted to quarterbacks coach. He became offensive coordinator as well in 1993. As coordinator, Cutcliffe helped lead the Vols to two Southeastern Conference championships and a national championship. He also helped groom Heath Shuler and future Super Bowl MVP Peyton Manning, serving as their position coach. Ole Miss. On December 2, 1998, Cutcliffe was hired as the head football coach at Ole Miss after Tommy Tuberville left for Auburn. Cutcliffe had success at Ole Miss, where he recruited Eli Manning, son of Ole Miss player Archie Manning, to play quarterback. In 2003, Cutcliffe's Rebels tied LSU for the Southeastern Conference West Division title, and they won the Cotton Bowl Classic, the Rebels' most prestigious bowl game since the Johnny Vaught era. The bowl victory capped off the Rebels' first 10-win season in 32 years, and only their second since Vaught's tenure. Cutcliffe was fired by Ole Miss Athletic Director Pete Boone in December 2004 after his only losing season at Ole Miss. Boone had asked Cutcliffe to fire some assistant coaches and provide a detailed plan for improving the program, specifically the defense and recruiting. Cutcliffe refused to fire any staff members, and was subsequently fired along with his assistants. Post-Ole Miss. After his stint at Ole Miss, Cutcliffe was hired by head coach Charlie Weis as the assistant head coach and quarterbacks coach at Notre Dame, but health problems forced him to resign before his first season there. In 2005, he underwent successful triple-bypass surgery to correct a 99-percent blocked artery. After taking a year off he returned to Knoxville to coach Tennessee again and join his sons, Chris Cutcliffe and Marcus Hilliard, then Tennessee students, on campus (his oldest daughter, Katie Cutcliffe Kolls, would also attend Tennessee). After Cutcliffe's successor as offensive coordinator at Tennessee, Randy Sanders, resigned, Phillip Fulmer rehired Cutcliffe to replace him. Cutcliffe led a major turnaround of the Tennessee offense during the 2006 season. Tennessee quarterback Erik Ainge ranked among the nation's top 25 passers by yardage, and wide receiver Robert Meachem had the third-most receiving yards of any player. Duke University. Cutcliffe was hired as the head football coach at Duke University on December 14, 2007, replacing Ted Roof, who had amassed a 4–42 win-loss record (1–31 in the ACC) over four years at the school. Cutcliffe inherited a program that had tallied only three winning seasons in the last 25 years and, before the 2008 season, had not beaten an ACC opponent in over three seasons. Cutcliffe immediately began a strength and conditioning program, challenging the team to collectively lose 1,000 pounds after finding the team in less than ideal physical shape. On Saturday, August 30, 2008, Cutcliffe won his first game as Duke's head coach, defeating the James Madison Dukes 31–7, before a crowd of 32,571, the largest in Wallace Wade Stadium since 1994. The game marked the introduction of a number of rituals that Cutcliffe hopes to turn into Duke traditions, including the Blue Devil Walk, which parades the players and coaching staff from Duke Chapel, through West Campus and past Cameron Indoor Stadium to Wallace Wade Stadium, and the "Blue Devil Rock", located in the stadium tunnel and mined from the same quarry used in the construction of Duke's West Campus. In Cutcliffe's second game, Duke lost to Northwestern in a mirror image game of the previous season's matchup, twice falling short of a touchdown deep in Northwestern territory. After the home loss against Northwestern, Duke hosted Navy, prevailing 41–31. Cutcliffe next led Duke to its first ACC victory since 2004, with a 31–3 rout of Virginia. This was a complete turnaround from the team's 2006 game against UVA, in which the Blue Devils were shut out 37–0 in Wallace Wade. Duke proceeded to lose to Georgia Tech and Miami before notching its first road win of the season, a 10–7 victory over SEC opponent Vanderbilt. Next, on the road at Wake Forest, Duke lost in overtime, 33–30, missing what would have been a game-winning field goal at the end of regulation. This was another in a string of such painful kicking miscues for the Blue Devils, including a miss at North Carolina in the previous season. The next game, Duke went on to lose to Clemson, 31–7, before fighting to a surprisingly close 14–3 loss to powerhouse Virginia Tech and suffering a disappointing close loss to arch-rival North Carolina at season's end. In January 2010, following Lane Kiffin's abrupt departure after just one season at the helm of the Tennessee football team, Cutcliffe quickly emerged as a leading candidate to replace Kiffin. Cutcliffe, however, ultimately rebuffed Tennessee's overtures, remaining at Duke and stating, “After much thought and consideration, Karen and I reached the decision that Duke is the place for our family. We have both family members and lifetime friends in the Knoxville community and share a deep respect for the University of Tennessee. Our ties to the school and the Eastern Tennessee area are obvious. But before Tennessee’s hiring process comes to a conclusion, I know that Duke University is where we want to coach.” Cutcliffe's decision was widely lauded as a rare example of commitment and integrity among prominent college football coaches. On October 20, 2012, Coach Cutcliffe led the Devils to their first win over North Carolina since 2003. In doing so, Duke became bowl eligible for the first time since 1994. He was subsequently named ACC Coach of the Year on November 27, 2012. On October 26, 2013, Cutcliffe led the Blue Devils to an upset of #14 Virginia Tech, 13–10. This was Duke's first win over a ranked opponent since beating #14 Virginia in 1994. With this win, the Blue Devils became bowl eligible for a second consecutive season for the first time since the 1988 and 1989 seasons. A win over NC State the following week guaranteed the Blue Devils their first winning season in 20 years, and only their ninth in 50 years. On November 29, with a close 27–25 win over North Carolina, the Blue Devils clinched their first-ever Coastal Division title, as well as the first 10-win season in their over 100-year football history. They also garnered a berth in the 2013 ACC Championship Game falling to the eventual National Champion Florida State Seminoles and Heisman Trophy winner Jameis Winston 45-7. Duke's historic 2013 season concluded on New Year's Eve in Atlanta, GA, at the Chick-fil-A Bowl against the Texas A&M Aggies, led by 2012 Heisman Trophy winner Johnny Manziel. In a high-scoring affair totaling 100 points, Duke took a 38–17 halftime lead before ultimately succumbing to a Manziel-led rally, 52–48. During the 2015 season, Duke, ranked 22nd at the time, was ahead of Miami until the end when the Hurricanes threw multiple laterals and won the game as the time ran out. David Cutcliffe was speechless on the sidelines and just stood there chewing his gum. In a press conference after the game he was critical of the officiating and the ACC referees later admitted they made the wrong call. Cutcliffe is already third on Duke's all-time wins list, behind only Hall of Famers Wallace Wade and Bill Murray. Quarterback coaching. Eight quarterbacks whom Cutcliffe coached in college have gone on to play in the NFL: Heath Shuler, Peyton Manning, Tee Martin, Eli Manning, Erik Ainge, Thaddeus Lewis, Sean Renfree, and Daniel Jones. Cutcliffe also coached former Colorado Rockies first baseman Todd Helton while Helton played quarterback at Tennessee. Eli Manning's former backup, Seth Smith, is a retired professional baseball player. Family. Cutcliffe is married to Karen Cutcliffe. They have four children: Marcus, Chris, Katie, and Emily.

clear blueprint

2859-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=2353707

The Advanced Visualizer (TAV), a 3D graphics software package, was the flagship product of Wavefront Technologies from the 1980s until the 1990s. History. A software package famous for its use in the production of numerous Oscar-winning movies such as "The Abyss", "" and "Jurassic Park". Alias|Wavefront Merger. This was widely seen as the result of Microsoft purchasing Softimage in an attempt to take over the 3D computer graphics market. Silicon Graphics responded by purchasing Alias Systems Corporation, and their two major competitors, Wavefront, and the French company TDI (Thomson Digital Images) for their Explore, IPR, and GUI technologies. Thus SGI created the super-company "Alias|Wavefront". Wavefront's programmers continued to reside in California but the management of the company was carried out in Toronto, Canada. Autodesk Era. In 1996 Alias|Wavefront announced the release of Maya which incorporated aspects of all 3 software suites. Wavefront was renamed to Alias Technologies and acquired by Autodesk in 2005. Some of the technology under Autodesk's ownership is still sold today as part of Maya. Architecture. In contrast to many modern day (2011) computer graphics animation software, TAV was a set of independent programs that each focused on one aspect of image synthesis as opposed to a monolithic product. The collection of these smaller programs formed the entire suite based on simple interchange of mostly ASCII file formats such as OBJ. The major components of the TAV software suite included: Model, Paint, Dynamation, Kinemation, Preview, and fcheck. Composer was also available as an add-on for compositing of imagery. Many primitive utility programs such as graphics conversion were included in the toolkit and were frequently employed for batch processing via shell scripts. The modular nature allowed these loosely coupled lightweight programs to start-up quickly with relatively small memory footprints. It was not uncommon to run several instances of the Model or Preview package, each working on different aspects of the same project. As TAV only ran on the Silicon Graphics platform it enjoyed significant performance advantages over software-only based solutions due to its use of SGI's specialized graphics hardware supporting IrisGL, a precursor to OpenGL. Component programs. fcheck - or 'Frame Check' is an image sequence viewer. fcheck loaded image files from disk into RAM and played them back at monitor synced frame rates for real time playback evaluation. It features the ability to view the RGBA (and Z-depth in the case of RLA) channels independently, variable frame rate and the ability to draw directly into the buffer. This program still ships with Maya. Model - a polygon and patch 3d modeler. It read and wrote OBJ files. It also had the ability to manipulate UVs, Normals and assign material associations saved in the MTL file format. Included a command language for automation in the form of scripts, or aliases. Since there was no 'undo' feature, a common automated sequence would copy data to a spare place before modifying it - in essence, the users made their own 'undo'. Alongside direct manipulation of the vertex data, procedural deformers were available to sculpt the surfaces using common geometric transformations such as 'bend'. Paint was an image editing program for manipulation of bitmap graphics - its texture map support focused on the RLA, SGI, Cineon (now DPX) and TIFF file formats. Support for 16 bit integer textures, sequencing capabilities for rotoscoping in addition to paint cloning from adjacent frames in the timeline. Dynamation was a particle animation and rendering program capable of importing an OBJ to interact with. It accomplished native rendering using a hardware render buffer featuring a z-buffer. It drove the animations using a combination of predefined field objects & programmatic 'expressions' as well as rigid body mesh collision support. This technology is still being used in the Maya product today. Preview was animation package that referenced OBJ files from disk, managed hierarchies and assigned animated channel data to attributes such as translation and rotation. It allowed association of primitive non-linear deformations such as bends and waves to geometry. It lacked a native undo feature. Like Model, included a command language that allowed for alias, or script development to automate tasks such as 'undo'. Other features included placement and preview of lights, manipulation of OBJ MTL files, and facilitation of scanline or wire frame rendering via an external render module. A unique feature to draw every Nth polygon of a model, was essential for visualizing animation of 'heavy' scenes during manipulation. Render featured raytraced-shadows, raytraced reflections, transparency, texture maps, bump mapping, Lambert and Phong reflections. Kinemation - an 'advanced' animation system that allowed for the manipulation of geometry using Inverse Kinematics (IK), geometric skinning to 'bones' featuring lattice based deformations. The deformed meshes were exported a series of OBJ's read into preview for assembly with other scene components. Composer, though not an initial member of the family, is a time-line based (similar to after effects) compositing and editing system with color corrections, keying, convolution filters, and animation capabilities. It supported 8 and 16 bit file formats as well as Cineon and early 'movie' file formats such as SGI Indeo, MPEG video and QuickTime.

directive jargon

1448-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=239918

Tap water (also known as faucet water, running water, or municipal water) is water supplied through a tap, a water dispenser valve. Tap water is commonly used for drinking, cooking, washing, and toilet flushing. Indoor tap water is distributed through "indoor plumbing", which has existed since antiquity but was available to very few people until the second half of the 19th century when it began to spread in popularity in what are now developed countries. Tap water became common in many regions during the 20th century, and is now lacking mainly among people in poverty, especially on Indian Reservations in the US and in developing countries. In many countries, tap water is often associated with drinking water. Governmental agencies commonly regulate tap water quality. Household water purification methods such as water filters, boiling, or distillation can be used to treat tap water's microbial contamination to improve its potability. The application of technologies (such as water treatment plants) involved in providing clean water to homes, businesses, and public buildings is a major subfield of sanitary engineering. Calling a water supply "tap water" distinguishes it from the other main types of fresh water which may be available; these include water from rainwater-collecting cisterns, water from village pumps or town pumps, water from wells, or water carried from streams, rivers, or lakes (whose potability may vary). Background. Providing tap water to large urban or suburban populations requires a complex and carefully designed system of collection, storage, treatment and distribution, and is commonly the responsibility of a government agency. Publicly available treated water has historically been associated with major increases in life expectancy and improved public health. Water disinfection can greatly reduce the risks of waterborne diseases such as typhoid and cholera. There is a great need around the world to disinfect drinking water. Chlorination is currently the most widely used water disinfection method, although chlorine compounds can react with substances in water and produce disinfection by-products (DBP) that pose problems to human health. Local geological conditions affecting groundwater are determining factors for the presence of various metal ions, often rendering the water "soft" or "hard". Tap water remains susceptible to biological or chemical contamination. Water contamination remains a serious health issue around the world, and diseases resulted from consuming contaminated water cause the death of 1.6 million children each year. In the event of contamination deemed dangerous to public health, government officials typically issue an advisory regarding water consumption. In the case of biological contamination, residents are usually advised to boil their water before consumption or to use bottled water as an alternative. In the case of chemical contamination, residents may be advised to refrain from consuming tap water entirely until the matter is resolved. In many areas, low concentration of fluoride (< 1.0 ppm F) is intentionally added to tap water to improve dental health, although in some communities "fluoridation" remains a controversial issue. (See water fluoridation controversy). However, long-term consumption of water with high fluoride concentration (> 1.5 ppm F) can have serious undesirable consequences such as dental fluorosis, enamel mottle and skeletal fluorosis, bone deformities in children. Fluorosis severity depends on how much fluoride is present in the water, as well as people’s diet and physical activity. Defluoridation methods include membrane-based methods, precipitation, absorption, and electrocoagulation. Regulation and compliance. United States. The US Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) regulates the allowable levels of some contaminants in public water systems. There may also be numerous contaminants in tap water that are not regulated by EPA and yet potentially harmful to human health. Community water systems—those systems that serve the same people throughout the year—must provide an annual "Consumer Confidence Report" to customers. The report identifies contaminants, if any, in the water system and explains the potential health impacts. After the Flint lead crisis (2014), researchers have paid special attention in studying quality trends in drinking water all across the USA. Unsafe level of lead were found in tap water in different cities, such as Sebring, Ohio in August 2015, and Washington, DC, in 2001. Several studies show that a Safe Drinking Water Act (SDWA) health violation occurs in around 7-8% of community water system (CWS) in an average year. Around 16 million cases of acute gastroenteritis occur each year in the USA, due to the existence of contaminants in drinking water. Before a water supply system is constructed or modified, the designer and contractor are required to consult the local plumbing code and obtain a building permit prior to construction. Replacing an existing water heater may require a permit and inspection of the work. The US national standard for potable water piping guidelines is NSF/ANSI 61 certified materials. NSF/ANSI also sets standards for certifying polytanks, though the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) approves the materials. Fixtures and appliances. Everything in a building that uses water falls under one of two categories; fixture or appliance. As the consumption points above perform their function, most produce waste/sewage components that will require removal by the waste/sewage side of the system. The minimum is an air gap. See cross connection control & backflow prevention for an overview of backflow prevention methods and devices currently in use, both through the use of mechanical and physical principles. Fixtures are devices that use water without an additional source of power. Fittings and valves. Potable water supply systems are composed of pipes, fittings and valves. Materials. The installation of water pipes can be done using the following plastic and metal materials: Metals. Other materials, if the pipes made from them have been let into circulation and the widespread use in the construction of the water supply systems. Lead pipes. For many centuries, water pipes were made of lead, because of its ease of processing and durability. The use of lead pipes was a cause of health problems due to ignorance of the dangers of lead on the human body, which causes miscarriages and high death rates of newborns. Lead pipes, which were installed mostly in the late 1800s in the US, are still common today, much of which are located in the Northeast and the Midwest. Their impact is relatively small due to the fouling of pipes and stone cessation of the evolution of lead in the water; however, lead pipes are still detrimental. Most of the lead pipes that exist today are being removed and replaced with the more common material, copper or some type of plastic. Remnants of pipes in some languages are the names of the experts involved in the execution, reparation, maintenance, and installation of water supply systems, which have been formed from the Latin word 'lead', English word 'plumber', French word, 'plombier'. Potable water supply. Potable water is water that is drinkable and does not pose a risk to health. This supply may come from several possible sources. Domestic water systems have been evolving since people first located their homes near a running water supply, such as a stream or river. The water flow also allowed sending wastewater away from the residences. Modern plumbing delivers clean, safe, and potable water to each service point in water distribution system, including taps. It is important that the clean water not be contaminated by the wastewater (disposal) side of the process system. Historically, this contamination of drinking water has been one of the largest killers of humans. Most of the mandates for enforcing drinking water quality standards are not for the distribution system, but for the treatment plant. Even though the water distribution system is supposed to deliver the treated water to the consumers' taps without water quality degradation, complicated physical, chemical, and biological factors within the system can cause contamination of tap water. There is a huge gap regarding the potable water supply between the developed and developing world. In general, Africa, especially Sub-Saharan Africa, has the poorest water supply system in the world because of the insufficient access to the system and the low quality of the water in the region. Tap water can sometimes appear cloudy, often mistaken for mineral impurities in the water. It is usually caused by air bubbles coming out of solution due to change in temperature or pressure. Because cold water holds more air than warm water, small bubbles will appear in water. It has a high dissolved gas content that is heated or depressurized, which reduces how much dissolved gas the water can hold. The harmless cloudiness of the water disappears quickly as the gas is released from the water. Hot water supply. Domestic hot water is provided by means of water heater appliances, or through district heating. The hot water from these units is then piped to the various fixtures and appliances that require hot water, such as lavatories, sinks, bathtubs, showers, washing machines, and dishwashers. Water flow reduction. Water flow through a tap can be reduced by inexpensive small plastic flow reducers. These restrict flow between 15 and 50%, aiding water conservation and reducing the burden on both water supply and treatment facilities. Wastewater. Wastewater from various appliances, fixtures, and taps is transferred to the waste and sewage removal system via the sewage drain system to treatment plants. This system consists of larger diameter piping, water traps, and ventilation to prevent toxic gases from entering the living space. Comparison to bottled water. United States. Contaminant levels found in tap water vary between households and plumbing systems. While the majority of US households have access to high-quality tap water, demand for bottled water increases. In 2002, the Gallup Public Opinion Poll revealed that the possible health risk associated with tap water consumption is one of the main reasons that cause American consumers to prefer bottled water over tap water. The trust level towards tap water depends on various criteria, including the existing governmental regulations towards the water quality and their appliance. In 1993, the cryptosporidium outbreak in Milwaukee, Wisconsin, led to a massive hospitalization of more than 400,000 residents and was considered the largest in US history. Severe violations of tap water standards influence the decrease in public trust. The difference in water quality between bottled and tap water is debatable . In 1999, the Natural Resources Defense Council (NRDC) released controversial findings from a 4-year study on bottled water. The study claimed that one-third of the tested waters were contaminated with synthetic organic chemicals, bacteria, and arsenic. At least one sample exceeded state guidelines for contamination levels in bottled water. In the United States, some municipalities make an effort to use tap water over bottled water on governmental properties and events. Voters in Washington State repealed a bottled water tax via citizen initiative. []

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=27701630

The Oppenheimer security hearing was a 1954 proceeding by the United States Atomic Energy Commission (AEC) that explored the background, actions, and associations of J. Robert Oppenheimer, the American scientist who had headed the Los Alamos Laboratory during World War II, where he played a key part in the Manhattan Project that developed the atomic bomb. The hearing resulted in Oppenheimer's Q clearance being revoked. This marked the end of his formal relationship with the government of the United States, and generated considerable controversy regarding whether the treatment of Oppenheimer was fair, or whether it was an expression of anti-Communist McCarthyism. Doubts about Oppenheimer's loyalty dated back to the 1930s, when he was a member of numerous Communist front organizations, and was associated with Communist Party USA members, including his wife and his brother. These associations were known to Army Counterintelligence at the time he was made director of the Los Alamos Laboratory in 1942, and chairman of the influential General Advisory Committee of the AEC in 1947. In this capacity Oppenheimer became involved in bureaucratic conflict between the Army and Air Force over the types of nuclear weapons the country required, technical conflict between the scientists over the feasibility of the hydrogen bomb, and personal conflict with AEC commissioner Lewis Strauss. The proceedings were initiated after Oppenheimer refused to voluntarily give up his security clearance while working as an atomic weapons consultant for the government, under a contract due to expire at the end of June 1954. Several of his colleagues testified at the hearings. As a result of the two to one decision of the hearing's three judges, he was stripped of his security clearance one day before his consultant contract was due to expire. The panel found that he was loyal and discreet with atomic secrets, but did not recommend that his security clearance be reinstated. The loss of his security clearance ended Oppenheimer's role in government and policy. He became an academic exile, cut off from his former career and the world he had helped to create. The reputations of those who had testified against Oppenheimer were tarnished as well, and Oppenheimer's reputation was later partly rehabilitated by Presidents John F. Kennedy and Lyndon B. Johnson. The brief period when scientists were viewed as a "public policy priesthood" ended, and thereafter would serve the state only to offer narrow scientific opinions. Scientists working in government were on notice that dissent was no longer tolerated. Background. Robert Oppenheimer. Before World War II, J. Robert Oppenheimer had been professor of physics at the University of California, Berkeley. The scion of a wealthy New York family, he was a graduate of Harvard University, and had studied in Europe at the University of Cambridge in England, the University of Göttingen in Germany (where he had earned his doctorate in physics under the supervision of Max Born at the age of 23), and the University of Leiden in the Netherlands. As one of the few American physicists with a deep understanding of the new field of quantum mechanics, he was hired by the University of California in 1929. As a theoretical physicist, Oppenheimer had considerable achievements. In a 1930 paper on the Dirac equation, he had predicted the existence of the positron. A 1938 paper co-written with Robert Serber explored the properties of white dwarf stars. This was followed by one co-written with one of his students, George Volkoff, in which they demonstrated that there was a limit, the so-called Tolman–Oppenheimer–Volkoff limit, to the mass of stars beyond which they would not remain stable as neutron stars and would undergo gravitational collapse. In 1939, with another of his students, Hartland Snyder, he went further and predicted the existence of what are today known as black holes. It would be decades before the significance of this was appreciated. Still, Oppenheimer was not well known before the war, and certainly not as renowned as his friend and colleague Ernest O. Lawrence, who was awarded the Nobel Prize in Physics in 1939 for his invention of the cyclotron. But as an experimental physicist, Lawrence had come to rely on Oppenheimer, and it was Lawrence who brought Oppenheimer into the effort to develop an atomic bomb, which became known as the Manhattan Project. Brigadier General Leslie R. Groves, Jr., who became director of the Manhattan Project on September 8, 1942, met Oppenheimer at Berkeley, where Oppenheimer briefed Groves on the work done so far on the "Super" (thermonuclear) bomb. Oppenheimer told Groves on October 8 that the Manhattan Project needed a dedicated weapons development laboratory. Groves agreed, and after a second meeting with Oppenheimer on a train on October 15, decided that Oppenheimer was the man he needed to head what became the Los Alamos Laboratory, despite Oppenheimer's lack of a Nobel Prize or administrative experience. The end of the war in the wake of the atomic bombing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki made scientists into heroes. Oppenheimer became a celebrity, with his face gracing front pages of newspapers and the covers of magazines. "Life" magazine described him as "one of the most famous men in the world, one of the most admired, quoted, photographed, consulted, glorified, well-nigh deified as the fabulous and fascinating archetype of a brand new kind of hero, the hero of science and intellect, originator and living symbol of the new atomic age." Chevalier incident. Many of Oppenheimer's associates in the years before World War II were Communist Party USA members. They included his wife Kitty, whose first husband Joe Dallet had been killed fighting with the Lincoln Battalion in the Spanish Civil War; his brother Frank Oppenheimer and Frank's wife Jackie; and his girlfriend Jean Tatlock. One of his Communist associates was a colleague at the University of California, an assistant professor of French literature named Haakon Chevalier. The two had met during a rally for Spanish Loyalists, and had co-founded a branch of the American Federation of Teachers at Berkeley known as Local 349. The Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) had opened a file on Oppenheimer in March 1941, after he had attended a December 1940 meeting at Chevalier's home that was also attended by the Communist Party's California state secretary William Schneiderman and its treasurer Isaac Folkoff, both of whom were targets of FBI surveillance and wiretaps. Agents had recorded the license plate of Oppenheimer's car. The FBI noted that Oppenheimer was on the Executive Committee of the American Civil Liberties Union, which it considered a Communist front. Shortly thereafter, the FBI added Oppenheimer to its Custodial Detention Index, for arrest in case of national emergency. In January or February 1943, Chevalier had a brief conversation with Oppenheimer in the kitchen of his home. Chevalier told Oppenheimer that there was a scientist, George Eltenton, who could transmit information of a technical nature to the Soviet Union. Oppenheimer rejected the overture, but failed to report it until August 1943, when he volunteered to Manhattan Project security officers that three men at Berkeley had been solicited for nuclear secrets on behalf of the Soviet Union, by a person he did not know who worked for Shell Oil, and who had Communist connections. He gave that person's name as George Eltenton. When pressed on the issue in later interviews at Los Alamos in December 1943 with Groves, who promised to keep the identity of the three men from the FBI, Oppenheimer identified the contact who had approached him as Chevalier, and told Groves that only one person had been approached: his brother Frank. In any case, Groves had considered Oppenheimer too important to the ultimate Allied goals of building atomic bombs and winning the war to oust him over any suspicious behavior. He had ordered on July 20, 1943 that Oppenheimer be given a security clearance "without delay, irrespective of the information which you have concerning Mr. Oppenheimer. He is absolutely essential to the project." Oppenheimer was interviewed by the FBI on September 5, 1946. He related the "Chevalier incident", and he gave contradictory and equivocating statements, telling government agents that only he had been approached, by Chevalier, who at the time had supposedly said that he had a potential conduit through Eltenton for information which could be passed to the Soviets. Oppenheimer claimed to have invented the other contacts to conceal the identity of Chevalier, whose identity he believed would be immediately apparent if he named only one contact, but whom he believed to be innocent of any disloyalty. The 1943 fabrication and the shifting nature of his accounts figured prominently in the 1954 inquiry. The McMahon Act that established the Atomic Energy Commission (AEC) required all employees holding wartime security clearances issued by the Manhattan Project to be investigated by the FBI and re-certified. This provision had come in the wake of the February 16, 1946 announcement in Canada of the arrest of 22 people exposed as a consequence of the defection the previous September of Soviet cipher clerk Igor Gouzenko. President Harry S. Truman appointed Oppenheimer to the AEC General Advisory Committee (GAC) on December 10, 1946, so the FBI interviewed two dozen of Oppenheimer's associates, including Robert Bacher, Ernest Lawrence, Enrico Fermi and Robert Gordon Sproul. Groves and the Secretary of War Robert P. Patterson supplied written statements supporting Oppenheimer. AEC chairman David Lilienthal and Vannevar Bush discussed the matter with Truman's sympathetic aide Clark Clifford at the White House. They found John Lansdale, Jr. particularly persuasive; he had interrogated Oppenheimer over the Chevalier incident in 1943, and strongly supported him. On August 11, 1947, the AEC unanimously voted to grant Oppenheimer a Q clearance. At the first meeting of the GAC on January 3, 1947, Oppenheimer was unanimously elected its chairman. Postwar conflicts. The FBI was willing to furnish Oppenheimer's political enemies with incriminating evidence about Communist ties. These included Lewis Strauss, an AEC commissioner who resented Oppenheimer for his humiliation before Congress regarding opposition to the export of radioactive isotopes to other nations, which Strauss believed had military applications. As GAC chairman, Oppenheimer was called before the Joint Committee on Atomic Energy (JCAE) over the issue in June 1949. The other four AEC commissioners had opposed Strauss, so he had gone to the JCAE in an attempt to get the decision overturned. The result was a stunning humiliation for the thin-skinned Strauss. Oppenheimer testified that: This came on the heels of controversies about whether some of Oppenheimer's students, including David Bohm, Ross Lomanitz and Bernard Peters, had been Communists at the time they had worked with him at Berkeley. Oppenheimer was called to testify in front of the House Un-American Activities Committee, where he admitted that he had associations with the Communist Party in the 1930s, and named some of his students as being Communists or closely associated with them. Bohm and Peters eventually left the country, while Lomanitz was forced to work as a laborer. Frank Oppenheimer was fired from his university position, and could not find work in physics for a decade. He and his wife Jackie became cattle ranchers in Colorado. Their reputations were rehabilitated in 1959, and they founded the San Francisco Exploratorium in 1969. David Kaiser noted that: From 1949 to 1953, Oppenheimer had also found himself in the middle of a controversy over the development of the "Super". In 1949, the Soviet Union detonated an atomic bomb. This came as a shock to many Americans, and it fell to Oppenheimer to play a leading role in checking the evidence and confirming that the explosion had taken place. In response, Strauss recommended that the United States retain nuclear superiority by developing the "Super". This had been under consideration at Los Alamos for several years. Brigadier General James McCormack told the AEC commissioners that while thermonuclear weapons could potentially be thousands of times as powerful as fission weapons, as of 1949 there was no design that worked, and no certainty that a practical bomb could be built if there was one. He cautioned that the "Super" would probably require large amounts of tritium, which could only be acquired by diverting the AEC's nuclear reactors from plutonium production. Strauss found allies in Lawrence and Edward Teller, who had headed the "Super" group at Los Alamos during the war. When the matter was referred to the GAC, it unanimously voted against a crash program to develop the "Super". Without a workable design, it seemed foolish to divert resources from atomic bombs. Nor was there an obvious military need. Despite this, Truman authorized that H-bomb work proceed on January 31, 1950. Teller, Fermi, John von Neumann, and Stan Ulam struggled to find a working design, and in February 1951, Ulam and Teller finally devised one. After reviewing the design and data gathered by the Operation Greenhouse tests in May 1951, Oppenheimer acknowledged that the "New Super" was technically feasible. Teller left Los Alamos to help found, with Lawrence, a second weapons laboratory, the Lawrence Livermore National Laboratory, in 1952. Thermonuclear strategic weapons, prior to the development of long-range ballistic missiles, would necessarily be delivered by long-range bombers under the control of the relatively new United States Air Force. In projects and study groups such as Project Vista and the Lincoln Summer Study Group however, Oppenheimer pushed for smaller "tactical" nuclear weapons that would be more useful against enemy troops in a limited theater conflict and which would be under control of the Army. He also proposed investments in air defense against nuclear attack, which would potentially take resources away from the Air Force's retaliatory strike mission. As chair of the State Department Panel of Consultants on Disarmament, Oppenheimer argued for postponing the Ivy Mike first test of a hydrogen device. These stances led the Air Force to view Oppenheimer's positions and influence with bitterness and suspicion. Claims made in the Borden letter. On November 7, 1953, J. Edgar Hoover was sent a letter concerning Oppenheimer by William Liscum Borden, former executive director of Congress' Joint Atomic Energy Committee. In the letter, Borden stated his opinion "based upon years of study, of the available classified evidence, that more probably than not J. Robert Oppenheimer is an agent of the Soviet Union." The letter was based upon the government's massive investigative dossier on Oppenheimer, a dossier that included, as one author later wrote, "eleven years' minute surveillance of the scientist's life." His office and home had been bugged, his telephone tapped and his mail opened. Borden's letter stated as follows: The letter also pointed out that Oppenheimer had worked against development of the hydrogen bomb, and had worked against postwar atomic energy development, including nuclear power plants and nuclear submarines. The letter concluded: The contents of the letter were not new, and some had been known when Oppenheimer was first cleared for atomic war work. Yet that information had not prompted anyone to seek his removal from government service. Despite the lack of significant new evidence, Eisenhower was troubled by any possibility that the charges might be true, and worried about appearing weak in the environment of McCarthyism. Accordingly, on December 3, Eisenhower ordered that a "blank wall" be placed between Oppenheimer and the nation's atomic secrets. Hearing. Board composition and procedures. On December 21, 1953, Oppenheimer was told by Lewis Strauss that his security file had been subject to two recent re-evaluations because of new screening criteria, and because a former government official had drawn attention to Oppenheimer's record. Strauss said that his clearance had been suspended, pending resolution of a series of charges outlined in a letter, and discussed his resigning his AEC consultancy. Given only a day to decide, and after consulting with his lawyers, Oppenheimer chose not to resign, and requested a hearing instead. The charges were outlined in a letter from Kenneth D. Nichols, general manager of the AEC. Pending resolution of the charges, Oppenheimer's security clearance was suspended. Oppenheimer told Strauss that some of what was in Nichols' letter was correct, some incorrect. The hearing was held at a temporary building near the Washington Monument housing offices of the AEC. It began on April 12, 1954, and lasted four weeks. The AEC was represented by Roger Robb, an experienced prosecutor in Washington, and Arthur Rolander, while Oppenheimer's legal team was headed by Lloyd K. Garrison, a prominent New York attorney. The chairman of the Personnel Security Board was Gordon Gray, president of the University of North Carolina. The other members of the hearing panel were Thomas Alfred Morgan, a retired industrialist, and Ward V. Evans, chairman of the chemistry department at Northwestern University. The hearing was not open to the public and initially was not publicized. At the commencement of the hearing, Gray stated the hearing was "strictly confidential", and pledged that no information related to the hearing would be released. Contrary to this assurance, a few weeks after the conclusion of the hearing a verbatim transcript of the hearing was released by the AEC. Oppenheimer and Garrison also breached the confidentiality of the hearing, by communicating with "New York Times" journalist James Reston, who wrote an article on the hearing that appeared on the second day of the hearing. Garrison applied for an emergency security clearance prior to the hearing, as one had been granted to Robb, but no clearance was granted during the course of the hearing, which meant that Oppenheimer's attorneys had no access to the secrets that Robb was able to see. On at least three occasions, Garrison and his co-counsel were barred from the hearing room for security reasons, leaving Oppenheimer unrepresented, in violation of AEC regulations. During the course of the hearing, Robb repeatedly cross-examined Oppenheimer's witnesses utilizing top-secret documents unavailable to Oppenheimer's lawyers. He often read aloud from those documents, despite their secret status. The AEC's former general counsel Joseph Volpe had urged Oppenheimer to retain a tough litigator as his attorney; Garrison's demeanor was gentle and cordial, but Robb was adversarial. Garrison voluntarily provided the board and Robb with a list of his witnesses, but Robb refused to extend the same courtesy. This gave Robb a clear advantage in his cross-examination of Oppenheimer's witnesses. One observer commented that Robb "did not treat Oppenheimer as a witness in his own case, but as a person charged with high treason." Members of the hearing panel met with Robb prior to the hearing to review the contents of Oppenheimer's FBI file. The 1946 Administrative Procedure Act included a legal principle known as "the exclusivity of the record" or the "blank pad rule". This meant that a hearing could only consider information that had been formally presented under the established rules of evidence. However, while the act applied to the courts and to administrative hearings held by agencies like the Federal Trade Commission and Federal Communications Commission, it did not apply to the AEC. Garrison asked for the opportunity to review the file with the panel, but this was rejected. Scope of testimony. As outlined in the 3,500-word Nichols letter, the hearing focused on 24 allegations, 23 of which dealt with Oppenheimer's Communist and left-wing affiliations between 1938 and 1946, including his delayed and false reporting of the Chevalier incident to authorities. The twenty-fourth charge related to his opposition to the hydrogen bomb. By including the hydrogen bomb, the AEC changed the character of the hearing, by opening up an inquiry into his activities as a postwar government adviser. Oppenheimer testified for a total of 27 hours. His demeanor was far different than it had been in his previous interrogations, such as his appearance before the House Un-American Activities. Under cross-examination by Robb, who had access to top-secret information such as surveillance recordings, Oppenheimer was "often anguished, sometimes surprisingly inarticulate, frequently apologetic about his past and even self-castigating." One of the key elements in this hearing was Oppenheimer's earliest testimony about Eltenton's approach to various Los Alamos scientists, a story that Oppenheimer confessed he had fabricated to protect his friend Chevalier. Unknown to Oppenheimer, both versions were recorded during his interrogations of a decade before, and he was surprised on the witness stand with transcripts that he had no chance to review. Under questioning by Robb, he admitted that he had lied to Boris Pash, an Army counterintelligence officer, concerning the approach from Chevalier. Asked why he had fabricated a story that three people had been approached for espionage, Oppenheimer responded, "Because I was an idiot." Much of the questioning of Oppenheimer concerned his role in the hiring for Los Alamos of his former students Ross Lomanitz and Joseph Weinberg, both members of the Communist Party. The questions probed into Oppenheimer's private life, including his affair with Jean Tatlock, a Communist with whom he stayed the night while he was married. Lansdale had concluded at the time that his interest in Tatlock was romantic rather than political. Nonetheless, this innocuous affair may have played more heavily in the minds of the review panel. Groves, testifying as a witness for the AEC and against Oppenheimer, reaffirmed his decision to hire Oppenheimer. Groves said that Oppenheimer's refusal to report Chevalier was "the typical American school boy attitude that there is something wicked about telling on a friend." Under questioning from Robb, Groves said that under the security criteria in effect in 1954, he "would not clear Dr. Oppenheimer today." The official position of the Air Force was to support the suspension of the security clearance, which was given during testimony by its chief scientist, David T. Griggs. Although his testimony was not pivotal in the decision, many physicists viewed Griggs as the "Judas who had betrayed their god", the brilliant theoretical physicist who led the successful wartime development of the atomic bomb. Many top scientists, as well as government and military figures, testified on Oppenheimer's behalf. Among them were Fermi, Isidor Isaac Rabi, Hans Bethe, John J. McCloy, James B. Conant and Bush, as well as two former AEC chairmen and three former commissioners. Also testifying on behalf of Oppenheimer was Lansdale, who was involved in the Army's surveillance and investigation of Oppenheimer during the war. Lansdale, a lawyer, was not intimidated by Robb. He testified that Oppenheimer was not a Communist, and that he was "loyal and discreet". Ernest Lawrence was known to dislike political activities, seeing them as a waste of time better spent on scientific research. He did not oppose the investigations of Oppenheimer or others, tending to distance himself from those under investigation rather than supporting them. He said he was unable to testify at the Oppenheimer hearing because of illness. On April 26, Lawrence suffered a severe colitis attack. The next day, Lawrence called Lewis Strauss and told him that his brother, a doctor, had ordered him to return home and that he would not be testifying. Lawrence suffered with colitis until his death during colostomy surgery, on August 27, 1958. However, an interview transcript in which Lawrence stated that Oppenheimer "should never again have anything to do with the forming of policy" was presented at the hearing, and several other members of Lawrence's Radiation laboratory did testify against Oppenheimer in person. This resulted in later ill-feeling from the scientific community towards Lawrence and other members of his laboratory. Edward Teller was opposed to the hearing, feeling it was improper to subject Oppenheimer to a security trial, but was torn by longstanding grievances against him. He was called by Robb to testify against Oppenheimer, and shortly before he appeared Robb showed Teller a dossier of items unfavorable to Oppenheimer. Teller testified that he considered Oppenheimer loyal, but that "in a great number of cases, I have seen Dr. Oppenheimer act – I understand that Dr. Oppenheimer acted – in a way which for me was exceedingly hard to understand. I thoroughly disagreed with him in numerous issues and his actions frankly appeared to me confused and complicated. To this extent I feel that I would like to see the vital interests of this country in hands which I understand better, and therefore trust more." Asked whether Oppenheimer should be granted a security clearance, Teller said that "if it is a question of wisdom or judgement, as demonstrated by actions since 1945, then I would say one would be wiser not to grant clearance." This led to outrage by many in the scientific community and Teller's ostracism and virtual expulsion from academic science. The board's decision. Oppenheimer's clearance was revoked by a 2–1 vote of the panel. Gray and Morgan voted in favor, Evans against. The board rendered its decision on May 27, 1954, in a 15,000-word letter to Nichols. It found that 20 of the 24 charges were either true or substantially true. The board found that while he had been opposed to the H-bomb and that his lack of enthusiasm for it had affected the attitude of other scientists, he had not actively discouraged scientists from working on the H-bomb, as had been alleged in Nichols' letter. It found that "there is no evidence that he was a member of the [Communist] party in the strict sense of the word," and concluded that he is a "loyal citizen". It said that he "had a high degree of discretion, reflecting an unusual ability to keep to himself vital secrets," but that he had "a tendency to be coerced, or at least influenced in conduct, for a period of years." The board found that Oppenheimer's association with Chevalier "is not the kind of thing that our security system permits on the part of one who customarily has access to information of the highest classification", and concluded that "Oppenheimer's continuing conduct reflects a serious disregard for the requirements of the security system," that he was susceptible "to influence which could have serious implications for the security interests of the country," that his attitude toward the H-bomb program raised doubt about whether his future participation "would be consistent with the best interests of security," and that Oppenheimer had been "less than candid in several instances" in his testimony. The majority therefore did not recommend that his security clearance be reinstated. In a brief dissent, Evans argued that Oppenheimer's security clearance should be reinstated. He pointed out that most of the AEC charges had been in the hands of the AEC when it cleared Oppenheimer in 1947, and that "to deny him clearance now for what he was cleared for in 1947, when we must know he is less of a security risk now than he was then, seems to be hardly the procedure to be adopted in a free country." Evans said that his association with Chevalier did not indicate disloyalty, and that he did not hinder development of the H-bomb. Evans said he personally thought that "our failure to clear Dr. Oppenheimer will be a black mark on the escutcheon of our country," and expressed concern about the effect an improper decision might have on the country's scientific development. Nichols findings and AEC decision. In a harshly worded memorandum to the AEC on June 12, 1954, Nichols recommended that Oppenheimer's security clearance not be reinstated. In five "security findings", Nichols said that Oppenheimer was "a Communist in every sense except that he did not carry a party card," and that the Chevalier incident indicated that Oppenheimer "is not reliable or trustworthy", and that his misstatements might have represented criminal conduct. He said that Oppenheimer's "obstruction and disregard for security" showed "a consistent disregard of a reasonable security system." The Nichols memorandum was not made public nor provided to Oppenheimer's lawyers, who were not allowed to appear before the AEC. On June 29, 1954, the AEC upheld the findings of the Personnel Security Board, with four commissioners voting in favor and one, Henry DeWolf Smyth opposed. The decision was rendered 32 hours before Oppenheimer's consultant contract, and with it the need for a clearance, was due to expire. In his majority opinion, Strauss said that Oppenheimer had displayed "fundamental character defects". He said that Oppenheimer "in his associations had repeatedly exhibited a willful disregard of the normal and proper obligations of security," and that he "has defaulted not once but many times upon the obligations that should and must be willingly borne by citizens in the national service." Despite the promise of confidentiality, the AEC released an edited transcript of the hearing in June 1954, after press publicity of the hearing. The unredacted transcripts were released in 2014. Aftermath and legacy. The loss of his security clearance ended Oppenheimer's role in government and policy. Although he was not fired from his job at the Institute for Advanced Study, as he had feared he might be, he became an academic exile, cut off from his former career and the world he had helped to create. He gave public lectures, and spent several months of each year on the small island of Saint John in the Caribbean. Kai Bird and Martin J. Sherwin considered the Oppenheimer case "a defeat for American liberalism". Summing up the fallout from the case, they wrote that: Oppenheimer was seen by many in the scientific community as a martyr to McCarthyism, a modern Galileo or Socrates, an intellectual and progressive unjustly attacked by warmongering enemies, symbolic of the shift of scientific creativity from academia into the military. Patrick McGrath noted that "Scientists and administrators such as Edward Teller, Lewis Strauss and Ernest Lawrence, with their full-throated militarism and anti-communism pushed American scientists and their institutions toward a nearly complete and subservient devotion to American military interests." Scientists continued to work for the AEC, but they no longer trusted it. Loyalty and security tests spread through the federal government. At these inquiries, federal employees were asked questions such as: Strauss, Teller, Borden, and Robb would never escape the public identification of them with the case. In a 1962 television interview, Eric F. Goldman asked Teller whether he favored restoring Oppenheimer's security clearance. Teller was struck dumb, unable to find an answer. The question was deleted from the version that was aired, but the news got out and made headlines. President John F. Kennedy decided that the time had come to rehabilitate Oppenheimer. Teller nominated Oppenheimer for the 1963 Enrico Fermi Award. The nomination was unanimously approved by the GAC and AEC, and announced on April 5, 1963. On November 22, the White House confirmed that Kennedy would personally present the award, but he was assassinated later that day. The award was presented by President Lyndon B. Johnson instead. Oppenheimer died of cancer on February 18, 1967. Wernher von Braun summed up his opinion about the matter with a quip to a Congressional committee: "In England, Oppenheimer would have been knighted." Later analysis of charges. The question of Oppenheimer's past associations with Communist Party organizations would continue to be discussed and explored for many years after his death. "Time" magazine literary critic Richard Lacayo, in a 2005 review of two new books about Oppenheimer, said of the hearing: "As an effort to prove that he had been a party member, much less one involved in espionage, the inquest was a failure. Its real purpose was larger, however: to punish the most prominent American critic of the U.S. move from atomic weapons to the much more lethal hydrogen bomb." After the hearing, Lacayo said, "Oppenheimer would never again feel comfortable as a public advocate for a sane nuclear policy." In a lengthy analysis of the security case published in the "Stanford Law Review" in 1990, historian Barton J. Bernstein posits that the remarkable thing about Oppenheimer was that he was ever able to hold a high-level security clearance in the first place, given his past associations and record of evasions, and that he had been given special treatment and protection by the U.S. government to allow him to work in the classified nuclear area for as long as he did. Cornell University historian Richard Polenberg noted that Oppenheimer testified about the left-wing behavior of his colleagues and speculated that if his clearance had not been stripped, he would have been remembered as someone who had "named names" to save his own reputation. In his book "Brotherhood of the Bomb: The Tangled Lives and Loyalties of Robert Oppenheimer, Ernest Lawrence, and Edward Teller" (2002), Gregg Herken, a senior historian at the Smithsonian Institution, contended, based on newly discovered documentation, that Oppenheimer was a member of the Communist Party. However, Herken did not subscribe to the Borden letter's charge: "I don't think he was a spy. The significance of his being a Communist was that it gave him something he had to hide, and may be one explanation of why he was so quiet after 1954." In a seminar at The Wilson Center on May 20, 2009, and based on an extensive analysis of Alexander Vassiliev's notes taken while viewing KGB archives, John Earl Haynes, Harvey Klehr, and Vassiliev concluded that Oppenheimer never was involved in espionage for the Soviets. Soviet intelligence tried repeatedly to recruit him, but were never successful. Allegations that he had spied for the Soviets are unsupported, and in some instances, contradicted by voluminous KGB and Venona documentation released after the fall of the Soviet Union. In addition, he had several persons removed from the Manhattan project who had sympathies to the Soviet Union. Dramatizations. Most popular depictions of Oppenheimer view his security struggles as a confrontation between right-wing militarists (symbolized by Edward Teller) and left-wing intellectuals (symbolized by Oppenheimer) over the moral question of weapons of mass destruction. Many historians have contested this as an oversimplification. Haakon Chevalier fictionalised the affair, and his self-exculpating view of the whole preceding history, in the roman à clef "The Man Who Would Be God" in 1959; the Oppenheimer-like protagonist was renamed "Dr. Sebastian Bloch". The translations sold well in France, where he had moved by then, and throughout the Soviet bloc. He returned to the topic in "Oppenheimer: The Story of a Friendship" (1965). The hearing was dramatized in a 1964 play by German playwright Heinar Kipphardt, "In the Matter of J. Robert Oppenheimer". Oppenheimer objected to the play, threatening suit and decrying "improvisations which were contrary to history and to the nature of the people involved", including its portrayal of him as viewing the bomb as a "work of the devil". His letter to Kipphardt said, "You may well have forgotten Guernica, Dachau, Coventry, Belsen, Warsaw, Dresden and Tokyo. I have not." Of his security hearing, he said: "The whole damn thing was a farce, and these people are trying to make a tragedy out of it." In a response, Kipphardt offered to make corrections but defended the play, which premiered on Broadway in June 1968, with Joseph Wiseman in the Oppenheimer role. "New York Times" theater critic Clive Barnes called it an "angry play and a partisan play" that sided with Oppenheimer but portrayed the scientist as a "tragic fool and genius".

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The "Get a Mac" campaign is a television advertising campaign created for Apple Inc. (Apple Computer, Inc. at the start of the campaign) by TBWA\Media Arts Lab, the company's advertising agency, that ran from 2006 to 2009. The advertisements were shown in the United States, Canada, Australia, New Zealand, the United Kingdom, Japan and Germany. Synopsis. The Get a Mac advertisements follow a standard template. They open to a minimalist all-white background, and a man dressed in casual clothes introduces himself as an Apple Macintosh computer ("Hello, I'm a Mac. "), while a man in a more formal suit-and-tie combination introduces himself as a Microsoft Windows personal computer ("And I'm a PC."). The two then act out a brief vignette, in which the capabilities and attributes of Mac and PC are compared, with PC—characterized as formal and somewhat polite, though uninteresting and overly concerned with work—often being frustrated by the more laid-back Mac's abilities. The earlier commercials in the campaign involved a general comparison of the two computers, whereas the later ones mainly concerned Windows Vista and Windows 7. The aim of this commercial film series is to associate PC users (namely Windows users) with the "unpopular nerd" cliché, while representing Apple Mac users as young, creative, attractive and lucky. The original American advertisements star actor Justin Long as the Mac, and author and humorist John Hodgman as the PC, and were directed by Phil Morrison. The American advertisements also aired on Canadian, Australian, and New Zealand television, and at least 24 of them were dubbed into Spanish, French, German, and Italian. The British campaign stars comedic duo Robert Webb as Mac and David Mitchell as PC while the Japanese campaign features the comedic duo Rahmens. Several of the British and Japanese advertisements, although based on the originals, were slightly altered to better target the new audiences. Both the British and Japanese campaigns also feature several original ads not seen in the American campaign. The Get a Mac campaign is the successor to the Switch ads that were first broadcast in 2002. Both campaigns were filmed against a plain white background. Apple's former CEO, Steve Jobs, introduced the campaign during a shareholders meeting the week before the campaign started. The campaign also coincided with a change of signage and employee apparel at Apple retail stores detailing reasons to switch to Macs. The Get a Mac campaign received the Grand Effie Award in 2007. The song in the commercial is called "Having Trouble Sneezing" composed by Mark Mothersbaugh. On November 10, 2020, John Hodgman returned and portrayed a PC at the end of Apple's "One More Thing" event; criticizing the upgrades made to the Macintosh lineup earlier in the event. Advertisements. The ads play on perceived weaknesses of non-Mac personal computers, especially those running Microsoft Windows, of which PC is clearly intended to be a parody, and corresponding strengths possessed by the Mac OS (such as immunity to circulating viruses and spyware targeted at Microsoft Windows). The target audience of these ads is not devoted PC users but rather, those who are more likely to "swing" towards Apple. Apple realizes that many consumers who choose PCs do so because of their lack of knowledge of the Apple brand. With this campaign, Apple was targeting those users who may not consider Macs when purchasing but may be persuaded to when they view these ads. Each of the ads is about 30 seconds in length and is accompanied by a song called "Having Trouble Sneezing," which was composed by Mark Mothersbaugh. The advertisements are presented below in alphabetical order, not chronological order. North American campaign. The following is an alphabetical list of the ads that appeared in the campaign shown in the United States, Canada, Australia and New Zealand. Web-exclusive campaign. Several advertisements have been shown exclusively in Flash ad campaigns running on numerous websites. Unlike the ads shown on television, these advertisements have not been posted as high-quality QuickTime videos on Apple's website. These ads run for approximately 20 seconds each and reference specific online advertising features (such as banner ads), making it unlikely they will ever appear on television. The titles are taken from the Flash-video file names. UK campaign. For the British market, the ads were recast with the popular British comedy double act Mitchell and Webb in the lead roles; David Mitchell as PC and Robert Webb as Mac. As well as original ads, several ads from the American campaign were reshot with new dialogue and slightly altered scenes. These ads are about 40 seconds long, which is slightly longer than the US advertisements. The following ads are exclusive to the UK: Several American ads were modified for the UK market. In some of these ads, the events that occur in the narrative differ significantly from the original American campaign. Others follow the original ads more closely, with only minor differences (many based on the differences in characterization from the actors involved or language differences between American English and British English). These ads are also performed by Mitchell and Webb. The adapted ads are Japanese campaign. On December 12, 2006, Apple began to release ads in Japan that were similar in style to the US Get a Mac ads. The Mac and PC are played by the Rahmens, a Japanese comedy duo. The ads used to be viewable at Apple's Japan website. The following ads are exclusive to Japan: Several American ads were modified for the Japanese market. In some of these ads, the events that occur in the narrative differ significantly from the original American campaign. Others follow the original ads more closely, with only minor differences (many based on the differences in characterization from the actors involved). The adapted ads are Keynote videos. While not strictly a part of the ad campaign, Hodgman and Long appeared in videos during Steve Jobs's keynote addresses at the 2006, 2007, and 2009 Worldwide Developers Conference and the 2008 MacWorld Expo. Hodgman also appeared in the November 2020 Apple Event. Release dates (U.S. campaign). The different spots were released gradually: Effectiveness. Before the campaign's launch, Apple had seen lower sales in 2005–06. One month after the start of the "Get a Mac" campaign, Apple saw an increase of 200,000 Macs sold, and at the end of July 2006, Apple announced that it had sold 1.3 million Macs. Apple had an overall increase in sales of 39% for the fiscal year ending September 2006. Criticism. In an article for "Slate" magazine, Seth Stevenson criticized the campaign as being too "mean spirited", suggesting, "isn't smug superiority (no matter how affable and casually dressed) a bit off-putting as a brand strategy?". In an article in "The Guardian", Charlie Brooker points out that the use of the comedians Mitchell and Webb in the UK campaign is curious. They both star in the sitcom "Peep Show" in which, to quote the article's author, "Mitchell plays a repressed, neurotic underdog, and Webb plays a selfish, self-regarding poseur... So when you see the ads, you think, 'PCs are a bit rubbish yet ultimately lovable, whereas Macs are just smug, preening tossers.'" Differentiating between a Mac and a PC. Many computer experts have argued over the definition of PC, or personal computer, which can raise questions about the actual differentiation between a Mac and a PC. Editor in Chief of "PC Magazine", Lance Ulanoff states in a 2008 column in "PC Magazine", "Of course, the ads would then be far less effective, because consumers might realize that the differences Apple is trying to tout aren't quite as huge as Apple would like you to believe." Projectory "Japanese Camera" advertisement. The commercial "Network" has been criticized as being projectory and blame shifting, because Apple is notorious for having proprietary systems (vendor lock-in), isolated from open standards (e.g. no support for Bluetooth file sharing, WiFi Direct, NFC file sharing; no USB charging connector on the iPhone, lack of modularity (no MicroSD-expandable storage in iPhones), historically poor support for codecs and file systems other than those developed by Apple themselves, etc.) and poor repairability (historically poor iFixit scores). I'm a PC. Microsoft responded to the Get a Mac advertising campaign in late 2008 by releasing the I'm a PC campaign, featuring Microsoft employee Sean Siler as a John Hodgman look-alike. While Apple's ads show personifications of both Mac and PC systems, the Microsoft ads show PC users instead proudly defining themselves as PCs.

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"The Prayer of Saint Ephrem" (Greek: , "Euchē tou Hosiou Ephraim"), is a prayer attributed to Saint Ephrem the Syrian and used during the Great Lent by the Eastern Orthodox and Byzantine Catholic Churches. In the Byzantine tradition, this prayer is considered to be the most succinct summation of the spirit of Great Lent and is hence the Lenten prayer "par excellence", prayed during all Lenten weekday services. There are two versions of the prayer currently in use, reflecting liturgical Greek and Slavonic uses. Modern translations have been produced from both Greek and Slavonic, but some attempt to combine the two. Greek version. "Kýrie kaí Déspota tís zoís mou, pnevma argías, periergías, filarchías, kaí argologías mí moi dós. Pnevma dé sofrosýnis, tapeinofrosýnis, ypomonís, kaí agápis chárisaí moi tó só doúlo. Naí, Kýrie Vasilef, dórisai moi toú orán tá emá ptaísmata, kaí mí katakrínein tón adelfón mou, óti evlogitós eí, eis toús aiónas tón aiónon. Amín." In English, this may be translated: “O Lord and Master of my life, a spirit of idleness, curiosity, ambition, and idle talking; give me not.” “But a spirit of chastity, patience, and love, bestow upon me, Thy servant.” Yea, O Lord King: grant me to see mine own failings, and not to condemn others; for blessed art Thou unto the ages of ages. Amen.” This Greek version is the form of the prayer found in the current liturgical books of the Greek Orthodox Church and all those churches that utilise Greek or Arabic in their services. Early Greek manuscripts preserve several variant texts, however, including the reading φιλαργυρίας ("philargyrias," "love of "money"") in place of φιλαρχίας ("philarchias", "love of "power""), which was taken up in the first Slavonic translations. It is difficult to know which form is more ancient, since both vices are serious afflictions for both monastic and lay Christians. The Greek word σωφροσύνης ("sōphrosynēs") in the second line is often translated in English as 'chastity.' However, this is a highly problematic archaism, since, in modern English, 'chastity' refers almost exclusively to "sexual" continence. The Greek word is much broader in meaning and carries the sense of soundness of mind, discretion, and prudence. Therefore, the prayer asks in the second line for a restoration to Christian wholeness and integrity, foreshadowing the petition of the third line that the supplicant might have the temptation to judge others removed from them (cf. Matt. 7:1–5). It is possible that the choice to translate σωφροσύνης as 'chastity' reflects both the affection for the Cranmerian prose of the Anglican Book of Common Prayer present in some anglophone Orthodox (which frequently leads to an ambiguity of meaning in liturgical and scriptural texts, as exemplified here) and also the presupposition that a concern for sexual purity is predominant in the Orthodox tradition. Sometimes the phrase "idle talk" is substituted by the Latinate word , which carries about the same meaning. Church Slavonic versions. Pre-Nikonian. In the earliest Church Slavonic translations, the prayer was rendered: "Господи и владико животѹ моемѹ, духъ оунынїѧ, небрежεнїѧ, срεбролюбїѧ и празднословїѧ ѿжεни ѿ мεнε." "Духъ же цѣломѹдрїѧ, смиренїѧ, терпѣнїѧ и любве дарѹй ми рабѹ твоемѹ." "Ей Господи Царю, даждь ми зрѣти моѧ согрѣшенїѧ, и еже не ωсуждати брата моегω, якω благословенъ еси во вѣки. Аминь." In English, this is: "O Lord and Master of my life, take from me a spirit of despondency, sloth, love of money, and idle talk." "But give to me, your servant, a spirit of sober-mindedness, humility, patience, and love." "Yes, O Lord and King, grant me to see my own sins and not to judge my brother, since you are blessed to the ages. Amen." There are two main differences in the first line between the Greek text given above and the Slavonic text given here. First, the Greek reads "μή μοι δῷς," meaning "grant me not," whereas the Slavonic has "ωтжεни ѿ мεнε," meaning "take from me." The Greek text unambiguously implies that God is the one who grants "every" character of spirit or breath (πνεῦμα), and the supplicant therefore requests that God give a spirit characterized not by vice (line 1) but by virtue (line 2). The supplicant effectively asks God to lighten their burden (cf. Matt. 11:28–30). The Slavonic text, however, could be read as asking God to "replace" one kind of spirit or breath with another, with the implication that the first kind of spirit (line 1) does "not" come from God to begin with. This could lead to a dualist reading of the prayer, opposing the unvirtuous 'spirit of man' to the virtuous 'spirit of God.' The Greek text seems better to reflect the monastic tradition, as expressed by writers such as the fifth-century Abba Isaiah of Scetis in his "Ascetic Discourses", that "all" passions are ultimately divine gifts with a sacred purpose. The second main difference is that, where the Greek has περιεργίας ("periergia" meaning 'idle curiosity' or 'meddling'), the Slavonic has небрежεнїѧ ("nebrezheniya") meaning 'negligence,' 'indifference,' or 'despondency,' which would be ἀκηδία (akêdia) in Greek—the classic monastic sin. A third minor difference is the transposition of terms in the first line. Whereas the Greek consistently reads "ἀργίας, περιεργίας" ('sloth, meddling'), the Slavonic reads "оунынїѧ, небрежεнїѧ" ('despondency [in place of meddling], sloth'). Despondency (оунынїѧ) remained at the head of the list of vices until the order was conformed to the Greek text during Nikon's reforms. It seems likely that the differences between the Greek and Slavonic texts reflect the fact that the Slavonic text was prepared from a different Greek text than the one currently used, but this has yet to be demonstrated definitively. This Slavonic version was superseded in the Russia Orthodox Church in 1656, following the liturgical reforms of Patriarch Nikon, but remains in use among the Old Believers today. Kievan version of 1639. "Господи и владыко живота моегω, духъ оунынїѧ, небрежεнїѧ, любоначалїѧ и празднословїѧ ѿжεни ѿ мεнε." "Духъ же цѣломѹдрїѧ, смиреномѹдрїѧ, терпѣнїѧ и любве, дарѹй ми рабѹ твоемѹ." "Ей Господи Царю, даждь ми зрѣти моѧ согрѣшенїѧ, и не ωсуждати брата моегω, якω благословенъ еси во вѣки вѣковъ. Аминь." "O Lord and Master of my life, take from me a spirit of despondency, sloth, love of power, and idle talk." "But give to me, your servant, a spirit of sober-mindedness, humility, patience, and love." "Yes, O Lord and King, grant me to see my own sins and not to judge my brother, since you are blessed to the ages of ages. Amen." This version is to be found in the "Liturgicon" ("Sluzhebnik") or "Priest's Service Book" published in Kiev in 1639 by Peter Mohyla. Substantially it is similar to the earlier version, but with some of the case-endings updated, as by that time, use of the dative case (животѹ моемѹ) to mark possession was considered distinctively archaic, and use of the genitive case (живота моегω) felt to be more correct. It retains most of the distinctive differences that the earlier version has from the Greek, with none of the more drastic changes that may be found in the next version. This version was once used throughout the Kievan metropolia, as well as in the Orthodox Churches of Central Europe (Ukraine, Poland, Hungary, Slovakia, Austria and so on), but later dropped out of use, and the next version adopted. It is currently only used (either in the original Slavonic or in vernacular translations) by those churches that use the Ruthenian recension—the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church, the Ruthenian Greek Catholic Church, the Belarusian Greek Catholic Church, the Hungarian Greek Catholic Church, and the Slovak Greek Catholic Church. Nikonian version of 1656. "Господи и владыко живота моегω, духъ праздности, оунынїѧ, любоначалїѧ и празднословїѧ не даждь ми. Духъ же цѣломѹдрїѧ, смиренномѹдрїѧ, терпѣнїѧ и любве, дарѹй ми рабѹ твоемѹ. Ей Господи Царю, даруй ми зрѣти моѧ прегрѣшенїѧ, и не ωсуждати брата моегω, якω благословенъ еси во вѣки вѣковъ. Аминь." "O Lord and Master of my life, grant me not a spirit of sloth, despondency, love of power, and idle talk. But give to me, your servant, a spirit of sober-mindedness, humility, patience, and love. Yes, O Lord and King, grant me to see my own faults and not to judge my brother, since you are blessed to the ages of ages. Amen." This is the version found in the editions of the liturgical books published in 1656 by Patriarch Nikon of Moscow. It is the form currently in use by the Russian Orthodox Church (both the Moscow Patriarchate and the Russian Orthodox Church Outside Russia), the Ukrainian Orthodox Church, the Belarusian Orthodox Church, the Serbian Orthodox Church, the Bulgarian Orthodox Church, and all other Slavic Orthodox Churches. It differs substantially from the current Greek form of the prayer only in the retention of оунынїѧ ('despondency') in place of περιεργίας ('meddling'). Considering the principles on which Patriarch Nikon's reforms were undertaken, it seems likely that the 1656 text of the prayer was prepared from a Greek text containing the word ἀκηδίας ('despondency') rather than περιεργίας. An English version of the Prayer of St Ephrem commonly in use in the Orthodox Church in America (which inherited its liturgical practices from the Slavic tradition) maintains the distinction between "take from me" (line 1) and "give to me" (line 2) that was eliminated in the 1656 Slavonic translation. This does not appear to reflect a conscious choice of the OCA to return to the Pre-Nikonian text or to imitate the Old Believers, but probably derives from the fact that many OCA parishes were founded by Orthodox (and Byzantine Rite Catholics) from Central Europe who used the Ruthenian Slavonic text of 1639, but with the оунынїѧ and небрежεнїѧ (line 1) inverted to conform to the Nikonian/Greek order. Liturgical usage. At weekday services during Great Lent, the prayer is prescribed for each of the canonical hours and at the Divine Liturgy of the Presanctified Gifts. During the period of the Triodion, the prayer is first recited on Wednesday and Friday only on Cheesefare week and thereafter at every weekday service from vespers on the evening of the Sunday of Forgiveness, the service which begins Great Lent, through Wednesday of Holy Week. The prayer is not said on Saturdays and Sundays (vespers on Sunday evening is of Monday, since the Byzantine liturgical day begins at sunset), because these days are not strict fasting days (oil and wine are always permitted). This means that the weekends retain a festal character, even during the Great Fast, and the Divine Liturgy may be celebrated as usual. During the Nativity Fast, Dormition Fast and the Apostles' Fast, the lenten order of services may be used when the divine liturgy is not celebrated. In such an instance, the Prayer of St Ephrem is recited then, too. Bows and prostrations. The prayer is accompanied by bows and prostrations. Depending upon the rubrics, the prayer is said either once or twice: Current Russian Orthodox practice, as followed in the Moscow Patriarchate and the ROCOR, is to perform twelve "metanias" (bows from the waist) after the first recitation of the prayer (with three prostrations), saying at each bow, "Боже, ѡчисти мѧ грѣшнаго (грѣшнѹю if one is female)"—"O God, cleanse me a sinner". When the prayer is prayed in the course of a church service, the priest alone says aloud "O God, cleanse me a sinner", as everyone makes bows. In the common usage of ROCOR, the last (twelfth) time he adds, "...и помилѹй мѧ"—"...and have mercy on me." Though this last addition is not written in the service books, it helps all of those present to know that it was the last bow. The tradition of the Old Believers is similar, but instead of twelve bows in silence, they have thirteen prostrations, each time reciting the Jesus Prayer or the following prayers: <poem> Lord Jesus Christ, Son of God, have mercy on me, a sinner ('Господи Ісусе Христе Сыне Божїй помилѹй мѧ грѣшнаго/грѣшнѹю') God be merciful to me a sinner. ('Боже милостивъ буди мнѣ грѣшномѹ') God, cleanse me of my sins and have mercy on me. ('Боже ѡчисти грѣхи моѧ и помилѹй мѧ') You have created me; Lord, have mercy on me. ('Создавый мѧ Господи, помилѹй') I have sinned immeasurably; Lord, forgive me. ('Безъ числа согрѣшихъ, Господи прости мѧ') Lord Jesus Christ, Son of God, have mercy on me, a sinner. God be merciful to me a sinner. God, cleanse me of my sins and have mercy on me. You have created me; Lord, have mercy on me. I have sinned immeasurably; Lord, forgive me. God be merciful to me a sinner. You have created me; Lord, have mercy on me. I have sinned immeasurably; Lord, forgive me. </poem> The Ruthenian tradition, again, differs slightly, retaining some aspects closely related to Old Believer usage. The 1639 Liturgikon (Sluzhebnik) of Peter Mohyla prescribes twelve waist-bows, repeating the following three lines to make twelve: God be merciful to me a sinner. ('Боже милостивъ буди мнѣ грѣшномѹ') God, cleanse me of my sins and have mercy on me. ('Боже ѡчисти грѣхи моѧ и помилѹй мѧ') I have sinned immeasurably; Lord, forgive me. ('Безъ числа согрѣшихъ, Господи прости мѧ') In other languages. Albanian. "Zot dhe Mjeshtër i jetës sime, mos më jep frymë përtese, kureshtie, lavdidashje dhe kotësie." "Po falmë frymë urtësie, përunjësie, durimi dhe dashurie." "Vlerësomë, o Zot dhe Mbret, t’i shoh fajet e mia dhe të mos e gjykoj tim vëlla. Se i bekuar je në jetë të jetëve, Amin." Arabic. "أيها الرب وسيد حياتي اعتقني من روح البطالة والفضول، وحب الرئاسة والكلام البطال" "وانعم علي انا عبدك الخاطئ بروح العفة واتضاع الفكر والصبر والمحبة" " نعم يا ملكي والهي هب لي ان أعرف ذنوبي وعيوبي والا أدين اخوتي فانك مبارك الى الأبد. آمين" Transliteration: 'Ayūha al-Rābbu wa'sayīd hayāti, a'aataqāni min rūh al-bitalāt wa'l-fūdūli, wahābi al-ri'asāt wa'al-kilām al-bitāl. wa'ineām eāli inā aabdāk al-khāti bi-ruh al-eafat, wa'itidai al-fīkr wa'l-sābr wa'l-mahāba. ya malīki, wa'Allāhi hab li'ān aārif dhabūbi wa'aayubi, wa'īlla udīn ikhwāti, fa'innāk mubarāk illā al-abād. Ameen. The Arabic version follows the Greek form. Belarusian. In the Cyrillic orthography: "Госпадзе і Ўладару жыцьця майго, духа ленасьці, нуды, уладалюбства і марнаслоўя ня дай мне." "Духа чысьціні, пакоры, цярплівасьці і любові дай мне, слузе Твайму." "Так, Госпадзе Ўладару! Дай мне бачыць мае правіны і не асуджаць брата майго, бо Ты блаславёны на вякі вякоў. Амін." In the Latin orthography: "Hospadzie i Ŭładaru žyćcia majho, ducha lenaści, nudy, uładalubstva i marnasłoŭja nia daj mnie." "Ducha čyścini, pakory, ciaplivaści i lubovi daj mnie, słuzie Tvajmu." "Tak, Hospadzie Ŭładaru! Daj mnie bačyć maje praviny i nie asudžać brata majho, bo Ty błasłaviony na viaki viakoŭ. Amin." Finnish. "Herra, minun elämäni valtias! Estä minusta laiskuuden, velttouden, vallanhimon ja turhanpuhumisen henki." "Anna minulle, sinun palvelijallesi, sielun puhtauden, nöyryyden, kärsivällisyyden ja rakkauden henki." "Oi, Kuningas ja Herra! Anna minun nähdä rikokseni ja anna, etten veljeäni tuomitsisi, sillä siunattu olet sinä iankaikkisesti. Aamen." The Finnish translation follows the Greek original. Georgian. "უფალო და მეუფეო ცხოვრებისა ჩემისაო, სულსა უქმობისასა და მიმომწვლილელობისასა, მთავრობის მოყვარებისასა და ცუდად მეტყველებისასა ნუ მიმცემ მე." "ხოლო სული სიწმიდისა, სიმდაბლისა, მოთმინებისა და სიყვარულისა მომმადლე მე, მონასა შენსა." "ჰე, უფალო, მომანიჭე მე განცდაი თვისთა ცოდვათა და არა განკითხვად ძმისა ჩემისა, რამეთუ კურთხეულ ხარ შენ უკუნისამდე. ამინ" Transcription into the Latin alphabet, with apostrophe for glottalization: "upalo da meupeo tskhovrebisa chemisao, sulsa ukmobisasa da mimomts'vlilelobisasa, mtavrobis moqvarebisasa da tsudad met'kvelebisasa nu mimtsem me." "kholo suli sits'midisa, simdablisa, motminebisa da siqvarulisa mommadle me, monasa shensa." "he, upalo, momanich'e me gantsdai tvista tsodvata da ara gank'itkhvad dzmisa chemisa, rametu k'urtkheul xar shen uk'unisamde. amin" Hawaiian. "E ka Haku a me ke Kahu o ko‘u ola! Mai hō mai ia‘u i ka ‘uhane o ka na‘au palaka, ka mana‘o pauaho, ke kuko hewa a me ke kakahili." "Akā naʻe, e hō mai nō na‘e ‘Oe ia‘u, Kāu ‘ōhua, i ka ‘uhane o ke kūkapu, ka ha‘aha‘a, ke ahonui a me ke aloha." "E ka Haku ē, ka Mō‘ī ho‘i! E ‘ae ‘Oe mai ia‘u i ka hiki ke ‘ike i ko‘u mau hewa a me ka hiki ke ho‘ohalahala ‘ole aku i ko‘u hoa kanaka; no ka mea, Nou ka pōmaika‘i mai kēia manawa a mau loa aku no nā kau ā kau. ‘Āmene." Japanese. 主吾が生命の主宰よ、怠惰と、愁悶と、矜誇と、空談の情を吾に與うる勿れ。 貞操と、謙遜と、忍耐と、愛の情を我爾の僕（婢）に與え給え。 嗚呼主王よ、我に我が罪を見、我が兄弟を議せざるを賜え、蓋爾は世世に崇め讃めらる。「アミン」 Transcription into the Latin alphabet: "Shu waga inochino shusaiyo, okotarito, modaeto, hokorito, mudagotono kokoro-o, wareni atauru nakare." "Misaoto, herikudarito, koraeto, ainokokoro-o, ware nannjino bokuhini ataetamae." "Ah shu oyo, wareni waga tumio mi, waga keitei o gisezaruo tamae, kedashi nannjiha yoyoni agamehomeraru. Amin." Portuguese. "Ó Senhor e Soberano de minha vida, não me dês um espírito de ócio, de desânimo, de autoritarismo ou de vaniloqüência." (Prostração) "Mas um espírito de castidade, de humildade, de paciência e de amor, concede-mo a mim, Teu servo." (Prostração) "Ó Senhor Rei, concede-me ver os meus pecados e que eu não julgue meu irmão, porquanto és bendito pelos séculos dos séculos. Amém." (Prostração) Romanian. "Doamne şi Stăpânul vieţii mele, duhul trândăviei, al grijii de multe, al iubirii de stăpânire şi al grăirii în deşert nu-mi-l da mie" "Iar duhul curăţiei, al gândului smerit, al răbdării şi al dragostei dăruieşte-mi mie slugii tale." "Aşa Doamne, Împărate, dăruieşte-mi să-mi văd greşalele mele şi să nu osândesc pe fratele meu, că binecuvântat eşti în vecii vecilor. Amin." The Romanian text follows the Greek version. Slovak. "Pane a Vládca môjho života, odním odo mňa ducha znechutenosti, nedbalosti, mocibažnosti a prázdnych rečí." "Daruj mne, svojmu služobníkovi, ducha miernosti, poníženosti, trpezlivosti a lásky." "Áno, Pane a Kráľu, daj, aby som videl vlastné prehrešenia a nepodsudzoval svojho brata, lebo ty si požehnaný na veky vekov. Amen." A different translation: "Pane a Vládca môjho života, odožeň odo mňa ducha zúfalstva, nedbanlivosti, mocibažnosti a prázdnych rečí." "Daruj mne, tvojmu služobníkovi, ducha čistoty, pokory, trpezlivosti a lásky." "Áno, Pane a Kráľu, daruj mi vidieť vlastné hriechy a neodsudzovať môjho brata, lebo ty si požehnaný na veky vekov, amen." Ukrainian. "Господи і Владико життя мого, духа млявости, недбайливости, владолюбства й пустослів’я віджени від мене." "Духа же доброчесности і смиренномудрія, терпіння й любови даруй мені, недостойному рабові Твоєму." "Так, Господи Царю, дай мені зріти мої прогрішення і не осуджувати брата мого, бо Ти благословен єси на віки віків. Амінь." The Ukrainian version appears to follow the Mohyla version closely.

concluding nod

2284-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=45845

The Voynich manuscript is an illustrated codex hand-written in an unknown, possibly meaningless writing system. The manuscript is named after Wilfrid Voynich, a Polish book dealer who purchased it in 1912. The vellum on which it is written has been carbon-dated to the early 15th century (1404–1438), and the text may have been composed in Italy during the Italian Renaissance. However, despite various hypotheses, its origins and authorship are not unambiguously known. Some of the pages are missing, with around 240 remaining. The text is written from left to right, and most of the pages have illustrations or diagrams. Some pages are foldable sheets of varying size. The Voynich manuscript has been studied by many professional and amateur cryptographers, including American and British codebreakers from both World War I and World War II. The manuscript has never been demonstrably deciphered, and none of the many hypotheses proposed over the last hundred years have been independently verified. The mystery of its meaning and origin has excited the popular imagination, making it the subject of study and speculation. In 1969, the Voynich manuscript was donated by Hans P. Kraus to Yale University's Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library, where it remains. Description. Codicology. The codicology, or physical characteristics of the manuscript, has been studied by researchers. The manuscript measures , with hundreds of vellum pages collected into 18 quires. The total number of pages is around 240, but the exact number depends on how the manuscript's unusual foldouts are counted. The quires have been numbered from 1 to 20 in various locations, using numerals consistent with the 1400s, and the top righthand corner of each recto (righthand) page has been numbered from 1 to 116, using numerals of a later date. From the various numbering gaps in the quires and pages, it seems likely that in the past the manuscript had at least 272 pages in 20 quires, some of which were already missing when Wilfrid Voynich acquired the manuscript in 1912. There is strong evidence that many of the book's bifolios were reordered at various points in its history, and that the original page order may well have been quite different from what it is today. Parchment, covers, and binding. Radiocarbon dating of samples from various parts of the manuscript was performed at the University of Arizona in 2009. The results were consistent for all samples tested and indicated a date for the parchment between 1404 and 1438. Protein testing in 2014 revealed that the parchment was made from calf skin, and multispectral analysis showed that it was unwritten on before the manuscript was created (not a palimpsest). The parchment was created with care, but deficiencies exist and the quality is assessed as average, at best. The parchment is prepared from "at least fourteen or fifteen entire calfskins". Some folios are thicker than the usual parchment thickness, such as folios 42 and 47. The goat skin binding and covers are not original to the book, but date to its possession by the Collegio Romano. Insect holes are present on the first and last folios of the manuscript in the current order and suggest that a wooden cover was present before the later covers, and discolouring on the edges points to a tanned-leather inside cover. Ink. Many pages contain substantial drawings or charts which are colored with paint. Based on modern analysis using polarized light microscopy (PLM), it has been determined that a quill pen and iron gall ink were used for the text and figure outlines. The ink of the drawings, text and page and quire numbers have similar microscopic characteristics. Energy-dispersive X-ray spectroscopy (EDS) performed in 2009 revealed that the inks contained major amounts of carbon, iron, sulfur, potassium, and calcium and trace amounts of copper and occasionally zinc. EDS did not show the presence of lead, while X-ray diffraction (XRD) identified potassium lead oxide, potassium hydrogen sulphate and syngenite in one of the samples tested. The similarity between the drawing inks and text inks suggested a contemporaneous origin. Paint. Colored paint was applied (somewhat crudely) to the ink outlined figures, possibly at a later date. The blue, white, red-brown, and green paints of the manuscript have been analyzed using PLM, XRD, EDS, and scanning electron microscopy (SEM). The blue paint proved to be ground azurite with minor traces of the copper oxide cuprite. The white paint is likely a mixture of eggwhite and calcium carbonate. The green paint is tentatively characterized by copper and copper-chlorine resinate; the crystalline material might be atacamite or another copper-chlorine compound. Analysis of the red-brown paint indicated a red ochre with the crystal phases hematite and iron sulfide. Minor amounts of lead sulfide and palmierite are possibly present in the red-brown paint. The pigments were considered inexpensive. Retouching. Computer scientist Jorge Stolfi of the University of Campinas highlighted that parts of the text and drawings have been modified, using darker ink over a fainter, earlier script. Evidence for this is visible in various folios, for example "f1r", "f3v", "f26v", "f57v", "f67r2", "f71r", "f72v1", "f72v3" and "f73r". Text. Every page in the manuscript contains text, mostly in an unidentified language, but some have extraneous writing in Latin script. The bulk of the text in the 240-page manuscript is written in an unknown script, running left to right. Most of the characters are composed of one or two simple pen strokes. There exists some dispute as to whether certain characters are distinct, but a script of 20–25 characters would account for virtually all of the text; the exceptions are a few dozen rarer characters that occur only once or twice each. There is no obvious punctuation. Much of the text is written in a single column in the body of a page, with a slightly ragged right margin and paragraph divisions and sometimes with stars in the left margin. Other text occurs in charts or as labels associated with illustrations. There are no indications of any errors or corrections made at any place in the document. The ductus flows smoothly, giving the impression that the symbols were not enciphered; there is no delay between characters, as would normally be expected in written encoded text. Extraneous writing. Only a few of the words in the manuscript are thought to have not been written in the unknown script: Whether these bits of Latin script were part of the original text or were added later is not known. Transcription. Various transcription alphabets have been created to equate Voynich characters with Latin characters to help with cryptanalysis, such as the Extensible (originally: European) Voynich Alphabet (EVA). The first major one was created by the "First Study Group", led by cryptographer William F. Friedman in the 1940s, where each line of the manuscript was transcribed to an IBM punch card to make it machine readable. Statistical patterns. The text consists of over 170,000 characters, with spaces dividing the text into about 35,000 groups of varying length, usually referred to as "words" or "word tokens" (37,919); 8,114 of those words are considered unique "word types." The structure of these words seems to follow phonological or orthographic laws of some sort; for example, certain characters must appear in each word (like English vowels), some characters never follow others, or some may be doubled or tripled, but others may not. The distribution of letters within words is also rather peculiar: Some characters occur only at the beginning of a word, some only at the end (like Greek ς), and some always in the middle section. Many researchers have commented upon the highly regular structure of the words. Professor Gonzalo Rubio, an expert in ancient languages at Pennsylvania State University, stated: Stephan Vonfelt studied statistical properties of the distribution of letters and their correlations (properties which can be vaguely characterized as rhythmic resonance, alliteration or assonance) and found that under that respect Voynichese is more similar to the Mandarin Chinese pinyin text of the "Records of the Grand Historian" than to the text of works from European languages, although the numerical differences between Voynichese and Mandarin Chinese pinyin look larger than those between Mandarin Chinese pinyin and European languages. Practically no words have fewer than two letters or more than 10. Some words occur in only certain sections, or in only a few pages; others occur throughout the manuscript. Few repetitions occur among the thousand or so labels attached to the illustrations. There are instances where the same common word appears up to three times in a row (see "Zipf's law"). Words that differ by only one letter also repeat with unusual frequency, causing single-substitution alphabet decipherings to yield babble-like text. In 1962, cryptanalyst Elizebeth Friedman described such statistical analyses as "doomed to utter frustration". Illustrations. The illustrations are conventionally used to divide most of the manuscript into six different sections, since the text itself cannot be read. Each section is typified by illustrations with different styles and supposed subject matter except for the last section, in which the only drawings are small stars in the margin. The following are the sections and their conventional names: Five folios contain only text, and at least 28 folios are missing from the manuscript. Purpose. The overall impression given by the surviving leaves of the manuscript is that it was meant to serve as a pharmacopoeia or to address topics in medieval or early modern medicine. However, the puzzling details of the illustrations have fueled many theories about the book's origin, the contents of its text, and the purpose for which it was intended. The first section of the book is almost certainly herbal, but attempts have failed to identify the plants, either with actual specimens or with the stylized drawings of contemporaneous herbals. Only a few of the plant drawings can be identified with reasonable certainty, such as a wild pansy and the maidenhair fern. The herbal pictures that match pharmacological sketches appear to be clean copies of them, except that missing parts were completed with improbable-looking details. In fact, many of the plant drawings in the herbal section seem to be composite: the roots of one species have been fastened to the leaves of another, with flowers from a third. The basins and tubes in the balneological section are sometimes interpreted as implying a connection to alchemy, yet they bear little obvious resemblance to the alchemical equipment of the period. Astrological considerations frequently played a prominent role in herb gathering, bloodletting, and other medical procedures common during the likeliest dates of the manuscript. However, interpretation remains speculative, apart from the obvious Zodiac symbols and one diagram possibly showing the classical planets. History. Much of the early history of the book is unknown, though the text and illustrations are all characteristically European. In 2009, University of Arizona researchers performed radiocarbon dating on the manuscript's vellum and dated it between 1404 and 1438. In addition, McCrone Associates in Westmont, Illinois, found that the paints in the manuscript were of materials to be expected from that period of European history. There have been erroneous reports that McCrone Associates indicated much of the ink was added not long after the creation of the parchment, but their official report contains no statement of this. The first confirmed owner was Georg Baresch, a 17th century alchemist from Prague. Baresch was apparently puzzled about this "Sphynx" that had been "taking up space uselessly in his library" for many years. He learned that Jesuit scholar Athanasius Kircher from the Collegio Romano had published a Coptic (Egyptian) dictionary and claimed to have deciphered the Egyptian hieroglyphs; Baresch twice sent a sample copy of the script to Kircher in Rome, asking for clues. The 1639 letter from Baresch to Kircher is the earliest known mention of the manuscript to have been confirmed. Whether Kircher answered the request is not known, but he was apparently interested enough to try to acquire the book, which Baresch refused to yield. Upon Baresch's death, the manuscript passed to his friend Jan Marek Marci (also known as Johannes Marcus Marci), then rector of Charles University in Prague. A few years later, Marci sent the book to Kircher, his long-time friend and correspondent. Marci also sent Kircher a cover letter (in Latin, dated August 19, 1665 or 1666) that was still attached to the book when Voynich acquired it: The "Dr. Raphael" is believed to be Raphael Sobiehrd-Mnishovsky, and the sum would be about 2 kg of gold. While Wilfrid Voynich took Raphael's claim at face value, the Bacon authorship theory has been largely discredited. However, a piece of evidence supporting Rudolph's ownership is the now almost invisible name or signature, on the first page of the book, of Jacobus Horcicky de Tepenecz, the head of Rudolph's botanical gardens in Prague. Jacobus may have received the book from Rudolph II as part of the debt that was owed upon his death. No records of the book for the next 200 years have been found, but in all likelihood, it was stored with the rest of Kircher's correspondence in the library of the Collegio Romano (now the Pontifical Gregorian University). It probably remained there until the troops of Victor Emmanuel II of Italy captured the city in 1870 and annexed the Papal States. The new Italian government decided to confiscate many properties of the Church, including the library of the Collegio. Many books of the university's library were hastily transferred to the personal libraries of its faculty just before this happened, according to investigations by Xavier Ceccaldi and others, and those books were exempt from confiscation. Kircher's correspondence was among those books, and so, apparently, was the Voynich manuscript, as it still bears the "ex libris" of Petrus Beckx, head of the Jesuit order and the university's rector at the time. Beckx's private library was moved to the Villa Mondragone, Frascati, a large country palace near Rome that had been bought by the Society of Jesus in 1866 and housed the headquarters of the Jesuits' Ghislieri College. In 1903, the Society of Jesus (Collegio Romano) was short of money and decided to sell some of its holdings discreetly to the Vatican Library. The sale took place in 1912, but not all of the manuscripts listed for sale ended up going to the Vatican. Wilfrid Voynich acquired 30 of these manuscripts, among them the one which now bears his name. He spent the next seven years attempting to interest scholars in deciphering the script, while he worked to determine the origins of the manuscript. In 1930, the manuscript was inherited after Wilfrid's death by his widow Ethel Voynich, author of the novel "The Gadfly" and daughter of mathematician George Boole. She died in 1960 and left the manuscript to her close friend Anne Nill. In 1961, Nill sold the book to antique book dealer Hans P. Kraus. Kraus was unable to find a buyer and donated the manuscript to Yale University in 1969, where it was catalogued as "MS 408", sometimes also referred to as "Beinecke MS 408". Timeline of ownership. The timeline of ownership of the Voynich manuscript is given below. The time when it was possibly created is shown in green (early 1400s), based on carbon dating of the vellum. Periods of unknown ownership are indicated in white. The commonly accepted owners of the 17th century are shown in orange; the long period of storage in the Collegio Romano is yellow. The location where Wilfrid Voynich allegedly acquired the manuscript (Frascati) is shown in green (late 1800s); Voynich's ownership is shown in red, and modern owners are highlighted blue. Authorship hypotheses. Many people have been proposed as possible authors of the Voynich manuscript, among them Roger Bacon, John Dee or Edward Kelley, Giovanni Fontana, and Voynich. Early history. Marci's 1665/1666 cover letter to Kircher says that, according to his friend the late Raphael Mnishovsky, the book had once been bought by Rudolf II, Holy Roman Emperor and King of Bohemia for 600 ducats (66.42 troy ounce actual gold weight, or 2.07 kg). (Mnishovsky had died in 1644, more than 20 years earlier, and the deal must have occurred before Rudolf's abdication in 1611, at least 55 years before Marci's letter. However, Karl Widemann sold books to Rudolf II in March 1599.) According to the letter, Mnishovsky (but not necessarily Rudolf) speculated that the author was 13th century Franciscan friar and polymath Roger Bacon.<ref name="Bacon/Mnishovsky"></ref> Marci said that he was suspending judgment about this claim, but it was taken quite seriously by Wilfrid Voynich, who did his best to confirm it. Voynich contemplated the possibility that the author was Albertus Magnus if not Roger Bacon. The assumption that Bacon was the author led Voynich to conclude that John Dee sold the manuscript to Rudolf. Dee was a mathematician and astrologer at the court of Queen Elizabeth I of England who was known to have owned a large collection of Bacon's manuscripts. Dee and his "scrier" (spirit medium) Edward Kelley lived in Bohemia for several years, where they had hoped to sell their services to the emperor. However, this sale seems quite unlikely, according to John Schuster, because Dee's meticulously kept diaries do not mention it. If Bacon did not create the Voynich manuscript, a supposed connection to Dee is much weakened. It was thought possible, prior to the carbon dating of the manuscript, that Dee or Kelley might have written it and spread the rumor that it was originally a work of Bacon's in the hopes of later selling it. Fabrication by Voynich. Some suspect Voynich of having fabricated the manuscript himself. As an antique book dealer, he probably had the necessary knowledge and means, and a lost book by Roger Bacon would have been worth a fortune. Furthermore, Baresch's letter and Marci's letter only establish the existence of a manuscript, not that the Voynich manuscript is the same one mentioned. These letters could possibly have been the motivation for Voynich to fabricate the manuscript, assuming that he was aware of them. However, many consider the expert internal dating of the manuscript and the June 1999 discovery of Baresch's letter to Kircher as having eliminated this possibility. Eamon Duffy says that the radiocarbon dating of the parchment (or, more accurately, vellum) "effectively rules out any possibility that the manuscript is a post-medieval forgery", as the consistency of the pages indicates origin from a single source, and "it is inconceivable" that a quantity of unused parchment comprising "at least fourteen or fifteen entire calfskins" could have survived from the early 15th century. Giovanni Fontana. It has been suggested that some illustrations in the books of an Italian engineer, Giovanni Fontana, slightly resemble Voynich illustrations. Fontana was familiar with cryptography and used it in his books, although he did not use the Voynich script but a simple substitution cipher. In the book "Secretum de thesauro experimentorum ymaginationis hominum" (Secret of the treasure-room of experiments in man's imagination), written c. 1430, Fontana described mnemonic machines, written in his cypher. At least "Bellicorum instrumentorum liber" and this book used a cryptographic system, described as a simple, rational cipher, based on signs without letters or numbers. Other theories. Sometime before 1921, Voynich was able to read a name faintly written at the foot of the manuscript's first page: "Jacobj à Tepenece". This is taken to be a reference to Jakub Hořčický of Tepenec, also known by his Latin name Jacobus Sinapius. Rudolph II had ennobled him in 1607, had appointed him his Imperial Distiller, and had made him curator of his botanical gardens as well as one of his personal physicians. Voynich (and many other people after him) concluded that Jacobus owned the Voynich manuscript prior to Baresch, and he drew a link from that to Rudolf's court, in confirmation of Mnishovsky's story. Jacobus's name is still clearly visible under ultraviolet light; however, it does not match the copy of his signature in a document located by Jan Hurych in 2003. As a result, it has been suggested that the signature was added later, possibly even fraudulently by Voynich himself. Baresch's letter bears some resemblance to a hoax that orientalist Andreas Mueller once played on Athanasius Kircher. Mueller sent some unintelligible text to Kircher with a note explaining that it had come from Egypt, and asking him for a translation. Kircher reportedly solved it. It has been speculated that these were both cryptographic tricks played on Kircher to make him look foolish. Raphael Mnishovsky, the friend of Marci who was the reputed source of the Bacon story, was himself a cryptographer and apparently invented a cipher which he claimed was uncrackable (c. 1618). This has led to the speculation that Mnishovsky might have produced the Voynich manuscript as a practical demonstration of his cipher and made Baresch his unwitting test subject. Indeed, the disclaimer in the Voynich manuscript cover letter could mean that Marci suspected some kind of deception. In his 2006 book, Nick Pelling proposed that the Voynich manuscript was written by 15th century North Italian architect Antonio Averlino (also known as "Filarete"), a theory broadly consistent with the radiocarbon dating. Language hypotheses. Many hypotheses have been developed about the Voynich manuscript's "language", called "Voynichese": Ciphers. According to the "letter-based cipher" theory, the Voynich manuscript contains a meaningful text in some European language that was intentionally rendered obscure by mapping it to the Voynich manuscript "alphabet" through a cipher of some sort—an algorithm that operated on individual letters. This was the working hypothesis for most 20th-century deciphering attempts, including an informal team of NSA cryptographers led by William F. Friedman in the early 1950s. The main argument for this theory is that it is difficult to explain a European author using a strange alphabet—except as an attempt to hide information. Indeed, even Roger Bacon knew about ciphers, and the estimated date for the manuscript roughly coincides with the birth of cryptography in Europe as a relatively systematic discipline. The counterargument is that almost all cipher systems consistent with that era fail to match what is seen in the Voynich manuscript. For example, simple substitution ciphers would be excluded because the distribution of letter frequencies does not resemble that of any known language; while the small number of different letter shapes used implies that nomenclator and homophonic ciphers would be ruled out, because these typically employ larger cipher alphabets. Polyalphabetic ciphers were invented by Alberti in the 1460s and included the later Vigenère cipher, but they usually yield ciphertexts where all cipher shapes occur with roughly equal probability, quite unlike the language-like letter distribution which the Voynich manuscript appears to have. However, the presence of many tightly grouped shapes in the Voynich manuscript (such as "or", "ar", "ol", "al", "an", "ain", "aiin", "air", "aiir", "am", "ee", "eee", among others) does suggest that its cipher system may make use of a "verbose cipher", where single letters in a plaintext get enciphered into groups of fake letters. For example, the first two lines of page "f15v" (seen above) contain " and ", which strongly resemble how Roman numbers such as "CCC" or "XXXX" would look if verbosely enciphered. The theory that the encryption system started from a fundamentally simple cipher and then was augmented by adding nulls (meaningless symbols), homophones (duplicate symbols), transposition cipher (letter rearrangement), false word breaks, and more is also entirely possible. Codes. According to the "codebook cipher" theory, the Voynich manuscript "words" would actually be codes to be looked up in a "dictionary" or codebook. The main evidence for this theory is that the internal structure and length distribution of many words are similar to those of Roman numerals, which at the time would be a natural choice for the codes. However, book-based ciphers would be viable for only short messages, because they are very cumbersome to write and to read. Shorthand. In 1943, Joseph Martin Feely claimed that the manuscript was a scientific diary written in shorthand. According to D’Imperio, this was "Latin, but in a system of abbreviated forms not considered acceptable by other scholars, who unanimously rejected his readings of the text". Steganography. This theory holds that the text of the Voynich manuscript is mostly meaningless, but contains meaningful information hidden in inconspicuous details—e.g., the second letter of every word, or the number of letters in each line. This technique, called steganography, is very old and was described by Johannes Trithemius in 1499. Though the plain text was speculated to have been extracted by a Cardan grille (an overlay with cut-outs for the meaningful text) of some sort, this seems somewhat unlikely because the words and letters are not arranged on anything like a regular grid. Still, steganographic claims are hard to prove or disprove, since stegotexts can be arbitrarily hard to find. It has been suggested that the meaningful text could be encoded in the length or shape of certain pen strokes. There are indeed examples of steganography from about that time that use letter shape (italic vs. upright) to hide information. However, when examined at high magnification, the Voynich manuscript pen strokes seem quite natural, and substantially affected by the uneven surface of the vellum. Natural language. Statistical analysis of the text reveals patterns similar to those of natural languages. For instance, the word entropy (about 10 bits per word) is similar to that of English or Latin texts. In 2013, Diego Amâncio "et al" argued that the Voynich manuscript "is mostly compatible with natural languages and incompatible with random texts." The linguist Jacques Guy once suggested that the Voynich manuscript text could be some little-known natural language, written plaintext with an invented alphabet. He suggested Chinese in jest, but later comparison of word length statistics with Vietnamese and Chinese made him view that hypothesis seriously. In many language families of East and Central Asia, mainly Sino-Tibetan (Chinese, Tibetan, and Burmese), Austroasiatic (Vietnamese, Khmer, etc.) and possibly Tai (Thai, Lao, etc. ), morphemes generally have only one syllable; and syllables have a rather rich structure, including tonal patterns. In 1976, James R Child of the National Security Agency, a linguist of Indo-European languages, proposed that the manuscript was written in a "hitherto unknown North Germanic dialect". He identified in the manuscript a "skeletal syntax several elements of which are reminiscent of certain Germanic languages", while the content itself is expressed using "a great deal of obscurity." In February 2014, Professor Stephen Bax of the University of Bedfordshire made public his research into using "bottom up" methodology to understand the manuscript. His method involves looking for and translating proper nouns, in association with relevant illustrations, in the context of other languages of the same time period. A paper he posted online offers tentative translation of 14 characters and 10 words. He suggests the text is a treatise on nature written in a natural language, rather than a code. In 2014, Arthur O. Tucker and Rexford H. Talbert published a paper claiming a positive identification of 37 plants, six animals, and one mineral referenced in the manuscript to plant drawings in the "Libellus de Medicinalibus Indorum Herbis" or Badianus manuscript, a fifteenth-century Aztec herbal. Together with the presence of atacamite in the paint, they argue that the plants were from Colonial New Spain and represented the Nahuatl language, and date the manuscript to between 1521 (the date of the Conquest) and "circa" 1576, in contradiction of radiocarbon dating evidence of the vellum and many other elements of the manuscript. However, the vellum, while creation of it was dated earlier, could just have been stored and used at a later date for manuscript making. The analysis has been criticized by other Voynich manuscript researchers, pointing out that—among other things—a skilled forger could construct plants that have a passing resemblance to theretofore undiscovered existing plants. In 2014, a team led by Dr Diego Amancio of the University of São Paulo's Institute of Mathematical and Computer Sciences published a paper detailing a study using statistical methods to analyse the relationships of the words in the text. Instead of trying to find the meaning, Amancio's team used complex network modelling to look for connections and clusters of words. By employing concepts such as frequency and intermittence, which measure occurrence and concentration of a term in the text, Amancio was able to discover the manuscript's keywords and create three-dimensional models of the text's structure and word frequencies. Their conclusion was that in 90% of cases, the Voynich systems are similar to those of other known books such as the Bible, indicating that the book is an actual piece of text in an actual language, and not well-planned gibberish. Constructed language. The peculiar internal structure of Voynich manuscript words led William F. Friedman to conjecture that the text could be a constructed language. In 1950, Friedman asked the British army officer John Tiltman to analyze a few pages of the text, but Tiltman did not share this conclusion. In a paper in 1967, Brigadier Tiltman said: The concept of a constructed language is quite old, as attested by John Wilkins's "Philosophical Language" (1668), but still postdates the generally accepted origin of the Voynich manuscript by two centuries. In most known examples, categories are subdivided by adding suffixes (fusional languages); as a consequence, a text in a particular subject would have many words with similar prefixes—for example, all plant names would begin with similar letters, and likewise for all diseases, etc. This feature could then explain the repetitious nature of the Voynich text. However, no one has been able yet to assign a plausible meaning to any prefix or suffix in the Voynich manuscript. Hoax. The unusual features of the Voynich manuscript text, such as the doubled and tripled words, and the suspicious contents of its illustrations support the idea that the manuscript is a hoax. In other words, if no one is able to extract meaning from the book, then perhaps this is because the document contains no meaningful content in the first place. Various hoax theories have been proposed over time. In 2003, computer scientist Gordon Rugg showed that text with characteristics similar to the Voynich manuscript could have been produced using a table of word prefixes, stems, and suffixes, which would have been selected and combined by means of a perforated paper overlay. The latter device, known as a Cardan grille, was invented around 1550 as an encryption tool, more than 100 years after the estimated creation date of the Voynich manuscript. Some maintain that the similarity between the pseudo-texts generated in Gordon Rugg's experiments and the Voynich manuscript is superficial, and the grille method could be used to emulate any language to a certain degree. In April 2007, a study by Austrian researcher Andreas Schinner published in "Cryptologia" supported the hoax hypothesis. Schinner showed that the statistical properties of the manuscript's text were more consistent with meaningless gibberish produced using a quasi-stochastic method, such as the one described by Rugg, than with Latin and medieval German texts. Some scholars have claimed that the manuscript's text appears too sophisticated to be a hoax. In 2013 Marcelo Montemurro, a theoretical physicist from the University of Manchester, published findings claiming that semantic networks exist in the text of the manuscript, such as content-bearing words occurring in a clustered pattern, or new words being used when there was a shift in topic. With this evidence, he believes it unlikely that these features were intentionally "incorporated" into the text to make a hoax more realistic, as most of the required academic knowledge of these structures did not exist at the time the Voynich manuscript would have been written. In September 2016, Gordon Rugg and Gavin Taylor addressed these objections in another article in "Cryptologia", and illustrated a simple hoax method that they claim could have caused the mathematical properties of the text. In 2019 Torsten Timm and Andreas Schinner published an algorithm that could have been used by a Medieval author to generate meaningless text which matches the statistical characteristics of the Voynich Manuscript. Glossolalia. In their 2004 book, Gerry Kennedy and Rob Churchill suggest the possibility that the Voynich manuscript may be a case of glossolalia (speaking-in-tongues), channeling, or outsider art. If so, the author felt compelled to write large amounts of text in a manner which resembles stream of consciousness, either because of voices heard or because of an urge. This often takes place in an invented language in glossolalia, usually made up of fragments of the author's own language, although invented scripts for this purpose are rare. Kennedy and Churchill use Hildegard von Bingen's works to point out similarities between the Voynich manuscript and the illustrations that she drew when she was suffering from severe bouts of migraine, which can induce a trance-like state prone to glossolalia. Prominent features found in both are abundant "streams of stars", and the repetitive nature of the "nymphs" in the balneological section. This theory has been found unlikely by other researchers. The theory is virtually impossible to prove or disprove, short of deciphering the text. Kennedy and Churchill are themselves not convinced of the hypothesis, but consider it plausible. In the culminating chapter of their work, Kennedy states his belief that it is a hoax or forgery. Churchill acknowledges the possibility that the manuscript is either a synthetic forgotten language (as advanced by Friedman), or else a forgery, as the preeminent theory. However, he concludes that, if the manuscript is a genuine creation, mental illness or delusion seems to have affected the author. Decipherment claims. Since the manuscript's modern rediscovery in 1912, there have been a number of claimed decipherings. William Romaine Newbold. One of the earliest efforts to unlock the book's secrets (and the first of many premature claims of decipherment) was made in 1921 by William Romaine Newbold of the University of Pennsylvania. His singular hypothesis held that the visible text is meaningless itself, but that each apparent "letter" is in fact constructed of a series of tiny markings discernible only under magnification. These markings were supposed to be based on ancient Greek shorthand, forming a second level of script that held the real content of the writing. Newbold claimed to have used this knowledge to work out entire paragraphs proving the authorship of Bacon and recording his use of a compound microscope four hundred years before van Leeuwenhoek. A circular drawing in the astronomical section depicts an irregularly shaped object with four curved arms, which Newbold interpreted as a picture of a galaxy, which could be obtained only with a telescope. Similarly, he interpreted other drawings as cells seen through a microscope. However, Newbold's analysis has since been dismissed as overly speculative after John Matthews Manly of the University of Chicago pointed out serious flaws in his theory. Each shorthand character was assumed to have multiple interpretations, with no reliable way to determine which was intended for any given case. Newbold's method also required rearranging letters at will until intelligible Latin was produced. These factors alone ensure the system enough flexibility that nearly anything at all could be discerned from the microscopic markings. Although evidence of micrography using the Hebrew language can be traced as far back as the ninth century, it is nowhere near as compact or complex as the shapes Newbold made out. Close study of the manuscript revealed the markings to be artefacts caused by the way ink cracks as it dries on rough vellum. Perceiving significance in these artefacts can be attributed to pareidolia. Thanks to Manly's thorough refutation, the micrography theory is now generally disregarded. Joseph Martin Feely. In 1943, Joseph Martin Feely published "Roger Bacon's Cipher: The Right Key Found", in which he claimed that the book was a scientific diary written by Roger Bacon. Feely's method posited that the text was a highly abbreviated medieval Latin written in a simple substitution cipher. Leonell C. Strong. Leonell C. Strong, a cancer research scientist and amateur cryptographer, believed that the solution to the Voynich manuscript was a "peculiar double system of arithmetical progressions of a multiple alphabet". Strong claimed that the plaintext revealed the Voynich manuscript to be written by the 16th-century English author Anthony Ascham, whose works include "A Little Herbal", published in 1550. Notes released after his death reveal that the last stages of his analysis, in which he selected words to combine into phrases, were questionably subjective. Robert S. Brumbaugh. In 1978, Robert Brumbaugh, a professor of medieval philosophy at Yale University, claimed that the manuscript was a forgery intended to fool Emperor Rudolf II into purchasing it, and that the text is Latin enciphered with a complex, two-step method. John Stojko. In 1978, John Stojko published "Letters to God's Eye", in which he claimed that the Voynich Manuscript was a series of letters written in vowelless Ukrainian. The theory caused some sensation among the Ukrainian diaspora at the time, and then in independent Ukraine after 1991. However, the date Stojko gives for the letters, the lack of relation between the text and the images, and the general looseness in the method of decryption all speak against his theory. Stephen Bax. In 2014, applied linguistics Professor Stephen Bax self-published a paper claiming to have translated ten words from the manuscript using techniques similar to those used to successfully translate Egyptian hieroglyphs. He claimed the manuscript to be a treatise on nature, in a Near Eastern or Asian language, but no full translation was made before Bax's death in 2017. Nicholas Gibbs. In September 2017, television writer Nicholas Gibbs claimed to have decoded the manuscript as idiosyncratically abbreviated Latin. He declared the manuscript to be a mostly plagiarized guide to women's health. Scholars judged Gibbs' hypothesis to be trite. His work was criticized as patching together already-existing scholarship with a highly speculative and incorrect translation; Lisa Fagin Davis, director of the Medieval Academy of America, stated that Gibbs' decipherment "doesn't result in Latin that makes sense." Greg Kondrak. Professor Greg Kondrak, a natural language processing expert at the University of Alberta, together with his graduate student Bradley Hauer, used computational linguistics in an attempt to decode the manuscript. Their findings were presented at the Annual Meeting of the Association for Computational Linguistics in 2017, in the form of an article suggesting that the language of the manuscript is most likely Hebrew, but encoded using alphagrams, i.e. alphabetically ordered anagrams. However, the team admitted that experts in medieval manuscripts who reviewed the work were not convinced. The claim is also disputed by an expert in the Hebrew language and its history. Ahmet Ardıç. In 2018, Ahmet Ardıç, an electrical engineer with a passion for researching Turkic languages, linguistics and etymological roots claimed the Voynich script is a kind of Old Turkic written in a ‘poetic’ style, that often displays ‘phonemic orthography’ meaning the author spelled out words the way he, or she, heard them. He claims to have deciphered and translated over 30% of the manuscript. Ardıç published a YouTube video detailing his claims. His submission to the Digital Philology journal of Johns Hopkins University was rejected in 2019. Gerard Cheshire. In 2019, the journal "Romance Studies" published a paper by Gerard Cheshire titled "The Language and Writing System of MS408 (Voynich) Explained". Cheshire, a biology research assistant at the University of Bristol, claimed to have deciphered the manuscript in two weeks using a combination of "lateral thinking and ingenuity." He suggested that the manuscript is "a compendium of information on herbal remedies, therapeutic bathing and astrological readings", with a focus on female physical and mental health, reproduction, and parenting; and that the manuscript is the only known text written in proto-Romance. He said: "The manuscript was compiled by Dominican nuns as a source of reference for Maria of Castile, Queen of Aragon." However, experts in medieval documents disputed this interpretation vigorously, with the executive editor of Medieval Academy of America Lisa Fagin Davis denouncing the paper as "just more aspirational, circular, self-fulfilling nonsense". Approached for comment by "Ars Technica", Davis gave this explanation: The University of Bristol subsequently removed a reference to Cheshire's claims from its website, referring in a statement to concerns about the validity of the research, and stating: "This research was entirely the author's own work and is not affiliated with the University of Bristol, the School of Arts nor the Centre for Medieval Studies". As of June 22, 2020, Cheshire has published his translations of ten pages of the 100 or so that seem to be about medicinal plants. Facsimiles. Many books and articles have been written about the manuscript. Copies of the manuscript pages were made by alchemist Georgius Barschius in 1637 and sent to Athanasius Kircher, and later by Wilfrid Voynich. In 2004, the Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library made high-resolution digital scans publicly available online, and several printed facsimiles appeared. In 2016, the Beinecke Library and Yale University Press co-published a facsimile, "The Voynich Manuscript", with scholarly essays. The Beinecke Library also authorized the production of a print run of 898 replicas by the Spanish publisher Siloé in 2017. Cultural influence. The manuscript has also inspired several works of fiction, including the following The "voynix", biomechanical creatures from an alternate future which transition from servitors to opponents in Dan Simmons' paired novels "Ilium/Olympos", are named in reference to the manuscript. Between 1976 and 1978, Italian artist Luigi Serafini created the "Codex Seraphinianus" containing false writing and pictures of imaginary plants in a style reminiscent of the Voynich manuscript. Contemporary classical composer Hanspeter Kyburz's 1995 chamber work "The Voynich Cipher Manuscript, for chorus & ensemble" is inspired by the manuscript. In 2015, the New Haven Symphony Orchestra commissioned Hannah Lash to compose a symphony inspired by the manuscript. The novel "Solenoid" (2015), by Romanian writer Mircea Cartarescu uses the manuscript as literary device in one of its important themes. In the third season episode of the CBS crime drama "Elementary" titled "Under My Skin", the character of Sherlock Holmes studies the Voynich manuscript, stating that he disbelieves theories that the manuscript is extraterrestrial in origin. Images from the manuscript appear in multiple locations in "". The Voynich Manuscript also appears in the games "Assassin's Creed IV Black Flag" and "Assassin's Creed Rogue" and is cited as having been stolen from a man named Peter Beckford.

dependable mode

1285-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=41642217

Zoobotryon verticillatum, commonly known as the spaghetti bryozoan, is a species of colonial bryozoans with a bush-like structure. It is found in shallow temperate and warm waters in the western Atlantic Ocean and the Caribbean Sea and has spread worldwide as a fouling organism. It is regarded as an invasive species in some countries. Description. Colonies of "Zoobotryon verticillatum" resemble miniature trees up to a metre (yard) wide and consist of a dense mass of feeding zooids known as autozooids connected to each other by slender branching stolons in diameter. The stolons are attached to the substrate by an adhesive disc and are translucent and may be brownish or bluish. The autozooids are in two rows along the stolons, each zooid being sac-like and in length. The mouth of each autozooid bears a retractable crown-like feeding structure known as a lophophore, with eight short tentacles. The stolon has a jointed appearance and is composed of a series of tubular non-feeding heterozooids. All the zooids within the colony are connected via pores in their walls and coelomic fluid can be transferred along the stolon and between adjacent autozooids. Distribution and habitat. Colonies of "Zoobotryon verticillatum" are found in shallow water in the tropical and subtropical western Atlantic and the Caribbean Sea and many other parts of the world. It is tolerant of a range of water conditions but grows best at salinities of at least 30ppt and water temperatures over . It is a common species in the Indian River Lagoon where it grows vigorously from April to September but dies back during winter. "Zoobotryon verticillatum" is a fouling organism and its typical habitat is growing on the blades of seagrasses, the thallus of large seaweeds, the roots of mangroves, rocky reefs, the shells of bivalve molluscs, piers, breakwaters and other man-made structures, the hulls of boats, floating masses of seaweed and other floating debris. Biology. Each autozooid feeds by expanding its lophophore, the extended tentacles of which filter phytoplankton from the water. It has been estimated that each zooid can process 8.8 ml of water in a day, and the zooids on a square metre of seagrass meadow can filter some 184,728 litres (48,613 gallons) of water a day. By this means, this bryozoan can play a useful role in improving water quality. Expansion of the colony is by budding and new colonies can also be formed by fragmentation. It has been shown that one end of a cut piece of stolon will develop attachment structures to anchor it to the substrate within about twenty-four hours. This bryozoan is a hermaphrodite and reproduction also takes place sexually. The larva is planktonic, settles on a hard surface and develops into a heterozooid which attaches itself to the substrate with an adhesive disc. Ecology. "Zoobotryon verticillatum" sometimes grows in association with the honeysuckle tunicate ("Perophora viridis"), the stolons of which intertwine with those of the bryozoan. The colonies provide hiding places for juvenile fish and for the amphipods, copepods, polychaete worms and the other small invertebrates on which the young fish feed. The tissues of "Zoobotryon verticillatum" contain certain secondary metabolites that render it unappetizing to many potential predators. The main one is a bromo-alkaloid which has been shown to prevent settlement of mussel and barnacle larvae on the colony. One of the few creatures that does feed on it is the nudibranch "Okenia zoobotryon" which is thought to live, feed and lay its eggs almost exclusively on the bryozoan and whose tissues may then contain many of the same anti-predator chemicals. Invasive species. There are concerns about "Zoobotryon verticillatum" as an invasive species. It can develop into huge aggregations and cause fouling of fishing gear, block sea-water inlets, out-compete native species and upset food chains by filtering phytoplankton from the water.

most important type

4432-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=974846

Mortal Kombat 3 is a fighting video game developed by Midway / Atari Games and first released into arcades in 1995. It is the third entry in the "Mortal Kombat" series and is the sequel to "Mortal Kombat II". As in the previous games, it has a cast of characters that players choose from and guide through a series of battles against other opponents. The game avoids the tournament storyline of its predecessors, as various warriors instead fight against the returning Shao Kahn, who has resurrected his bride Sindel and started an invasion of Earthrealm. The third installment of "Mortal Kombat" retains the blood and gory attacks that defined the series. It introduces new types of the Fatality finishing moves, including Animalities. Other features new to the series were combos, predefined sequences used to perform a series of consecutive attacks. A "Run" button was also added, allowing players to briefly dash toward the opponent, as were "Kombat Kodes", an unlockable content system using various symbols that can be entered before two-player matches to achieve certain effects. "Mortal Kombat 3" was a commercial success and received generally positive reviews, but drew criticism for omitting several popular characters from previous games; it is the only main installment to not feature franchise mascot Scorpion. Two updates, "Ultimate Mortal Kombat 3" (1995) and the PC / home console-exclusive "Mortal Kombat Trilogy" (1996) restored characters omitted by "Mortal Kombat 3", in addition to other new features. Gameplay. "Mortal Kombat 3" builds further on the gameplay of the previous game. A "Run" button, accompanied by a "Run" meter, was introduced. This was primarily to address concern from fans who thought that the previous games gave too much of an advantage to the defending player. The Run meter is drained by running (the character cannot run backward, only forwards) and by performing combos. "Chain combos", also known as pre-programmed combos (labeled "dial-a-combos") were also introduced. Chain combos are button sequences that cannot be interrupted once one hit connects; some chain combos end with an uppercut or another move that knocks the opponent into the air so that more damage can be dealt via a traditional juggle combo. To please players of various skill levels, a "Choose Your Destiny" screen appears in the single-player mode to allow player-selectable difficulty. For the first time, certain levels were interactive by allowing characters to uppercut each other through the ceiling where both characters would continue the battle in a different stage. This could alter the game's level cycle. Both normal uppercuts and uppercuts that are part of a ground combo would result in a level change. Kung Lao's "Whirl Wind Spin" move would also have the same effect. However, if the character is defeated by an uppercut, there is no level change. All of the different styles of finishing moves featured in "Mortal Kombat II" (Fatalities, including the non-lethal Babality and Friendship moves) return in "MK3". Additionally, the rumored Animality, where the character transforms into an animal in order to kill their opponent, is featured for the first time. Another new addition is the Mercy, where the character can give their opponent a small sliver of life if they have won two rounds and are at the "Finish Him/Her" screen. A Mercy is necessary for an Animality to occur. Finally, three new Stage Fatalities can be performed in the Subway, the Bell Tower and the Pit 3. Another concept introduced in this game is the "Kombat Kode". A Kombat Kode is a six-symbol code entered at the VS screen in a two-player game to modify gameplay, fight hidden characters or display certain text messages. Also introduced in this game was the "Ultimate Kombat Kode", a 10-character code using symbols, that could be entered on the game over screen after the continue screen disappears in single player mode. It was used to unlock a robotic version of the character Smoke; it can be done by either the player or the arcade operator. The arcade owner could reset this code by accessing the game's diagnostic menu by resetting to the factory settings within the "MK3" cabinet (except in version 2.1, which can only be done by accessing the EJB menu). The codes were revealed through gaming magazines, promotional material, and other "Mortal Kombat" media. Plot. Weary of continuous losses in tournament battle, Shao Kahn, who lost to Liu Kang in the Outworld tournament in the previous game, enacts a 10,000-year-old plan. He would have his Shadow Priests, led by Shang Tsung, revive his former Queen Sindel, who unexpectedly died at a young age. However, she would not be revived in the Outworld, but in Earthrealm. This would allow Shao Kahn to cross the boundary lines and reclaim his queen. When Sindel is reincarnated in Earthrealm, Shao Kahn reaches across the dimensions to reclaim her, and as a result, Earthrealm gradually becomes a part of Outworld, stripping billions of their souls. Only a few are spared, protected by Raiden. He tells them that Shao Kahn must be stopped, but he cannot interfere; due to his status, he has no power in Outworld, and Earthrealm is partially merged with Outworld. Shao Kahn has unleashed extermination squads to kill any Earthrealm survivors. Also, Raiden's protection only extends to the soul, not to the body, so his chosen warriors have to fight the extermination squads and repel Shao Kahn. With his final defeat, every human on Earthrealm is restored. The game also contains several subplots: Characters. The game includes 14 playable characters, with 1 additional secret character. New characters: Returning characters: Boss characters: Although the game's manual states both boss characters are unplayable, both Motaro and Shao Kahn can be enabled via secret cheat menus in the SNES and Genesis versions of the game. Noob Saibot (Richard Divizio) also returns as a hidden opponent. Development. "Mortal Kombat 3" was originally considered to be made using 3D graphics, before reverting to sprite graphics of the previous games. Its overall style was envisioned differently from in the previous "Mortal Kombat" games. Instead of the heavily-Oriental themes of "Mortal Kombat" and "Mortal Kombat II", the theme of "MK3" is more Western-contemporary. The game's stages are set in modern locations (such as urban highways, churches, and bank rooftops), three of the characters are cyborgs, and traditional character designs (such as Sub-Zero's or Kano's) have been dropped or modified in favor of modern replacements. This change is also reflected in the soundtrack, in which all Oriental motifs have been dropped in favor of modern instrumentation. Some of the characters from previous "Mortal Kombat" games who returned in "Mortal Kombat 3" were portrayed by new actors since their original portrayers left Midway due to royalty disputes over the use of their likenesses in console versions. Ho Sung Pak (Liu Kang in the first two games, as well as Shang Tsung in the first "Mortal Kombat"), Phillip Ahn (Shang Tsung in "Mortal Kombat II"), Elizabeth Malecki (Sonya Blade), Katalin Zamiar (Kitana/Mileena/Jade) and Daniel Pesina (Johnny Cage and Scorpion/Sub-Zero/Reptile/Smoke/Noob Saibot) were not involved in the production of "MK3". Prior to the release of "Mortal Kombat 3", Daniel appeared in an advertisement for another fighting game, "BloodStorm", which resulted in a false rumor that it got him fired by Midway. All this led to the use of new actors for Liu Kang (Eddie Wong), Sonya Blade (Kerri Hoskins), Shang Tsung and Sub-Zero (both played by John Turk) in "MK3". Richard Divizio (Kano) also took over the role of Noob Saibot (as the character was a recolored Kano in this version). Carlos Pesina, who played Raiden in the first two games, did not appear in "MK3" as a penalty for his involvement in the rival game "Tattoo Assassins", but was still employed by Midway and his character would return in "Mortal Kombat Trilogy", although through the use of recycled sprites from "MKII" and new sprites performed by Sal Divita. The game has a different tone overall than its predecessors and uses a noticeably more muted and less-vibrant color palette. Characters were heavily digitized, as opposed to the hybrid digitized/hand-drawn style of "MKII". Many of the game's backgrounds were created using pre-rendered 3D graphics for the first time. Release. Accompanied by a massive promotional campaign (given the world record for the "largest promotional campaign for a video game" in the 2011 "Guinness World Records Gamer's Edition"), "Mortal Kombat 3" was originally released to the North American arcades on April 15, 1995. The game was soon ported to three home consoles, namely the Genesis, Super NES, and PlayStation, the latter which is identical to the arcade original. As part of a deal with Midway, Sony Computer Entertainment gained exclusive worldwide rights for the 32-bit version of the game up through the end of the first quarter of 1996 (hence why the Sega Saturn, 3DO Interactive Multiplayer, and Atari Jaguar versions were all slated for release in the second quarter of 1996). According to a Sega spokesperson, Sony paid Midway $12 million for these timed exclusive rights. Continuing a tradition of simultaneous home version releases from the first two games in the series, it was announced that the Genesis, Super NES, Game Boy, and Game Gear versions would all be released on "Mortal Friday", October 13, 1995. However, not all of the versions made the planned date, and the Game Gear version was never released in North America at all. The publishing for the 16-bit console ports and portable versions in North America was handled by Williams Entertainment, rather than Acclaim Entertainment (who handled the console ports of the previous titles), although Acclaim still handled the publishing for "Mortal Kombat 3" in Europe. On the Game Boy, only nine of the original 15 fighters (Kano, Sonya, Sub-Zero, Cyrax, Sektor, Sheeva, Sindel, Kabal, and Smoke) are available, only five stages exist, there are no button-link combos, and no finishers outside of Fatalities and Babalities. Shao Kahn uses his moves from "Mortal Kombat II", and Motaro is not included. The sole Game Boy game to be rated M by the ESRB, this version does not include much of the overt gore and violence seen in its parent systems but kept some of the "burning" Fatalities (immolating a defeated opponent down to a burnt skeleton). A scaled-down Game Gear version of "Mortal Kombat 3" was released only in Europe. It is almost the same as the Game Boy version, although it includes blood and gore, it is in color and features Noob Saibot as a hidden character. There is also a port for the Master System, which is nearly identical to the Game Gear version, although it was only released in Brazil by Tectoy, distributor of Sega's products in that country. There are two different versions of "Mortal Kombat 3" for the PC. The first was a DOS version, which does not closely resemble any of the other ports. This version contains a hidden redbook audio track () with a narration of a story in reverse. The second version was a Windows version, which was a direct port of the PlayStation version of the game, featuring the same menus, sprite sizes and qualities, and gameplay. "Mortal Kombat 3" was originally slated to be released for the Atari Jaguar in the second quarter of 1996, according to a joint press release issued by Atari and Williams Entertainment on March 13, 1995, but was never released. A port for the 3DO Interactive Multiplayer was also announced for an early 1996 release, touted on magazine covers, and reportedly complete, but was also never released. A port for the Sega Saturn was also announced for early 1996, but was canceled in favor of a port of "Ultimate Mortal Kombat 3". "Mortal Kombat 3" is also included in "Midway Arcade Treasures 2" for the Nintendo GameCube, PlayStation 2 and Xbox; "Midway Arcade Treasures Deluxe Edition" for the PC (this title includes a 'making of' documentary about the game); and "" for the PlayStation Portable. Reception. "Mortal Kombat 3" was one of three 1995 recipients of the American Amusement Machine Association's Diamond Awards (which are based strictly on sales achievements). Williams Entertainment, which published the Super NES and Genesis versions, reported combined sales of 250,000 copies in the first weekend they were available, placing them among the best-selling games of 1995. The Super NES version had sold more than one million copies by November 23, 1995. "Mortal Kombat 3" was nominated for the Video Software Dealers Association's "Video Game of the Year" for 1995, losing to "Donkey Kong Country 2". Although "Mortal Kombat 3" was commercially successful, many disliked the inclusion of arguably less-appealing new characters (especially Stryker) in place of established stalwarts such as Scorpion and Kitana. The new combo system was also often criticized, as were, to a lesser degree, the run mechanics and some finishing moves. According to "PC Gamer" in 1998, "While "Mortal Kombat 2" managed to improve upon the fast-paced, gore-galore formula of the original, the third incarnation didn't fare nearly as well. "MK3" suffered from monkeywrenched gameplay, needlessly stupid finishing moves like 'Animalities,' and unbearably campy character designs." "Next Generation" reviewed the arcade version of the game, and stated that "in an industry which depends on innovation to keep it fresh and interesting, "MK III" just doesn't deliver." A "Retro Gamer" article on the history of the series stated in 2007: "Although many hardcore fans will decree Midway's third "Mortal Kombat" game to be the best in the series, just as many felt it was beginning of the end for the still massively popular franchise ... While Midway had been constantly adding subtle gameplay tweaks to its franchise since the release of "Mortal Kombat", its once exciting series was suddenly looking rather tired." Nevertheless, the game received largely positive reviews at the time. As of 2014, the review aggregator website GameRankings is giving it the averaged scores of 80.23% for the Super NES, 76.67% for the Genesis, and 70.33% for the Sony PlayStation. "Electronic Gaming Monthly" ("EGM") gave the PlayStation version their "Game of the Month" award. "EGM" and IGN both criticized the heavy lag during Shang Tsung's morphing while assessing the conversion overall as a near-perfect replication of the graphics, content, and controls of the arcade original. However, IGN gave it a negative assessment based on the shortcomings of "Mortal Kombat 3" itself, recommending "Street Fighter" 2D fighting games over it unless one is a "die-hard "MK" fan". According to a later IGN retrospective, "Despite the evolutions in gameplay, "Mortal Kombat 3" was simply not met with same kind of enthusiasm as its predecessor. While the new 'cyber-ninja' characters were popular, the loss of so many favorites from the roster left many players feeling left out. A new "Mortal Kombat" was impossible to ignore, but the response wasn't quite what Midway had hoped for." Reviewing the Genesis version, a "Next Generation" critic remarked that the game actually looks better on a last-generation console, where it finds company with other 2D games and is better-looking than most of them, than it did in the arcade, where it seemed outdated against the increasingly prevalent polygon-based games. He complimented the game for delivering on the elements most important to the "Mortal Kombat" fanbase, but added as a final note that "as a whole, the "MK" series is getting stale and in dire need of some major reworking." In their review, "GamePro" similarly said that "Mortal Kombat 3" is "just not original enough (like "Tekken") or deep enough (like "Street Fighter") to warrant space on the casual Genesis gamer's shelf." They also criticized the Genesis version as being a weak approximation of the arcade version, particularly the character sprites and sound effects. They assessed the PlayStation version as a much more accurate conversion aside from the lag during Shang Tsung's morphing, but concluded it to be "An awesome home version of a game that wasn't so great to begin with." "Next Generation" similarly felt the arcade-perfect quality of the PlayStation version was overshadowed by the game's lack of innovation: "There is little, outside of a few new, conspicuously uninspired characters, a run feature, and a new combo system, which simply mirrors its competition, to differentiate "MK3" from its predecessors." "Maximum" praised the PlayStation version's wealth of customization options and "eerie combat music tracks", but remarked that the game was outdated with "Ultimate Mortal Kombat 3" already out in arcades and slated for release on the Saturn. They also took strong issue with the lack of PAL optimization, saying that as a result "The characters move very slowly as if wading through treacle, and this detracts from the overall feel of the game as well as changing the timing for the special moves and combos." Reviewing the SNES version, the four reviewers of "Electronic Gaming Monthly" concurred it to be by far the best "16-bit version" of the game. They especially praised the challenging enemy AI, accurate graphics, and a high number of special options. While they listed some problems with the AI and sound, "GamePro" had a similar reaction, concluding that "Converting a mammoth arcade game like "MK 3" to the 16-bit Super NES is no easy task, and Williams has done a respectable job of keeping all the key elements intact." "PC Gamer" itself, despite the later negative opinion, gave the PC version of "MK3" a review score of 89% upon the release, calling it "yet another excellent arcade experience from the king of fighting games." "Next Generation" at the time called it "one of the best fighting games ever released for the PC" and "a title you must own" for the fans of the genre, awarding it four out of five stars. "GamePro" panned the Game Boy version in a brief review, venturing that "even portable power players will find the soft controls and eye-straining graphics unbearable." Legacy. "Ultimate Mortal Kombat 3" ("UMK3") was released to arcades in 1995. It is an update of "Mortal Kombat 3", featuring altered gameplay, additional characters, and new arenas. Various home versions of the game were released soon afterward, although none of these were completely identical to the arcade version. Several more home versions followed between 2002-2010, including "Mortal Kombat Advance" for the Game Boy Advance and "Ultimate Mortal Kombat" for the Nintendo DS (the DS version features the "Puzzle Kombat" minigame originally from ""). "UMK3" itself was updated to include content from previous games in the series to serve as the basis of the console-exclusive title "Mortal Kombat Trilogy" in 1996. It was also later remastered to be released as part of the "Mortal Kombat Arcade Kollection" in 2011.

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Rugby league is played across England but is most popular in Northern England, especially Yorkshire and Lancashire where the game originated. These areas are the heartland of rugby league. The sport is also popular in Cumbria where the amateur game is particularly powerful. Name. Within its Northern heartlands, rugby league is often referred to as "rugby", a term that in the rest of England would normally refer to rugby union, and occasionally as "football", which even in the North of England normally refers to association football. History. Foundations. Rugby has long been popular in the North of England and by the 1880s the region's clubs had come to dominate. The game was popular amongst working class people, unlike the clubs in Southern England whose players belonged to the middle or upper class. Rugby competition at the time did not allow paying players any wages; the working class players felt they could not afford time off to train and play, nor could they afford to miss work through injury sustained whilst playing. The principle of amateurism, and issues of class ensured that the Rugby Football Union would not countenance professional rugby. In August 1895, representatives of the northern clubs met at the George Hotel, Huddersfield to form the ""Northern Rugby Football Union" (NRFU)". The NRFU was initially vehemently anti-professional, allowing only payments for time missed from other employment. A thriving amateur scene also soon developed, as local amateur clubs wished to maintain links with their "Northern Union" neighbours. The Northern Union made reforms to the laws in 1897 and again in 1906 in an effort make the game more exciting. This resulted in Northern Union football becoming a sport in its own right rather than a form of rugby union. The sport spread outside England and soon international matches began to be played. The first international match was played in 1904 as England was beaten 9–3 at Central Park, Wigan by "Other Nationalities" (largely Welsh players). This was followed by a tour of Britain by New Zealand in 1907. New Zealand met Great Britain in Great Britain's first ever Test match at Headingley, Leeds on 18 January 1908. The same year the first Australian Kangaroos tourists visited Britain. In 1910 the first British tour to Australia and New Zealand took place. The Challenge Cup began in 1897 with Batley beating St Helens to win the first title. The final was first broadcast by BBC radio in 1927. The Wembley tradition was started in 1929 when Wigan beat Dewsbury 13–2 at the first Rugby League Challenge Cup to be held at Wembley. Rugby league continued to be played throughout the 1914–15 season, however, the loss of players to the First World War, a government ban on professionalism and reduced attendances forced all major competitions to be replaced by regional competitions. The NRFU became the Rugby Football League in 1922. The 1930s saw a series of failed attempts to introduce rugby league football to London. During the Second World War professional rugby league was again discontinued, normal leagues were suspended, a War Emergency League was established, with clubs playing separate Yorkshire and Lancashire sections to reduce the need for travel. Post-war. In 1948 the first televised rugby league match was played when Wigan's 8–3 Challenge Cup Final victory over Bradford Northern was broadcast to the Midlands. In another first this was the first rugby league match to be attended by the reigning monarch, King George VI, who presented the trophy. Several attempts were made to expand the game outside the heartlands, a Southern Amateur Rugby League being formed in 1949, however only Cumberland and southern areas of the West Riding of Yorkshire proved receptive with teams being founded in Workington, Whitehaven and Doncaster. Nonetheless the game survived, and continued to maintain popularity in its home regions. The introduction of regular internationals as other countries took up the sport provided a fillip. Rugby league experienced a surge in interest following the end of the Second World War. Large crowds came to be the norm for a period of around 20 years. The total crowds for the British season hit a record in 1949–50, when over 69.8 million paying customers attended all matches. The 1953–54 Challenge Cup Final replay between Halifax and Warrington, held at Odsal Stadium, Bradford, drew 102,575 paying spectators with an estimated 20,000 others getting in free after a section of fencing collapsed. The boom had begun to subside by the early 1960s; rugby league now had to compete against television and other new forms of entertainment and attendances began to fall. David Attenborough, then controller of BBC2, made the decision to screen games from a new competition the BBC2 Floodlit Trophy in 1965. It proved a success, and rugby league has featured on television ever since. Attendances fell even further in the 1970s. Britain won the Ashes for the last time in 1970, with a 2–1 series win in Australia. The foundation of the Universities and Colleges Rugby League in 1969 and the British Amateur Rugby League Association in 1973 was a response to the need to develop the game below professional level. 1980–1990. In June 1980, Fulham F.C. announced the formation of a rugby league team, with the primary intention of creating another income stream for the association football club. The Rugby Football League was keen to expand outside the heartlands and accepted the new club (now known as London Broncos). This was not the first rugby league club to be based in London—three London-based clubs had come and gone in the 1930s. However unlike the past ventures the new team survived despite several moves and name changes, and as London Broncos are currently playing in the top division of the game in the U.K. The 1982 Kangaroos won all their tour games for first time ever, they became known as "The Invincibles". This was the time when the gap between English and Australian rugby league became apparent and has never been fully closed. The All-Party Parliamentary Rugby League Group was formed in 1987 to support the sport of rugby league and tackle the key issues facing the game in Parliament. Ian McCartney MP was the first chairman and David Hinchliffe MP the secretary. In 1987 a "free gangway" between the two codes of rugby at amateur level was introduced but individual cases of discrimination continued, resulting in the Sports (Discrimination) Bill, which was introduced by David Hinchcliffe in 1994. In the mid 1980s Wigan began an era of domination of English rugby league that would end only with the formation of Super League. By 1995 they had won the Challenge Cup a record eight consecutive times and the league title for a record seven consecutive times. The traditional Origin series between Yorkshire and Lancashire was abandoned in 1989. Although the matches had provided a good test for selecting players for the full England and Great Britain sides, the crowds had been poor and the games had little attraction for the rest of the country. The series was revived again in 2001 before being abandoned in 2003. The Combined Services Rugby League (CSRL) was formed in 1994 after the official recognition of rugby league by the armed services, since then rugby league has been the fastest growing army sport. The rival code rugby union went professional in 1995 and, as a result, other restrictions on rugby league were relaxed by the Rugby Football Union. This opened up the possibility of expanding the game into areas where it had never been played before as it allowed rugby league clubs to groundshare with rugby union clubs and for union players to try out the other code without fear of persecution. 1995–present: Summer era. In 1995, the fallout from the Super League war hit Britain, and the game underwent massive re-organisation. A new elite league, Super League was formed, and the sport switched from a winter to a summer season. Super League has largely been a success as the value of its TV contract and top tier game crowd attendances and have both grown year upon year since 2001. The Rugby League Conference was founded in 1998 with the aim of providing regular fixtures for new clubs based outside the 'heartland' of rugby league. It began with fourteen teams, but within nine years had grown to eighty-eight clubs spread throughout England and the rest of Britain. Governing bodies. Rugby Football League. The Rugby Football League (RFL) is the governing body for the sport in England. Previously, before the emergence of Wales Rugby League, Scotland Rugby League and Rugby League Ireland the RFL had control over the whole United Kingdom. The RFL are affiliated with the Rugby League International Federation (RLIF) and the Rugby League European Federation (RLEF). The Community Board is made up of representatives of the RFL, BARLA, Combined Services, English Schools Rugby League and Student Rugby League. British Amateur Rugby League Association. British Amateur Rugby League Association (BARLA) are responsible for amateur rugby league chiefly in the sport's north of England heartlands. Though many Rugby League Conference teams are affiliated to BARLA, the Conference itself is not a BARLA organisation. The top division under their control is the National Conference League, with regional leagues including the North West Counties and Pennine leagues. BARLA selects an international team consisting of amateur players, the BARLA Lions. This team tours many parts of the rugby league world, and have competed in the Rugby League Emerging Nations Tournament. Armed Forces. Rugby league was recognised as a military sport in 1994. The Combined Services Rugby League (CSRL) is the co-ordinating group for the Army Rugby League, Royal Navy Rugby League and the Royal Air Force Rugby League. Each constituent body organises its own competitions at unit and formation level. Players are fed into representative teams to represent each of the services, and the best players are selected to represent the Combined Services. Women's Amateur Rugby League Association. The Women's Amateur Rugby League Association (WARLA) is the governing body of female rugby league in the United Kingdom; it currently falls under the Rugby Football League association which oversees its running and management. It was originally established in 1985 and was recognised by the RFL in its first year. Touch Rugby League. Touch rugby is governed by the ETA who are supported by the Federation of International Touch and are affiliate members of the Rugby Football Union. They are not affiliated to the RFL or BARLA. During the early months of 2010, Tony Fretwell set up Great Britain Teachers' Rugby League for qualified teachers who were interested in playing representative rugby league. Teachers' Rugby League are supported by the NASUWT teaching union and the Rugby League Foundation. Open age competitions. Super League. Super League is the top league for the game in Europe; eleven of the twelve teams are based in England. It is the only full-time professional rugby league competition operating in the Northern Hemisphere. The French team Paris Saint-Germain competed in the first Super League season but folded in 1999. French presence was re-established in 2006 when Catalans Dragons were admitted to Super League. In 2009, Super League added Celtic Crusaders from Wales, which renamed themselves Crusaders Rugby League after that season; that team effectively folded after the 2011 season. The winner of the league is awarded the League Leaders' Shield whilst the overall winner of Super League is determined by play-offs and a grand final. The winner of the Super League plays the winner of the Australian NRL competition in the World Club Challenge. Championship and League 1. Below Super League, there are the Championship and League 1. The Championship currently has 14 clubs and League 1 has 11. The 2015 season marked the return of a promotion and relegation system between Super League and the Championship; from 2009 through to 2014 promotion between the Championship and Super League had been on a licensed, or franchised, basis. Promotion and relegation between the leagues now known as the Championship and League 1 has long existed, including during the 2009–14 period. Following the 2014 season, the professional leagues underwent a major reorganisation. Super League and the Championship were both reduced from 14 clubs to 12, and League 1 was expanded from nine clubs to 14. The season structures of both Super League and the Championship were radically changed, and that of League 1 was more modestly changed. Wales became represented in the Championships starting in 2010 with the entry of South Wales Scorpions into League 1 and North Wales Crusaders in 2012. Toulouse Olympique of France played in the Championship in the past, and returned to the British league system in 2016, initially playing in League 1 and now in the Championship. The Toronto Wolfpack from Canada joined League 1 in 2017 and won the title in its inaugural season, thereby earning promotion to the Championship for 2018. All other clubs in both divisions are based in England, and of these, only London Broncos of the Championship and Newcastle Thunder, London Skolars, Gloucestershire All Golds, Hemel Stags, Coventry Bears and Oxford Rugby League of League 1 are based outside the heartlands. Challenge Cup. The Rugby League Challenge Cup remains as a knock-out competition, though entry has now been expanded to make it a pan-European tournament bringing in teams from France, Canada and the rest of the UK; Russian teams have previously featured. Amateur teams also have the chance to participate in the Challenge Cup and have been victorious over several Championship sides. National Conference League. BARLA administer different amateur competitions which traditionally ran throughout the winter in the heartlands but have mostly switched over to a summer season. The leading competition is the National Conference League which consists of four divisions (Premier Division, Division One, Division Two and Division Three) of up to 14 teams each. Other major amateur leagues include the Yorkshire Men's League, North West Men's League, Pennine League, Cumberland League, Barrow & District League and the Hull & District League. Teams from these regional leagues can apply for election to the National Conference League if they meet minimum criteria. The Rugby League Conference, which ran until 2011, was mostly composed of teams outside the heartlands. It has subsequently been replaced by a series of regional leagues across England, Scotland and Wales. Successor leagues in England include: Conference League South, Midlands Rugby League, North East Rugby League, South West Rugby League, East Men's League, South Premier, London & South East Men's League. Defunct competitions. At various times English clubs have either competed in a national Championship with a Second Division and sometimes a Third Division as well or had separate county leagues for Yorkshire and Lancashire. There were also county cups for Yorkshire and Lancashire between 1905 and 1993. The Regal Trophy and BBC2 Floodlit Trophy were two other knock-out tournaments. A Trans-Pennine Cup was played for a short-time but it was replaced by the National League Cup. The Rugby League Charity Shield was a one-off match at the beginning of each season between 1985 and 1995. It was contested by the Champions and the holders of the Challenge Cup. The rugby union county championship was continued as a rugby league County Championship after the 1895 great schism. Teams representing Yorkshire, Lancashire, Cumberland / Cumbria and sometimes Cheshire and Northumberland & Durham took part in the championship. This continued as the Rugby League War of the Roses played between Yorkshire and Lancashire. The Championship Cup was a cup competition for the Championship and Championship 1 (now League 1). Player awards. The main two awards are the Lance Todd Trophy which is awarded to the Man-of-the-Match in the Challenge Cup Final whether on the winning or losing side and the Man of Steel Award which is the annual award for the best player in Super League. The Albert Goldthorpe Medal is an award that has been created by Rugby Leaguer & League Express to honour the leading players in Super League. The Rugby League World Golden Boot Award is given to the international player of the year, as determined by a ballot of international rugby league writers and broadcasters. Until 2007, this was accompanied by the RLIF Awards which rewarded the best referee, coach, developing nations player, international newcomer, captain and a team of the year. Derbies. Many of the professional teams are separated by only a few miles but not all matches between teams from the same traditional county are considered derbies. There has been some debate as to whether St. Helens versus Wigan or Bradford versus Leeds is the biggest derby in English rugby league but there is only one same city derby in the Super League – Hull F.C. v Hull Kingston Rovers. Some of the teams involved no longer play in the same league and so derby games are either arranged as pre-season friendlies or take place as part of the Challenge Cup. Junior rugby league. Rugby league is played at a school level in many schools in the heartlands; recently it has been introduced into some schools outside the traditional areas in particular in London and Hertfordshire. The RFL uses two modified forms of rugby league created by ARL Development in Australia. Mini league (known as mini footy in Australia) is played by all children up to Year 4 of Primary School. It is designed to provide children with a safe environment, a firm knowledge of the laws of rugby league and a chance to practice the skills such as tackling, passing and common defensive and attacking tactics. Players up to and including Year 6 of Primary School play mod league. Mod league is a bridge between mini league and full contact rugby league. On completion of mod league, players make a move to full international rugby league laws. The Champion Schools tournament is a national competition for secondary schools. In the 2005/06 academic year over 1,200 teams and 20,000 players competed in the Champion Schools tournament, making it the largest rugby league competition in the world. Eighty percent of participants are new to rugby league. The growth of the Champion Schools tournament led to the creation of the Carnegie Champion Colleges competition for Years 12 and 13. The regionally based competition was introduced in 2008 and started in January. British Amateur Rugby League Association runs the Gilette National Youth League as well as the Yorkshire combination, Hull Youth and Junior and London Junior League. Super League and National League teams run academy sides to develop young talent. Players under the age of 21 years are eligible to play for the senior academy, the rules also permit three players over the age of 21 to play in academy matches. Junior academies are the second tier in the Youth Development system. Only players under the age of 18 years are eligible to play for the junior academy; no players over the age limit are allowed to play. Some of the better junior academy players may get experience in the senior academy and it is not uncommon for some players to play regularly in both junior and senior academies. Student Rugby League. Although the game remains close to its working class origins, changes in social demographics and attitudes have allowed many working-class people to attend university where they have continued their association with the game. The Student Rugby League was founded in 1967 when a team was created at Leeds University by Andrew Cudbertson, Jack Abernathy and Cec Thompson, other teams soon joined in areas of the United Kingdom which lay outside of the games traditional heartlands. The first university game was between Leeds and Liverpool in 1968. A year later the Universities and Colleges Rugby League was formed after student pioneers fought hard to get the sport recognised in higher education. The first Oxford versus Cambridge University match took place in 1981. The varsity match has "discretionary full blue" status. The game is now played in over 70 universities. Rugby league in universities has been an important vehicle for expansion of the game as players from outside the heartlands often first began to play at university level. Many continue to play after leaving university and this has led to the creation of teams in non-traditional areas such as London Skolars and Gloucestershire All Golds. Derivatives of rugby league. Rugby league sevens is particularly popular with pub teams drawn from the regulars at a pub; it is often difficult for a single public house to form a full squad of 13 players and 4 substitutes. Rugby league nines is the more common form of the shortened version of the game. The Carnegie Floodlit Nines, Middlesex 9s and the York International 9s are three of the best known rugby league nines tournaments in England. The York nines began in 2002 and the Middlesex nines a year later. All three competitions feature professional and amateur teams from England as well as teams from abroad. Touch Rugby is administered by Rugby Football League through a product known as Play Touch Rugby League. Try Tag Rugby are the RFL's official Tag Rugby League partners, running leagues in London, Yorkshire and the Thames Valley. Wheelchair rugby league was first introduced to England in 2005. The first competitive league began in 2009. Masters Rugby League which uses modified rules to allow older players to continue playing has only recently arrived in England and is not widely played. Stadiums. There a 36 stadiums in stadiums considered to be rugby league stadiums, most of these are shared with association football teams. The largest club venue is the Odsal Stadium, home of Bradford Bulls, and has a capacity of 27,500. There is no national stadium for rugby league in England. Despite this Wembley Stadium is annually used as the venue of the Challenge Cup Final, and Old Trafford as the venue of the Super League Grand Final. The Super League's Magic Weekend is used to promote rugby league to a wider audience. The Millennium Stadium, Murrayfield, Etihad Stadium, St James' Park, and Anfield have all be used to host the event. Popularity. Rugby league is one of a number of sports vying for second place to Association football in England. Historically, rugby league has been the second biggest spectator sport in England with 6.8 million spectators attending the 1948–1949 English season. Rugby league is most popular in its traditional heartlands and, in those areas, interest in the sport can rival that of association football. Many large towns with rugby league traditions do not have football teams as a result of the monopoly on local interest: these towns include, Keighley, Castleford, Dewsbury, Batley and Wakefield. The regions in which rugby league is played most are Cumbria, where the amateur version has a high participation rate, former traditional Lancashire regions Merseyside and Greater Manchester, Yorkshire and Cheshire. There is also significant schools participation in London. Many of the professional and semi-professional teams are connected by the M62 motorway and so the term "M62 corridor" is sometimes used to refer to the area where rugby league is most popular. An old survey from 1994 showed that back then, sixty per cent of people regularly attending rugby league lived in only four postal districts along the M62. The sport has since launched several expansion teams in the south. Fifty per cent of viewers who watch rugby league on Sky Sports live in the South of England. Over 40% of active rugby league supporters are female. At the beginning of the 2006 season there were between thirty and forty female-only rugby league clubs running in England, not including clubs that have teams of both sexes. The majority of these clubs are located in Lancashire and Yorkshire. Rugby league has for much of its history been banned in the armed forces and in many schools and universities, further stifling growth. These barriers have largely been dismantled since professionalisation of rugby union. The 2006 Super League generated the highest weekly average attendance in the 11-year history of the competition. The average weekly attendance for the regular season stood at 9,026, generated by an aggregate attendance of 1,516,342 supporters. This is an increase on the 2005 season average of 8,887. The attendances are not evenly spread between clubs within Super League; whilst the best supported team, Leeds with average gates of 15,683, a couple of clubs failed to attract averages of above 5,000. Crowds at matches below the top flight can exceed 3,500, however most of the clubs in this division have attendances lower than this. Although attendances outside Super League can be quite low, many of the teams play in small towns and the attendance figures represent a large percentage of the local population; as far down as amateur level. An example is Saddleworth Rangers which represents a largely rural area to the East of Oldham towards the Pennines; however the club's stadium contains a covered seated stand and triple figure support for home games. Current trends. The success of Super League in England and the return of competitive international matches with Australia and New Zealand have seen growth for the sport. The ending of discrimination against rugby league resulting from professionalism in rugby union led to an increase in numbers in the amateur game, with many rugby union amateurs keen to try out the other code. In 2004 the Rugby Football League was able to report a 94% increase in registered players in just two years, whilst attendance figures for Super League matches rose 8% from the 2003 season. The annual Champion Schools competition from 2003 onwards has increased the number of school teams from 300 to 1,500 and the participation levels to 25,000 from 6,000. Though these figures include participants from Wales. The number of participants involved in the 2011–12 Carnegie Champion schools tournament was a record 30,713 players across 1819 teams making it the largest rugby league competition in the world. Whilst rugby union was officially an amateur sport, many rugby union players came to play rugby league. In recent years this trend has reversed and some rugby league players have crossed codes to play union. Expansion by the governing body, the Rugby Football League sees continual growth in the south of England, notably the London area, which now boasts three professional clubs. These are, London Broncos, London Skolars and Hemel Stags. One of the prime vehicles for expansion has been the Rugby League Conference, a set of competitions for clubs in those development areas. Rugby league and diversity. Rugby league has had a tradition of being inclusive and for some notable firsts in terms of black participation. Professional black players first took to the professional rugby league pitch prior to the First World War. George Bennett became the first black player to play for Great Britain while it was another 44 years before Viv Anderson became the first black footballer to play association football for England. Clive Sullivan became the first black captain of the Great Britain team in 1972, 21 years before Paul Ince became the first black captain of England's association football team. Roy Francis was the first black coach of a leading club, almost half a century before the top flight of English association football would have a black British manager, a milestone also achieved by Ince (on 22 June 2008). Ellery Hanley earned the distinction of being the first black coach of any British national sporting team when he took charge of Great Britain in the home Ashes series of 1994. In 1997 the Rugby Football League launched a thirteen-point action plan aimed at tackling racism and encouraging the development of rugby league in Asian and black communities. Despite the sport being popular in West Yorkshire and the North West, which both have large South Asian communities, the sport has little following amongst South Asian communities. The British Asian Rugby Association (BARA) was set up in 2004 to encouraging participation in rugby among British Asians. In 2012, the Rugby Football League were awarded the Stonewall Sport Award in recognition of their work in embracing inclusivity and tackling homophobia. They also became the first UK sporting organisation to make the top 100 employers in the Stonewall Index that measures attitudes towards lesbian, gay and bisexual staff. Media. Publications. In 1989 George Moorhouse's "At the George" was shortlisted for the inaugural William Hill Sports Book of the Year. There are two weekly rugby league newspapers, "Rugby Leaguer & League Express" with around 23,000 subscribers and League Weekly with around 11,000 subscribers. In and around the heartlands, these publications are stocked in newsagents but in the rest of England they are only available via subscription. There are also two monthly magazines, "Rugby League World" and Forty-20, which can be bought throughout the UK. The Rugby League Journal appears quarterly. Television. BBC Sport own the rights to broadcast a highlights package called the "Super League Show" which is broadcast commonly on the Monday night on BBC One, however only in the North West England, Yorkshire and North East England BBC television regions. Since 2008 however it has been repeated on BBC Two nationally as well as the regional broadcast on BBC One. End of season play-offs are shown across the whole country in a highlights package. The BBC covers the Rugby League Challenge Cup from the rounds in which the top clubs enter with the final attracting over 4 million viewers. The Challenge Cup final is considered by government to constitute a "listed event" which must be shown by a free-to-air channel available to at least 95% of the UK population. Sky has the rights to show live Super League games; one or two live matches are broadcast often fronted by Mike Stephenson and Eddie Hemmings. Live Super League broadcasts regularly rank amongst the top 10 most watched programmes in a week on Sky Sports with more than 250,000 viewers. Highlights are shown on "Boots N' All" which is shown on Sky Sports and is rebroadcast on the Internet. Sky also hold the rights to show the Rugby League Tri-Nations live, whilst highlights are shown on BBC Sport. Premier Sports shows 150 live games from Australia's National Rugby League. Five matches from the 2011 Student Rugby League Super 8 were televised live on Premier Sports. The Australian State of Origin series is currently shown on Sky. The current TV rights deal for Engage Superleague is worth approximately 50 million pounds over 3 years, beginning from 2009. Radio. BBC Radio Five Live and BBC Five Live Sports Extra carry commentary from a selection of Super League matches each week, while BBC local radio also broadcasts throughout the season. Various commercial and community radio stations also give coverage to their local rugby league teams:- Cinema. Rugby league first hit the silver screen with "Where's George? ", a 1935 comedy starring the comedian Sydney Howard. The plot revolves around Alf Scodger’s attempts to outwit his overbearing wife. As a consequence, he accidentally discovers a talent for rugby and turns out for his local Yorcaster club against Lancastrian rivals Oldcastle. The 1963 film, "This Sporting Life", is set around the life of a professional rugby league footballer, Frank Machin, whose romantic life is not as successful as his sporting life. The film stars Richard Harris, Rachel Roberts, Alan Badel and William Hartnell. It is considered to be one of the last major films of the British New Wave or "Free Cinema" movement. Many of the scenes in "This Sporting Life" were filmed at Wakefield Trinity's Belle Vue stadium and include some Trinity players and coaching staff (Ken Traill) in the background. The highly acclaimed play, "Up 'n' Under" was made as a film in 1998. As a comedy set in the north of England that features a bunch of losers, it has been compared to "The Full Monty" and "Brassed Off". The film stars Samantha Janus, Gary Olsen, Neil Morrissey, Brian Glover, Griff Rhys Jones and Tony Slattery. The play was recently revived on stage with England rugby union star Gareth Chilcott in the Gary Olsen role. The film follows the story of an inept pub team in a rugby league sevens competition. Plays. "The Changing Room" is a 1971 play by David Storey, set in a men's changing room before, during and after a rugby league game. It premiered at the Royal Court Theatre in 1971. The 1973 Broadway production, directed by Michael Rudman, won several awards including the New York Drama Critics' Circle award for Best Play and the Tony Award for Best Featured Actor for John Lithgow. "Trinity Tales" or "The Road to Wembley", loosely based on Geoffrey Chaucer's "Canterbury Tales", was performed by the Birmingham Repertory Theatre Company in 1975. It was later adapted into a television series and shown on BBC2. "Up 'n' Under" is a comedy by English playwright John Godber, first staged at the Hull Truck Theatre in 1984. It won the Laurence Olivier Award for Best New Comedy that same year. The sequel, "Up 'n' Under II", followed in 1985. Mick Martin's play "Broken Time" is the first dramatic treatment of the historic events that led to the 1895 great schism. National teams. England. On 5 April 1904, England played their first game, losing 9–3 to Other Nationalities in a 12-a-side match at Wigan. With the exception of the 1995 World Cup, matches involving England were not deemed to have Test status, which applied only to the full Great Britain side. Usually the nation of England was represented by Great Britain in international tournaments, but for the 1975, 1995, 2000, 2008, 2013 and 2017 World Cups, England, along with other Home Nations, took part in their own right. However, unlike Great Britain, an England side has never won the World Cup. Between 1935 and 2004 they also competed in the European Nations Cup. In recent years they had come to dominate this tournament, and in 2005 they withdrew to level the playing field. They also took part in the World Sevens (2002, 2003). England currently take part in the Rugby League Tri-Nations and play an International Origin series against overseas players based in the Super League. There has also been an England A and England "Lionhearts team selected since 2002. The England A team is selected from up and coming players who are not yet ready for selection in the Great Britain team. England Lionhearts are selected from players in the Rugby League Conference. They compete against Wales A, Scotland A "Bravehearts" and Ireland A "Wolfhounds" each year in the Amateur Four Nations competition. Great Britain. The Great Britain side is also referred to as "the Lions" or "the British Lions". At international level the Women's Great Britain side is commonly referred to as the Great Britain Lionesses. England has historically provided the vast majority of players for the Great Britain team, one of the major national teams playing rugby league. They compete against Australia for the Ashes, and New Zealand for the Baskerville Shield. The first Great Britain game took place on 18 January 1908 when they beat New Zealand 14–6 at Headingley. Great Britain took part in the 1954, 1957, 1960, 1968, 1970, 1972, 1977, 1985–1988 and 1989–1992 World Cups. They won a total of three World Cups; in 1954, 1960 and 1972. Great Britain also played in the 1999, 2004, 2005 and 2006 Tri-Nations against New Zealand and Australia. Although Great Britain never won the Tri- Nations, they finished top of the table in 2005 but lost to Australia in the final. In 2007 Great Britain was replaced by separate England, Ireland, Scotland and Wales teams; thereafter, Great Britain will only play on special occasions and tours.

an additional form of revenue

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=6493499

Salakau (), which means 369 in Hokkien, also known as "Sah Lak Kau", is a street gang or secret society based in Singapore. The numbers 3, 6 and 9 add up to 18, which was the name of an older gang; the number signified the 18 arhats (principal disciples) of Shaolin Monastery. As one of the oldest and most prominent gangs in the country, they are known to take part in many illicit activities such as narcotics, extortion, prostitution and white-collar crime— and many of their members have been in and out of prison for violent attacks and rioting. They have a renowned gang chant sung in Hokkien that's usually accompanied by techno beats. It was reproduced for Royston Tan's teenage gangster flick "15", albeit with direct references to the gang edited out. History. In the early 1970s till late 1980s, Salakau attacked rival gangs and started many turf wars . Salakau recruited many members from Indian and Malay communities after relaxing the Chinese-only rule. In the 1970s, more Malays were reported to be joining after being introduced to gang members during tea dances in discos. This was because Malay gangs were smaller and less structured due to the drastic drop of the Malay population and increase of the Chinese population. Salakau also made profits from narcotics, extortion, prostitution, white-collar crime and legitimate businesses. Attacks on rival gangs such as the '303' gang (Sakongsa in Hokkien), the Omega gang, and the 18 SYH gang were somewhat of a routine occurrence. The police cracked down on gang activity in the early 1980s and gang wars came to a screeching halt as many of the leaders were jailed. Many other notorious 'headmen' fled to neighbouring countries or were killed in gang attacks. In the 1990s, some teenagers in "pseudo-street gangs" claimed affiliation to Salakau to be "cool" but did not engage in activities as violent as those engaged in by the real gang; in 1993, there were at least nine separate teenage gangs calling themselves 'Salakau'. However, in the late 1990s and early dawn of the millennium, the gang gained strength as many of the jailed leaders were released, and several of the members had succeeded in scaring off many rival gangs from territories. Gang attacks once again became common and rioting cases shot up. Cases of murder involving gang attacks and riots were steadily increasing and the police tightened its noose on the gangs. Singapore's Secret Society Branch dedicated most of its resources to halt the gang violence and managed stopping a considerable number of members. Slowly but surely, the gang violence receded and many members were put in prison. Law enforcement. Salakau predominantly holds the territories as mentioned, but gang activity has slowed down considerably due to the Singapore Police Force (SPF) having a better understanding of the gang networks and sufficient resources. The Secret Societies Branch (SSB) of the SPF has made efforts to control the secret societies in recent years. The SSB regularly conducts surprise raids or checks on nightspots, and public places known to be gang territories to deter any potential offenders. Under Singaporean criminal law, a person found guilty of being a member of an unlawful society may be punished up to a maximum of five years imprisonment and five strokes of the cane. Sentences are usually doubled or even tripled for anyone with significant leadership and authority in any unlawful society in Singapore. Incidents. Murder of U-18 footballer Sulaiman bin Hashim. On 31 May 2001, after celebrating the 18th birthday of one of their members, eight male members of Salakau, all of Malay descent and aged between 18 to 21, decided to launch a surprise attack on the rival gang Sakongsa (303), who were roaming around Boat Quay. The gang later spotted three Malay teens walking along Boat Quay, and presuming the youths as members of the rival gang, the Salakau, led by their 21-year-old gang leader Norhisham bin Mohamad Dahlan (born on 18 May 1980), went to attack the three youths and began to grievously assault one of them, leading to the unfortunate teen's death while the two others boys (one of whom was stabbed on the back by a gang member) managed to escape to inform the police. Autopsy results showed that the boy was stabbed a total of 13 times, with two separate fatal knife wounds on his neck and chest. The three teenagers whom the Salakau gang attacked, they were in fact not gang members but local football players belonging to National U-18 team. It was a case of mistaken identity. The murdered victim was identified to be 17-year-old Sulaiman bin Hashim, who was a striker in the soccer team while the other two were his friends Muhammad Shariff bin Abdul Samat (better known as Shariff Abdul Samat), 17, and Mohammed Imran bin Mohammed Ali, also 17. Sulaiman was merely five days away from his 18th birthday when he was killed. Within more than a year from May 2001 to June 2002, the police managed to arrest six of the eight attackers (including the gang leader Norhisham), who were all charged with murder, while the remaining two others - identified as Muhammad Syamsul Ariffin bin Brahim and Sharulhawzi bin Ramly respectively - fled Singapore and went on the run till today. The arrested six members were eventually convicted of lesser charges of rioting, voluntarily causing grievous hurt and culpable homicide not amounting to murder. Five of them (including Norhisham) were sentenced to fixed prison terms ranging between 3 to 10 years and caning between 6 to 16 strokes of the cane, while the sixth member, Muhamad Hasik bin Sahar, received the most severe sentence of life imprisonment and 16 strokes of the cane as compared to his five other co-defendants. Downtown East incident. On 30 October 2010, 19-year-old Darren Ng Wei Jie was injured in a gang fight with members of the 369 gang. He was pronounced dead at the hospital after being brought there. 12 youths were arrested and sentenced with corporal punishment and incarceration subsequently, with 5 being charged on culpable homicide for their roles in the attack. Bukit Panjang incident. On 8 November 2010, seven youths were repeatedly slashed by a group of parang-wielding men in Bukit Panjang, in what appeared to be gang-related attacks. The victims, aged between 14 and 20, were attacked in two separate incidents. The victim of the first incident, a 20-year-old assistant technician, was slashed in the back and legs. The victims of the second incident were a group of 20 youths, who were surrounded by the attackers. In both instances, the assailants first asked their victims whether they were from a gang called "Pak Hai Tong". The victims were slashed when they denied association with the group. The gang members shouted "Salakau" before fleeing the scene. The attacker left then 15-year-old Brandon Lim Qian Da, hospitalized with a severed tongue while six from the second attack received outpatient treatment for their injuries. Smuggling drugs by drone. In 2020, two Salakau gang members were arrested by Malaysia police for smuggling illegal drugs from Singapore to Johor Bahru Malaysia by drone. The arrested person are known as Boy Setan and his girlfriend. Another two person was arrested on a follow up operation on next day for involving in the drug smuggling activities.

nearby football teammates

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=1616254

The Niños Héroes (Boy Heroes, or Heroic Cadets) were six Mexican military cadets who were killed in the defence of Mexico City during the Battle of Chapultepec, one of the last major battles of the Mexican–American War, on 13 September 1847. The date of the battle is now celebrated in Mexico as a civic holiday to honor the cadets' sacrifice. The Battle of Chapultepec. Built in the eighteenth century by a viceroy, Chapultepec Castle did not serve as a residence until the late nineteenth century. After independence it served as the Military Academy, training officers for the Mexican Army. At the time of the U.S. invasion, it was defended by Mexican troops under the command of Nicolás Bravo and General José Mariano Monterde, including cadets from the academy. Bravo gave Santa Anna the assignment to defend this strategic location defending Mexico City. Two thousand soldiers were needed, but Santa Anna could only commit 832, most of whom were from National Guardsmen and not the regular army. The number of cadets present has been variously given, from 47 to a few hundred. The greatly outnumbered defenders battled General Winfield Scott's troops for about two hours before General Bravo ordered retreat, but the six cadets refused to fall back and fought to the death. Despite the castle's position 200 feet above ground level, there were not enough men to defend it. Legend has it that the last of the six, Juan Escutia, leapt from Chapultepec Castle wrapped in the Mexican flag to prevent the flag from being taken by the enemy. According to the later account of an unidentified US officer, "about a hundred" cadets between the ages of 10 and 19 were among the "crowds" of prisoners taken after the Castle's capture. The cadets. Juan de la Barrera was born in 1828 in Mexico City, the son of Ignacio Mario de la Barrera, an army general, and Juana Inzárruaga. He enlisted at the age of 12 and was admitted to the Academy on 18 November 1843. During the attack on Chapultepec he was a lieutenant in the military engineers (sappers) and died defending a gun battery at the entrance to the park. Aged 19, he was the oldest of the six, and was also part of the school faculty as a volunteer teacher in engineering. Juan Escutia was born between 1828 and 1832 in Tepic, now the capital of the state of Nayarit. Records show he was admitted to the Academy as a cadet on 8 September 1847—five days before the fateful battle—but his other papers were lost during the assault. He is often portrayed as a second lieutenant in an artillery company. He is the cadet who is said to have wrapped himself up in the Mexican flag and jumped from the roof to keep it from falling into enemy hands. was born in 1834 in Guadalajara, Jalisco. Following the death of his father, his mother, Micaela Paniagua, remarried Francisco Ortiz, a cavalry captain. He applied to the Academy on 14 January 1847 and, at the time of the battle, belonged to the first company of cadets. A note included in his personnel record says his body was found on the east flank of the hill, alongside that of Juan Escutia. At 13 years old, he was the youngest of the six heroes. Agustín Melgar was born between 1828 and 1832 in Chihuahua, Chihuahua. He was the son of Esteban Melgar, a lieutenant colonel in the army, and María de la Luz Sevilla, both of whom died while he was still young, leaving him the ward of his older sister. He applied to the Academy on 4 November 1846. A note in his personnel record explains that after finding himself alone, he tried to stop the enemy on the north side of the castle. It also explains he shot and killed one and took refuge behind mattresses in one of the rooms. Grievously wounded he was placed on a table and found dead beside it on 15 September, after the castle fell. In 2012, a statue honoring him was erected in Chihuahua. Fernando Montes de Oca was born between 1828 and 1832 in Azcapotzalco, then a town just to the north of Mexico City and now one of its boroughs. His parents were José María Montes de Oca and Josefa Rodríguez. He had applied to the Academy on 24 January 1847, and was one of the cadets who remained in the castle. His personnel record reads: "Died for his country on 13 September 1847." Vicente Suárez was born in 1833 in Puebla, Puebla, the son of Miguel Suárez, a cavalry officer, and María de la Luz Ortega. He applied for admission to the Academy on 21 October 1845, and during his stay was an officer cadet. A note in his record reads: "Killed defending his country at his sentry post on 13 September 1847. He ordered the attackers to stop, but they continued to advance. He shot one and stabbed another in the stomach with his bayonet, and was killed at his post in hand-to-hand combat. He was killed for his bravery, because his youthfulness made the attackers hesitate, until he attacked them." There were 40 cadets who survived the attack and were taken prisoner. One, Ramón Rodríguez Arangoity, designed the 1881 cenotaph commemorating the cadets. Two of them, Miguel Miramón and , went on to become generals in the Mexican army. Both collaborated with the French Intervention in Mexico 1862–1867. Memorials and historical memory. The narrative of the Niños Heroes has played an important role in shaping historical memory in Mexico since 1847, a source of pride at the bravery of the martyred boy cadets in defending Mexico's honor, but in the mid-twentieth century, they have also been a means by which the Mexican and U.S. governments have come to a more harmonious relationship. However, monuments to the boy martyrs were not built until Mexico had fought the War of the Reform (1857–69) and expelled the French-backed Second Mexican Empire (1862–67). A group of former cadets formed the Association of the Military Academy and succeeded in 1881 in erecting a cenotaph of modest size (pictured) at the foot of the hill on which Chapultepec Castle sits. This monument, known as the Obelisco a los Niños Héroes, was the main monument to the boy martyrs in Mexico City until the mid-twentieth century, when the Monumento a los Niños Héroes was inaugurated at the entrance to Chapultepec Park in 1952. The cenotaph had the names of the fallen cadets and those who were captured and became a site of commemoration by the association that erected it as well as for Mexican officials and ordinary citizens. On March 5, 1947 U.S. President Harry S. Truman placed a wreath at the cenotaph and stood for a few moments of silent reverence. Asked by American reporters why he had gone to the monument, Truman said, "Brave men don't belong to any one country. I respect bravery wherever I see it." As the centennial of the war approached, there were calls to recover the remains of the cadets, so that a memorial that was also a burial site could honor their bravery. The 1881 cenotaph honored them, but did not have the significance of a burial site. The Mexican government acceded to the request of the Mexican Army and the Military Academy to find the remains, but work did not begin until after President Truman's 1947 visit. The concerted search for the bones was no easy task. During the war, the dead were quickly buried for sanitary reasons, near where they fell, so that there were the remains of around 600 in Chapultepec Park. Several sites were excavated. A mass grave was found on the southern hillside of Chapultepec Hill. Six bodies were officially identified as belonging to the six deceased cadets of 1847, but a later investigation "alleged that the sappers found numerous skeletons but removed only the smallest from the soil." Mexico City newspapers proclaimed that the bodies of the cadets had been found, but the Mexican government convened a panel of scientists to confirm the identities of the bones. There was tremendous pressure on them to validate that these were indeed the remains, which was done. The remains were placed in gold and crystal urns, and moved to the Military Academy. A plaque was placed at the site. On September 27, 1952, after many public ceremonies, a monument was inaugurated in the Plaza de la Constitución (Zócalo) with an honor guard from the several military academies of the Americas. The six cadets are honored by an imposing monument made of Carrara marble by architect Enrique Aragón and sculptor Ernesto Tamariz at the entrance to Chapultepec Park (1952). At the castle itself, in 1967 Gabriel Flores painted a large mural above the stairway depicting Escutia's leap from the roof with the Mexican flag. The 5000-peso banknote (1987 series) commemorated the battle. The cadets are shown and named on the front of the banknote, and Chapultepec Castle is on the reverse. Starting in 1993, this banknote was retired in favor of the 5 nuevos pesos coin, and there is no analogous banknote in the 1996 series. The cadets appear on a N$50 coin minted from 1993; it is rare compared to the N$50 banknote. The name "Niños Héroes", along with the cadets' individual names, are commonly given to streets, squares and schools across Mexico. Metro Niños Héroes is the name of a station on the Mexico City Metro, as well as a station on the Monterrey Metro. Streets in the Condesa neighborhood adjacent to Chapultepec Castle bear the names of each cadet who took part.

employee history

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=40915606

Johnnie Walker RVs (JWRV) is a recreational vehicle dealership and service center in the state of Nevada. Based in the Las Vegas Valley in Winchester, the company was founded in 1963 by John Walker, Sr., and has been family owned and operated for four generations. The company specializes in the sale, service and repair of motor homes, travel trailers, toy haulers and fifth wheels. The company also built and operates an Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) compliant paint booth to service all sized vehicles to prevent damage to the environment. In May 2013, the company was featured on Discovery’s Animal Planet show Tanked, when a custom fish tank was built into a travel trailer. In October 2013, JWRV returned to reality television when they were featured on the season three finale of A&E’s Barter Kings, as a limo was traded for an RV. History. John Walker Sr. opened JWRV in 1963, after closing his family run grocery store, Stewards Market. The business started out selling mobile homes and expanded to Nomad travel trailers a few years later, taking one or two orders at a time. As demand increased for travel trailers, they changed their business model from mobile homes to recreational vehicles. The business has passed from John Walker, Sr. to John Walker, Jr., who ran the business until the early 2000s, when John Walker Jr.’s son, West Walker, assumed leadership of the company. The business originally started with one location and has since expanded to three locations along Boulder Highway. Today, the company is made up of about 65 employees; this includes numerous Walker family members. Services. JWRV operates three branches of their RV business: RV sales, RV Service and RV Parts. The RV sales side sells new and used RVs from such as Jayco, Forest River, Thor Motor Coach and Winnebago. JWRV is accredited by the Better Business Bureau, with an A+ rating as an RV Sales, Service and Parts establishment in Las Vegas. In 2013, JWRV constructed a paint booth specifically designed to paint RVs of all sizes. The paint booth is EPA compliant and has been registered as such. Meeting compliance standards helps JWRV “to focus on meaningful risk reduction in the Collision Repair source sector to complement [their] ongoing community air toxics work and attain reductions at a faster rate.” Reality Television. "Tanked". On May 31, 2013, JWRV was featured on Tanked, one of Discovery’s Animal Planet’s top-rated shows. The "Jurassic Campground" episode, which features one-of-a-kind fish tanks specially built by brothers-in-law, business partners, best friends and rivals, Wayde King and Brett Raymer, as they travel the country building show-stopping custom aquariums, exhibited the creation, building and revealing of Johnnie Walker RV’s custom RV aquarium. The aquarium was integrated into an Econ trailer, furnished by Pacific Coachworks. The tank is currently on display in the Johnnie Walker RV showroom. "Barter Kings". JWRV made an appearance on the Season 3 finale episode of Barter Kings, a show on A&E. It features Antonio Palazzola and Steve McHugh as they trade items for better items without any currency exchange. The “Trading or Bust” episode follows the Barter Kings team as they attempt to trade a limo for an RV from JWRV. The show debuted on Tuesday, October 1, 2013.

couple purchases

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=814723

The Srebrenica massacre ( / ), also known as the Srebrenica genocide ( / ), was the July 1995 genocide of more than 8,000 Bosniak Muslim men and boys in and around the town of Srebrenica, during the Bosnian War. The killings were perpetrated by units of the Bosnian Serb Army of Republika Srpska (VRS) under the command of Ratko Mladić. The Scorpions, a paramilitary unit from Serbia, who had been part of the Serbian Interior Ministry until 1991, also participated in the massacre. Prior to the massacre, United Nations (UN) had declared the besieged enclave of Srebrenica, in eastern Bosnia, a "safe area" under UN protection. However, the UN failed both to demilitarize the Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina (ARBiH) within Srebrenica and to force withdrawal of the VRS surrounding Srebrenica. UNPROFOR's 370 lightly armed Dutchbat soldiers were unable to prevent the town’s capture and the subsequent massacre. A list of missing or killed people during the massacre compiled by the Bosnian Federal Commission of Missing Persons contains 8,373 names. , 6,838 genocide victims have been identified through DNA analysis of body parts recovered from mass graves; , 6,066 victims have been buried at the Memorial Centre of Potočari. Some Serbian sources claim that the massacre was retaliation for attacks on Serbs made by Bosniak soldiers from Srebrenica under command of Naser Orić. These 'revenge' claims have been rejected and condemned by the ICTY and UN as bad faith attempts to justify the genocide. In 2004, in a unanimous ruling on the case of "Prosecutor v. Krstić", the Appeals Chamber of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY), located in The Hague, ruled that the massacre of the enclave's male inhabitants constituted genocide, a crime under international law. The ruling was also upheld by the International Court of Justice (ICJ) in 2007. The forcible transfer and abuse of between 25,000 and 30,000 Bosniak Muslim women, children and elderly which accompanied the massacre was found to constitute genocide, when accompanied with the killings and separation of the men. In 2013, 2014, and again in 2019, the Dutch state was found liable in the Dutch supreme court and in the Hague district court of failing to do enough to prevent more than 300 of the deaths. In April 2013, Serbian President Tomislav Nikolić apologised for, what he called, the "crime" of Srebrenica but refused to call it genocide. Background. Conflict in eastern Bosnia and Herzegovina. The multiethnic Socialist Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina was mainly inhabited by Muslim Bosniaks (44 percent), Orthodox Serbs (31 percent) and Catholic Croats (17 percent). As the former Yugoslavia began to disintegrate, the region declared national sovereignty on 15 October 1991, and held a referendum for independence on 29 February 1992. The result of that referendum, which favours independence, was opposed by the political representatives of the Bosnian Serbs who had boycotted the referendum. The Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina was formally recognised by the European Community on 6 April 1992 and the United Nations on 22 May 1992. Following the declaration of independence, Bosnian Serb forces, supported by the Serbian government of Slobodan Milošević and the Yugoslav People's Army (JNA), attacked the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina in order to secure and unify the territory under Serb control, and to create an ethnically Serb state of Republica Srpska. In the subsequent struggle for territorial control, the non-Serb populations from areas under Serbian control, especially the Bosniak population in Eastern Bosnia, near the Serbian borders, were subject to ethnic cleansing. 1992: Beginning of ethnic cleansing campaign. Srebrenica, and the surrounding Central Podrinje region, had immense strategic importance to the Bosnian Serb leadership, as it was the bridge to two disconnected parts of the envisioned ethnic state of Republika Srpska. The capture and ethnic purification of Srebrenica would also undermine the viability of the Bosnian Muslim state. In 1991, 73% of the population in Srebrenica were Bosnian Muslims and 25% were Bosnian Serb. Tensions between the Bosnian Muslim and the Bosnian Serb in Srebrenica intensified in the early 1990s, as the local Bosnian Serb population began to be provided with weapons and military equipment distributed by the Serb paramilitary groups and the Yugoslav People's Army (the "JNA") and Serb Democratic Party (the "SDS"). By April 1992, Srebrenica had become increasingly isolated by the Serb forces. On 17 April 1992, the Bosnian Muslim population of Srebrenica was given a 24-hour ultimatum to surrender all weapons and leave town. In April 1992, Srebrenica was briefly captured by the Bosnian Serbs, when it was retaken by Bosnian Muslims on 8 May 1992. Nonetheless, the Bosnian Muslims remained surrounded by Serb forces, and was cut off from outlying areas. Between April 1992 and March 1993, the Naser Orić trial judgement described the situation in Srebrenica as follows: During the first three months of war, from April to June 1992, the Bosnian Serb forces, with support from the JNA, destroyed 296 predominantly Bosniak villages in the region around Srebrenica, forcibly uprooted some 70,000 Bosniaks from their homes and systematically massacred at least 3,166 Bosniaks (documented deaths) including many women, children and elderly. In neighbouring Bratunac, Bosniaks were either killed or forced to flee to Srebrenica, resulting in 1,156 deaths. Thousands of Bosniaks were also killed in Foča, Zvornik, Cerska and Snagovo. Struggle for Srebrenica 1992–1993. Serb military and paramilitary forces from the area and neighbouring parts of eastern Bosnia and Herzegovina and Serbia gained control of Srebrenica for several weeks in early 1992, killing and expelling Bosniak civilians. In May 1992, Bosnian government forces under the leadership of Orić recaptured the town. Over the remainder of 1992, offensives by Bosnian government forces from Srebrenica increased the area under their control, and by January 1993 they had linked with Bosniak-held Žepa to the south and Cerska to the west. At this time, the Srebrenica enclave had reached its peak size of , although it was never linked to the main area of Bosnian-government controlled land in the west and remained, in the words of the ICTY, "a vulnerable island amid Serb-controlled territory". During this time, Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina (ARBiH) forces under the command of Naser Orić used Srebrenica as a staging ground to attack neighboring Serb villages inflicting many casualties. On one occasion in 1993, the village of Kravica was attacked by ARBIH and resulted in numerous Serb civilian casualties. The actions carried out by the ARBIH under the command of Naser Orić were seen as a catalyst for what occurred in Srebrenica in 1995. According to General Philippe Morillon's testimony at the session of the ICTY 12 February 2004: Over the next few months, the Serb military captured the villages of Konjević Polje and Cerska, severing the link between Srebrenica and Žepa and reducing the size of the Srebrenica enclave to 150 square kilometres. Bosniak residents of the outlying areas converged on the town of Srebrenica and its population swelled to between 50,000 and 60,000 people, which was about tenfold of Srebrenica's pre-war population. General Philippe Morillon of France, Commander of the United Nations Protection Force (UNPROFOR), visited Srebrenica in March 1993. By then, the town was overcrowded and siege conditions prevailed. There was almost no running water as the advancing Serb forces had destroyed the town's water supplies; people relied on makeshift generators for electricity. Food, medicine and other essentials were extremely scarce. The conditions rendered Srebrenica a slow death camp. Before leaving, General Morillon told the panicked residents of Srebrenica at a public gathering that the town was under the protection of the UN and that he would never abandon them. During March and April 1993 several thousand Bosniaks were evacuated from Srebrenica under the auspices of the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). The evacuations were opposed by the Bosnian government in Sarajevo as contributing to the ethnic cleansing of predominantly Bosniak territory. The Serb authorities remained intent on capturing the enclave. On 13 April 1993, the Serbs told the UNHCR representatives that they would attack the town within two days unless the Bosniaks surrendered and agreed to be evacuated. The Bosniaks refused to surrender. Starvation in Srebrenica 1992–1995. With the failure to demilitarize and lack of supplies getting into the city, Naser Orić consolidated his power and controlled the black market. Orić's men began hoarding food, fuel, cigarettes and embezzled money sent by foreign aid agencies to support Muslim orphans. Basic necessities were out of reach for many of the people in Srebrenica due to Orić's actions. UN officials were beginning to lose patience with the ARBiH in Srebrenica and saw them as "criminal gang leaders, pimps and black marketeers". A former Serb soldier of the "Red Berets" unit described the tactics used to starve and kill the besieged population of Srebrenica: When British journalist Tony Birtley visited the besieged Srebrenica in March 1993, he took footage of Bosniak civilians starving to death. The judgment of the Hague Tribunal in the case of Naser Orić found that: Organisation of UNPROFOR and UNPF. In April 1995, UNPROFOR became the name used for the Bosnia and Herzegovina regional command of the now-renamed United Nations Peace Forces (UNPF). The 2011 report "" says that "On 12 June 1995 a new command was created under UNPF", with "12,500 British, French and Dutch troops equipped with tanks and high calibre artillery in order to increase the effectiveness and the credibility of the peacekeeping operation". The report states: Srebrenica "safe area". April 1993: the Security Council declares Srebrenica a "safe area". On 16 April 1993, the United Nations Security Council passed Resolution 819, which demanded that "all parties and others concerned treat Srebrenica and its surroundings as a safe area which should be free from any armed attack or any other hostile act". On 18 April 1993, the first group of United Nations Protection Force ("UNPROFOR") troops arrived in Srebrenica. The UNPROFOR deployed Canadian troops to protect Srebrenica as one of the five newly established UN "safe areas". UNPROFOR presence prevented all-out assault on the safe area, although occasional skirmishes and mortar attacks continued. On 8 May 1993 agreement was reached for demilitarization of Srebrenica. According to UN reports, "General [Sefer] Halilović and General [Ratko] Mladić agreed on measures covering the whole of the Srebrenica enclave and the adjacent enclave of Žepa. Under the terms of the new agreement, Bosniak forces within the enclave would hand over their weapons, ammunition and mines to UNPROFOR, after which Serb "heavy weapons and units that constituted a menace to the demilitarised zones which will have been established in Žepa and Srebrenica will be withdrawn." Unlike the earlier agreement, the agreement of 8 May stated specifically that Srebrenica was to be considered a "demilitarised zone", as referred to in article 60 of the Protocol Additional to the Geneva Conventions of 12 August 1949, and relating to the Protection of Victims of International Armed Conflicts (Protocol I)." From the outset, both parties to the conflict violated the "safe area" agreement, although a two year period of relative stability followed the establishment of the enclave. Lieutenant colonel Thom Karremans (the Dutchbat Commander) testified to the ICTY that his personnel were prevented from returning to the enclave by Serb forces and that equipment and ammunition were also prevented from getting in. Bosniaks in Srebrenica complained of attacks by Serb soldiers, while to the Serbs it appeared that Bosnian government forces in Srebrenica were using the "safe area" as a convenient base from which to launch counter-offensives against the Army of the Republika Srpska (VRS) and that UNPROFOR was failing to take any action to prevent it. General Sefer Halilović admitted that ARBiH helicopters had flown in violation of the no-fly zone and that he had personally dispatched eight helicopters with ammunition for the 28th Division. Between 1,000 and 2,000 soldiers from three of the VRS Drina Corps Brigades were deployed around the enclave, equipped with tanks, armoured vehicles, artillery and mortars. The 28th Mountain Division of the Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina (ARBiH) remaining in the enclave was neither well organised nor equipped, and lacked a firm command structure and communications system. Some of its soldiers carried old hunting rifles or no weapons at all, and few had proper uniforms. United Nations failure to demilitarise Srebrenica. A Security Council mission led by Diego Arria arrived in Srebrenica on 25 April 1993 and, in their subsequent report to the UN, condemned the Serbs for perpetrating "a slow-motion process of genocide." The mission then stated that "Serb forces must withdraw to points from which they cannot attack, harass or terrorise the town. UNPROFOR should be in a position to determine the related parameters. The mission believes, as does UNPROFOR, that the actual 4.5 km (3 mi) by 0.5 km (530 yd) decided as a safe area should be greatly expanded." Specific instructions from United Nations Headquarters in New York stated that UNPROFOR should not be too zealous in searching for Bosniak weapons and, later, that the Serbs should withdraw their heavy weapons before the Bosniaks gave up their weapons. The Serbs never did withdraw their heavy weapons. Multiple attempts to demilitarise the ARBiH and force the withdrawal of the VRS proved futile. The ARBiH hid the majority of their heavy weapons, modern equipment and ammunition in the surrounding forest and only handed over disused and old weaponry. On the other hand, given the failure to disarm the ARBiH, the VRS refused to withdraw from the front lines given the intelligence they had regarding hidden weaponry. In March 1994, UNPROFOR sent 600 Royal Dutch Army soldiers ("Dutchbat") to replace the Canadian troops. By March 1995, Serb forces controlled all territory surrounding Srebrenica, preventing even UN access to the supply road. Humanitarian aid decreased significantly and living conditions in Srebrenica quickly deteriorated. UNPROFOR presence prevented all-out assault on the safe area, although occasional skirmishes and mortar attacks continued. The Dutchbat alerted UNPROFOR command to the dire conditions in Srebrenica, but UNPROFOR declined to send humanitarian relief or military support. Early 1995: the situation in the Srebrenica "safe area" deteriorates. By early 1995, fewer and fewer supply convoys were making it through to the enclave. The situation in Srebrenica and in other enclaves had deteriorated into lawless violence as prostitution among young Muslim girls, theft and black marketeering proliferated. The already meager resources of the civilian population dwindled further, and even the UN forces started running dangerously low on food, medicine, ammunition and fuel, eventually being forced to start patrolling the enclave on foot. Dutch soldiers who left the area on leave were not allowed to return, and their number dropped from 600 to 400 men. In March and April, the Dutch soldiers noticed a build-up of Serb forces near two of the observation posts, "OP Romeo" and "OP Quebec". In March 1995, Radovan Karadžić, President of the Republika Srpska (RS), despite pressure from the international community to end the war and ongoing efforts to negotiate a peace agreement, issued a directive to the VRS concerning the long-term strategy of the VRS forces in the enclave. The directive, known as "Directive 7", specified that the VRS was to: By mid-1995, the humanitarian situation of the Bosniak civilians and military personnel in the enclave was catastrophic. In May, following orders, Orić and his staff left the enclave by helicopter to Tuzla, leaving senior officers in command of the 28th Division. In late June and early July, the 28th Division issued a series of reports including urgent pleas for the humanitarian corridor to the enclave to be reopened. When this failed, Bosniak civilians began dying from starvation. On Friday, 7 July the mayor of Srebrenica reported that eight residents had died of starvation. On 4 June 1995, UNPROFOR commander Bernard Janvier, a Frenchman, secretly met with Ratko Mladić to obtain the release of hostages, many of whom were French. Mladić demanded of Janvier that there would be no more air strikes. In the weeks leading up to the assault on Srebrenica by the VRS, ARBiH forces were ordered to carry out diversion and disruption attacks on the VRS by the high command. On one particular occasion on the evening of 25–26 June, ARBiH forces attacked VRS units on the Sarajevo-Zvornik, road inflicting high casualties and looting VRS stockpiles. These continued attacks prompted a response from Mladić, who contacted the UN headquarters in Sarajevo and advised that he would no longer tolerate ARBiH incursions into the Bosnian Serb countryside. 6–11 July 1995: Serb take-over of Srebrenica. The Serb offensive against Srebrenica began in earnest on 6 July 1995. The VRS, with 2,000 soldiers, were outnumbered by the defenders and did not expect the assault to be an easy conquest. In the following days, the five UNPROFOR observation posts in the southern part of the enclave fell one by one in the face of the Bosnian Serb advance. Some of the Dutch soldiers retreated into the enclave after their posts were attacked, but the crews of the other observation posts surrendered into Serb custody. Simultaneously, the defending Bosnian forces numbering 6,000 came under heavy fire and were pushed back towards the town. Once the southern perimeter began to collapse, about 4,000 Bosniak residents who had been living in a Swedish housing complex for refugees nearby fled north into the town of Srebrenica. Dutch soldiers reported that the advancing Serbs were "cleansing" the houses in the southern part of the enclave. On 8 July, a Dutch YPR-765 armoured vehicle took fire from the Serbs and withdrew. A group of Bosniaks demanded that the armoured vehicle stay to defend them, and established a makeshift barricade to prevent its retreat. As the armoured vehicle continued to withdraw, a Bosniak farmer who was manning the barricade threw a hand grenade onto it and subsequently killed Dutch soldier Raviv van Renssen. Late on 9 July 1995, emboldened by early successes and little resistance from the largely demilitarised Bosniaks as well as the absence of any significant reaction from the international community, President Karadžić issued a new order authorising the 1,500-strong VRS Drina Corps to capture the town of Srebrenica. The following morning, 10 July 1995, Lieutenant Colonel Karremans made urgent requests for air support from North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) to defend Srebrenica as crowds filled the streets, some of whom carried weapons. VRS tanks were approaching the town, and NATO airstrikes on these began on the afternoon of 11 July 1995. NATO bombers attempted to attack VRS artillery locations outside the town, but poor visibility forced NATO to cancel this operation. Further NATO air attacks were cancelled after VRS threats to bomb the UN's Potočari compound, to kill Dutch and French military hostages and to attack surrounding locations where 20,000 to 30,000 civilian refugees were situated. 30 Dutchbat were taken hostage by Mladic's troops. Late in the afternoon of 11 July, General Mladić, accompanied by General Živanović (then-Commander of the Drina Corps), General Krstić (then-Deputy Commander and Chief of Staff of the Drina Corps) and other VRS officers, took a triumphant walk through the deserted streets of the town of Srebrenica. In the evening, Lieutenant Colonel Karremans was filmed drinking a toast with General Mladić during the bungled negotiations on the fate of the civilian population grouped in Potočari. Massacre. The two highest ranking Serb politicians from Bosnia and Herzegovina, Karadžić and Momčilo Krajišnik, both indicted for genocide, were warned by VRS commander Mladić (found guilty of genocide at a UN tribunal in 2017) that their plans could not be realized without committing genocide. Mladić said: Increasing concentration of refugees in Potočari. By the evening of 11 July 1995, approximately 20,000 to 25,000 Bosniak refugees from Srebrenica were gathered in Potočari, seeking protection within the UNPROFOR Dutchbat headquarters. Several thousand had pressed inside the compound itself, while the rest were spread throughout the neighbouring factories and fields. Although the vast majority were women, children, elderly or disabled, 63 witnesses estimated that there were at least 300 men inside the perimeter of the UNPROFOR compound and between 600 and 900 men in the crowd outside. UNPROFOR Dutchbat soldiers [on site] claimed their base was full. Conditions in Potočari included "little food or water available" and sweltering heat. One UNPROFOR Dutchbat officer described the scene as follows: On 12 July, the United Nations Security Council, in Resolution 1004, expressed concern at the humanitarian situation in Potočari, which also condemned the offensive by Bosnian Serb forces and demanded immediate withdrawal. On 13 July, the Dutch forces expelled five Bosniak refugees from the United Nations compound despite knowing that men outside the compound were being killed and abused. Crimes committed in Potočari. On 12 July 1995, as the day wore on, the refugees in the compound could see VRS members setting houses and haystacks on fire. Throughout the afternoon, Serb soldiers mingled in the crowd and summary executions of men occurred. In the late morning of 12 July a witness saw a pile of 20 to 30 bodies heaped up behind the Transport Building in Potočari, alongside a tractor-like machine. Another testified that he saw a soldier slay a child with a knife in the middle of a crowd of expellees. He also said that he saw Serb soldiers execute more than a hundred Bosniak Muslim men in the area behind the Zinc Factory and then load their bodies onto a truck, although the number and nature of the murders stand in contrast to other evidence in the Trial Record, which indicates that the killings in Potočari were sporadic in nature. Soldiers were picking people out of the crowd and taking them away. A witness recounted how three brothers—one merely a child and the others in their teens—were taken out in the night. When the boys' mother went looking for them, she found them stark naked and with their throats slit. That night, a Dutchbat medical orderly witnessed two Serb soldiers raping a young woman. One survivor described the murder of a baby and the rape of women occurring in the close vicinity of Dutch UN peacekeepers who did nothing to prevent it. According to the survivor, a Serb told a mother to make her child stop crying, and when it continued to cry he took it and slit its throat, after which he laughed. Stories about rapes and killings spread through the crowd and the terror in the camp escalated. Several individuals were so terrified that they committed suicide by hanging themselves. One of the survivors, Zarfa Turković, described the horrors of rapes as follows: "Two [Serb soldiers] took her legs and raised them up in the air, while the third began raping her. Four of them were taking turns on her. People were silent, no one moved. She was screaming and yelling and begging them to stop. They put a rag into her mouth and then we just heard silent sobs..." Separation and murder of Bosniak men and boys in Potočari. From the morning of 12 July, Serb forces began gathering men and boys from the refugee population in Potočari and holding them in separate locations, and as the refugees began boarding the buses headed north towards Bosniak-held territory, Serb soldiers separated out men of military age who were trying to clamber aboard. Occasionally, younger and older men were stopped as well (some as young as 14 or 15). These men were taken to a building in Potočari referred to as the "White House". As early as the evening of 12 July 1995, Major Franken of the Dutchbat heard that no men were arriving with the women and children at their destination in Kladanj. At this time, the UNHCR Director of Operations, Peter Walsh, was dispatched to Srebrenica by the UNHCR Chief of Mission, Damaso Feci, to evaluate what emergency aid could be provided rapidly. Peter Walsh and his team arrived at Gostilj, just outside Srebrenica, in the early afternoon only to be turned away by VRS forces. Despite claiming freedom of movement rights, the UNHCR team was not allowed to proceed and was forced to head back north to Bijelina. Throughout this time, Peter Walsh relayed reports back to UNHCR in Zagreb about the unfolding situation including witnessing the enforced movement and abuse of Muslim men and boys and the sound of summary executions taking place. On 13 July 1995, Dutchbat troops witnessed definite signs that the Serb soldiers were murdering some of the Bosniak men who had been separated. For example, Corporal Vaasen saw two soldiers take a man behind the "White House", heard a shot and saw the two soldiers reappear alone. Another Dutchbat officer saw Serb soldiers murder an unarmed man with a single gunshot to the head and heard gunshots 20–40 times an hour throughout the afternoon. When the Dutchbat soldiers told Colonel Joseph Kingori, a United Nations Military Observer (UNMO) in the Srebrenica area, that men were being taken behind the "White House" and not coming back, Colonel Kingori went to investigate. He heard gunshots as he approached, but was stopped by Serb soldiers before he could find out what was going on. Some of the executions were carried out at night under arc lights, and bulldozers then pushed the bodies into mass graves. According to evidence collected from Bosniaks by French policeman Jean-René Ruez, some were buried alive; he also heard testimony describing Serb forces killing and torturing refugees at will, streets littered with corpses, people committing suicide to avoid having their noses, lips and ears chopped off, and adults being forced to watch the soldiers kill their children. Rape and abuse of civilians. Thousands of women and girls suffered rape and sexual abuse and other forms of torture. According to the testimony of Zumra Šehomerovic: Testimony of Ramiza Gurdić: Testimony of Kada Hotić: That night, a DutchBat medical orderly came across two Serb soldiers raping a young woman: Deportation of women. As a result of exhaustive UN negotiations with Serb troops, around 25,000 Srebrenica women were forcibly transferred to Bosniak-controlled territory. Some buses apparently never reached safety. According to a witness account given by Kadir Habibović, who hid himself on one of the first buses from the base in Potočari to Kladanj, he saw at least one vehicle full of Bosniak women being driven away from Bosnian government-held territory. Column of Bosniak men. On the evening of 11 July 1995, word spread through the Bosniak community that able-bodied men should take to the woods, form a column together with members of the ARBiH's 28th Division and attempt a breakthrough towards Bosnian government-held territory in the north. The men believed they stood a better chance of surviving by trying to escape than if they let themselves fall into Serb hands. Around 10 pm on 11 July the Division command, together with the municipal authorities, took the decision, on their own initiative, to form a column and leave the safe area in an attempt to reach government-controlled territory around Tuzla. Dehydration made finding drinking water a major problem, along with lack of sleep and physical exhaustion—many were exhausted before setting out. There was little cohesion or sense of common purpose in the column. Along the way, the column was shelled and ambushed. In severe mental distress, some of the refugees killed themselves. Others were induced to surrender. Survivors claimed they were attacked with a chemical agent that caused hallucinations, disorientation and strange behaviour. Infiltrators in civilian clothing confused, attacked and killed refugees, including the wounded. Many of those taken prisoner were killed on the spot. Others were collected together before being taken to remote locations for mass execution. The attacks on the column broke it up into smaller segments. Only about one third of the men succeeded in crossing the asphalt road between Konjević Polje and Nova Kasaba. It was this group that eventually crossed Bosnian Serb lines to reach Bosnian government territory on and after 16 July. The vast majority of the victims of the massacre were members of the column who failed to complete the perilous journey. Other groups. A second, smaller group of refugees (estimated at between 700 and 800) attempted to escape into Serbia via Mount Kvarac via Bratunac, or across the river Drina and via Bajina Bašta. It is not known how many were intercepted, arrested and killed on the way. A third group headed for Žepa, possibly having first tried to reach Tuzla. The estimates of the numbers involved vary widely, from 300 to around 850. In addition, small pockets of resistance apparently remained behind and engaged Serb forces. Tuzla column departs. Almost all the 28th Division, 5,500 to 6,000 soldiers, not all armed, gathered in the village of Šušnjari, in the hills north of the town of Srebrenica, along with about 7,000 civilians. They included a very small number of women, not more than ten. Others assembled in the nearby village of Jaglići. At around midnight on 11 July 1995, the column started moving along the axis between Konjević Polje and Bratunac. The main column was preceded by a reconnaissance party of four scouts, approximately five kilometers ahead. Members of the column walked one behind the other, following the paper trail laid down by a de-mining unit. The column was led by a group of 50–100 of the best soldiers from each brigade, carrying the best available equipment. Elements of the 284th Brigade were followed by the 280th Brigade, with them the Chief of Staff Ramiz Bećirović. Civilians accompanied by other soldiers followed, and at the back was the independent battalion which was part of the 28th Division. The elite of the enclave, including the mother and sister of Naser Orić, accompanied the best troops at the front of the column. Others in the column included the political leaders of the enclave, medical staff of the local hospital and the families of prominent persons in Srebrenica. A small number of women, children and elderly travelled with the column in the woods. Each brigade was responsible for a group of refugees, and many civilians joined the military units spontaneously as the journey got underway. The column was between 12 and 15 kilometres long, about two and a half hours separating head from tail. The breakout from the enclave and the attempt to reach Tuzla came as a surprise to the VRS and caused considerable confusion, as the VRS had expected the men to go to Potočari. Serb general Milan Gvero in a briefing referred to members of the column as "hardened and violent criminals who will stop at nothing to prevent being taken prisoner and to enable their escape into Bosnian territory". The Drina Corps and the various brigades were ordered by the VRS Main Staff to assign all available manpower to the task of finding any Muslim groups observed, preventing them from crossing into Muslim territory, taking them prisoner and holding them in buildings that could be secured by small forces. Ambush at Kamenica Hill. During the night, poor visibility, fear of mines and panic induced by artillery fire split the column in two. On the afternoon of 12 July, the front section emerged from the woods and crossed the asphalt road from Konjević Polje and Nova Kasaba. Around 18.00 hours, the VRS Army located the main part of the column still in the hilly area around Kamenica (outside the village of Pobuđe). Around 20:00 hours this part of the column, led by the municipal authorities and the wounded, started descending Kamenica Hill () towards the road. After a few dozen men had crossed, soldiers of the VRS Army arrived from the direction of Kravica in trucks and armoured vehicles including a white vehicle with UNPROFOR symbols, calling out for Bosniaks over the loudspeaker to surrender. It was around this time that yellow smoke was observed, followed by observations of strange behaviour, including suicides, hallucinations and members of the column attacking one another. Numerous survivors interviewed by Human Rights Watch claimed they were attacked with a chemical agent that caused hallucinations and disorientation. (General Zdravko Tolimir was an advocate of the use of chemical weapons against the ArBiH.) Heavy shooting and shelling began, which continued into the night. The armed members of the column returned fire and all scattered. Survivors describe a group of at least 1,000 engaged at close range by small arms. Hundreds appear to have been killed as they fled the open area and some were said to have killed themselves to escape capture. VRS Army and Ministry of Interior personnel persuaded members of the column to surrender by promising them protection and safe transportation towards Tuzla under UNPROFOR and Red Cross supervision. Appropriated UN and Red Cross equipment was used to deceive the refugees into believing the promises. Surrendering prisoners' personal belongings were confiscated and some were executed on the spot. The rear of the column lost contact with the front and panic broke out. Many people remained in the Kamenica Hill area for a number of days, unable to move on with the escape route blocked by Serb forces. Thousands of Bosniaks surrendered or were captured. Some prisoners were ordered to summon friends and family members from the woods. There were reports of Serb forces using megaphones to call on the marchers to surrender, telling them that they would be exchanged for Serb soldiers held captive by Bosniak forces. It was at Kamenica that VRS personnel in civilian dress were reported to have infiltrated the column. Men from the rear of the column who survived this ordeal described it as a manhunt. Sandići massacre. Close to Sandići, on the main road from Bratunac to Konjević Polje, one witness describes the Serbs forcing a Bosniak man to call other Bosniaks down from the mountains. Some 200 to 300 men, including the witness' brother, followed his instructions and descended to meet the VRS, presumably expecting some exchange of prisoners would take place. The witness hid behind a tree to see what would happen next. He watched as the men were lined up in seven ranks, each some forty metres in length, with their hands behind their heads; they were then mowed down by machine gun fire. A small number of women, children and elderly people who had been part of the column were allowed to join the buses evacuating the women and children out of Potočari. Among them was Alma Delimustafić, a soldier of the 28th Brigade; at this time, Delimustafić was in her civilian clothes and was released. Trek to Mount Udrč. The central section of the column managed to escape the shooting and reached Kamenica at about 11:00 hours and waited there for the wounded. Captain Ejub Golić and the Independent Battalion turned back towards Hajdučko Groblje to help the casualties. A number of survivors from the rear, who managed to escape crossed the asphalt roads to the north or the west of the area, had joined those in the central section of the column. The front third of the column, which had already left Kamenica Hill by the time the ambush occurred, headed for Mount Udrč (); crossing the main asphalt road, they then forded the river Jadar. They reached the base of the mountain early on the morning of Thursday, 13 July and regrouped. At first, it was decided to send 300 ARBiH soldiers back in an attempt to break through the blockades. When reports came in that the central section of the column had nevertheless succeeded in crossing the road at Konjević Polje, this plan was abandoned. Approximately 1,000 additional men managed to reach Udrč that night. Snagovo ambush. From Udrč the marchers moved toward the River Drinjača and on to Mount Velja Glava, continuing through the night. Finding a Serb presence at Mount Velja Glava, where they arrived on Friday, 14 July, the column was forced to skirt the mountain and wait on its slopes before it was able to move on toward Liplje and Marčići. Arriving at Marčići in the evening of 14 July, the marchers were again ambushed near Snagovo by Serb forces equipped with anti-aircraft guns, artillery, and tanks. According to Lieutenant Džemail Bećirović, the column managed to break through the ambush and, in so doing, captured a VRS officer, Major Zoran Janković—providing the Army of Bosnia and Herzegovina with a significant bargaining counter. This prompted an attempt at negotiating a cessation in the fighting, but negotiations with local Serb forces failed. Nevertheless, the act of repulsing the ambush had a positive effect on morale of the marchers, who also captured a number of weapons and supplies. Approaching the frontline. The evening of 15 July saw the first radio contact between the 2nd Corps and the 28th Division, established using a walkie-talkie captured from the VRS. After initial distrust on the part of the 28th Division, the Šabić brothers were able to identify each other as they stood on either side of the VRS lines. Early in the morning, the column crossed the asphalt road linking Zvornik with Caparde and headed in the direction of Planinci, leaving a unit of some 100 to 200 armed marchers behind to wait for stragglers. The column reached Križevići later that day, and remained there while an attempt was made to negotiate with local Serb forces for safe passage through the Serb lines into Bosnian government controlled territory. The members of the column were advised to stay where they were, and to allow the Serb forces time to arrange for safe passage. It soon became apparent, though, that the small Serb force deployed in the area was only trying to gain time to organise a further attack on the marchers. In the area of Marčići – Crni Vrh, the VRS armed forces deployed 500 soldiers and policemen in order to stop the split part of the column (about 2,500 people), which was moving from Glodi towards Marčići. At this point, the column's leaders decided to form several small groups of between 100 and 200 persons and send these to reconnoiter the way ahead. Early in the afternoon, the 2nd Corps and the 28th Division of the ARBiH met each other in the village of Potočani. The presidium of Srebrenica were the first to reach Bosnian terrain. Breakthrough at Baljkovica. The hillside at Baljkovica () formed the last VRS line separating the column from Bosnian-held territory. The VRS cordon actually consisted of two lines, the first of which presented a front on the Tuzla side against the 2nd Corps and the other a front against the approaching 28th Division. On the evening of 15 July a heavy hailstorm caused the Serb forces to take cover. The column's advance group took advantage of this to attack the Serb rear lines at Baljkovica. During the fighting, the main body of what remained of the column began to move from Krizevici. It reached the area of fighting at about 3 am on Sunday, 16 July. At approximately 05.00 hours on 16 July, the 2nd Corps made its first attempt to break through the VRS cordon from the Bosnian side. The objective was to force a breakthrough close to the hamlets of Parlog and Resnik. They were joined by Naser Orić and a number of his men. Around 8 am on the morning of 16 July parts of the 28th Division, with the 2nd Corps of the RBiH Army from Tuzla providing artillery support, attacked and breached VRS Army lines. There was fierce fighting across the general area of Baljkovica. Captured heavy arms including two Praga self-propelled anti-aircraft guns were fired at the Serb front line and the column finally succeeded in breaking through to Bosnian government controlled territory and linking up with BiH units at between 1 pm and 2 pm on 16 July. Baljkovica corridor. Following radio negotiations between the 2nd Corps and the Zvornik Brigade, the Zvornik Brigade Command, which had lost three lines of trenches, agreed to open a corridor to allow "evacuation" of the column in return for the release of captured policemen and soldiers. The Baljkovica corridor was open from 14.00 to 17.00 hours. After the corridor was closed between 17.00 and 18.00 hours the Zvornik Brigade Command reported that around 5000 civilians, with probably "a certain number of soldiers" with them had been let through, but "all those who passed were unarmed". Arrival at Tuzla. By 4 August or thereabouts, the ArBiH determined that 3,175 members of the 28th Division had managed to get through to Tuzla. 2,628 members of the Division, soldiers and officers, were considered certain to have been killed. The approximate number of individual members of the column killed was estimated at between 8,300 and 9,722. After the closure of the corridor. Once the corridor had closed Serb forces recommenced hunting down parts of the column still in areas under their control. Around 2,000 refugees were reported to be hiding in the woods in the area of Pobuđe. On 17 July 1995, "searching the terrain", the VRS Army captured a number of Bosniaks. Four children aged between 8 and 14 captured by the Bratunac Brigade were taken to the military barracks in Bratunac. When one of them described seeing a large number of ARBiH soldiers committing suicide and shooting at each other, Brigade Commander Blagojević suggested that the Drina Corps' press unit should record this testimony on video. The fate of the boys remains uncertain. On 18 July, after a soldier was killed "trying to capture some persons during the search operation", the Zvornik Brigade Command issued an order to execute prisoners in its zone of responsibility in order to avoid any risks associated with their capture. The order was presumed to have remained effective until it was countermanded on 21 July. Mass hysteria. According to a 1998 qualitative study involving survivors of the column, many of the members of the column exhibited symptoms of hallucinations to varying degrees. On a number of occasions, Bosniak men began attacking one another in an apparent fear that the other member in the column was a Serb soldier. Members of the column also reported seeing people speaking incoherently, running towards VRS lines in a fit of rage and committing suicide using firearms and hand grenades. Although there was no evidence to suggest what exactly caused the behaviour, the study suggested that fatigue and stress may have induced these symptoms. Plan to execute the men of Srebrenica. Although Serb forces had long been blamed for the massacre, it was not until June 2004—following the Srebrenica commission's preliminary report—that Serb officials acknowledged that their security forces planned and carried out the mass killing. A Serb commission's final report on the 1995 Srebrenica massacre acknowledged that the mass murder of the men and boys was planned. The commission found that more than 7,800 were killed after it compiled thirty-four lists of victims. A concerted effort was made to capture all Bosniak men of military age. In fact, those captured included many boys well below that age and elderly men several years above that age who remained in the enclave following the take-over of Srebrenica. These men and boys were targeted regardless of whether they chose to flee to Potočari or to join the Bosnian Muslim column. The operation to capture and detain the Bosnian Muslim men was well organised and comprehensive. The buses which transported the women and children were systematically searched for men. Mass executions. The vast amount of planning and high-level coordination invested in killing thousands of men in a few days is apparent from the scale and the methodical nature in which the executions were carried out. A concerted effort was made to capture all Bosniak men of military age. In fact, those captured included many boys well below that age and elderly men above it. The Army of Republika Srpska took the largest number of prisoners on 13 July, along the Bratunac-Konjević Polje road. It remains impossible to cite a precise figure, but witness statements describe the assembly points such as the field at Sandići, the agricultural warehouses in Kravica, the school in Konjević Polje, the football field in Nova Kasaba, the village of Lolići and the village school of Luke. Several thousands of people were herded together in the field near Sandići and on the Nova Kasaba football pitch, where they were searched and put into smaller groups. In a video tape made by journalist Zoran Petrović, a Serb soldier states that at least 3,000 to 4,000 men had given themselves up on the road. By the late afternoon of 13 July, the total had risen to some 6,000 according to the intercepted radio communication; the following day, Major Franken of Dutchbat was given the same figure by Colonel Radislav Janković of the Serb army. Many of the prisoners had been seen in the locations described by passing convoys taking the women and children to Kladanj by bus, while various aerial photographs have since provided evidence to confirm this version of events. One hour after the evacuation of the females from Potočari was completed, the Drina Corps staff diverted the buses to the areas in which the men were being held. Colonel Krsmanović, who on 12 July had arranged the buses for the evacuation, ordered the 700 men in Sandići to be collected, and the soldiers guarding them made them throw their possessions on a large heap and hand over anything of value. During the afternoon, the group in Sandići was visited by Mladić who told them that they would come to no harm, that they would be treated as prisoners of war, that they would be exchanged for other prisoners and that their families had been escorted to Tuzla in safety. Some of these men were placed on the transport to Bratunac and other locations, while some were marched on foot to the warehouses in Kravica. The men gathered on the soccer ground at Nova Kasaba were forced to hand over their personal belongings. They too received a personal visit from Mladić during the afternoon of 13 July; on this occasion, he announced that the Bosnian authorities in Tuzla did not want the men and that they were therefore to be taken to other locations. The men in Nova Kasaba were loaded onto buses and trucks and were taken to Bratunac or the other locations. The Bosnian men who had been separated from the women, children and elderly in Potočari numbering approximately 1,000 were transported to Bratunac and subsequently joined by Bosnian men captured from the column. Almost without exception, the thousands of Bosnian prisoners captured, following the take-over of Srebrenica, were executed. Some were killed individually or in small groups by the soldiers who captured them and some were killed in the places where they were temporarily detained. Most, however, were killed in carefully orchestrated mass executions, commencing on 13 July 1995 in the region just north of Srebrenica. The mass executions followed a well-established pattern. The men were first taken to empty schools or warehouses. After being detained there for some hours, they were loaded onto buses or trucks and taken to another site for execution. Usually, the execution fields were in isolated locations. The prisoners were unarmed and in many cases, steps had been taken to minimise resistance, such as blindfolding them, binding their wrists behind their backs with ligatures or removing their shoes. Once at the killing fields, the men were taken off the trucks in small groups, lined up and shot. Those who survived the initial round of shooting were individually shot with an extra round, though sometimes only after they had been left to suffer for a time. The process of finding victim bodies in the Srebrenica region, often in mass graves, exhuming them and finally identifying them was relatively slow. Morning of 13 July: Jadar River. A small-scale execution took place prior to midday at the Jadar River on 13 July. Seventeen men were transported by bus a short distance to a spot on the banks of the Jadar River. The men were then lined up and shot. One man, after being hit in the hip by a bullet, jumped into the river and managed to escape. Afternoon of 13 July: Cerska Valley. The first large-scale mass executions began on the afternoon of 13 July 1995 in the valley of the River Cerska, to the west of Konjević Polje. One witness, hidden among trees, saw two or three trucks, followed by an armoured vehicle and an earthmoving machine proceeding towards Cerska. After that, he heard gunshots for half an hour and then saw the armoured vehicle going in the opposite direction, but not the earthmoving machine. Other witnesses report seeing a pool of blood alongside the road to Cerska that day. Muhamed Duraković, a UN translator, probably passed this execution site later that day. He reports seeing bodies tossed into a ditch alongside the road, with some men still alive. Aerial photos and excavations later confirmed the presence of a mass grave near this location. Ammunition cartridges found at the scene reveal that the victims were lined up on one side of the road, whereupon their executioners shot from the other. The bodies—150 in number—were covered with earth where they lay. It could later be established that they had been killed by guns. All were men, between the ages of 14 and 50. All but three of the 150 were wearing civilian clothes. Many had their hands tied behind their backs. Nine could later be identified and were indeed on the list of missing persons from Srebrenica. Late afternoon of 13 July: Kravica. Later on the afternoon of 13 July executions were also conducted in the largest of four warehouses (farm sheds) owned by the Agricultural Cooperative in Kravica. Between 1,000 and 1,500 men had been captured in fields near Sandići and detained in Sandići Meadow. They were brought to Kravica, either by bus or on foot, the distance being approximately one kilometer. A witness recalls seeing around 200 men, stripped to the waist and with their hands in the air, being forced to run in the direction of Kravica. An aerial photograph taken at 14:00 hours that afternoon shows two buses standing in front of the sheds. At around 18:00 hours, when the men were all held in the warehouse, VRS soldiers threw in hand grenades and fired with various weapons, including rocket propelled grenades. The mass murder in Kravica seemed "well organised and involved a substantial amount of planning, requiring the participation of the Drina Corps Command." Supposedly, there was more killing in and around Kravica and Sandići. Even before the murders in the warehouse, some 200 or 300 men were formed up in ranks near Sandići and then were executed en masse with concentrated machine guns. At Kravica, it seems that the local population had a hand in the killings. Some victims were mutilated and killed with knives. The bodies were taken to Bratunac or simply dumped in the river that runs alongside the road. One witness stated that this all took place on 14 July. There were three survivors of the mass murder in the farm sheds at Kravica. Armed guards shot at the men who tried to climb out the windows to escape the massacre. When the shooting stopped, the shed was full of bodies. Another survivor, who was only slightly wounded, reports: When this witness climbed out of a window, he was seen by a guard who shot at him. He pretended to be dead and managed to escape the following morning. The other witness quoted above spent the night under a heap of bodies; the next morning, he watched as the soldiers examined the corpses for signs of life. The few survivors were forced to sing Serbian songs, and were then shot. Once the final victim had been killed, an excavator was driven in to shunt the bodies out of the shed; the asphalt outside was then hosed down with water. In September 1996, however, it was still possible to find the evidence. Analyses of hair, blood and explosives residue collected at the Kravica Warehouse provide strong evidence of the killings. Experts determined the presence of bullet strikes, explosives residue, bullets and shell cases, as well as human blood, bones and tissue adhering to the walls and floors of the building. Forensic evidence presented by the ICTY Prosecutor established a link between the executions in Kravica and the 'primary' mass grave known as Glogova 2, in which the remains of 139 people were found. In the 'secondary' grave known as Zeleni Jadar 5 there were 145 bodies, a number of which were charred. Pieces of brick and window frame which were found in the Glogova 1 grave that was opened later also established a link with Kravica. Here, the remains of 191 victims were found. 13–14 July: Tišća. As the buses crowded with Bosnian women, children and elderly made their way from Potočari to Kladanj, they were stopped at Tišća village, searched, and the Bosnian men and boys found on board were removed from the bus. The evidence reveals a well-organised operation in Tišća. From the checkpoint, an officer directed the soldier escorting the witness towards a nearby school where many other prisoners were being held. At the school, a soldier on a field telephone appeared to be transmitting and receiving orders. Sometime around midnight, the witness was loaded onto a truck with 22 other men with their hands tied behind their backs. At one point the truck stopped and a soldier on the scene said: "Not here. Take them up there, where they took people before." The truck reached another stopping point where the soldiers came around to the back of the truck and started shooting the prisoners. The survivor escaped by running away from the truck and hiding in a forest. 14 July: Grbavci and Orahovac. A large group of the prisoners who had been held overnight in Bratunac were bussed in a convoy of 30 vehicles to the Grbavci school in Orahovac early in the morning of 14 July 1995. When they got there, the school gym was already half-filled with prisoners who had been arriving since the early morning hours and within a few hours, the building was completely full. Survivors estimated that there were 2,000 to 2,500 men there, some of them very young and some quite elderly, although the ICTY Prosecution suggested this may have been an over-estimation and that the number of prisoners at this site was probably closer to 1,000. Some prisoners were taken outside and killed. At some point, a witness recalled, General Mladić arrived and told the men: "Well, your government does not want you and I have to take care of you." After being held in the gym for several hours, the men were led out in small groups to the execution fields that afternoon. Each prisoner was blindfolded and given a drink of water as he left the gym. The prisoners were then taken in trucks to the execution fields less than one kilometre away. The men were lined up and shot in the back; those who survived the initial shooting were killed with an extra shot. Two adjacent meadows were used; once one was full of bodies, the executioners moved to the other. While the executions were in progress, the survivors said, earth-moving equipment was digging the graves. A witness who survived the shootings by pretending to be dead, reported that General Mladić drove up in a red car and watched some of the executions. The forensic evidence supports crucial aspects of the survivors' testimony. Both aerial photos show that the ground in Orahovac was disturbed between 5 and 27 July 1995 and again between 7 and 27 September 1995. Two primary mass graves were uncovered in the area and were named Lazete 1 and Lazete 2 by investigators. The Lazete 1 gravesite was exhumed by the ICTY Prosecution between 13 July and 3 August 2000. All of the 130 individuals uncovered, for whom sex could be determined, were male; 138 blindfolds were uncovered in the grave. Identification material for 23 persons, listed as missing following the fall of Srebrenica, was located during the exhumations at this site. The gravesite Lazete 2 was partly exhumed by a joint team from the Office of the Prosecutor and Physicians for Human Rights between August and September 1996 and completed in 2000. All of the 243 victims associated with Lazete 2 were male and the experts determined that the vast majority died of gunshot injuries. In addition, 147 blindfolds were located. Forensic analysis of soil/pollen samples, blindfolds, ligatures, shell cases and aerial images of creation/disturbance dates, further revealed that bodies from the Lazete 1 and 2 graves were removed and reburied at secondary graves named Hodžići Road 3, 4 and 5. Aerial images show that these secondary gravesites were created between 7 September and 2 October 1995 and all of them were exhumed in 1998. 14–15 July: Petkovići. On 14 and 15 July 1995, another large group of prisoners numbering some 1,500 to 2,000 were taken from Bratunac to the school in Petkovići. The conditions under which these men were held at the Petkovići school were even worse than those in Grbavci. It was hot, overcrowded and there was no food or water. In the absence of anything else, some prisoners chose to drink their own urine. Every now and then, soldiers would enter the room and physically abuse prisoners, or would call them outside. A few of the prisoners contemplated an escape attempt, but others said it would be better to stay since the International Red Cross would be sure to monitor the situation and they could not all be killed. The men were called outside in small groups. They were ordered to strip to the waist and to remove their shoes, whereupon their hands were tied behind their backs. During the night of 14 July, the men were taken by truck to the dam at Petkovići. Those who arrived later could see immediately what was happening there. A large number of bodies were strewn on the ground, their hands tied behind their backs. Small groups of five to ten men were taken out of the trucks, lined up and shot. Some begged for water but their pleas were ignored. A survivor described his feelings of fear combined with thirst thus: After the soldiers had left, two survivors helped each other to untie their hands, and then crawled over the heap of bodies towards the woods, where they intended to hide. As dawn arrived, they could see the execution site where bulldozers were collecting the bodies. On the way to the execution site, one of the survivors had peeked out from under his blindfold and had seen that Mladić was also on his way to the scene. Aerial photos confirmed that the earth near the Petkovići dam had been disturbed, and that it was disturbed yet again sometime between 7 and 27 September 1995. When the grave here was opened in April 1998, there seemed to be many bodies missing. Their removal had been accomplished with mechanical apparatus, causing considerable disturbance to the grave and its contents. At this time, the grave contained the remains of no more than 43 persons. Other bodies had been removed to a secondary grave, Liplje 2, prior to 2 October 1995. Here, the remains of at least 191 individuals were discovered. 14–16 July: Branjevo. On 14 July 1995 more prisoners from Bratunac were bussed northward to a school in the village of Pilica, north of Zvornik. As at other detention facilities, there was no food or water and several men died in the school gym from heat and dehydration. The men were held at the Pilica school for two nights. On 16 July 1995, following a now familiar pattern, the men were called out of the school and loaded onto buses with their hands tied behind their backs. They were then driven to the Branjevo Military Farm, where groups of 10 were lined up and shot. Dražen Erdemović—who confessed killing at least 70 Bosniaks—was a member of the VRS 10th Sabotage Detachment (a Main Staff subordinate unit) and participated in mass executions. Erdemović appeared as a prosecution witness and testified: "The men in front of us were ordered to turn their backs. When those men turned their backs to us, we shot at them. We were given orders to shoot." On this point, one of the survivors recalls: Erdemović said that all but one of the victims wore civilian clothes and that, except for one person who tried to escape, they offered no resistance before being shot. Sometimes the executioners were particularly cruel. When some of the soldiers recognised acquaintances from Srebrenica, they beat and humiliated them before killing them. Erdemović had to persuade his fellow soldiers to stop using a machine gun for the killings; while it mortally wounded the prisoners it did not cause death immediately and prolonged their suffering. Between 1,000 and 1,200 men were killed in the course of that day at this execution site. Aerial photographs, taken on 17 July 1995 of an area around the Branjevo Military Farm, show a large number of bodies lying in the field near the farm, as well as traces of the excavator that collected the bodies from the field. Erdemović testified that, at around 15:00 hours on 16 July 1995 after he and his fellow soldiers from the 10th Sabotage Detachment had finished executing the prisoners at the Branjevo Military Farm, they were told that there was a group of 500 Bosnian prisoners from Srebrenica trying to break out of a nearby Dom Kultura club. Erdemović and the other members of his unit refused to carry out any more killings. They were then told to attend a meeting with a Lieutenant Colonel at a café in Pilica. Erdemović and his fellow-soldiers travelled to the café as requested and, as they waited, they could hear shots and grenades being detonated. The sounds lasted for approximately 15–20 minutes after which a soldier from Bratunac entered the café to inform those present that "everything was over". There were no survivors to explain exactly what had happened in the Dom Kultura. The executions at the Dom Kultura were remarkable in that this was no remote spot but a location in the centre of town on the main road from Zvornik to Bijeljina. Over a year later, it was still possible to find physical evidence of this crime. As in Kravica, many traces of blood, hair and body tissue were found in the building, with cartridges and shells littered throughout the two storeys. It could also be established that explosives and machine guns had been used. Human remains and personal possessions were found under the stage, where blood had dripped down through the floorboards. Two of the three survivors of the executions at the Branjevo Military Farm were arrested by local Bosnian Serb police on 25 July and sent to the prisoner of war compound at Batkovici. One had been a member of the group separated from the women in Potočari on 13 July. The prisoners who were taken to Batkovici survived the ordeal. and were later able to testify before the Tribunal. Čančari Road 12 was the site of the re-interment of at least 174 bodies, moved here from the mass grave at the Branjevo Military Farm. Only 43 were complete sets of remains, most of which established that death had taken place as the result of rifle fire. Of the 313 various body parts found, 145 displayed gunshot wounds of a severity likely to prove fatal. 14–17 July: Kozluk. The exact date of the executions at Kozluk is not known, although it can be narrowed down to the period of 14 to 17 July 1995. The most probable dates are 15 and 16 July, not least due to the geographic location of Kozluk, between Petkovići Dam and the Branjevo Military Farm. It therefore falls within the pattern of ever more northerly execution sites: Orahovac on 14 July, Petkovići Dam on 15 July, the Branjevo Military Farm and the Pilica Dom Kultura on 16 July. Another indication is that a Zvornik Brigade excavator spent eight hours in Kozluk on 16 July and a truck belonging to the same brigade made two journeys between Orahovac and Kozluk that day. A bulldozer is known to have been active in Kozluk on 18 and 19 July. Among Bosnian refugees in Germany, there were rumors of executions in Kozluk, during which the five hundred or so prisoners were forced to sing Serbian songs as they were being transported to the execution site. Although no survivors have since come forward, investigations in 1999 led to the discovery of a mass grave near Kozluk. This proved to be the actual location of an execution as well, and lay alongside the Drina accessible only by driving through the barracks occupied by the Drina Wolves, a regular police unit of Republika Srpska. The grave was not dug specifically for the purpose: it had previously been a quarry and a landfill site. Investigators found many shards of green glass which the nearby 'Vitinka' bottling plant had dumped there. This facilitated the process of establishing links with the secondary graves along Čančari Road. The grave at Kozluk had been partly cleared some time prior to 27 September 1995 but no fewer than 340 bodies were found there nonetheless. In 237 cases, it was clear that they had died as the result of rifle fire: 83 by a single shot to the head, 76 by one shot through the torso region, 72 by multiple bullet wounds, five by wounds to the legs and one person by bullet wounds to the arm. The ages of the victims were between 8 and 85 years old. Some had been physically disabled, occasionally as the result of amputation. Many had clearly been tied and bound using strips of clothing or nylon thread. Along the Čančari Road are twelve known mass graves, of which only two—Čančari Road 3 and 12—have been investigated in detail (). Čančari Road 3 is known to have been a secondary grave linked to Kozluk, as shown by the glass fragments and labels from the Vitinka factory. The remains of 158 victims were found here, of which 35 bodies were still more or less intact and indicated that most had been killed by gunfire. 13–18 July: Bratunac-Konjević Polje road. On 13 July, near Konjević Polje, Serb soldiers summarily executed hundreds of Bosniaks, including women and children. The men who were found attempting to escape by the Bratunac-Konjević Polje road were told that the Geneva Convention would be observed if they gave themselves up. In Bratunac, men were told that there were Serbian personnel standing by to escort them to Zagreb for an exchange of prisoners. The visible presence of UN uniforms and UN vehicles, stolen from Dutchbat, were intended to contribute to the feeling of reassurance. On 17 to 18 July, Serb soldiers captured about 150–200 Bosnians in the vicinity of Konjevic Polje and summarily executed about one half of them. 18–19 July: Nezuk–Baljkovica frontline. After the closure of the corridor at Baljkovica, several groups of stragglers nevertheless attempted to escape into Bosnian territory. Most were captured by VRS troops in the Nezuk–Baljkovica area and killed on the spot. In the vicinity of Nezuk, about 20 small groups surrendered to Bosnian Serb military forces. After the men surrendered, Bosnian Serb soldiers ordered them to line up and summarily executed them. On 19 July, for example, a group of approximately 11 men was killed at Nezuk itself by units of the 16th Krajina Brigade, then operating under the direct command of the Zvornik Brigade. Reports reveal that a further 13 men, all ARBiH soldiers, were killed at Nezuk on 19 July. The report of the march to Tuzla includes the account of an ARBiH soldier who witnessed several executions carried out by police that day. He survived because 30 ARBiH soldiers were needed for an exchange of prisoners following the ARBiH's capture of a VRS officer at Baljkovica. The soldier was himself exchanged late 1995; at that time, there were still 229 men from Srebrenica in the Batkovici prisoner of war camp, including two men who had been taken prisoner in 1994. At the same time, RS Ministry of the Interior forces conducting a search of the terrain from Kamenica as far as Snagovo killed eight Bosniaks. Around 200 Muslims armed with automatic and hunting rifles were reported to be hiding near the old road near Snagovo. During the morning, about 50 Bosniaks attacked the Zvornik Brigade line in the area of Pandurica, attempting to break through to Bosnian government territory. The Zvornik Public Security Centre planned to surround and destroy these two groups the following day using all available forces. 20–22 July: Meces area. According to ICTY indictments of Radovan Karadžić and Ratko Mladić, on 20 to 21 July 1995 near the village of Meces, VRS personnel, using megaphones, urged Bosniak men who had fled Srebrenica to surrender and assured them that they would be safe. Approximately 350 men responded to these entreaties and surrendered. The soldiers then took approximately 150 of them, instructed them to dig their own graves and summarily executed them. After the massacre. During the days following the massacre, American spy planes overflew the area of Srebrenica, and took photos showing the ground in vast areas around the town had been removed, a sign of mass burials. On 22 July, the commanding officer of the Zvornik Brigade, Lieutenant Colonel Vinko Pandurević, requested the Drina Corps to set up a committee to oversee the exchange of prisoners. He also asked for instructions where the prisoners of war his unit had already captured should be taken and to whom they should be handed over. Approximately 50 wounded captives were taken to the Bratunac hospital. Another group of prisoners was taken to the Batkovići camp (near Bijeljina), and these were mostly exchanged later. On 25 July, the Zvornik Brigade captured 25 more ARBiH soldiers who were taken directly to the camp at Batkovići, as were 34 ARBiH men captured the following day. Zvornik Brigade reports up until 31 July continue to describe the search for refugees and the capture of small groups of Bosniaks. A number of Bosniaks managed to cross over the River Drina into Serbia at Ljubovija and Bajina Bašta. 38 of them were returned to RS. Some were taken to the Batkovići camp, where they were exchanged. The fate of the majority has not been established. Some of those attempting to cross the Drina drowned. By 17 July 1995, 201 Bosniak soldiers had arrived in Žepa, exhausted and many with light wounds. By 28 July another 500 had arrived in Žepa from Srebrenica. After 19 July 1995, small Bosniak groups were hiding in the woods for days and months, trying to reach Tuzla. Numerous refugees found themselves cut off for some time in the area around Mount Udrc. They did not know what to do next or where to go; they managed to stay alive by eating vegetables and snails. The MT Udrc had become to a place for ambushing marchers, and the Bosnian Serbs swept through this area too, and according to one survivor they killed many people there. Meanwhile, the VRS had commenced the process of clearing the bodies from around Srebrenica, Žepa, Kamenica and Snagovo. Work parties and municipal services were deployed to help. In Srebrenica, the refuse that had littered the streets since the departure of the people was collected and burnt, the town disinfected and deloused. Wanderers. Many people in the part of the column which had not succeeded in passing Kamenica did not wish to give themselves up and decided to turn back towards Žepa. Others remained where they were, splitting up into smaller groups of no more than ten. Some wandered around for months, either alone or groups of two, four or six men. Once Žepa had succumbed to the Serb pressure, they had to move on once more, either trying to reach Tuzla or crossing the River Drina into Serbia. Zvornik 7 The most famous group of seven men wandered about in occupied territory for the entire winter. On 10 May 1996, after nine months on the run and over six months after the end of the war, they were discovered in a quarry by American IFOR soldiers. They immediately turned over to the patrol; they were searched and their weapons (two pistols and three hand grenades) were confiscated. The men said that they had been in hiding in the immediate vicinity of Srebrenica since the fall of the enclave. They did not look like soldiers and the Americans decided that this was a matter for the police. The operations officer of this American unit ordered that a Serb patrol should be escorted into the quarry whereupon the men would be handed over to the Serbs. The prisoners said they were initially tortured after the transfer, but later were treated relatively well. In April 1997 the local court in Republika Srpska convicted the group, known as the Zvornik 7, for illegal possession of firearms and three of them for the murder of four Serbian woodsmen. When announcing the verdict the presenter of the TV of Republika Srpska described them as "the group of Muslim terrorists from Srebrenica who last year massacred Serb civilians." The trial was widely condemned by the international community as "a flagrant miscarriage of justice", and the conviction was later quashed for 'procedural reasons' following pressure from the international community. In 1999, the three remaining defendants in the Zvornik 7 case were swapped for three Serbs serving 15 years each in a Bosnian prison. Reburials in the secondary mass graves. From approximately 1 August 1995 to 1 November 1995, there was an organised effort to remove the bodies from primary mass gravesites and transport them to secondary and tertiary gravesites. In the ICTY court case "Prosecutor v. Blagojević and Jokić", the trial chamber found that this reburial effort was an attempt to conceal evidence of the mass murders. The trial chamber found that the cover up operation was ordered by the VRS Main Staff and subsequently carried out by members of the Bratunac and Zvornik Brigades. The cover-up operation has had a direct impact on the recovery and identification of the remains. The removal and reburial of the bodies have caused them to become dismembered and co-mingled, making it difficult for forensic investigators to positively identify the remains. For example, in one specific case, the remains of one person were found in two different locations, 30 km apart. In addition to the ligatures and blindfolds found at the mass graves, the effort to hide the bodies has been seen as evidence of the organised nature of the massacres and the non-combatant status of the victims, since had the victims died in normal combat operations, there would be no need to hide their remains. Greek Volunteers controversy. According to Agence France Presse (AFP), a dozen Greek volunteers fought alongside the Serbs at Srebrenica. They were members of the Greek Volunteer Guard (ΕΕΦ), or GVG, a contingent of Greek paramilitaries formed at the request of Ratko Mladić as an integral part of the Drina Corps. The Greek volunteers were motivated by the desire to support their "Orthodox brothers" in battle. They raised the Greek flag at Srebrenica after the fall of the town at Mladić's request, to honour "the brave Greeks fighting on our side." Radovan Karadžić subsequently decorated four of them. In 2005, Greek deputy called for an investigation into the role of Greek volunteers in Srebrenica. The Greek Minister of Justice Anastasios Papaligouras commissioned an inquiry, which had still not reported . In 2009, announced that the volunteers were suing the writer Takis Michas for libel over allegations in his book "Unholy Alliance", in which Michas described aspects of the Greek state's tacit support for the Serbs during the Bosnian War. Insisting that the volunteers had simply taken part in what he described as the "re-occupation" of the town, Vitalis acknowledged that he himself was present with senior Serb officers in "all operations" for Srebrenica's re-occupation by the Serbs. Michas said that the volunteers were treated like heroes and at no point did Greek justice contact them to investigate their knowledge of potential crimes to assist the work of the ICTY at The Hague. Post-war developments. 1995: Indictment of Radovan Karadžić and Ratko Mladić. On 16 November 1995 Radovan Karadžić, "President of the Republika Srpska" and Ratko Mladić, Commander of the VRS, were indicted by the ICTY for their alleged direct responsibility for the war crimes committed in July 1995 against the Bosnian Muslim population of Srebrenica. 1999: UN Secretary-General's report. In 1999, UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan submitted his report on the Fall of Srebrenica. In it, he acknowledged that the international community as a whole had to accept its share of responsibility for its response to the ethnic cleansing campaign that culminated in the murder of some 7,000 unarmed civilians from the town designated by the Security Council as a "safe area." 2002: Dutch government report. The failure of Dutchbat to protect the Srebrenica enclave became a national trauma in the Netherlands and led to long-running discussions in the Netherlands. In 1996, the Dutch government asked the Netherlands Institute for War Documentation to conduct research into the events before, during and after the fall of Srebrenica. The resulting report was published in 2002—"". It concluded that the Dutchbat mission was not well considered and well-nigh impossible. The NIOD report is cited often, however, the Institute for War and Peace Reporting labelled the report "controversial", as "the sheer abundance of information makes it possible for anyone to pluck from it whatever they need to make their point". One of the authors of the report claimed some of the sources were "unreliable", and were only used to support another author's argument. As a result of the report, the Dutch government accepted partial political responsibility for the circumstances in which the massacre happened and the second cabinet of Wim Kok resigned in 2002. 2002: First Republika Srpska report. In September 2002, the Republika Srpska Office of Relations with the ICTY issued the "Report about Case Srebrenica". The document, authored by Darko Trifunović, was endorsed by many leading Bosnian Serb politicians. It concluded that 1,800 Bosnian Muslim soldiers died during fighting and a further 100 more died as a result of exhaustion. "The number of Muslim soldiers killed by Bosnian Serbs out of personal revenge or lack of knowledge of international law is probably about 100...It is important to uncover the names of the perpetrators in order to accurately and unequivocally establish whether or not these were isolated instances." The report also examined the mass graves, claiming that they were made for hygiene reasons, question the legitimacy of the missing person lists and undermine a key witness' mental health and military history. The International Crisis Group and the United Nations condemned the manipulation of their statements in this report. 2003: Srebrenica Genocide Memorial. On 30 September 2003, former US President Bill Clinton officially opened the Srebrenica Genocide memorial to honour the victims of the genocide. The total cost of the project was around $5.8 million. "We must pay tribute to the innocent lives, many of them children who were snuffed out in what must be called genocidal madness", Clinton said. 2004: Second Republika Srpska report and official apology. On 7 March 2003, the Human Rights Chamber for Bosnia and Herzegovina issued a decision which ordered the Republika Srpska, among other things, to conduct a full investigation into the Srebrenica events, and disclose the results at the latest on 7 September 2003. The Chamber had no coercive power to implement the decision, especially because it ceased to exist in late 2003. The RS then published two reports, on 3 June 2003 and 5 September 2003, which the Human Rights Chamber concluded did not fulfill the obligations of the RS. On 15 October 2003, The High Representative, Paddy Ashdown, lamented that "getting the truth from the [Bosnian Serb] government is like extracting rotten teeth". Ashdown did, however, welcome a recommendation in the September report to form an independent commission to investigate the Srebrenica events and issue a report within six months. The Srebrenica commission, officially titled the "Commission for Investigation of the Events in and around Srebrenica between 10 and 19 July 1995", was established in December 2003, and submitted its final report on 4 June 2004, and then an addendum on 15 October 2004 after delayed information was supplied. The report acknowledged that at least 7,000 men and boys were killed by Bosnian Serb forces, citing a provisional figure of 7,800. In the report, because of "limited time" and to "maximize resources", the commission "accepted the historical background and the facts stated in the second-instance judgment 'Prosecutor vs. Radislav Krstić', when the ICTY convicted the accused for 'assisting and supporting genocide' committed in Srebrenica". The findings of the commission remain generally disputed by Serb nationalists, who claim it was heavily pressured by the High Representative, given that an earlier RS government report which exonerated the Serbs was dismissed. Nevertheless, Dragan Čavić, the president of Republika Srpska, acknowledged in a televised address that Serb forces killed several thousand civilians in violation of the international law, and asserted that Srebrenica was a dark chapter in Serb history. On 10 November 2004, the government of Republika Srpska issued an official apology. The statement came after a government review of the Srebrenica commission's report. "The report makes it clear that enormous crimes were committed in the area of Srebrenica in July 1995. The Bosnian Serb Government shares the pain of the families of the Srebrenica victims, is truly sorry and apologises for the tragedy", the Bosnian Serb government said. 2005: Republika Srpska Srebrenica Working Group. After a request by Ashdown, the RS established a working group to implement the recommendations of the report by the Srebrenica commission. The group was to analyze the documentation in the report's confidential annexes and identify all the possible perpetrators who were officials in the institutions of the RS. A report on 1 April 2005 identified 892 such persons still employed by the RS, and the information was provided to the State Prosecutor of Bosnia and Herzegovina with the understanding that the names would not be made public until official proceedings had been opened. On 4 October 2005, the working group said they had identified 25,083 people who were involved in the massacre, including 19,473 members of various Bosnian Serb armed forces that actively gave orders or directly took part in the massacre. 2005: Release of Scorpions massacre video. On 1 June 2005, video evidence was introduced at the Slobodan Milošević trial to testify to the involvement of members of police units from Serbia in the Srebrenica massacre. The video, the only undestroyed copy of twenty and previously available for rental in the Serbian town of Šid, was obtained and submitted to the ICTY by Nataša Kandić, director of the Belgrade-based Humanitarian Law Center. The video footage (starting about 2hr 35 min. into the proceedings) shows an Orthodox priest blessing several members of a Serbian unit known as the "Scorpions." Later these soldiers are shown visibly abusing civilians physically. They were later identified as four minors as young as 16 and two men in their early twenties. The footage then shows the execution of four of the civilians and shows them lying dead in the field. At this point the cameraman expresses disappointment that the camera's battery is almost out. The soldiers then ordered the two remaining captives to take the four dead bodies into a nearby barn, where they were also killed upon completing this task. The video caused public outrage in Serbia. In the days following its showing, the Serbian government arrested some of the former soldiers identified on the video. The event was extensively covered by the newspaper "Danas" and radio and television station B92. Nura Alispahić, mother of the 16-year-old Azmir Alispahić, saw the execution of her son on television. She said that she was already aware of her son's death and said she had been told that his body was burned following the execution; his remains were among those buried in Potočari in 2003. The executions took place on 16/17 July, in Trnovo, about 30 minutes from the Scorpions' base near Sarajevo. On 10 April 2007, a special war crimes court in Belgrade convicted four former members of the "Scorpions" of war crimes, treating the killings as an isolated war crime unrelated to the Srebrenica genocide and ignoring the allegations that the Scorpions were acting under the authority of the Serbian Interior Ministry, MUP. 2005: U.S. Congress and other resolutions. On 27 June 2005, the United States House of Representatives passed a resolution (H. Res. 199 sponsored by Congressman Christopher Smith and Congressman Benjamin Cardin) commemorating the 10th anniversary of the Srebrenica genocide. The resolution was passed by an overwhelming majority of 370 to 1, the only one to vote no being Ron Paul, with 62 absent. The resolution states that: State of Missouri Resolution: On 6 July 2005, State of Missouri passed the resolution recognising the Srebrenica Genocide. City of St. Louis Proclamation: On 11 July 2005, City of St. Louis issued a Proclamation declaring 11 July Srebrenica Remembrance Day in St. Louis. 2005: Potočari Memorial bomb plot. On 6 July 2005, Bosnian Serb police found two powerful bombs at the memorial site just days ahead of a ceremony to mark the massacre's 10th anniversary, when 580 identified victims were to be buried during the ceremony and more than 50,000 people, including international politicians and diplomats, were expected to attend. The bombs would have caused widespread loss of life and injury had they exploded. 2005: UN Secretary-General's message to the 10th anniversary commemoration. In his address to the 10th anniversary commemoration at Potočari, the UN Secretary-General paid tribute to the victims of "a terrible crime – the worst on European soil since the Second World War", on a date "marked as a grim reminder of man's inhumanity to man". He said that the first duty of the international community was to uncover and confront the full truth about what happened, a hard truth for those who serve the United Nations, because great nations failed to respond adequately. There should have been stronger military forces in place, and a stronger will to use them. Blame lay first and foremost with those who planned and carried out the massacre, assisted them, or harboured and continue to harbour them. However the UN also bore its share of responsibility, having made serious errors of judgement, rooted in a philosophy of impartiality and non-violence which, however admirable, was unsuited to the conflict in Bosnia; because of that the tragedy of Srebrenica would haunt the UN's history forever. Rebuilding trust among the peoples of the region could only be done by persisting in the struggle for justice, without which there could be no reconciliation, and no peace for the families of the victims, nor for society as a whole. The quest for justice remained incomplete while those charged with being the main architects of this massacre—Ratko Mladić and Radovan Karadžić—were still at large and had not been made to answer the charges against them before the International Criminal Tribunal. He called on all Bosnians to search for truth and reconciliation. Even while addressing the crimes of the past, the most important obligation was to prevent such systematic slaughter ever recurring anywhere again. The world had to equip itself to act collectively against genocide, ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity. The "responsibility to protect" had to be given tangible meaning, not just rhetorical support. He committed the UN helping the people of Bosnia and Herzegovina to rebuild a viable economy and secure a peaceful, prosperous future among the family of nations. 2006: Discoveries of further mass graves. By 2006, 42 mass graves have been uncovered around Srebrenica and the specialists believe there are 22 more mass graves. The victims identified number 2,070 while body parts in more than 7,000 bags still await identification. On 11 August 2006 over 1,000 body parts were exhumed from one of Srebrenica mass graves located in Kamenica. 2006: List of alleged participants published. On 24 August 2006, the Sarajevo daily newspaper Oslobođenje started publishing a list of 892 Bosnian Serbs who had allegedly participated in the Srebrenica massacre and who were believed to be still employed by government and municipal institutions. The names of these individuals were listed among 28,000 Bosnian Serbs reported to have taken part in the massacre by the official Republika Srpska report on Srebrenica. The list had been withheld from publication with the report by the chief prosecutor of the Bosnian War Crimes Chamber, Marinko Jurčević who claimed that "publishing this information might jeopardise the ongoing investigations". 2006: Dutch Srebrenica insignia controversy. In December 2006, the Dutch government awarded the Dutch UN peacekeepers who served in Srebrenica an insignia because they believed they "deserved recognition for their behaviour in difficult circumstances", also noting the limited mandate and the ill-equipped nature of the mission. However, survivors and relatives of the victims condemned the move, calling it a "humiliating decision" and responded with protest rallies in The Hague, Assen (where the ceremony took place) and Bosnia's capital Sarajevo. 2007: Arrest of Zdravko Tolimir. On 31 May 2007, former Bosnian Serb general Zdravko Tolimir was apprehended by police from Serbia and the Bosnian Serb republic, turned over to NATO forces at the Banja Luka airport where he was read the ICTY indictment and formally arrested. On 1 June 2007 NATO forces conveyed him to Rotterdam where he was turned over to the ICTY in The Hague. , Tolimir was being tried by the ICTY on charges of genocide, conspiracy to commit genocide, extermination, persecution and forcible transfer. The indictment accuses Tolimir of participating in the "joint criminal enterprise to remove the Muslim population" from Srebrenica as well as the enclave of Zepa. On 12 December 2012, Tolimir was convicted of genocide and sentenced to life imprisonment. 2008: Arrest of Radovan Karadžić. Radovan Karadžić, with similar charges as Zdravko Tolimir, was arrested in Belgrade on 21 July 2008 (after 13 years on the run) and brought before Belgrade's War Crimes Court. He was transferred to the ICTY on 30 July 2008. Karadžić was being tried at the ICTY on 11 charges of genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity. 2009: EU Parliament resolution. On 15 January 2009, the Parliament of the European Union voted with overwhelming majority of 556 votes in favour, 9 against and 22 abstentions on a resolution calling for the recognition of 11 July as a day for EU commemoration of the Srebrenica genocide. Bosnian Serb politicians rejected the resolution, stating that such a commemoration is unacceptable to the Republika Srpska. 2010 and 2013: Serbia's official apologies. In late March 2010, Serbian Parliament passed a resolution condemning the Srebrenica massacre and apologizing for Serbia not doing more to prevent the tragedy. The motion was passed by a narrow margin with 127 out of 250 MPs voting in favor, with 173 legislators present during the vote. The Socialist Party of Serbia, formerly under Slobodan Milošević and now under new leadership, voted in favor of adopting the resolution. Opposition parties, in turn, expressed their discontent with the resolution claiming its text was "shameful" for Serbia, either claiming the wording was too strong or too weak. Some relatives of Bosniak victims were also unhappy with the apology, as it did not use the word 'genocide', but rather pointed at the Bosnian Genocide case ruling of the International Court of Justice. Serbian president, Boris Tadić, said that the declaration is the highest expression of patriotism and that it represents distancing from crimes. Sulejman Tihić, former Bosniak member of the Presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the current President of the House of Peoples of Bosnia and Herzegovina stated that now Bosnia and Herzegovina must adopt a similar resolution condemning crimes against Serbs and Croats. On 25 April 2013, President Tomislav Nikolić apologised for the massacre: "I kneel and ask for forgiveness for Serbia for the crime committed in Srebrenica. I apologise for the crimes committed by any individual in the name of our state and our people." 2010: Second Republika Srpska report revision. On 21 April 2010, the government of Milorad Dodik, the prime minister of Republika Srpska, initiated a revision of the 2004 report saying that the numbers of killed were exaggerated and the report was manipulated by a former peace envoy. The Office of the High Representative responded by saying: "The Republika Srpska government should reconsider its conclusions and align itself with the facts and legal requirements and act accordingly, rather than inflicting emotional distress on the survivors, torture history and denigrate the public image of the country". On 12 July 2010, at the 15th anniversary of the massacre, Milorad Dodik said that he acknowledged the killings that happened on the site, but did not regard what happened at Srebrenica as genocide. 2013: Supreme Court of the Netherlands judgement. In a judgement dated 6 September 2013, Supreme Court of the Netherlands, the Netherlands as a state was found responsible for the death of the three of the murdered men. The court also found that it was the government of the Netherlands which had "effective control" over its troops. The rationale for finding that the Netherlands exercised "effective control" over Dutchbat was given as Art. 8 of the Articles on State Responsibility, which it defines as "factual control over specific conduct." The ruling also meant that relatives of these victims of the genocide are able to pursue the government of the Netherlands for compensation. 2015: Russia vetoes UN resolution. On 8 July 2015, Russia vetoed a United Nations Security Council resolution that would have condemned the Srebrenica massacre as a genocide. The resolution was intended to mark the 20th anniversary of the killing of 8,000 Muslim men and boys. China, Nigeria, Angola and Venezuela abstained and the remaining 10 members of the council voted in favour. The veto was praised by Serbian President Tomislav Nikolić who said that Russia had "prevented an attempt of smearing the entire Serbian nation as genocidal" and proven itself as a true and honest friend. DNA analysis. the International Commission on Missing Persons (ICMP) has identified 6,993 persons missing from the July 1995 fall of Srebrenica, mostly through analysing DNA profiles extracted from exhumed human remains and matching them to the DNA profiles obtained from blood samples donated by relatives of the missing. The organization estimates that the total number of deaths was just over 8,000. Legal proceedings. International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia. Under Resolution 827 (1993) the UN Security Council established the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) to try those responsible for violations of international humanitarian law, including genocide, on the territory of the former Yugoslavia Two officers of the Army of the Republika Srpska have been convicted by the Tribunal for their involvement in the Srebrenica genocide, Radislav Krstić and Vidoje Blagojević. General Krstić, who led the assault on Srebrenica alongside Ratko Mladić, was convicted by the tribunal of aiding and abetting genocide and received a sentence of 35 years imprisonment. Colonel Blagojević received a sentence of 18 years imprisonment for crimes against humanity. Krstić was the first European to be convicted on a charge of genocide by an international tribunal since the Nuremberg trials, and only the third person ever to have been convicted by an international tribunal under the 1948 Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide. The ICTY's final ruling in the case against Krstić judicially recognized the Srebrenica massacre as an act of genocide: Slobodan Milošević was accused of genocide or complicity in genocide in territories within Bosnia and Herzegovina, including Srebrenica, but he died on 11 March 2006 during his ICTY trial and so no verdict was returned. On 10 June 2010, seven senior Serb military and police officers, Vujadin Popović, Ljubiša Beara, Drago Nikolić, Ljubomir Borovčanin, Vinko Pandurević, Radivoje Miletić and Milan Gvero, were found guilty of various crimes ranging from genocide to murder and deportation. Popović and Beara were found guilty of genocide, extermination, murder, and persecution over the genocide, and were sentenced to life in prison. Nikolić was found guilty of aiding and abetting genocide, extermination, murder, and persecution and received 35 years in prison. Borovčanin was convicted of aiding and abetting extermination, murder, persecution, forcible transfer, murder as a crime against humanity and as a violation of the laws of customs of war, and was sentenced to 17 years in prison. Miletić was found guilty of murder by majority, persecution, and inhumane acts, specifically forcible transfer, and received 19 years in prison. Gvero was found guilty of persecution and inhumane acts and sentenced to five years in prison, but was acquitted of one count of murder and one count of deportation. Pandurević was found guilty of aiding and abetting murder, persecution and inhumane acts, but was acquitted of charges of genocide, extermination and deportation, and sentenced to 13 years in prison. On 10 September 2010, after the prosecution filed an appeal, Vujadin Popović, Ljubiša Beara, Drago Nikolić, Vinko Pandurević, Radivoje Miletić and Milan Gvero could face more charges or longer sentences. In 2011, the former Chief of the General staff of the Yugoslav Army, Momčilo Perišić, was sentenced to 27 years in prison for aiding and abetting murder because he provided salaries, ammunition, staff and fuel to the VRS officers. The judges, however, ruled that Perišić did not have effective control over Mladić and other VRS officers involved in the crimes. According to the Trial Chamber, the evidence proved Perišić's inability to impose binding orders on Mladić. On 31 May 2007, Zdravko Tolimir, a long time fugitive and a former general in the Army of the Republika Srpska indicted by the Prosecutor of the ICTY on genocide charges in the 1992–95 Bosnia war was arrested by Serbian and Bosnian police. Tolimir—"Chemical Zdravko"—is infamous for requesting the use of chemical weapons and proposing military strikes against refugees at Zepa. Ratko Mladić's deputy in charge of intelligence and security and a key commander at the time of Srebrenica, Tolimir is also believed to be one of the organisers of the support network protecting Mladić and helping him elude justice. Tolimir's trial began on 26 February 2010; he chose to represent himself. Radovan Karadžić and Ratko Mladić were indicted by the ICTY for genocide and complicity in genocide in several municipalities within Bosnia and Herzegovina, including Srebrenica. Karadžić was captured in Serbia on 21 July 2008 and Mladić, on 26 May 2011. Karadžić declined to enter a plea at his second appearance before the war crimes tribunal on 29 August 2008, a formal plea of "not guilty" was then made on his behalf by the judges. Karadžić insisted on defending himself while at the same time set up a team of legal advisers. Karadžić and Mladić, were both tried on two counts of genocide and other war crimes committed in Srebrenica and also in other districts of Bosnia including Prijedor, Kljuc, Foča, and Zvornik. Karadžić and Mladić were charged, separately, with: To date this count has been dropped from the Prosecutor v. Karadzic trial. To quote the ICTY chamber upon this decision: "The evidence, even if taken at its highest, does not reach a level which a reasonable trier of fact could conclude that genocide occurred in the municipalities of Bosnia and Herzegovina". International Court of Justice. In addition, the Srebrenica massacre was the core issue of the landmark court case Bosnian Genocide case at the International Court of Justice through which Bosnia and Herzegovina accused Serbia and Montenegro of genocide. The ICJ presented its judgement on 26 February 2007, which concurred with ICTY's recognition of the Srebrenica massacre as genocide. It cleared Serbia of direct involvement in genocide during the Bosnian war, but ruled that Belgrade did breach international law by failing to prevent the 1995 Srebrenica genocide, and for failing to try or transfer the persons accused of genocide to the ICTY, in order to comply with its obligations under Articles I and VI of the Genocide Convention, in particular in respect of General Ratko Mladić. Citing national security, Serbia obtained permission from the ICTY to keep parts of its military archives out of the public eye during its trial of Slobodan Milošević, which may have decisively affected the ICJ's judgement in the lawsuit brought against Serbia by Bosnia-Herzegovina, as the archives were hence not on the ICTY's public record – although the ICJ could have, but did not, subpoena the documents themselves. Chief prosecutor's office, OTP, rejects allegations that there was a deal with Belgrade to conceal documents from the ICJ Bosnia genocide case. National courts. Serbia. On 10 April 2007, a Serbian war crimes court sentenced four members of a paramilitary group known as the Scorpions to a total of 58 years in prison for the execution of six Bosniaks during the Srebrenica massacre of July 1995. Bosnia and Herzegovina. On 11 June 2007, the ICTY transferred Milorad Trbic (former Chief of Security of the Zvornik Brigade of the Army of Republika Srpska) to Sarajevo to stand trial for genocide for his actions in and around Srebrenica before the "War Crimes Chamber" (Section I for War Crimes of the Criminal Division of the Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina; henceforth: the Court). Milorad Trbic – "[Is] charged with Genocide pursuant to Article 171 of the Criminal Code of Bosnia and Herzegovina (CC BiH). … The trial commenced on 8 November 2007, and the Prosecutor is currently presenting his evidence." The "Mitrović and others case ("Kravice")" was an important trial before the Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The accused "according to the indictment, in the period from 10 to 19 July 1995, as knowing participants in a joint criminal enterprise, the accused committed the criminal offence of genocide. This crime was allegedly committed as part of widespread and systematic attack against the Bosniak population inside the UN protected area of Srebrenica carried out by the Republika Srpska Army (RSA) and the RS Ministry of Interior, with a common plan to annihilate in part a group of Bosniak people." On 29 July 2008, after a two-year trial, the Court found seven men guilty of genocide for their role in the Srebrenica massacre including the deaths of 1000 Bosniak men in a single day. The court found that Bosniak men trying to escape from Srebrenica had been told they would be kept safe if they surrendered. Instead, they were transported to an agricultural co-operative in the village of Kravica, and later executed "en masse". On 20 April 2010, Croatia arrested Franc Kos, a member of the 10th commando detachment of the Army of the Republika Srpska, over genocide charges for the Srebrenica massacre. Bosnia and Herzegovina has an international warrant out for his arrest. He is currently awaiting trial. On 29 April 2010, the United States extradited Marko Boškić on suspicions of having committed genocide. He later pleaded guilty. On 18 January 2011, Israel arrested Aleksandar Cvetković, a veteran of the Bosnian Serb Army, after the Bosnian government filed an extradition request. Cvetković had moved to Israel in 2006 and secured citizenship through marriage to an Israeli. He was accused of having personally taken part in the executions of more than 800 men and boys, and initiated use of machine guns to speed up the killings. On 1 August 2011, a Jerusalem court approved Cvetković's extradition, and an appeal was denied in November 2012. Božidar Kuvelja, a former Bosnian Serb policeman, was arrested in Čajniče, Bosnia and Herzegovina. Netherlands. Survivors and victims' relatives have sought to establish the responsibility of the State of the Netherlands and the United Nations for what happened at Srebrenica in civil law actions brought before The Hague District Court in the Netherlands. In one case, 11 plaintiffs including the organisation "Mothers of the Enclaves of Srebrenica and Žepa", asked the court, to rule that the UN and the State of the Netherlands breached their obligation to prevent genocide, as laid down in the Genocide Convention and hold them jointly liable to pay compensation to the plaintiffs. On 10 July 2008, the court ruled that it had no jurisdiction against the UN, plaintiffs have appealed the judgement in relation to UN immunity. Another action was brought by a former UN interpreter Hasan Nuhanović and the family of , an electrician employed by the UN at Srebrenica. They claimed that Dutch troops in the peacekeeping contingent responsible for security in the UN-protected zone allowed VRS troops to kill their relatives, Nuhanović's brother, father and mother and Mustafić. They argued that the Dutch Government had "de facto" operational command of the Dutch battalion in accordance with the Dutch Constitution (Article 97(2)), which grants the government superior command ("oppergezag") over military forces. On 10 September 2008, the district court dismissed these claims and held that the State could not be held responsible because the Dutchbat peacekeepers were operating in Bosnia under a United Nations mandate and operational command and control over the troops had been transferred to the UN command. On 5 July 2011, the court of appeal reversed this decision and held that the State was responsible for, and indeed actively coordinated, the evacuation once Srebrenica fell, and therefore was responsible for the decision to dismiss Nuhanović's brother and Mustafić from the Dutchbat compound. The court further held that this decision was wrong, because the Dutch soldiers should have known that they were in great danger of being tortured or killed. Both claimants are therefore eligible for compensation. On 6 September 2013, the Supreme Court dismissed a Government appeal, a judgment that the Government accepted. On 16 July 2014, a Dutch court held the Netherlands liable for the killings of more than 300 Bosniaks at Srebrenica; the same court ruled that the Netherlands was not liable for the other deaths in Srebrenica. The decision was upheld by The Hague Appeals Court on 27 June 2017. On 19 July 2019 the Dutch Supreme court ruled the Dutch state was liable for 10% for the 300 Bosnian men expelled from the compound. Analyses. Role of Bosnian forces on the ground. In response to the suggestion that the Bosniak forces in Srebrenica made no adequate attempt to defend the town, the Report of the Secretary-General pursuant to General Assembly resolution 53/35—The Fall of Srebrenica, delivered to the 54th session of the United Nations General Assembly on 15 November 1999 states: Disputed Serb casualties around Srebrenica. It is agreed by all sides that Serbs suffered a number of casualties during military forays led by Naser Orić. The controversy over the nature and number of the casualties came to a head in 2005, the 10th anniversary of the massacre. According to Human Rights Watch, the ultra-nationalist Serbian Radical Party "launched an aggressive campaign to prove that Muslims had committed crimes against thousands of Serbs in the area" which "was intended to diminish the significance of the July 1995 crime." A press briefing by the ICTY Office of the Prosecutor (OTP) dated 6 July 2005 noted that the number of Serb deaths in the region alleged by the Serbian authorities had increased from 1,400 to 3,500, a figure the OTP stated "[does] not reflect the reality." The briefing cited previous accounts: The accuracy of these numbers is challenged: the OTP noted that although Ivanišević's book estimated that around 1,200 Serbs were killed, personal details were only available for 624 victims. The validity of labeling some of the casualties as "victims" is also challenged: studies have found a significant majority of military casualties compared to civilian casualties. This is in line with the nature of the conflict—Serb casualties died in raids by Bosniak forces on outlying villages used as military outposts for attacks on Srebrenica (many of which had been ethnically cleansed of their Bosniak majority population in 1992). For example, the village of Kravica was attacked by Bosniak forces on Orthodox Christmas Day, 7 January 1993. Some Serb sources such as Ivanišević allege that the village's 353 inhabitants were "virtually completely destroyed". In fact, the VRS' own internal records state that 46 Serbs died in the Kravica attack: 35 soldiers and 11 civilians, while the ICTY Prosecutor's Office's investigation of casualties on 7 and 8 January in Kravica and the surrounding villages found that 43 people were killed, of whom 13 were obviously civilians. Nevertheless, the event continues to be cited by Serb sources as the key example of crimes committed by Bosniak forces around Srebrenica. As for the destruction and casualties in the villages of Kravica, Šiljković, Bjelovac, Fakovići and Sikirić, the judgement states that the prosecution failed to present convincing evidence that the Bosnian forces were responsible for them, because the Serb forces used artillery in the fighting in those villages. In the case of the village of Bjelovac, Serbs even used warplanes. The most up-to-date analysis of Serb casualties in the region comes from the Sarajevo-based Research and Documentation Centre, a non-partisan institution with a multiethnic staff, whose data have been collected, processed, checked, compared and evaluated by international team of experts. The RDC's extensive review of casualty data found that Serb casualties in the Bratunac municipality amounted to 119 civilians and 424 soldiers. It also established that although the 383 Serb victims buried in the Bratunac military cemetery are presented as casualties of ARBiH units from Srebrenica, 139 (more than one third of the total) had fought and died elsewhere in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Serb sources maintain that casualties and losses during the period prior to the creation of the safe area gave rise to Serb demands for revenge against the Bosniaks based in Srebrenica. The ARBiH raids are presented as a key motivating factor for the July 1995 genocide. This view is echoed by international sources including the 2002 report commissioned by the Dutch government on events leading to the fall of Srebrenica (the NIOD report). In "Balkan Genocides: Holocaust and Ethnic Cleansing in the Twentieth Century", scholar Paul Mojzes notes that a great deal of animosity towards the men of Srebrenica stems from the period of May 1992 to January 1993 where forces under Orić's leadership attacked and destroyed scores of Serbian villages. Evidence indicated that Serbs had been tortured and mutilated and others were burned alive when their houses were torched. The efforts to explain the Srebrenica massacre as motivated by revenge have been dismissed as bad faith attempts to justify the genocide. The ICTY Outreach Programme notes that the claim that Bosnian Serb forces killed the prisoners from Srebrenica in revenge for crimes committed by Bosnian Muslim forces against Serbs in the villages around Srebrenica provides no defence under international law and soldiers, certainly experienced officers, would be aware of the fact. To offer revenge as a justification for crimes is to attack the rule of law, and civilization itself, and nor does revenge provide moral justification for killing people simply because they share the same ethnicity as others who perpetrated crimes. The methodical planning and mobilization of the substantial resources involved required orders to be given at a high command level. The VRS had a plan to kill the Bosnian Muslim prisoners, as Bosnian Serb war criminal Dragan Obrenović confirmed. The UN Secretary-General's report on the fall of Srebrenica said: "Even though this accusation is often repeated by international sources, there is no credible evidence to support it... The Serbs repeatedly exaggerated the extent of the raids out of Srebrenica as a pretext for the prosecution of a central war aim: to create a geographically contiguous and ethnically pure territory along the Drina." Claim that the planning of mass executions in Srebrenica defies military logic. During Radislav Krstić's trial before the ICTY, the prosecution's military advisor, Richard Butler, pointed out that by carrying out a mass execution, the Serb Army deprived themselves of an extremely valuable bargaining counter. Butler suggested that they would have had far more to gain had they taken the men in Potočari as prisoners of war, under the supervision of the International Red Cross (ICRC) and the UN troops still in the area. It might then have been possible to enter into some sort of exchange deal or they might have been able to force political concessions. Based on this reasoning, the ensuing mass murder defied military explanation. Dutchbat. On 13 July, "Dutchbat" expelled five Bosniak refugees from the United Nations compound. Later proceedings in Dutch courts have established legal liability of The Dutch State for the deaths of those expelled. In 2013 the Dutch Supreme Court held the Netherlands responsible for the death of 3 Bosnian men who were expelled from a compound held by Dutchbat, on 13 July 1995. On 19 July 2019. The Dutch Supreme court ruled that Dutchbat was not liable for the fall of Srebrenica and not liable for the massacre. The Dutch state was liable for 10% for the 300 Bosnian man expelled from the compound. Claims of problems in the UNPROFOR chain of command above "Dutchbat". Brigadier General, Hagrup Haukland was UNPROFOR's Commander of the sector in which the killings of the Srebrenica Massacre started on 11 July 1995. At this time he was on vacation. His subordinate, Colonel Charles Brantz phoned Haukland twice on 9 July 1995 to inform him about the crisis in Srebrenica. Confusion within his staff has been attributed in part to his being slow to return to his place of work, not arriving at Tuzla headquarters until 14 July. Other problems within Haukland's staff included lack of cooperation between "the Dutch and the Pakistanis", according to Harald Valved (UNPROFOR military advisor). The 2002 report "" said that "The cadres consisted of clans of Norwegian, Pakistani and Dutch military that were incapable of adequate mutual cooperation." In 2005 an unnamed officer on Haukland's multinational staff at Tuzla in 1995, disputed the claim by Haukland and the Norwegian Chief of Defence, Arne Solli, that the attack on Srebrenica was a surprise. The officer said "We knew early on that the Serbs were amassing their forces around Srebrenica. At the end of June, Haukland informed the headquarters at Sarajevo again and again in regards to this". In 2006 it was reported that Haukland regularly informed Sollie about the conditions within Haukland's sector, and when Haukland departed Bosnia on his vacation to Norway, they travelled on the same airplane. The 2002 report "Srebrenica: a 'safe' area", did not assign any blame to Haukland for the massacre. Claims and retraction by retired NATO SACLANT. In March 2010, John Sheehan, NATO's Supreme Allied Commander Atlantic from 1994 to 1997, told a US Senate hearing that the Dutch had "declared a peace dividend and made a conscious effort to socialise their military – that includes the unionisation of their militaries, it includes open homosexuality", claiming that gay soldiers could result in events like Srebrenica. He claimed that his opinion was shared by the leadership of the Dutch armed forces, mentioning the name "Hankman Berman", who Sheehan added, had told him that the presence of gay soldiers at Srebrenica had sapped morale and contributed to the disaster. General van den Breemen denied having said such a thing and called Sheehan's comments "total nonsense", Sheehan's remarks were also dismissed by the Dutch authorities as, "disgraceful" and "unworthy of a soldier". Sheehan apologised to Dutch military officials on 29 March 2010, withdrawing his comments and blaming instead "the rules of engagement...developed by a political system with conflicting priorities and an ambivalent understanding of how to use the military." Criticism of the 1995 UN Special Representative for the former Yugoslavia. In 2005, Professor Arne Johan Vetlesen said "Thorvald Stoltenberg's co-responsibility in Srebrenica boils down to that he through three years as a top broker contributed to create a climate—diplomatic, politic and indirectly militarily—such that Mladic calculated correctly when he figured that he could do exactly what he wanted with Srebrenica's Muslim population". The Dutch government report from 2002, "", criticised the choice of Stoltenberg as a mediator. Denial. Sonja Biserko, president of the Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in Serbia, and Edina Bečirević, the Faculty of Criminalistics, Criminology and Security Studies of the University of Sarajevo have pointed to a culture of denial of the Srebrenica genocide in Serbian society, taking many forms and present in particular in political discourse, the media, the law and the educational system. The scepticism ranges from challenging the judicial recognition of the killings as an act of genocide to the denial of a massacre having taken place. The finding of genocide by the ICJ and the ICTY, has been disputed on evidential and theoretical grounds. The number of the dead has been questioned as has the nature of their deaths. It has been alleged that considerably fewer than 8,000 were killed and/or that most of those killed died in battle rather than by execution. It has been claimed that the interpretation of "genocide" is refuted by the survival of the women and children. During the Bosnian war, Slobodan Milošević had effective control of most Serbian media. Following the end of the war, scepticism about Srebrenica continued to be widespread among Serbians. Questions were raised regarding Srebrenica in the symposium "Srebrenica 1995–2015: činjenice nedoumice, propaganda" held by the Museum of Genocide Victims (Muzej žrtava genocida) and Strategic Culture Foundation (Fond strateške kulture) in Belgrade in 2017.

overriding case

810-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=43078564

The monarchy of Italy () was the system of government in which a hereditary monarch was the sovereign of the Kingdom of Italy from 1861 to 1946. History. After the deposition of the last Western Emperor in 476, Heruli leader Odoacer was appointed "Dux Italiae" ("Duke of Italy") by the reigning Byzantine Emperor Zeno. Later, the Germanic "foederati," the Scirians and the Heruli, as well as a large segment of the Italic Roman army, proclaimed Odoacer "Rex Italiae" ("King of Italy"). In 493, the Ostrogothic king Theoderic the Great killed Odoacer, and set up a new dynasty of kings of Italy. Ostrogothic rule ended when Italy was reconquered by the Byzantine Empire in 552. In 568, the Lombards entered the peninsula and ventured to recreate a barbarian kingdom in opposition to the Empire, establishing their authority over much of Italy, except the Exarchate of Ravenna and the duchies of Rome, Venetia, Naples and the southernmost portions. In the 8th century, estrangement between the Italians and the Byzantines allowed the Lombards to capture the remaining Roman enclaves in northern Italy. However, in 774, they were defeated by the Franks under Charlemagne, who deposed their king and took up the title "king of the Lombards". After the death of Charles III the Fat in 887, Italy fell into instability and a number of kings attempted to establish themselves as independent Italian monarchs. During this period, known as the Feudal Anarchy (888–962), the title "Rex Italicorum" ("King of the Italians" or "King of the Italics") was introduced. After the breakup of the Frankish empire, Otto I added Italy to the Holy Roman Empire and continued the use of the title "Rex Italicorum". The last to use this title was Henry II (1004–1024). Subsequent emperors used the title "king of Italy" until Charles V. At first they were crowned in Pavia, later Milan, and Charles was crowned in Bologna. In 1805, Napoleon I was crowned with the Iron Crown of Lombardy at the Milan Cathedral. The next year, Holy Roman Emperor Francis II abdicated his imperial title. From the deposition of Napoleon I (1814) until the Italian Unification (1861), there was no Italian monarch claiming the overarching title. The "Risorgimento" successfully established a dynasty, the House of Savoy, over the whole peninsula, uniting the kingdoms of Sardinia and the Two Sicilies to form the modern Kingdom of Italy. The monarchy was superseded by the Italian Republic, after a constitutional referendum was held on 2 June 1946 after World War II. The Italian monarchy formally ended on 12 June of that year, and Umberto II left the country. Full title. Up until the dissolution of the monarchy in 1946, full title of the Kings of Kingdom of Italy (1861–1946) was: [Name], "by the Grace of God and the will of the Nation, King of Italy, King of Sardinia, Cyprus, Jerusalem, Armenia, Duke of Savoy, count of Maurienne, Marquis (of the Holy Roman Empire) in Italy; Prince of Piedmont, Carignano, Oneglia, Poirino, Trino; Prince and Perpetual Vicar of the Holy Roman Empire; Prince of Carmagnola, Montmellian with Arbin and Francin, Prince bailiff of the Duchy of Aosta, Prince of Chieri, Dronero, Crescentino, Riva di Chieri and Banna, Busca, Bene, Bra, Duke of Genoa, Monferrat, Aosta, Duke of Chablais, Genevois, Duke of Piacenza, Marquis of Saluzzo (Saluces), Ivrea, Susa, of Maro, Oristano, Cesana, Savona, Tarantasia, Borgomanero and Cureggio, Caselle, Rivoli, Pianezza, Govone, Salussola, Racconigi over Tegerone, Migliabruna and Motturone, Cavallermaggiore, Marene, Modane and Lanslebourg, Livorno Ferraris, Santhià, Agliè, Centallo and Demonte, Desana, Ghemme, Vigone, Count of Barge, Villafranca, Ginevra, Nizza, Tenda, Romont, Asti, Alessandria, of Goceano, Novara, Tortona, Bobbio, Soissons, Sant'Antioco, Pollenzo, Roccabruna, Tricerro, Bairo, Ozegna, delle Apertole, Baron of Vaud and of Faucigni, Lord of Vercelli, Pinerolo, of Lomellina, of Valle Sesia, of the Marquisate of Ceva, Overlord of Monaco, Roccabruna and eleven-twelfths of Menton, Noble Patrician of Venice, Patrician of Ferrara."

dominant name

6172-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=4826789

Magnesium alloys are mixtures of magnesium (the lightest structural metal) with other metals (called an alloy), often aluminium, zinc, manganese, silicon, copper, rare earths and zirconium. Magnesium alloys have a hexagonal lattice structure, which affects the fundamental properties of these alloys. Plastic deformation of the hexagonal lattice is more complicated than in cubic latticed metals like aluminium, copper and steel; therefore, magnesium alloys are typically used as cast alloys, but research of wrought alloys has been more extensive since 2003. Cast magnesium alloys are used for many components of modern automobiles and have been used in some high-performance vehicles; die-cast magnesium is also used for camera bodies and components in lenses. Practically, all the commercial magnesium alloys manufactured in the United States contain aluminium (3 to 13 percent) and manganese (0.1 to 0.4 percent). Many also contain zinc (0.5 to 3 percent) and some are hardenable by heat treatment. All the alloys may be used for more than one product form, but alloys AZ63 and AZ92 are most used for sand castings, AZ91 for die castings, and AZ92 generally employed for permanent mold castings (while AZ63 and A10 are sometimes also used in the latter application as well). For forgings, AZ61 is most used, and here alloy M1 is employed where low strength is required and AZ80 for highest strength. For extrusions, a wide range of shapes, bars, and tubes are made from M1 alloy where low strength suffices or where welding to M1 castings is planned. Alloys AZ31, AZ61 and AZ80 are employed for extrusions in the order named, where increase in strength justifies their increased relative costs. Magnox (alloy), whose name is an abbreviation for "magnesium non-oxidizing", is 99% magnesium and 1% aluminium, and is used in the cladding of fuel rods in magnox nuclear power reactors. Magnesium alloys are referred to by short codes (defined in ASTM B275) which denote approximate chemical compositions by weight. For example, AS41 has 4% aluminum and 1% silicon; AZ81 is 7.5% aluminium and 0.7% zinc. If aluminium is present, a manganese component is almost always also present at about 0.2% by weight which serves to improve grain structure; if aluminum and manganese are absent, zirconium is usually present at about 0.8% for this same purpose. Magnesium is flammable material and must be handled carefully. Designation. Magnesium alloys names are often given by two letters following by two numbers. Letters tell main alloying elements (A = aluminium, Z = zinc, M = manganese, S = silicon). Numbers indicate respective nominal compositions of main alloying elements. Marking AZ91 for example conveys magnesium alloy with roughly 9 weight percent aluminium and 1 weight percent zinc. Exact composition should be confirmed from reference standards. The designation system for magnesium alloys is not as well standardized as in the case of steels or aluminium alloys; most producers follow a system using one or two prefix letters, two or three numerals, and a suffix letter. The prefix letters designate the two principal alloying metals according to the following format developed in ASTM specification B275, as shown in the table at right. Aluminium, zinc, zirconium, and thorium promote precipitation hardening: manganese improves corrosion resistance; and tin improves castability. Aluminium is the most common alloying element. The numerals correspond to the rounded-off percentage of the two main alloy elements, proceeding alphabetically as compositions become standard. Temper designation is much the same as in the case of aluminium. Using –F, -O, -H1, -T4, -T5, and –T6. Sand permanent-mold, and die casting are all well developed for magnesium alloys, die casting being the most popular. Although magnesium is about twice as expensive as aluminium, its hot-chamber die-casting process is easier, more economical, and 40% to 50% faster than cold-chamber process required for aluminium. Forming behavior is poor at room temperature, but most conventional processes can be performed when the material is heated to temperatures of . As these temperatures are easily attained and generally do not require a protective atmosphere, many formed and drawn magnesium products are manufactured. The machinability of magnesium alloys is the best of any commercial metal, and in many applications, the savings in machining costs more than compensate for the increased cost of the material. It is necessary, however, to keep the tools sharp and to provide ample space for the chips. Magnesium alloys can be spot-welded nearly as easily as aluminium, but scratch brushing or chemical cleaning is necessary before the weld is formed. Fusion welding is carried out most easily by processes using an inert shielding atmosphere of argon or helium gas. Considerable misinformation exists regarding the fire hazard in processing magnesium alloys. It is true that magnesium alloys are highly combustible when in a finely divided form, such as powder or fine chips, and this hazard should never be ignored. Above , a non-combustible, oxygen-free atmosphere is required to suppress burning. Casting operations often require additional precautions because of the reactivity of magnesium with sand and water in sheet, bar, extruded or cast form; however, magnesium alloys present no real fire hazard. Thorium-containing alloys are not usually used, since a thorium content of more than 2% requires that a component be handled as a radioactive material, although thoriated magnesium known as Mag-Thor was used in military and aerospace applications in the 1950s. Magnesium alloys are used for both cast and forged components, with the aluminium-containing alloys usually used for casting and the zirconium-containing ones for forgings; the zirconium-based alloys can be used at higher temperatures and are popular in aerospace. Magnesium+yttrium+rare-earth+zirconium alloys such as WE54 and WE43 (the latter with composition Mg 93.6%, Y 4%, Nd 2.25%, 0.15% Zr) can operate without creep at up to 300C and are reasonably corrosion-resistant. Trade names have sometimes been associated with magnesium alloys. Examples are: Cast alloys. Magnesium casting proof stress is typically 75-200 MPa, tensile strength 135-285 MPa and elongation 2-10%. Typical density is 1.8 g/cm3 and Young's modulus is 42 GPa. Most common cast alloys are: Wrought alloys. Magnesium wrought alloy proof stress is typically 160-240 MPa, tensile strength is 180-440 MPa and elongation is 7-40%. The most common wrought alloys are: Wrought magnesium alloys have a special feature. Their compressive proof strength is smaller than tensile proof strength. After forming, wrought magnesium alloys have a stringy texture in the deformation direction, which increases the tensile proof strength. In compression, the proof strength is smaller because of crystal twinning, which happens more easily in compression than in tension in magnesium alloys because of the hexagonal lattice structure. Extrusions of rapidly solidified powders reach tensile strengths of up to 740 MPa due to their amorphous character, which is twice as strong as the strongest traditional magnesium alloys and comparable to the strongest aluminium alloys. Characteristics. Magnesium's particular merits are similar to those of aluminium alloys: low specific gravity with satisfactory strength. Magnesium provides advantages over aluminium, in being of even lower density (approx. 1800 kg/m3) than aluminium (about 2800 kg/m3). The mechanical properties of magnesium alloys tend to be below those of the strongest of the aluminium alloys. The strength-to-weight ratio of the precipitation-hardened magnesium alloys is comparable with that of the strong alloys of aluminium or with the alloy steels. Magnesium alloys, however, have a lower density, stand greater column loading per unit weight and have a higher specific modulus. They are also used when great strength is not necessary, but where a thick, light form is desired, or when higher stiffness is needed. Examples are complicated castings, such as housings or cases for aircraft, and parts for rapidly rotating or reciprocating machines. Such applications can induce cyclic crystal twinning and detwinning that lowers yield strength under loading direction change. The strength of magnesium alloys is reduced at somewhat elevated temperatures; temperatures as low as produce considerable reduction in the yield strength. Improving the high-temperature properties of magnesium alloys is an active research area with promising results. Magnesium alloys show strong anisotropy and poor formability at room temperature stemming from their hexagonal close-packed crystal structure, limiting practical processing modes. At room temperature, basal plane slip of dislocation and mechanical crystal twinning are the only operating deformation mechanisms; the presence of twinning additionally requires specific loading conditions to be favorable. For these reasons processing of magnesium alloys must be done at high temperatures to avoid brittle fracture. The high-temperature properties of magnesium alloys are relevant for automotive and aerospace applications, where slowing creep (deformation) plays an important role in material lifetime. Magnesium alloys generally have poor creep properties; this shortcoming is attributed to the solute additions rather than the magnesium matrix since pure magnesium shows similar creep life as pure aluminum, but magnesium alloys show decreased creep life compared to aluminum alloys. Creep in magnesium alloys occurs mainly by dislocation slip (materials science), activated cross slip, and grain boundary sliding. Addition of small amounts of zinc in Mg-RE alloys has been shown to increase creep life by 600% by stabilizing precipitates on both basal and prismatic planes through localized bond stiffening. These developments have allowed for magnesium alloys to be used in automotive and aerospace applications at relatively high temperatures. Microstructural changes at high temperatures are also influenced by Dynamic recrystallization in fine-grained magnesium alloys. Individual contributions of gadolinium and yttrium to age hardening and high temperature strength of magnesium alloys containing both elements are investigated using alloys containing different Gd:Y mole ratios of 1:0, 1:1, 1:3, and 0:1 with a constant Y+Gd content of 2.75 mol%. All investigated alloys exhibit remarkable age hardening by precipitation of β phase with DO19 crystal structure and β phase with BCO crystal structure, even at aging temperatures higher than 200 °C. Both precipitates are observed in peak-aged specimens. The precipitates contributing to age hardening are fine and their amount increases as Gd content increases, and this result in increased peak hardness, tensile strength and 0.2% proof stress but decreased elongation. On the other hand, higher Y content increases the elongation of the alloys but results in decreased strength. Despite the active nature of the metal, magnesium and its alloys have good resistance to corrosion in air at STP. The rate of corrosion is slow compared with rusting of mild steel in the same atmosphere. Immersion in salt water is problematic, but a great improvement in resistance to salt-water corrosion has been achieved, especially for wrought materials, by reducing some impurities particularly nickel and copper to very low proportions. Fabrication. Hot and cold working. Magnesium alloys harden rapidly with any type of cold work, and therefore cannot be extensively cold formed without repeated annealing. Sharp bending, spinning, or drawing must be done at about , although gentle bending around large radii can be done cold. Slow forming gives better results than rapid shaping. Press forging is preferred to hammer forging, because the press allows greater time for metal flow. The plastic forging range is . Metal worked outside this range is easily broken due to lack of available deformation mechanisms. Casting. Magnesium alloys, especially precipitation-hardened alloys, are used in casting. Sand, permanent mold and die casting methods are used, but plaster-of-Paris casting has not yet been perfected. Sand casting in green-sand molds requires a special technique, because the magnesium reacts with moisture in the sand, forming magnesium oxide and liberating hydrogen. The oxide forms blackened areas called burns on the surface of the casting, and the liberated hydrogen may cause porosity. Inhibitors such as sulfur, boric acid, ethylene glycol, or ammonium fluoride are mixed with the damp sand to prevent the reaction. All gravity-fed molds require an extra high column of molten metal to make the pressure great enough to force gas bubbles out of the casting and make the metal take the detail of the mold. The thickness of the casting wall should be at least 5/32 in. under most conditions. Extra-large fillets must be provided at all re-entrant corners, since stress concentration in magnesium castings are particularly dangerous. Permanent mold castings are made from the same alloys and have about the same physical properties as sand castings. Since the solidification shrinkage of magnesium is about the same as that of aluminium, aluminium molds can often be adapted to make magnesium-alloy castings (although it may be necessary to change the gating). Pressure cold-chamber castings are used for quantity production of small parts. The rapid solidification caused by contact of the fluid metal with the cold die produces a casting of dense structure with excellent physical properties. The finish and dimensional accuracy are very good, and machining is necessary only where extreme accuracy is required. Usually these castings are not heat treated. Welding, soldering, and riveting. Many standard magnesium alloys are easily welded by gas or resistance-welding equipment, but cannot be cut with an oxygen torch. Magnesium alloys are not welded to other metals, because brittle inter-metallic compounds may form, or because the combination of metals may promote corrosion. Where two or more parts are welded together, their compositions must be the same. Soldering of magnesium alloys is feasible only for plugging surface defects in parts. The solders are even more corrosive than with aluminium, and the parts should never be required to withstand stress. Riveted joints in magnesium alloy structures usually employ aluminium or aluminium-magnesium alloy rivets. Magnesium rivets are not often used because they must be driven when hot. The rivet holes should be drilled, especially in heavy sheet and extruded sections, since punching tends to give a rough edge to the hole and to cause stress concentrations. Machining. A particular attraction of magnesium alloys lies in their extraordinarily good machining properties, in which respect they are superior even to screwing brass. The power required in cutting them is small, and extremely high speeds (5000 ft per min in some cases) may be used. The best cutting tools have special shapes, but the tools for machining other metals can be used, although somewhat lower efficiency results. When magnesium is cut at high speed, the tools should be sharp and should be cutting at all times. Dull, dragging tools operating at high speed may generate enough heat to ignite fine chips. Since chips and dust from grinding can therefore be a fire hazard, grinding should be done with a coolant, or with a device to concentrate the dust under water. The magnesium grinder should not be used also for ferrous metals, since a spark might ignite the accumulated dust. If a magnesium fire should start, it can be smothered with cast-iron turnings or dry sand, or with other materials prepared especially for the purpose. Water or liquid extinguishers should never be used, because they tend to scatter the fire. Actually, it is much more difficult to ignite magnesium chips and dust than is usually supposed, and for that reason they do not present great machining difficulties. The special techniques that must be used in fabricating magnesium (working, casting, and joining) add considerably to the manufacturing cost. In selecting between aluminium and magnesium or a given part, the base cost of the metal may not give much advantage to either, but usually the manufacturing operations make magnesium more affordable. There is, perhaps, no group of alloys where extrusion is more important than it is to these, since the comparatively coarse-grained structure of the cast material makes most of them too susceptible to cracking to work by other means until sufficient deformation has been imparted to refine the grain. Therefore, except for one or two soft alloys, machining is invariably a preliminary step before other shaping processes. Hot extrusion. Not much pure magnesium is extruded, for it has somewhat poor properties, especially as regards its proof stress. The alloying elements of chief concern at present are aluminium, zinc, cerium and zirconium; manganese is usually also present since, though it has little effect on the strength, it has a valuable function in improving corrosion resistance. One important binary alloy, containing up to 2.0% manganese, is used extensively for the manufacture of rolled sheet. It is comparatively soft and easier to extrude than other alloys, and is also one of the few that can be rolled directly without pre-extrusion. In the UK, extrusions are made from billets of dia. On presses varying in power over the range 600-3500 tons; normal maximum pressures on the billet are 30-50 tons/sq. in the U.S the Dow chemical company have recently installed a 13.200 ton press capable of handling billets up to 32 in. Extrusion technique is generally similar to that for aluminium base alloys but, according to Wilkinson and fox, die design requires special consideration and, in their opinion, should incorporate short bearing lengths and sharp die entries. Tube extrusion in alloys AM503, ZW2, and ZW3 is now made with bridge dies. (The aluminium-bearing alloys do not weld satisfactorily.) In contrast to the previous practice of using bored billets, mandrel piercing is now used in the extrusion of large diameter tubes in ZW3 alloy. The stiffness of the alloys towards extrusion is increased in proportion to the amount of hardening elements they contain, and the temperature employed is generally higher the greater the quantity of these. Billet temperatures are also affected by the size of the sections, being higher for heavy reductions, but are usually in the range . Container temperatures should be identical with, or only slightly higher than billet temperature. Pre-heating of the billets must be carried out uniformly to promote as far as possible a homogeneous structure by absorption of compounds, such as Mg4Al, present in the alloys. Fox points out and this is also applicable to aluminium alloys. The initial structure of the billet is important, and casting methods that lead to fine grain are worthwhile. In coarse material, larger particles of the compounds are present that are less readily dissolved, and tend to cause a solution gradient. In magnesium alloys, this causes internal stress, since solution is accompanied by a small contraction, and it can also influence the evenness of response to later heat treatment. The binary magnesium-manganese alloy (AM505) is readily extruded at low pressures in the temperature range ., the actual temperature used depending upon the reduction and billet length rather than the properties desired, which are relatively insensitive to extrusion conditions. Good surface condition of the extrusion is achieved only with high speeds, of the order of 50–100 ft. per minute. With the aluminium and zinc containing alloys, and particularly those with the higher aluminium contents such as AZM and AZ855 difficulties arise at high speeds due to hot-shortness. Under conditions approaching equilibrium magnesium is capable of dissolving about 12 per cent aluminium, but in cast billets 4-5 per cent usually represents the limit of solubility. Alloys containing 6 per cent Al or more therefore contain Mg4Al3, which forms a eutectic melting at 435 C. The extrusion temperature may vary from , but at the higher values speeds are restricted to about 12 ft. per minute. Continuous casting improves the homogeneity of these alloys and water cooling of the dies or taper heating of the billets further facilities their extrusion. Introduction of the magnesium-zinc-zirconium alloys, ZW2 and ZW3, represents a considerable advance in magnesium alloy technology for a number of reasons. They are high strength, but, since they do not contain aluminium, the cast billet contains only small quantities of the second phase. Since the solidus temperature is raised by about , the risk of hotshortness at relatively high extrusion speeds is much reduced. However, the mechanical properties are sensitive to billet preheating time, temperature and extrusion speed, Long preheating times and high temperatures and speeds produces properties similar to those in older aluminium-containing alloys, Heating times must be short and temperatures and speeds low to produce high properties. Increasing zinc content to 5 or 6 per cent, as in the American alloy ZK60 and ZK61, reduces sensitivity to extrusion speed in respect of mechanical properties. Alloying of zirconium-bearing materials has been a major problem in their development. It is usual to add the zirconium from a salt—and careful control can produce good results. Dominion Magnesium Limited in Canada have developed a method adding in the conventional manner through a master alloy. Explanation for the low extrusion rates necessary to successfully extrude some magnesium alloys does not lie outside reasons put forward for other metals. Altwicker considers that the most significant cause is connected. With the degree of recovery from crystal deformation, which is less compete when work is applied quickly, causing higher stresses and the exhausting of the capacity for slip in the crystals. This is worthy of consideration, for the speed of re-crystallization varies from one metal to another, and according to temperature. It is also a fact that a metal worked in what is considered its working range can frequently be made to show marked work hardening if quenched immediately after deformation—showing that temporary loss of plasticity can easily accompany rapid working. Further alloy development. Scandium and gadolinium have been tried as alloying elements; an alloy with 1% manganese, 0.3% scandium and 5% gadolinium offers almost perfect creep resistance at 350C. The physical composition of these multi-component alloys is complicated, with plates of intermetallic compounds such as Mn2Sc forming. Addition of zinc to Mg-RE alloys has been shown to greatly increase creep life by stabilizing RE precipitates. Erbium has also been considered as an additive. Magnesium–lithium alloys. Adding 10% of lithium to magnesium produces an alloy that can be used as an improved anode in batteries with a manganese-dioxide cathode. Magnesium-lithium alloys are generally soft and ductile, and the density of 1.4 g/cm3 is appealing for space applications. Quantum mechanical simulations have been used to predict the formation of ordered magnesium–lithium alloys. Of interest relative to manufacturing, it is predicted that addition of more than 13 at. % lithium results in ordered phases with a cubic structure. Non-combustible magnesium alloys. Adding 2% of calcium by weight to magnesium alloy AM60 results in the non-combustible magnesium alloy AMCa602. The higher oxidation reactivity of calcium causes a coat of calcium oxide to form before magnesium ignites. The ignition temperature of the alloy is elevated by 200–300 K. An oxygen-free atmosphere is not necessary for machining operations.

component size

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=4953034

Service-orientation is a design paradigm for computer software in the form of services. The principles of service-oriented design stress the separation of concerns in the software. Applying service-orientation results in units of software partitioned into discrete, autonomous, and network-accessible units, each designed to solve an individual concern. These units qualify as services. History of service-orientation principles and tenets. Service-orientation has received a lot of attention since 2003 due to the benefits it promises. These include increased return on investment, organisational agility and interoperability as well as a better alignment between business and IT. It builds heavily on earlier design paradigms and enhances them with standardisation, loose coupling and business involvement. The paradigm lost momentum in 2009; since 2014, renewed interest can be observed under the Microservices moniker. In technology, different vendor SOA platforms have used different definitions of service-orientation. Some vendors promote different principles and tenets over others, but a fair amount of commonality exists. Service-orientation inherits a small number of principles from earlier paradigms including object-oriented programming, component-based software engineering and open distributed processing. It is commonly acknowledged that several service-orientation principles have their roots in the object-oriented design paradigm. The two are complementary paradigms and that there will always be a need for both. Services also inherit a number of features of software components, including Open Distributed Processing (ODP) combines the concepts of open systems and distributed computing, which are essential characteristics of service-orientation. The key features of ODP are all inherited by service-orientation, including federation, interoperability, heterogeneity, transparency and trading/broking. Essential characteristics. Don Box was one of the first to provide a set of design guidelines referred to as his "four tenets of service-orientation", which he described primarily in relation to the Microsoft Indigo (subsequently Windows Communication Foundation) platform that was emerging at the time: Other vendors and independent consultants have published their definitions of service-orientation and SOA, for instance, N. Josuttis in "SOA in Practice" and D: Krafzig et al. in "Enterprise SOA". An article in the December 2005 edition of the IBM System Journal entitled "Impact of service orientation at the business level" provided a study of how the service-orientation paradigm relates to fundamental componentization and the IBM Component Business Model (CBM). Paul Allen defines service orientation as a (business) paradigm, with three main components: business architecture, Service-oriented architecture and software oriented management. Allen's book defines seven Service-Oriented Viewpoints (labelled SOV7): Allen uses the viewpoints as starting point for stating questions during the design process. Service-orientation has continued to receive increased recognition as an important part of the service-oriented computing landscape and a valid design approach to achieving service-oriented architecture.

exclusive problem

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=59204306

In the Chicago mayoral election of 1975, Richard J. Daley was elected to a record sixth term as mayor by a landslide 59% margin. This was the first Chicago mayoral election since the ratification of the Twenty-sixth Amendment to the United States Constitution, which lowered the voting age from 21 to 18. Only one other individual (Daley's son Richard M. Daley) has matched Daley's feat of winning six Chicago mayoral elections. Nominations. Democratic primary. Daley fended off several challengers. For the first time since he was elected mayor, Daley was facing what appeared to be significant opposition in a Democratic primary. On paper, all three opponents he faced were serious contenders. Daley's health had declined by 1974, and he had taken an extended absence to recuperate after a June 1, 1974 surgery to unclog a partially blocked carotid artery. Amid this extended absence, speculation arose that Daley might not seek an additional term as mayor. By 1975, many believed that Daley's political stature was beginning to wane, and he was seen to be out of touch with both the times and the climate of the city. Additionally, by 1975, news stories had arisen that shows political corruption and dishonesty related to Daley and his administration. Independent alderman William Singer was more liberal than Daley. He was reform-minded, and considered a lakefront liberal. Singer announce his campaign early, doing so in October of 1973. The focus of Singer's campaign was the poor state of the public schools in the city. Singer pledged that he would visit each and every one of the city's 584 public schools. Singer also laid blame for the loss of 200,000 jobs in the city with Daley, and pledged that as mayor he would bring jobs back. Singer received support from the affluent lakefront and Hyde Park, areas that were home to the lakefront liberals. Singer had a strong grassroots organization and raised around $600,000 for his campaign. He also was endorsed by congressman Ralph Metcalfe, who declined to run for mayor despite calls for him to do so. African American State Senator Richard H. Newhouse Jr. was the first black candidate on the ballot in a Chicago mayoral election. Originally, four black candidates had announced they would challenge Daley. However, candidates such as criminal lawyer E. Duke McNeil dropped-out to back Newhouse. Ultimately, Newhouse would be the only black candidate on the ballot. This campaign came at a time when a number of major United States city's had seen notable campaigns by African-Americans for mayoralties, such as Maynard Jackson's successful campaign the previous year in Atlanta and Coleman Young's successful campaign two years prior in Detroit. However, in both these cities, blacks comprised a greater portion of the populace. Many supporting the efforts to elect a black mayor in Chicago in 1975 had hoped that congressman Ralph Metcalfe would run, as they believed him to have been the strongest potential black challenger to Daley. However, Metcalfe, after taking some tentative steps towards possibly running and even raising some money for a possibly candidacy, declined to run. Metcalfe endorsed Singer instead of Newhouse. Newhouse received the endorsements of Jesse Jackson and his organization PUSH. It would ultimately, not be until 1983 that Chicago would elect a black mayor. Despite there being a black candidate in the race, the "Chicago Defender" endorsed Daley, as did noted African American publisher John H. Johnson. Former prosecutor Edward Hanrahan was seeking to stage a political comeback after having left office after scandal. As a candidate, Harahan regularly attacked Daley for what he regarded to be Daley's, "arrogance of total political power." During the campaign, Daley refused to appear at events which featured other contenders. While Daley's previous reelection efforts had earned him the endorsement of the "Chicago Tribune", in 1975 they abstained from endorsing in the Democratic primary declaring in its editorial that the choice presented in the primary was , "whether to stay about the rudderless galleon with rotting timbers or to take to the raging seas in a 17-foot outboard". By the end of the primary campaign, it was evident that the race had narrowed primarily to a contest between Daley and Singer. Both of these candidates made use of media. While running a campaign heavily on organizing the Democratic machine on the ground, Daley used television to a greater extent than he had in his previous campaigns. Singer brought in media consultant David Garth, who had recently been involved in Hugh Carey's successful New York gubernatorial campaign. Results. Daley carried a plurality of the vote in 48 of the city's 50 wards (35 of which he also had a simple majority of the vote in). Singer carried an outright simple majority of the vote in the two remaining wards. Daley won 57.9% of the vote. Daley's victory was seen as surprisingly large. Daley saw only 48% of the vote in the predominantly African American wards. Republican primary. Despite Daley being embattled and having health problems, Republicans had difficulty recruiting a candidate to oppose him. US Attorney James R. Thompson had been speculated as a potential Republican contender for 1975, but ultimately did not run. The Republican Party ultimately settled on John Hoellen as a candidate. Hoellen was a longtime foe of Daley, and was, by 1975, the only Republican remaining on the Chicago City Council. Hoellen, however, was a reluctant candidate and was not optimistic of his prospects as a candidate. Hoellen was a "good government"-oriented politician. He hailed from the North Center neighborhood, long a German enclave of the city. A fixture on the City Council, he had been known for his passionate speeches in which he criticized waste, corruption, and inefficiency. Socialist Workers nomination. The Socialist Workers Party nominated Willie Mae Reid, who collected 66,000 signatures on her candidature petition to be included on the general election ballot (a greater number of signatures than the number of votes she would ultimately receive). General election. The election was effectively a rematch of the 1954 Cook County Clerk election in which Daley was challenged by Hoellen. The race was extraordinarily pro forma, with Hoellen rather ambivilent towards the race, and also focused on simultaneous campaigning to retain his aldermanic seat. Hoellen failed to even achieve strong support among fellow Republicans. Results. Daley won a majority of the vote in each of the city's 50 wards. Hoellen also lost his reelection campaign as alderman.

mediocre quality

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=2084667

The Jammu Kashmir Liberation Front (JKLF) is a political organization active in both the Indian-administered and Pakistani-administered territories of Kashmir. It was founded by Amanullah Khan, with Maqbool Bhat also credited as a co-founder. Originally a militant wing of the Azad Kashmir Plebiscite Front, the organization officially changed its name to the "Jammu Kashmir Liberation Front" in Birmingham, England on 29 May 1977; from then until 1994 it was an active Kashmiri militant organization. The JKLF first established branches in several cities and towns of the United Kingdom and other countries in Europe, as well as in the United States and across the Middle East. In 1982, it established a branch in the Pakistani-administered territory of Azad Jammu and Kashmir, and by 1987, it had established a branch in the Indian-administered Kashmir Valley. After 1994, the JKLF wing in Indian-administered Kashmir, under the leadership of Kashmiri separatist Yasin Malik, declared an "indefinite ceasefire" and reportedly disbanded its militant wing. Following this, the organization committed itself to a political struggle in order to achieve its objective of independence for the entire region of the former princely state of Jammu and Kashmir from both India and Pakistan. However, the JKLF branch in Azad Jammu and Kashmir did not agree with this change of direction and subsequently split off from the JKLF wing in the Kashmir Valley. In 2005, the two groups merged again, retaining the organization's original identity. Although the JKLF has only Muslim members, it is notionally secular. It continues to assert that a secular, independent Kashmir—free of both India and Pakistan—is its eventual goal. Despite having received support in the form of weapons and training from the Pakistani military, it regards Pakistan as an 'occupation power' and carries out a political struggle against it in Azad Jammu and Kashmir. The JKLF in the Kashmir Valley was officially banned by the Indian government under an anti-terror law passed in March 2019—one month after the Pulwama attack by Jaish-e-Mohammed. History. JKLF was founded by Amanullah Khan in Birmingham in June 1976 from the erstwhile UK chapter of the 'Plebiscite Front'. Maqbool Bhat is often credited as being its co-founder. Khan was born in Gilgit, studied in Srinagar and emigrated to Pakistan in 1952. Bhat was born in Kupwara and also emigrated to Pakistan after studying in Srinagar. The duo had earlier formed Jammu Kashmir National Liberation Front (NLF) in the late 1960s, along with Hashim Qureshi. The group carried out the hijacking of Ganga, an Indian Airlines plane flying from Srinagar to Jammu, in January 1971, and diverted it to Lahore. The Pakistani government returned all the passengers and crew to India, and subsequently tried the hijackers and several members of NLF on charges of being Indian agents. Khan was imprisoned in a Gilgit prison during 1970–72, released after protests broke out. Maqbool Bhat was released in 1974, and he crossed over into the Indian-administered Kashmir where he was arrested in a bank robbery. Amanullah Khan moved to England, where he received the enthusiastic support of the British Mirpuri community. The UK chapter of the Plebiscite Front was converted into the Jammu and Kashmir Liberation Front (JKLF) in May 1977. It also formed an armed wing called the 'National Liberation Army'. Amanullah Khan took charge as the General Secretary of JKLF the following February. With the active support of the British Mirpuris, the group expanded rapidly, setting up branches in Pakistan, Denmark, Holland, Germany, France, Saudi Arabia, United Arab Emirates and the United States. It organised well-attended conventions in Birmingham (1981) and Luton (1982). In 1979, the JKLF planned to disrupt the international cricket match being played in Srinagar. The visiting Australian team was guarded with high security and no untoward incidents occurred. Praveen Swami states that the JKLF made plans to bomb the March 1983 conference of non-aligned meeting in New Delhi and to hijack an airliner from New Delhi, both of which were aborted. After the arrival of Hashim Qureshi in the UK in January 1984, another hijacking was planned. However, on 3 February 1984, members of the National Liberation Army kidnapped the Indian diplomat Ravindra Mhatre in Birmingham and demanded the release of Maqbool Bhat as ransom. Amanullah Khan was named as the interlocuter. Unfortunately, the kidnappers panicked at the possibility of a police raid and, allegedly upon Amanullah Khan's instructions, shot the diplomat. India executed Maqbool Bhat six days later, turning him into a martyr and giving JKLF the visibility it lacked earlier. A British court convicted two members of the JKLF for the killing of Mhatre. Hashim Quresi and Amanullah Khan were expelled from the UK. Kashmir insurgency. Amanullah Khan and Hashim Qureshi returned to Pakistan in 1984, establishing the JKLF headquarters at Muzaffarabad. Pakistan under Zia ul-Haq, which was already supporting the Khalistani militants in Punjab, was ready to support an insurgency in Kashmir, and Khan was ready to work with the Pakistan's Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI). Hashim Qureshi, on the other hand, refused and went into exile in Holland. JKLF started political planning and continued till the end of 1987. Following the allegedly rigged state election in Jammu and Kashmir in 1987, the disaffected youth of the Kashmir Valley started crossing the Line of Control to Azad Kashmir to obtain arms and training. Khan's JKLF was their natural destination. Scholar Paul Staniland states that the JKLF was "reborn" in the Indian-controlled Kashmir in this period. It was led by young activists from Srinagar and environs, who crossed into Azad Kashmir for arms and training and returned to Srinagar. Yasin Malik, along with Hamid Sheikh, Ashfaq Wani and Javed Ahmad Mir, formed the core group — dubbed the "HAJY" group — of the JKLF militants in the Kashmir Valley. The enormity of popular support received for their call for independence surprised them. Within two years, the JKLF in the Valley emerged as the "vanguard and spearhead of a popular uprising" against the Indian state. The JKLF waged a guerrilla war with the Indian security forces, kidnapping of Rubiya Sayeed, the daughter of Indian Home Minister, and targeting attacks on the government and security officials. In March 1990, Ashfaq Wani was killed in a battle with Indian security forces. In August 1990, Yasin Malik was captured in a wounded condition. He was imprisoned until May 1994. Hamid Sheikh was also captured in 1992 but released by the Border Security Force to counteract the pro-Pakistan guerrillas. By 1992, the majority of the JKLF militants were killed or captured. A pro-independence JKLF was not in Pakistan's interest. Pakistan is believed to have accepted the collaboration with JKLF only as a "necessary compromise," because the Islamist groups did not yet have currency in the Kashmir Valley. However, the cadres of Islamist groups were also trained in the JKLF training camps in Azad Kashmir. This quickly led to a dilution of the JKLF's nationalist ideology. Independence and Islam became interchangeable slogans. The Islamist attacks that ensued on Kashmiri Pandits, liberal women in general, liquor shops and beauty parlours were never condemned by the JKLF. According to Hasim Qureshi, such outrages were "official Pakistan policy" and the policy was endorsed by the Islamic Right as well as the Amanullah Khan's JKLF. "The ISI ran this movement on communal lines right from the beginning," said Qureshi, "and for that Amanullah and his underlings became its agents." Transition to peaceful struggle. By 1992, the majority of the JKLF militants were killed or captured and they were yielding ground to pro-Pakistan guerilla groups such as the Hizb-ul-Mujahideen, strongly backed by the Pakistani military authorities. Further encroachment by pan-Islamist fighters infiltrating into the Valley from Pakistan changed the colour of the insurgency. Pakistan ceased its financial support to the JKLF because of its pro-independence ideology. After release from prison on bail in May 1994, Yasin Malik declared an indefinite ceasefire of the JKLF. However, according to him, JKLF still lost a hundred activists to Indian operations. Independent journalists mentioned three hundred activists were killed. They were said to have been compromised by Hizb-ul-Mujahideen members, who informed their whereabouts to the security forces. Malik's call for peaceful struggle was unacceptable to Amanullah Khan, who removed him as the president of JKLF. In return, Malik expelled Khan from the chairmanship. Thus JKLF had split into two factions. The Pakistan government recognised Yasin Malik as the leader of JKLF, which further complicated the situation. Ellis and Khan state that, during the Azad Kashmir elections in 1996, JKLF commanded more support than all the traditional parties, even though it was not allowed to contest elections due to its pro-Independence stance. Splits and reunification. The JKLF split into two factions after the group based in Indian-administered Kashmir led by Yasin Malik publicly renounced violence in 1995. Their counterparts in Pakistani-administered Kashmir, led by Amanullah Khan refused to do so, thereby precipitating a split in the party. Since 1995, Yasin Malik has renounced violence and calls for strictly peaceful methods to come to a settlement on the Kashmir issue. Yasin Malik also considers the Kashmiri Pandits, about 400,000 Hindus who were driven out of Kashmir after violent attacks by the separatists presently staying in refugee camps in Jammu and other Indian cities, to be an integral part of Kashmiri society and has insisted on their right of return. Yasin Malik said, "We want our Kashmiri Pandit mothers, sisters and brothers to come back. It is their land. They have every right to live in it as we do. This is the time that Kashmiri Muslims must play a constructive role so that we can restore the culture for which we are famous all over the world." In 2002, in an interview to Reuters, Amanullah Khan blamed Pakistani backed non-Kashmiri Muslim militants for having harmed his cause. "I've been saying for the last two to three years that (non-Kashmiri militants) are changing the Kashmir freedom struggle into terrorism." After the December 2001 attack on Indian Parliament, Amanullah's name figured in the list of 20 wanted terrorists India provided to Pakistan to be extradited for various terrorism-related offences. In January 2002, Amanullah Khan offered to surrender to Indian authorities provided an "international court issued a verdict against him". In 2005, India allowed Yasin Malik to visit Pakistan for the first time. The two leaders, Malik and Khan seized the opportunity to meet each other in Pakistan. In June 2005, a decade after the split, Malik and Khan agreed to reunite the JKLF. The JKLF in Pakistan-administered Kashmir is currently under the leadership of Sardar Saghir Ahmad. In December 2005, some senior members of the JKLF separated from Yasin Malik and formed a new JKLF with Farooq Siddiqi ("Farooq Papa") as its Chairman along with Javed Mir, Salim Nannaji and Iqbal Gundroo, later joined by former militant Bitta Karate. Lately Tahir Mir, former chief of Students Liberation Front, too parted ways with Malik and joined JKLF headed by Farooq Papa. Kashmir watchers think that Yasin Malik's shifting policy of seeking an internal solution with India after its alleged secret meeting with the Prime Minister of India led to the secession of its senior leaders. Farooq Papa supports the involvement of the European Union in resolving the dispute, and has called on EU officials to follow up the visit of an ad hoc European parliament delegation to Kashmir in 2004.

previous months

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=1673444

The BMT Franklin Avenue Line (also known as the Brighton–Franklin Line) is a rapid transit line of the New York City Subway in Brooklyn, New York, running between Franklin Avenue–Fulton Street and Prospect Park. Service is full-time, and provided by the Franklin Avenue Shuttle. The line serves the neighborhood of Prospect Heights, and allows for easy connections between the Fulton Street Line and the Brighton Line. The line was originally part of the Brooklyn, Flatbush, and Coney Island Railway, which was created to connect Downtown Brooklyn with Coney Island. This Franklin Avenue Line opened in 1878 as part of the railway. Trains continued via the Long Island Rail Road to get to Downtown Brooklyn. In 1896, a connection was built with the Fulton Street Elevated, providing direct service to Manhattan. In 1905 and 1906, the line was elevated near Park Place to eliminate the last remaining grade crossings. In 1913, the line was acquired by the Brooklyn Rapid Transit (BRT), which consolidated various railroad lines in Brooklyn. As part of the Dual Contracts of 1913, the BRT planned to connect the Brighton Line to a more direct subway route under Flatbush Avenue as part of Contract 4. The worst rapid transit wreck in the New York City Subway's history, the Malbone Street Wreck, occurred on November 1, 1918, when a five-car wooden elevated train derailed while approaching the Prospect Park station, killing at least 93 people. In 1920, the Franklin Avenue Line was severed from the Fulton Street Elevated, and Brighton Line trains started using the new subway under Flatbush Avenue. The line's condition deteriorated in the 1980s and 1990s, and as a result it was nearly abandoned. One station, Dean Street, was closed in 1995 due to low ridership. After pleas from the local community and transit advocacy groups, the MTA agreed to spend $74 million to rehabilitate the line. The line was closed for eighteen months in 1998 and 1999, during which the track layout was changed and the stations were rebuilt. History. Origins. The Brooklyn, Flatbush, and Coney Island Railway (BF&CI), or Brighton Line, was incorporated in 1877 in order to connect Downtown Brooklyn with the hotels and resorts at Coney Island, Manhattan Beach, and Brighton Beach. The line opened on July 1, 1878, originally running from the entrance of Prospect Park to the Brighton Beach Hotel. However, the railroad desired to get the line closer to downtown Brooklyn. There was a problem: the line could not pass through Prospect Park, since the park had been built specifically as a retreat from the busyness of New York City. Therefore, the line was to be built in a trench through the hill in Crown Heights, connecting with the tracks of the Long Island Rail Road (LIRR) at Atlantic Avenue. The route was built on the surface between Bedford Terminal (at Atlantic Avenue) and Park Place, and was built in an open cut to Prospect Park in order to avoid grade crossings and to placate the local community. This portion of the Brighton Beach Line represented a routing compromise, since the bypass route through Crown Heights was long, while the BF&CI's preferred direct routing to Downtown Brooklyn would have measured only . The Crown Heights routing took the BF&CI north to the Bedford station of the LIRR. This portion of the BF&CI's mainline would become the Franklin Avenue Line. Later on, in order to accommodate larger locomotives for LIRR through-service, the open cut had to be dug deeper. This portion formally opened on August 19, 1878, about six weeks after the rest of the Brighton Line opened. This portion of the Brighton Beach Line went north to the LIRR's Bedford station, where Brighton trains could merge onto LIRR tracks and operate to the Flatbush Avenue Terminal at Flatbush Avenue and Atlantic Avenue. However, the LIRR later gained control of the New York and Manhattan Beach Railway, a competitor of the BF&CI, and on December 14, 1883, ended the agreement to provide equal access to the Flatbush Avenue Terminal. The BF&CI was forced to end its trains at Bedford, a situation which led to its bankruptcy in 1884. Three years later, the BF&CI line was reorganized as the Brooklyn and Brighton Beach Railroad. The Kings County Elevated Railway (KCER) wanted to link the Brighton Beach Railroad, running west of Franklin Avenue, to its elevated railway above Fulton Street. However, there was a problem: the LIRR's Atlantic Branch right-of-way, running along Atlantic Avenue, separated the Brighton Beach Railroad's Bedford Terminal to the south and the Fulton Street Line to the north. The LIRR vigorously defended its right to prevent any other railroad companies from crossing its right-of-way, and it only backed down after the KCER brought litigation against the LIRR. Moreover, store owners on Franklin Avenue and Fulton Street opposed the creation of an additional elevated link between the Brighton Beach Railroad and the Fulton Street elevated. The BF&CI won its lawsuit against the LIRR in 1889, but the victory was largely symbolic since the Brighton Beach Railroad had replaced the BF&CI. In February 1896, the railroad was leased by the KCER. On August 15, 1896, the railroad gained a connection with it by means of a ramp and short elevated railway. The connection linked to the Fulton Street Elevated, which ran from Downtown Brooklyn to Jamaica and had been completed in 1893. From there the line bridged over Atlantic Avenue, where the LIRR was still operating at-grade. As part of the Atlantic Avenue improvement program, this portion of the LIRR was submerged in a tunnel between 1903 and 1905. Additionally, provisions were provided for a future two-track connection in Downtown Brooklyn near the current Atlantic Terminal, leading from the Atlantic Branch to the Brighton Line. Also in 1896, a new entity, the Brooklyn Rapid Transit Company (BRT), was created to consolidate the surface and elevated lines in Brooklyn. This enabled the KCER to operate its steam-powered elevated trains on the Brighton Line via the Franklin Avenue Line's right-of-way, providing Brighton riders with direct service to downtown Manhattan via the Brooklyn Bridge. Brooklyn and Brighton Beach Railroad trains continued to run from Bedford Terminal, but this service was soon abandoned, though the track connections were retained. In 1899, elevated trains began to run via the Brighton Line in addition to steam service. All steam service stopped running by 1903. The first electrification of the Brighton Line, including the Franklin Avenue Line, was accomplished in 1899 using trolley wire. Trains that used third rail in elevated service raised trolley poles at Franklin Avenue station. Some of the trolley poles required for the operation still exist along the line. In 1905 and 1906, the last remaining grade crossings were eliminated in the vicinity of Park Place by building an elevated structure to connect the old elevated structure and the open-cut portion. In the ensuing years, some existing bridges were strengthened or replaced and some of the elevated trackage was placed on concrete-retained embankment. The KCER connection was still less than ideal, and the BRT, which ended up as the lessor of both the KCER and B&BB roads, negotiated a more direct subway route under Flatbush Avenue as part of Contract 4 of the Dual Contracts of 1913. The KCER's connection to the BB&B consisted of a grade-separated divergence just north of the two-platformed, four-tracked Prospect Park station, where KCER trains used the outer pair of tracks and the BB&B used the inner pair. While the two inner BB&B tracks continued northwest to Downtown Brooklyn and Manhattan, the KCER tracks continued northeast. The track layouts of the northbound and southbound KCER tracks differed: the northbound (easternmost) track had a relatively straight path northeast to the Franklin Avenue Line, while the southbound (westernmost) track had a sharp curve that, coming from the north, had a sharp S-curve to the right and then to the left. The construction of this new connection indirectly contributed to the Malbone Street Wreck on November 1, 1918, which became at the time the worst rapid transit wreck in world history. A five-car wooden elevated train, heading southbound along the Franklin Avenue Line just after leaving the Consumers Park station, left the tracks and crashed into one of the new tunnel walls, killing 97. The collision was found to be caused by an inexperienced motorman who was speeding down the southbound S-curve at seven and a half times over that track's speed limit. It remains the deadliest crash in the New York City Subway's history, as well as one of the worst rapid-transit crashes in the history of the United States. Brighton subway connection. On August 1, 1920, the Brighton Beach Line was connected to the Broadway subway in Manhattan via the Montague Street Tunnel under the East River, as well as a tunnel connection underneath Flatbush Avenue. At the same time, track connections to the Fulton Street Elevated were severed so that through service to Brooklyn Bridge was no longer possible. Subway trains from Manhattan and elevated trains from Franklin Avenue shared operations to Coney Island. A connection and cross-platform interchange between the Brighton Beach and Franklin Avenue Lines was made at Prospect Park, where Franklin Avenue trains used the outer tracks and Brighton Beach trains used the inner tracks. South of Prospect Park, there were switches between all four tracks, allowing southbound trains from either line to run either local or express to Coney Island, as well as permitting northbound local and express trains from Coney Island to access either line. On the four-track Brighton Beach main line south of Prospect Park, the inner pair of tracks were for express trains, and the outer pair of tracks were for local trains. The line continued to operate elevated train service on the Brighton Beach main line until 1928, after which similar services were continued with steel subway cars. For the summer excursion season of 1924, the Franklin Avenue Line was upgraded for the operation of six-car subway trains, and was assigned the BMT number 7. This service used the Brighton Line during most daytime hours. During warm weather, express service ran to Coney Island on weekends during the day. In the 1920s, transportation officials discussed the possibility of an extension of the line. It was proposed that the line would be extended beyond Fulton Street, ran across central Brooklyn, and link up with other BRT lines in Long Island City. Provisions for this line were made in the elevated structure at Queensboro Plaza, but no other parts of the line were built as the plan never left the talking stages. A crosstown line would eventually be built in the 1930s; however, it was part of the city-operated Independent Subway System, not the BRT. The Fulton Street Elevated, to which the Franklin Avenue line was originally connected, closed in 1940 and was replaced by the IND Fulton Street Line. A free transfer was instituted between the Fulton Street subway and the Franklin Avenue elevated. In 1958, a new switch was installed north of Prospect Park, allowing trains to reverse ends at the easternmost track at Prospect Park, which had formerly served northbound Franklin Avenue Line trains. This eliminated a traffic bottleneck in which southbound Franklin Avenue Line trains, arriving on the westernmost track at Prospect Park, reversed directions by crossing over two active Brighton Line tracks to the northbound Franklin Avenue Line track, thereby delaying train traffic. As a result, most trains avoided negotiating the sharp S-curve where the Malbone Street Wreck had occurred. Trains that were being taken out of service continued to use the old route. Prior to the Brooklyn Dodgers' relocation to Los Angeles in 1957, the Franklin Avenue Line was one of the busiest routes to their games at Ebbets Field, located in Flatbush near the southern end of the line. A 1982 "New York Times" article described the line as the "gateway to Ebbets Field". Decline. After the city gained ownership of the line in 1940, Brighton-Franklin services gradually declined. A major blow to the viability of through-service occurred in 1954 when the train of the IND Division was extended to Coney Island via the Culver Line, deprived the Franklin of a major source of transfer traffic, consisting of passengers from Harlem and the Bronx, who now had a more direct route to Coney Island. Brighton-Franklin express service ended in 1954, and the Franklin Avenue Line became a full-time shuttle in 1963. On November 1, 1965, when R27 subway cars started going into service, this service was named SS. In 1985, when the practice of using double letters was eliminated, this service became the S. On December 1, 1974, a southbound shuttle train of R32s was approaching the tunnel portal en route from Franklin Avenue when it derailed on the crossover and smashed the same place where BRT car 100 had hit in the Malbone Street Wreck. This derailment resulted in some injuries, but there were no fatalities, because time signals limited the speed of trains coming down the hill from Crown Heights. In January 1977, the Metropolitan Transportation Authority (MTA)'s Emergency Financial Control Board proposed abandoning the severely deteriorated line due to cutbacks in city funding. The local community was outraged at the plan and was successful in saving the shuttle for the meantime. A coalition of about 5,000 passengers, including local businessmen, the Jewish Hospital and Medical Center, staff workers of the Bureau of Child Welfare and representation from local high schools, showed up to a meeting on January 5 to protest the planned cut. They were aided by Congress members Shirley Chisholm and Fred Richmond, who issued a statement in support of the riders of the shuttle, including 2,000 students. In 1981, the MTA proposed abandoning the severely deteriorated line under the failed Program for Action. At the time, only 10,000 daily passengers used the line. It was proposed that bus service along nearby Franklin Avenue could substitute for the line. During the winter, the line would often be closed because there was fear that trains would derail. Stations were in horrible condition; portions of the wooden platforms were sealed off because they had burned or collapsed. From January to March 1982, the line needed to be closed for emergency repair work because a retaining wall along the line was in danger of collapse. An MTA spokeswoman said that the repairs would only last for three years and $38 to $60 million would be needed to rebuild the line. She said that the MTA was considering ending service on the line permanently. By the 1990s the Franklin Avenue Shuttle was known as the "ghost train" and the Franklin Avenue Line was very dilapidated. Shuttle trains' lengths were shrunk from four to two cars, and the platforms were so poorly maintained that they were literally crumbling. However, the MTA was still lacking the funds to renovate the line from end to end. The Dean Street station, which had 50 paying riders per day, was closed in 1995. The entire line was under consideration for abandonment, and community leaders were opposed to the move. They showed up to town hall meetings, news conferences and they sat down with transit officials. They also formed the Committee to Save the Franklin Avenue Shuttle. The coalition included the Straphangers Campaign, a local church, local community boards and the New York City Environmental Justice Alliance. They argued that subway station repair work occurred elsewhere, when no attention was paid to the Franklin Avenue Shuttle. Restoration. The civic groups ultimately convinced the New York State Assembly to force the MTA to rebuild rather than abandon the line, and at its April 26, 1996 board meeting, it announced that the shuttle would be closed for eighteen months so that the line could be rehabilitated for $63 million. As a result, most of the supporting infrastructure and stations were completely rehabilitated for eighteen months, between July 1998 and October 1999 at a cost of $74 million. Closing the shuttle full time was estimated to save time and $22 million. While the closure of the line started in July 1998, work began in September 1997. The contract on the bid was out in February 1997. During the renovation, a temporary shuttle bus and the B48 bus replaced train service. The line reopened on October 18, 1999, three months ahead of schedule. As part of the rehabilitation, three stations were rebuilt, elevators were installed at the Fulton Street station, tracks and bridges were replaced, and security cameras and new artwork were added. of unnecessary double track was removed, and of track was replaced. The signal system between the Botanic Garden and Franklin Avenue stations was replaced and rehabilitated. The transfer to the IND Fulton Street Line had required an out-of-system paper transfer, but an enclosed transfer was built with two elevators and an escalator. Prior to this enclosed transfer, a portion of the Fulton Street Elevated line was left standing so passengers could use a staircase to transfer to the Fulton Street Line. The closed Dean Street station was demolished as part of the project. The local community agreed to close the station in exchange for the construction of a new passageway to provide transfers to the IRT Eastern Parkway Line at Botanic Garden. MetroCard vending machines and improved speakers were also installed in the stations. Once the line was reopened there were still calls to restore the Dean Street station, and there were complaints that the Botanic Garden and Prospect Park stops were not made ADA accessible. Prospect Park was made accessible in a later project. Description. At Fulton Street and Franklin Avenue, where the Fulton Street Elevated had given way to the IND Fulton Street Line subway, a large station is present with modern conveniences, elevators and escalators, providing an easier transfer between the Fulton Street Line and the Franklin Avenue Line. From that station, most of the original steelwork from elevated days has been removed and replaced with heavier construction. The line runs on a single track from Franklin/Fulton to another new station at Park Place. Though this portion of the line uses much of the reinforced viaduct from 1903-1905, it was totally reconstructed in 1999. There was once a stop at Dean Street, between the Fulton Street and Park Place stations. The Dean Street station closed in 1995 because it was one of the least used stations in the system, and because it was in very poor condition. The station still had wooden platforms, which were a safety hazard, as well as incandescent lighting, although all other stations had been upgraded with fluorescent lamps. The station was demolished upon its closure, and the only visible remnant of the station is a sidewalk street lamp which used to illuminate the staircase leading from the station platform. Between Sterling Place and Park Place, the line rises along a ramp that opened in 1896, and had connected the original line to the Fulton Street Elevated. The elevated railway was rebuilt along the original line's old right-of-way to reduce costs. The line then crosses a bridge over Park Place. Park Place was placed at a lower elevation in 1905 in order to eliminate the grade crossing. To allow vehicular traffic to pass under the line, the street descends to as much as below its elevation on either side of the Franklin Avenue Line overpass. Since the sidewalk remains at the same elevation as on either side, stairs are provided between the road's curb and the sidewalk. After Park Place, the line broadens from one to two tracks and the right-of-way enters the near-original 1878 right-of-way, including the original railroad-style tunnel under Eastern Parkway. The south end of the tunnel contains the rehabilitated Botanic Garden station, originally built in 1928. All three stations between Franklin Avenue and Botanic Garden were rebuilt or renovated with elements such as distinctive artwork, masonry and ironwork funded by New York City Transit's "Arts in Transit" program. From Botanic Garden, the line continues on its original 1878 roadbed and connects with the main part of the Brighton Line at Prospect Park. Before entering Prospect Park, trains switch to the northbound track, which continues straight and enters a tunnel. The shuttle terminates on the northbound outer track of the four-track Prospect Park station. The unused southbound track (where the Malbone Street Wreck had taken place) also enters a tunnel, but curves sharply west and then south to swing around the Brighton Beach Line tracks, which approach Prospect Park from the northwest and feed into the station's inner two tracks. The southbound Franklin Avenue Line track then connects to the southbound outer track at Prospect Park. Service and railroad chaining. Chaining and railroad directions. In accordance with the subway's railroad chaining conventions, which measure distances along railroad lines based on the engineer's chain of , the Franklin Avenue Line is chained BMT O (letter "O"). "Chaining zero", the geographical point from which the distance to locations along the line are measured, is "BMT Eastern". It is located in Civic Center, Manhattan, at the intersection of the line of the Brooklyn Bridge and the Chambers Street station on the Nassau Street Line; the measurements were made using the length of the now-dismantled Brooklyn Bridge and Fulton Street Lines. The Franklin Avenue Line's chaining measurement "ties", or continues off the Brooklyn Bridge and Fulton Street Lines' original measurement, at the Franklin Avenue station. In terms of railroad directions, "north" is toward Franklin Avenue and generally corresponds to geographical north. The line's signals are controlled by the DeKalb Avenue Tower, located at the DeKalb Avenue station in Downtown Brooklyn. Services. The BMT Franklin Avenue Line is exclusively served by the Franklin Avenue Shuttle at all times.

sunny temperatures

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=65484478

Single-parent family means a family consisting of one parent and one child on the grounds of divorce, separation, bereavement, abandonment, single mother and father. Depending on the background of the formation and family composition, they are classified as divorce families, bereavement families, single mother families or rich families, and maternal families. With the increase in divorce, single-parent families are increasing in the entire household. Single-parent families experience changes in family functions, interpersonal problems, child rearing, male and female roles, economic difficulties, alienation and loss problems. In particular, female single-parent families were found to be under a lot of stress due to reduced income or loss, child rearing, and role tensions, while male single-parent families experienced stress such as emotional problems and household burdens caused by their children's absence. On the other hand, family elasticity, which refers to the characteristics, resources, and assets of families that want to resist or adapt when faced with changes or difficulties, has been shown to reduce the stress of single-parent families. Social support also helps single parents overcome the difficulties of raising their children and improves confidence and self-esteem by being cared for or supported by various social networks around them. To help single-parent families adapt, the government is also supporting economic support such as childcare and education expenses, providing services to strengthen family capacity, and entering welfare facilities for homeless families. Etymology. The term single-parent family" is a mixture of pure Korean words "한 (single)" "부모 (parent)" and "family." Here, "한" means "big," "full," and "whole," rather than one, meaning that a single parent family is as healthy and happy as any other family. Type of single-parent family. Divided into divorced families, bereavement families, single mother families or rich families, and hat families, depending on the background of formation and family composition. With the increase in divorce, the number of single-parent families in all households is on the rise. It can also be classified as a single-parent family if the mother is the primary caregiver, and a single-parent family if the father is the primary caregiver. Current status data on single-parent families in Korea. The number of single-parent households rose from 1.37 million in 2005 to 1.594 million in 2010 and 1.639 million in 2011, with the share of single-parent households in total rising from 8.6% in 2005 to 9.2% in 2010 and 9.3% in 2011. The number of single-parent families has been increasing due to factors other than those of single-parent families, with 29.7 percent of single-parent families, 32.8 percent of divorces, and 11.6 percent of single-parent families. The average age is 43.1 years old, most of whom are divorced parents and have 1.5 children. Income and net worth of single-parent families increased compared to 2015, but were lower than that of the entire household. The average monthly income of single-parent families was 2.19.6 million won per month, up from 18.96 million won in 2015, but the ratio of single-parent families' income to total household income was 56.5%, slightly down from the 2015 survey. Net assets taking into account financial assets, real estate and liabilities amounted to 85.59 million won, up 29.7 percent from 65.97 million won in 2015. Meanwhile, the ratio of single-parent net worth to total household net worth was 25.1%, slightly up from the 2015 survey. 84.2% of the working population was higher than the total employment rate (60.2%) of the economically active population and higher than the employment rate (61.1%) a year before becoming a single parent.The average working and business income of single parents who were employed was 2.02 million won, up from 17.37 million won in 2015, but still remained low.Employment stability has improved somewhat, with the proportion of commercial workers increasing compared to the previous survey and the proportion of temporary and daily workers decreasing. Problems for single-parent families in Korea. First of all, single-parent families cite economic problems as the biggest difficulty. This is because it is difficult to secure a stable and well-paid job as the loss of a spouse reduces income and requires raising children alone. In addition, according to a survey conducted by the Ministry of Health and Welfare in 2011, 83,525 families with hats and 20,479 families with rich families were found to be experiencing more economic difficulties than rich families. Single-parent families experience changes in family functions, interpersonal problems, child rearing, male and female role rebalancing, financial difficulties and alienation, and loss problems. In particular, were found to be under a lot of stress related to economic problems, child rearing problems, and role tensions caused by falling or losing income, while experienced stress such as emotional problems and household burdens due to lack of mock services. First, single-parent families cite economic problems as the biggest difficulty. This is because the loss of one's spouse also reduces income and makes it difficult to secure a stable and well-paid job. In addition, a 2011 survey by the Ministry of Health and Welfare showed that there were 83,525 families with a mother and 20,479 families with a father, indicating that the mother and mother households were experiencing more financial difficulties than the rich. This seems to be because women often relied on their husbands financially, and even if they try to get a job again, finding jobs and economic independence are not easy due to the discriminatory labor market and lack of welfare policies for women. In addition, financial difficulties in single-parent families have also been shown to affect child rearing, and economic stability is considered a very important factor in stabilizing single-parent families. A single parent in an economically poor single-parent family has no time, economic, or psychological leeway to care for their children, which causes them to experience difficulties in physical, psychological, and social growth. Specifically, children of economically poor single-parent families are likely to experience sluggish growth and obesity (news in 2008, low academic achievement levels, difficulties in college, difficulties in depression and anxiety, conflicts with their peers and flight . Also, have difficulty raising their children. The mother of a mother family complains of difficulties, such as the absolute lack of time to care for her family or raise her children during her career, and the lack of a spouse to discuss child rearing. On the other hand, the father of a rich family finds it difficult to live at the same time, housekeeping, and raising children at the same time, and experiences more serious difficulties if his children are under the age of 10. In other words, feel nervous and burdened at a time when they have to perform their spouses' roles in addition to their previous roles as mothers or fathers, and face the difficulties of having to do all the necessary roles of family life alone. In addition, children from single-parent families experience difficulties in having time to emotionally digest their father or mother's vacancy and adapting to the change in the absence of one parent. Single-parent families are often vulnerable to physical and psychological health. There are many unstable daily jobs where the head of a single-parent family works, and the job environment is often poor, such as mainly physical labor. It is also threatened by mental health, such as high depression and experiencing hurt in self-esteem due to social prejudice against single-parent families. Female single parents are likely to be psychologically ineligible due to loneliness, loss of separation from their spouse, sadness, family responsibilities, and the burden of having to take care of their children alone in the absence of their spouse' In particular, prejudice stemming from the social perception that women should be protected by men psychologically discourages single-parent women and causes them to experience difficulties in both social and family life. On the other hand, single male parents are likely to experience difficulties due to their responsibility to earn a living, the burden of playing the role of a mother, shrinking social activities, society's distorted perception of rich families and fear of stigma. In addition, single parents experience a vicious cycle of losing their spouse and losing their social support associated with them and narrowing their support to focus on sustaining their livelihoods. The social network here is the primary group, such as parents, siblings, and a secondary group such as friends and neighbors, and relatively higher financial support from relatives and child care support than divorce. However, divorced single parents are more likely to suffer relatively from social support as they lose their spouses' social networks along with divorce. Korea's welfare system for single-parent families. The number of is about 1.75 million, or 9.4 percent of all households, with 1.35 million households with hats and 390,000 households with rich families. However, the number of single-parent families receiving government support stands at 595,624 in 225,472 households, or about 13 percent of all single-parent families. This means that about 87 percent of do not receive any government support. Korea's single-parent family support policy is based on the Single-parent Family Support Act. The Single-Parent Family Support Act was enacted in 1989 with the aim of contributing to the stabilization of the livelihood and the promotion of welfare of single-parent families by allowing single-parent families to lead healthy and cultural lives. And over the past 25 years, it has greatly contributed to improving the quality of life of single-parent families through several revisions. In particular, provisions for the protection of human rights and the promotion of rights and interests of single-parent families were newly established in 2011 and 2013, which provided legal grounds for improving social prejudice and discrimination against single-parent families. Along with the creation of a provision for the protection of human rights, some important amendments are made in 2011. It is the revision of the law that protects the remaining family members even if they have children aged 18 or older by expanding the criteria for selecting single-parent families. As a result, single-parent families with children over 18 years of age can continue to receive government support.

familial tasks

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=1298456

Adivasi is the collective term for tribes of the Indian subcontinent, who are considered indigenous to places within India wherein they live, either as foragers or as tribalistic sedentary communities. The term is also used for ethnic minorities, such as Chakmas of Bangladesh, Khas of Nepal, and Vedda of Sri Lanka. However India doesn't recognise tribes as indigenous people. India ratified the International Labour Organization (ILO) Convention 107 on Indigenous and Tribal Peoples of the United Nations (1957). In 1989, India refused to sign the ILO Convention 169. They comprise a substantial minority population of India, making up 8.6% of India's population, or 104.2 million people, according to the 2011 census. Adivasi societies are particularly prominent in Andhra Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, Gujarat, Jharkhand, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Odisha, Punjab, West Bengal, and Northeast India, and the Andaman and Nicobar Islands. Tribal languages can be categorised into six linguistic groupings, namely Andamanese; Austro-Asiatic; Dravidian; Indo-Aryan; Sino-Tibetan; and Kra-Dai. Adivasi studies is a new scholarly field, drawing upon archaeology, anthropology, agrarian history, environmental history, subaltern studies, indigenous studies, aboriginal studies, and developmental economics. It adds debates that are specific to the Indian context. Definition and etymology. "Adivasi" is the collective term for the Tribes of India, who are considered to be the indigenous people of India. prior to the Dravidians and Indo-Aryans. It refers to "any of various ethnic groups considered to be the original inhabitants of the Indian subcontinent." However India doesn't recognise tribes as indigenous people. India ratified the International Labour Organization (ILO) Convention 107 on Indigenous and Tribal Peoples of the United Nations (1957). In 1989, India refused to sign the ILO Convention 169. The term Adivasi in fact is a modern Sanskrit word specifically coined in the 1930s by political activists to give a differentiated indigenous identity to tribals by alleging that Indo European and Dravidian speaking are not indigenous, and recognised by Markandey Katju the judge of the Supreme Court of India in 2011. In Hindi, "Adivasi" means "Original Inhabitants," from "ādi" 'beginning, origin'; and "vāsin" 'dweller' (itself from "vas" 'to dwell'), thus literally meaning 'beginning inhabitant'. Although terms such as "atavika", "vanavāsi" ("forest dwellers"), or "girijan" ("mountain people") are also used for the tribes of India, "adivāsi" carries the specific meaning of being the original and autochthonous inhabitants of a given region, and the self-designation of those tribal groups. The constitution of India grouped these ethnic groups together "as targets for social and economic development. Since that time the Adivasi of India have been known officially as Scheduled Tribes." Article 366 (25) defined scheduled tribes as "such tribes or tribal communities or parts of or groups within such tribes or tribal communities as are deemed under Article 342 to be Scheduled Tribes for the purposes of this constitution". The term Adivasi is also used for the ethnic minorities of Bangladesh, the Vedda people of Sri Lanka and the native Tharu people of Nepal. Another Nepalese term is "Adivasi Janjati" (; ), although the political context differed historically under the Shah and Rana dynasties. In India, opposition to the usage of the term is varied. Critics argue that the "original inhabitant" contention is based on the fact that they have no land and are therefore asking for land reform. The Adivasis argue that they have been oppressed by the "superior group" and that they require and demand a reward, more specifically land reform. Adivasi issues are not related to land reforms but to the historical rights to the forests that were alienated during the colonial period. In 2006, India finally made a law to "undo the historical injustice" committed to the Adivasis. In Assam, the term adivāsi applies only to the Tea-tribes imported from Central India during colonial times. Demographics. A substantial list of Scheduled Tribes in India are recognised as tribal under the Constitution of India. Tribal people constitute 8.6% of the nation's total population, over 104 million people according to the 2011 census. One concentration lies in a belt along the northwest Himalayas: consisting of Jammu and Kashmir, where are found many semi-nomadic groups, to Ladakh and northern Himachal Pradesh and Uttarakhand, where are found Tibeto-Burman groups. In the northeastern states of Arunachal Pradesh, Meghalaya, Mizoram, and Nagaland, more than 90% of the population is tribal. However, in the remaining northeast states of Assam, Manipur, Sikkim, and Tripura, tribal peoples form between 20 and 30% of the population. The largest population of tribals lives in a belt stretching from eastern Gujarat and Rajasthan in the west all the way to western West Bengal, a region known as the tribal belt. These tribes correspond roughly to three regions. The western region, in eastern Gujarat, southeastern Rajasthan, northwestern Maharashtra as well as western Madhya Pradesh, is dominated by Indo-Aryan speaking tribes like the Bhils. The central region, covering eastern Maharashtra and Madhya Pradesh, western and southern Chhattisgarh, northern and eastern Telangana, northern Andhra Pradesh and western Odisha is dominated by Dravidian tribes like the Gonds and Khonds. The eastern belt, centred on the Chhota Nagpur Plateau in Jharkhand and adjacent areas of Chhattisgarh, Odisha and West Bengal, is dominated by Munda tribes like the Hos and Santals. Roughly 75% of the total tribal population live in this belt, although the tribal population there accounts for only around 10% of the region's total population. Further south, the region near Bellary in Karnataka has a large concentration of tribals, mostly Boyas/Valmikis. Small pockets can be found throughout the rest of South India. By far the largest of these pockets is in found in the region containing the Nilgiris district of Tamil Nadu, Wayanad district of Kerala and nearby hill ranges of Chamarajanagar and Mysore districts of southern Karnataka. Further south, only small pockets of tribal settlement remain in the Western and Eastern Ghats. The scheduled tribe population in Jharkhand constitutes 26.2% of the state. Tribals in Jharkhand mainly follow Sarnaism, an animistic religion. Chhattisgarh has also over 80 lakh scheduled tribe population. Assam has over 60 lakh Adivasis primarily as tea workers. Adivasis in India mainly follow Animism, Hinduism and Christianity. History. Although considered uncivilised and primitive, Adivasis were usually not held to be intrinsically impure by surrounding (usually Dravidian or Indo-Aryan) populations, unlike Dalits, who were. Thus, the Adivasi origins of Valmiki, who composed the Ramayana, were acknowledged, as were the origins of Adivasi tribes such as the Garasia and Bhilala, which descended from mixed Rajput and Bhil marriages. Unlike the subjugation of the Dalits, the Adivasis often enjoyed autonomy and, depending on region, evolved mixed hunter-gatherer and farming economies, controlling their lands as a joint patrimony of the tribe. In some areas, securing Adivasi approval and support was considered crucial by local rulers, and larger Adivasi groups were able to sustain their own kingdoms in central India. The Meenas and Gond Rajas of Garha-Mandla and Chanda are examples of an Adivasi aristocracy that ruled in this region, and were "not only the hereditary leaders of their Gond subjects, but also held sway over substantial communities of non-tribals who recognized them as their feudal lords." The historiography of relationships between the Adivasis and the rest of Indian society is patchy. There are references to alliances between Ahom Kings of Brahmaputra valley and the hill Nagas. This relative autonomy and collective ownership of Adivasi land by Adivasis was severely disrupted by the advent of the Mughals in the early 16th century. Rebellions against Mughal authority include the Bhil Rebellion of 1632 and the Bhil-Gond Insurrection of 1643 which were both pacified by Mughal soldiers. With the advent of the Kachwaha Rajputs and Mughals into their territory, the Meenas were gradually sidelined and pushed deep into the forests. As a result, historical literature has completely bypassed the Meena tribe. The combined army of Mughals and Bharmal attacked the tribal king Bada Meena and killed him damaging 52 kots and 56 gates. Bada's treasure was shared between Mughals and Bharmal. British period (c. 1857 – 1947). From the very early days of British rule, the tribesmen resented the British encroachments upon their tribal system. They were found resisting or supporting their brethren of Tamar and Jhalda in rebellion. Nor did their "raja" welcome the British administrative innovations. Beginning in the 18th century, the British added to the consolidation of feudalism in India, first under the Jagirdari system and then under the zamindari system. Beginning with the Permanent Settlement imposed by the British in Bengal and Bihar, which later became the template for a deepening of feudalism throughout India, the older social and economic system in the country began to alter radically. Land, both forest areas belonging to adivasis and settled farmland belonging to non-adivasi peasants, was rapidly made the legal property of British-designated zamindars (landlords), who in turn moved to extract the maximum economic benefit possible from their newfound property and subjects. Adivasi lands sometimes experienced an influx of non-local settlers, often brought from far away (as in the case of Muslims and Sikhs brought to Kol territory) by the zamindars to better exploit local land, forest and labour. Deprived of the forests and resources they traditionally depended on and sometimes coerced to pay taxes, many adivasis were forced to borrow at usurious rates from moneylenders, often the zamindars themselves. When they were unable to pay, that forced them to become bonded labourers for the zamindars. Often, far from paying off the principal of their debt, they were unable even to offset the compounding interest, and this was made the justification for their children working for the zamindar after the death of the initial borrower. In the case of the Andamanese adivasis, long isolated from the outside world in autonomous societies, mere contact with outsiders was often sufficient to set off deadly epidemics in tribal populations, and it is alleged that some sections of the British government directly attempted to destroy some tribes. Land dispossession and subjugation by British and zamindar interests resulted in a number of Adivasi revolts in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, such as the Santal hul (or Santhal rebellion) of 1855–56. Although these were suppressed ruthlessly by the governing British authority (the East India Company prior to 1858, and the British government after 1858), partial restoration of privileges to adivasi elites (e.g. to "Mankis", the leaders of Munda tribes) and some leniency in tax burdens resulted in relative calm, despite continuing and widespread dispossession, from the late nineteenth century onwards. The economic deprivation, in some cases, triggered internal adivasi migrations within India that would continue for another century, including as labour for the emerging tea plantations in Assam. Participation in Indian independence movement. There were tribal reform and rebellion movements during the period of the British Empire, some of which also participated in the Indian independence movement or attacked mission posts. There were several Adivasis in the Indian independence movement including Birsa Munda, Dharindhar Bhyuan, Laxman Naik, Jantya Bhil, Bangaru Devi and Rehma Vasave, Mangri Oroan. During the period of British rule, India saw the rebellions of several then backward castes, mainly tribal peoples that revolted against British rule. Tribal languages. Tribal languages can be categorised into five linguistic groupings, namely Andamanse; Austro-Asiatic; Dravidian; Indo-Aryan; and Sino-Tibetan. Religion. The religious practices of Adivasis communities mostly resemble various shades of Hinduism. In the census of India from 1871 to 1941, tribals have been counted in different religions from other religions, 1891 (forest tribe), 1901 (animist), 1911 (tribal animist), 1921 (hill and forest tribe), 1931 (primitive tribe), 1941 (tribes), However, since the census of 1951, the tribal population has been stopped separately. Many Adivasis have been converted into Christianity during British period and after independence. During the last two decades Adivasi from Odisha, Madhya Pradesh, Jharkhand have converted to Protestant groups as a result of increased missionaries presence. Adivasi beliefs vary by tribe, and are usually different from the historical Vedic religion, with its monistic underpinnings, Indo-European deities (who are often cognates of ancient Iranian, Greek and Roman deities, e.g. Mitra/Mithra/Mithras), lack of idol worship and lack of a concept of reincarnation. Animism. Animism (from Latin "animus, -i" "soul, life") is the worldview that non-human entities (animals, plants, and inanimate objects or phenomena) possess a spiritual essence. The "Encyclopaedia of Religion and Society" estimates that 1–5% of India's population is animist. India's government recognises that India's indigenous subscribe to pre-Hindu animist-based religions. Animism is used in the anthropology of religion as a term for the belief system of some indigenous tribal peoples, especially prior to the development of organised religion. Although each culture has its own different mythologies and rituals, "animism" is said to describe the most common, foundational thread of indigenous peoples' "spiritual" or "supernatural" perspectives. The animistic perspective is so fundamental, mundane, everyday and taken-for-granted that most animistic indigenous people do not even have a word in their languages that corresponds to "animism" (or even "religion"); the term is an anthropological construct rather than one designated by the people themselves. Donyi-Polo. Donyi-Polo is the designation given to the indigenous religions, of animistic and shamanic type, of the Tani, from Arunachal Pradesh, in northeastern India. The name "Donyi-Polo" means "Sun-Moon". Sanamahi. Sanamahism is the worship of Sanamahi, the eternal force/cells responsible for the continuity of living creations. Sanamahi referred here is not to be confused with Lainingthou Sanamahi (The Supreme House-dwelling God of the Sanamahism). The religion has a great and unique traditional history which has been preserved till date for worshipping ancestors as almighty. Thus it signifies that Sanamahism is the worship of eternal force/cells present in living creations. Sidaba Mapu, the Creator God of Sanamahism. Sanamahism is one of the oldest religion of South East Asia. It originated in Manipur and is mainly practiced by the Meitei, Kabui, Zeliangrong and other communities who inhabit in Manipur, Assam, Tripura. Sarnaism. Sarnaism or Sarna (local languages: "Sarna Dhorom", meaning "religion of the holy woods") defines the indigenous religions of the Adivasi populations of the states of Central-East India, such as the Munda, the Ho, the Santali, the Khuruk, and the others. The Munda, Ho, Santhal and Oraon tribe followed the Sarna religion, where Sarna means sacred grove. Their religion is based on the oral traditions passed from generation-to-generation. Other tribal animist. Animist hunter gatherer Nayaka people of Nilgiri hills of South India. Animism is the traditional religion of Nicobarese people; their religion is marked by the dominance and interplay with spirit worship, witch doctors and animal sacrifice. Hinduism. Adivasi roots of modern Hinduism. Some historians and anthropologists assert that much of what constitutes folk Hinduism today is actually descended from an amalgamation of adivasi faiths, idol worship practices and deities, rather than the original Indo-Aryan faith. This also includes the sacred status of certain animals such as monkeys, cows, fish, matsya, peacocks, cobras (nagas) and elephants and plants such as the sacred fig ("pipal"), Ocimum tenuiflorum ("tulsi") and Azadirachta indica ("neem"), which may once have held totemic importance for certain adivasi tribes. Adivasi saints. A "sant" is an Indian holy man, and a title of a devotee or ascetic, especially in north and east India. Generally, a holy or saintly person is referred to as a mahatma, paramahamsa, or swami, or given the prefix Sri or Srila before their name. The term is sometimes misrepresented in English as "Hindu saint", although "sant" is unrelated to "saint". Other tribals and Hinduism. Some Hindus not believe that Indian tribals are close to the romantic ideal of the ancient silvan culture of the Vedic people. Madhav Sadashiv Golwalkar said: At the Lingaraj Temple in Bhubaneswar, there are Brahmin and Badu (tribal) priests. The Badus have the most intimate contact with the deity of the temple, and only they can bathe and adorn it. The Bhils are mentioned in the Mahabharata. The Bhil boy Ekalavya's teacher was Drona, and he had the honour to be invited to Yudhishthira's Rajasuya Yajna at Indraprastha. Indian tribals were also part of royal armies in the Ramayana and in the Arthashastra. Shabari was a Bhil woman who offered Rama and Lakshmana jujubes when they were searching for Sita in the forest. Matanga, a Bhil, became a Brahmana. Hinduization and Rajputization. Bhangya Bhukya notes that during the final years of the British Raj, while education introduced Westernization in the hilly areas of central India, the regions also parallelly underwent the Hinduization and Rajputization processes. The Gond people and their chiefs started doing the "caste–Hindu practices" and frequently claimed the "Rajput, and thus kshatriya status". The British empire used to support these claims as they viewed the adivasi society to be less civilized than the caste society and believed that adivasi peoples' association with the castes would make the adivasis "more civilized and sober" and "easier for the colonial state to control". Bhukya also points out that central India's "Raj Gond families" had already adopted the religious and social traditions of the Rajputs before the British Raj in India, and there were "matrimonial relations" between a number of Gond and Rajput Rajas. However, the British empire's policies of offering ""zamindari" rights, village headships and "patelships"" fueled the process. According to Patit Paban Mishra, "the 'ksatriyaization' of tribal rulers and their surroundings, resulted in the Hinduization of tribal areas". Demands for a separate religious code. Some Adivasi organisations have demanded that a distinct religious code be listed for Adivasis in the 2011 census of India. The All India Adivasi Conference was held on 1 and 2 January 2011 at Burnpur, Asansol, West Bengal. 750 delegates were present from all parts of India and cast their votes for Religion code as follows: Sari Dhorom – 632, Sarna – 51, Kherwalism – 14 and Other Religions – 03. Census of India. Education. Tribal communities in India are the least educationally developed. First generation learners have to face social, psychological and cultural barriers to get education. This has been one of the reason for poor performance of tribal students in schools. Poor literacy rate since independence has resulted in absence of tribals in academia and higher education. The literacy rate for STs has gone up from 8.5% (male – 13.8%, female – 3.2%) in 1961 to 29.6% (male – 40.6%, female – 18.2%) in 1991 and to 40% (male – 59%, female – 37%) in 1999–2000. States with large proportion of STs like Mizoram, Nagaland and Meghalaya have high literacy rate while States with large number of tribals like Madhya Pradesh, Odisha, Rajasthan and Andhra Pradesh have low tribal literacy rate. Tribal students have very high drop-out rates during school education. Extending the system of primary education into tribal areas and reserving places for needing them, they say, to work in the fields. On the other hand, in those parts of the northeast where tribes have generally been spared the wholesale onslaught of outsiders, schooling has helped tribal people to secure political and economic benefits. The education system there has provided a corps of highly trained tribal members in the professions and high-ranking administrative posts. tribal children in middle and high schools and higher education institutions are central to government policy, but efforts to improve a tribe's educational status have had mixed results. Recruitment of qualified teachers and determination of the appropriate language of instruction also remain troublesome. Commission after commission on the "language question" has called for instruction, at least at the primary level, in the students' native language. In some regions, tribal children entering school must begin by learning the official regional language, often one completely unrelated to their tribal language. Many tribal schools are plagued by high drop-out rates. Children attend for the first three to four years of primary school and gain a smattering of knowledge, only to lapse into illiteracy later. Few who enter continue up to the tenth grade; of those who do, few manage to finish high school. Therefore, very few are eligible to attend institutions of higher education, where the high rate of attrition continues. Members of agrarian tribes like the Gonds often are reluctant to send their children to school, An academy for teaching and preserving Adivasi languages and culture was established in 1999 by the Bhasha Research and Publication Centre. The Adivasi Academy is located at Tejgadh in Gujarat. Economy. Most tribes are concentrated in heavily forested areas that combine inaccessibility with limited political or economic significance. Historically, the economy of most tribes was subsistence agriculture or hunting and gathering. Tribal members traded with outsiders for the few necessities they lacked, such as salt and iron. A few local Hindu craftsmen might provide such items as cooking utensils. In the early 20th century, however, large areas fell into the hands of non-tribals, on account of improved transportation and communications. Around 1900, many regions were opened by the British government to settlement through a scheme by which inward migrants received ownership of land free in return for cultivating it. For tribal people, however, land was often viewed as a common resource, free to whoever needed it. By the time tribals accepted the necessity of obtaining formal land titles, they had lost the opportunity to lay claim to lands that might rightfully have been considered theirs. The colonial and post-independence regimes belatedly realised the necessity of protecting tribals from the predations of outsiders and prohibited the sale of tribal lands. Although an important loophole in the form of land leases was left open, tribes made some gains in the mid-twentieth century, and some land was returned to tribal peoples despite obstruction by local police and land officials. In the 1970s, tribal peoples came again under intense land pressure, especially in central India. Migration into tribal lands increased dramatically, as tribal people lost the titles to their lands in many ways – lease, forfeiture from debts, or bribery of land registry officials. Other non-tribals simply squatted or even lobbied governments to classify them as tribal to allow them to compete with the formerly established tribes. In any case, many tribal members became landless labourers in the 1960s and 1970s, and regions that a few years earlier had been the exclusive domain of tribes had an increasingly mixed population of tribals and non-tribals. Government efforts to evict nontribal members from illegal occupation have proceeded slowly; when evictions occur at all, those ejected are usually members of poor, lower castes. Improved communications, roads with motorised traffic, and more frequent government intervention figured in the increased contact that tribal peoples had with outsiders. Commercial highways and cash crops frequently drew non-tribal people into remote areas. By the 1960s and 1970s, the resident nontribal shopkeeper was a permanent feature of many tribal villages. Since shopkeepers often sell goods on credit (demanding high interest), many tribal members have been drawn deeply into debt or mortgaged their land. Merchants also encourage tribals to grow cash crops (such as cotton or castor-oil plants), which increases tribal dependence on the market for necessities. Indebtedness is so extensive that although such transactions are illegal, traders sometimes 'sell' their debtors to other merchants, much like indentured peons. The final blow for some tribes has come when non-tribals, through political jockeying, have managed to gain legal tribal status, that is, to be listed as a Scheduled Tribe. Tribes in the Himalayan foothills have not been as hard-pressed by the intrusions of non-tribal. Historically, their political status was always distinct from the rest of India. Until the British colonial period, there was little effective control by any of the empires centred in peninsular India; the region was populated by autonomous feuding tribes. The British, in efforts to protect the sensitive northeast frontier, followed a policy dubbed the "Inner Line"; non-tribal people were allowed into the areas only with special permission. Postindependence governments have continued the policy, protecting the Himalayan tribes as part of the strategy to secure the border with China. Ecological threats. Many smaller tribal groups are quite sensitive to ecological degradation caused by modernisation. Both commercial forestry and intensive agriculture have proved destructive to the forests that had endured swidden agriculture for many centuries. Adivasis in central part of India have been victims of the Salwa Judum campaign by the Government against the Naxalite insurgency. Government policies on forest reserves have affected tribal peoples profoundly. Government efforts to reserve forests have precipitated armed (if futile) resistance on the part of the tribal peoples involved. Intensive exploitation of forests has often meant allowing outsiders to cut large areas of trees (while the original tribal inhabitants were restricted from cutting), and ultimately replacing mixed forests capable of sustaining tribal life with single-product plantations. Non-tribals have frequently bribed local officials to secure the effective use of reserved forest lands. The northern tribes have thus been sheltered from the kind of exploitation that those elsewhere in South Asia have suffered. In Arunachal Pradesh (formerly part of the North-East Frontier Agency), for example, tribal members control commerce and most lower-level administrative posts. Government construction projects in the region have provided tribes with a significant source of cash. Some tribes have made rapid progress through the education system (the role of early missionaries was significant in this regard). Instruction was begun in Assamese but was eventually changed to Hindi; by the early 1980s, English was taught at most levels. Northeastern tribal people have thus enjoyed a certain measure of social mobility. The continuing economic alienation and exploitation of many adivasis was highlighted as a "systematic failure" by the Indian prime minister Manmohan Singh in a 2009 conference of chief ministers of all 29 Indian states, where he also cited this as a major cause of the Naxalite unrest that has affected areas such as the Red Corridor. Tribal classification criteria and demands. The criteria presently followed for specification of a community as a Scheduled Tribe are : (i) indications of primitive traits, (ii) distinctive culture, (iii) geographical isolation, (iv) shyness of contact with the community at large, and (v) backwardness. Population complexities, and the controversies surrounding ethnicity and language in India, sometimes make the official recognition of groups as Adivasis (by way of inclusion in the Scheduled Tribes list) political and contentious. However, regardless of their language family affiliations, Australoid and Negrito groups that have survived as distinct forest, mountain or island-dwelling tribes in India and are often classified as Adivasi. The relatively autonomous Mongoloid tribal groups of Northeastern India (including Khasis, Apatani and Nagas), who are mostly Austro-Asiatic or Tibeto-Burman speakers, are also considered to be Adivasis: this area comprises 7.5% of India's land area but 20% of its Adivasi population. However, not all autonomous northeastern groups are considered Adivasis; for instance, the Tibeto-Burman-speaking Meitei of Manipur were once tribal but, having been settled for many centuries, are caste Hindus. It is also difficult, for a given social grouping, to definitively decide whether it is a "caste" or a "tribe". A combination of internal social organisation, relationship with other groups, self-classification and perception by other groups has to be taken into account to make a categorisation, which is at best inexact and open to doubt. These categorisations have been diffused for thousands of years, and even ancient formulators of caste-discriminatory legal codes (which usually only applied to settled populations, and not Adivasis) were unable to come up with clean distinctions. Demands for tribal classification. The additional difficulty in deciding whether a group meets the criteria to be Adivasi or not are the aspirational movements created by the federal and state benefits, including job and educational reservations, enjoyed by groups listed as scheduled tribes (STs). In Manipur, Meitei commentators have pointed to the lack of scheduled tribe status as a key economic disadvantage for Meiteis competing for jobs against groups that are classified as scheduled tribes. In Assam, Rajbongshi representatives have demanded scheduled tribe status as well. In Rajasthan, the Gujjar community has demanded ST status, even blockading the national capital of Delhi to press their demand. However, the Government of Rajasthan declined the Gujjars' demand, stating the Gujjars are treated as upper caste and are by no means a tribe. In several cases, these claims to tribalhood are disputed by tribes who are already listed in the schedule and fear economic losses if more powerful groups are recognised as scheduled tribes; for instance, the Rajbongshi demand faces resistance from the Bodo tribe, and the Meena tribe has vigorously opposed Gujjar aspirations to be recognised as a scheduled tribe. Endogamy, exogamy and ethnogenesis. Part of the challenge is that the endogamous nature of tribes is also conformed to by the vast majority of Hindu castes. Indeed, many historians and anthropologists believe that caste endogamy reflects the once-tribal origins of the various groups who now constitute the settled Hindu castes. Another defining feature of caste Hindu society, which is often used to contrast them with Muslim and other social groupings, is lineage/clan (or "gotra") and village exogamy. However, these in-marriage taboos are also held ubiquitously among tribal groups, and do not serve as reliable differentiating markers between caste and tribe. Again, this could be an ancient import from tribal society into settled Hindu castes. Tribes such as the Muslim Gujjars of Kashmir and the Kalash of Pakistan observe these exogamous traditions in common with caste Hindus and non-Kashmiri adivasis, though their surrounding Muslim populations do not. Tribals are not part of the caste system, Some anthropologists, however, draw a distinction between tribes who have continued to be tribal and tribes that have been absorbed into caste society in terms of the breakdown of tribal (and therefore caste) boundaries, and the proliferation of new mixed caste groups. In other words, ethnogenesis (the construction of new ethnic identities) in tribes occurs through a fission process (where groups splinter-off as new tribes, which preserves endogamy), whereas with settled castes it usually occurs through intermixture (in violation of strict endogamy). Tribals and are often regarded as constituting egalitarian societies. However, many scholars argue that the claim that tribals are an egalitarian society in contrast to a caste-based society is a part of a larger political agenda by some to maximise any differences from tribal and urban societies. According to scholar Koenraad Elst, caste practices and social taboos among Indian tribals date back to antiquity: Other criteria. Unlike castes, which form part of a complex and interrelated local economic exchange system, tribes tend to form self-sufficient economic units. For most tribal people, land-use rights traditionally derive simply from tribal membership. Tribal society tends to the egalitarian, with its leadership based on ties of kinship and personality rather than on hereditary status. Tribes typically consist of segmentary lineages whose extended families provide the basis for social organisation and control. Tribal religion recognises no authority outside the tribe. Any of these criteria may not apply in specific instances. Language does not always give an accurate indicator of tribal or caste status. Especially in regions of mixed population, many tribal groups have lost their original languages and simply speak local or regional languages. In parts of Assam—an area historically divided between warring tribes and villages—increased contact among villagers began during the colonial period, and has accelerated since independence in 1947. A pidgin Assamese developed, whereas educated tribal members learnt Hindi and, in the late twentieth century, English. Self-identification and group loyalty do not provide unfailing markers of tribal identity either. In the case of stratified tribes, the loyalties of clan, kin, and family may well predominate over those of tribe. In addition, tribes cannot always be viewed as people living apart; the degree of isolation of various tribes has varied tremendously. The Gonds, Santals, and Bhils traditionally have dominated the regions in which they have lived. Moreover, tribal society is not always more egalitarian than the rest of the rural populace; some of the larger tribes, such as the Gonds, are highly stratified. The apparently wide fluctuation in estimates of South Asia's tribal population through the twentieth century gives a sense of how unclear the distinction between tribal and nontribal can be. India's 1931 census enumerated 22 million tribal people, in 1941 only 10 million were counted, but by 1961 some 30 million and in 1991 nearly 68 million tribal members were included. The differences among the figures reflect changing census criteria and the economic incentives individuals have to maintain or reject classification as a tribal member. These gyrations of census data serve to underline the complex relationship between caste and tribe. Although, in theory, these terms represent different ways of life and ideal types, in reality, they stand for a continuum of social groups. In areas of substantial contact between tribes and castes, social and cultural pressures have often tended to move tribes in the direction of becoming castes over a period of years. Tribal peoples with ambitions for social advancement in Indian society at large have tried to gain the classification of caste for their tribes. On occasion, an entire tribe or part of a tribe joined a Hindu sect and thus entered the caste system "en masse". If a specific tribe engaged in practices that Hindus deemed polluting, the tribe's status when it was assimilated into the caste hierarchy would be affected. Constitutional safeguards for Scheduled Tribes. A number of constitutional and juridicial safeguards for Adivasi have been encoded. Particularly vulnerable tribal groups. The Scheduled Tribe groups who were identified as more isolated from the wider community and who maintain a distinctive cultural identity have been categorised as "Particularly Vulnerable Tribal Groups" (PVTGs) previously known as Primitive Tribal Groups by the Government at the Centre. So far 75 tribal communities have been identified as 'particularly vulnerable tribal groups' in 18 States and UT of Andaman & Nicobar Islands of India. These hunting, food-gathering, and some agricultural communities have been identified as less acculturated tribes among the tribal population groups and in need of special programmes for their sustainable development. The tribes are awakening and demanding their rights for special reservation quota for them. Gallery. Some portraits and images of adivasi people.

English sovereignty

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=24452295

"Don't Walk on the Grass" is the 117th episode of the ABC television series, "Desperate Housewives". It is the sixth episode of the show's sixth season and aired on November 1, 2009. Plot. Bree is starting to fall in love with Karl so she decides to end the affair. Karl gives Bree his grandmother's brooch because he found the perfect woman and tells Bree he loves her. That night, Bree and Orson go over to Susan's for dinner and she reminds Orson she hates public displays of affection. Susan sees the brooch on Bree and tells her it belonged to her but she lost it 11 years ago during the divorce. When Karl shows up to drop Julie off, Susan shows him the brooch and when Orson asks her where Bree got it, she lies and says she bought it at an antique shop. After finding out Karl yelled at Susan for losing the brooch, Bree gives it back to Susan. The next day, Bree confronts Karl about the brooch and reminds him they are done. Karl proposes to Bree and tells her he is a different person now and that she should think it over. Bree manages to get Susan to talk about the positive things about Karl and gives the brooch back to Bree. Bree tells Karl that she wants to marry the new Karl and that he should focus on getting her a divorce. She informs him that the new Karl needs to show up soon because if she is going to marry him, he needs to prove he is worth the consequences. The next morning, Orson visits the antique shop and learns that Bree lied about where she got the brooch as the shop only sells furniture. Gaby and Carlos are at the Fairview Elementary Thanksgiving play watching Juanita. Gaby tells Carlos that Juanita is not a good actress so she picks out a kid they can pretend is their own. When Juanita has trouble pronouncing "persecution", she gets frustrated and uses a four-letter swear word. Later, Gaby and Carlos are meeting with the principal and she informs them that as punishment Juanita will have to write a letter of apology to the other classmates and family members who heard the swear word, will not be able to participate in the final two performances of the Thanksgiving pageant, and will be on cafeteria cleaning duty for the next two weeks. Gaby thinks it is going overboard and the Principal says they have a zero tolerance policy for profanity. The principal questions Gaby's parenting skills so she pulls Juanita out of school and swears at the principal. Later, Carlos informs Gaby that she will have to home school Juanita and Gaby reluctantly agrees. Carlos tells Gaby that Juanita blames her for getting her pulled out of school. Gaby tells Juanita that she was only trying to defend her but learns that Juanita thinks of her as a bad mother. Early in the morning, Tom arrives home with two drunk college guys because they could not go home to their parents in that condition. Lynette gets upset because Tom went to a bar instead of studying at the library. Lynette reminds Tom that he is not going back to college just to have a second childhood and is there for school only. Gaby tells Lynette she has been getting bigger and wants to help her lose the weight by going for a run every morning. Lynette finds out Tom is at a party and when she goes to find him, the two guys that Tom brought home inform her that Tom is only doing stuff for them because they gave him the answers to the midterm as they have connections with the math department. Tom reveals to Lynette that he is failing the class and that is why he cheated on the midterm. Lynette tells him that he is setting a bad example and he reminds Lynette she is doing the same thing by lying to Gaby and Carlos about the pregnancy. He tells her that in order to survive they need to break the rules and warns Lynette that she is not better than him. Katherine visits Susan to apologize for her behavior and wants things to go back to normal. After Katherine suggests Susan and Mike invite her over for a barbecue, Susan tells her that because of everything that happened a barbecue will not happen. Katherine gets upset and informs Susan that she will have to sue Susan for reckless endangerment. Afraid of being sued, she agrees to invite Katherine over for brunch. Katherine goes over to Angie's to let her know the plan is working but she sees Angie looking at a picture of her mother who she says died. That night, Katherine calls Mike claiming to have a leak in her master bathroom but tells her he will stop by the next day. When he tells Susan it was Katherine, she tells him to get over there right away. Susan goes with Mike which catches Katherine by surprise. Katherine lies and has Mike fix the garbage disposal instead. Curious, Susan goes into Katherine's bedroom and sees rose petals scattered around the room and lit candles. Katherine catches her and Susan accuses her of trying to seduce Mike but she informs Susan that she does this every night. Knowing it is a lie, Susan starts to call Mike since he used to spend the night so Katherine starts frantically blowing out all the candles and flushing the rose petals. They get into a fight and end up falling into the bathtub with Susan holding Katherine under the water. Katherine overhears Angie talking to her mother on a pre-paid cellphone but she lies and says it is her mother-in-law. Later, Angie informs Susan that Katherine cannot be trusted and is dangerous. When Angie asks Susan if she knew where Katherine was the night of Julie's attack, Susan wonders why she would hurt Julie. Angie tells her that she just married Mike and puts the idea that since it was dark and a woman came out of the house, Katherine did not know it was Julie but thought it was Susan.

dean queries

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=50054758

R5 Highway is a regional road corridor running from Harare to Mutare. It is one and the same national A3 Highway. Background. In Harare the A3 Highway starts as Samora Machel Avenue (east), ( ) while the A5 Highway that runs from Harare to Bulawayo also begins as Samora Machel Avenue (west). Those in and around Harare like to call it Mutare Road, while those in Mutare call it Harare Road. In actual fact the R5 Highway which is the A3 Highway is a continuation of the R2 Highway to form the Plumtree-Bulawayo-Harare-Mutare Highway. Operations. The R5 Highway links the Trans-African-Highway 9 to the Beira Corridor through the Machipanda Border Post east of Mutare. Together with the R3 it forms part of the Beira-Lobito Highway (the green route on this map) Junctions. • At Marondera the P3 Highway turns left (north) to Murehwa. Its common name is the Marondera-Murehwa Road @ . • At Nyazura the R6 Highway turns right (south) to Chivhu. Its common name is the Chivhu-Nyazura Road. SOURCE: AA MAP Waypoints. Major waypoints are

confirmed truth

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=905478

English saddles are used to ride horses in English riding disciplines throughout the world. The discipline is not limited to England, the United Kingdom in general or other English-speaking countries. This style of saddle is used in all of the Olympic and International Federation for Equestrian Sports (FEI) equestrian disciplines, except for the newly approved FEI events of equestrian vaulting and reining. Most designs were specifically developed to allow the horse freedom of movement, whether jumping, running, or moving quickly across rugged, broken country with fences. Unlike the western saddle or Australian Stock Saddle, there is no horn or other design elements that stick out above the main tree of the saddle. Construction. The English saddle is based on a solid tree, over which webbing, leather and padding materials are added. Traditionally, the tree of an English saddle is built of laminated layers of high quality wood, reinforced with steel underneath the front arch, and around the rear underside of the tree from quarter to quarter. The sides of the tree that run horizontally along the horse's back are known as bars. Many modern trees are made with spring steel running from front to rear between the bars. These trees are somewhat flexible and are known as "spring trees," with the degree of flexibility varying from saddle to saddle. More recently, saddle manufacturers are using various materials to replace wood and create a synthetic molded tree (some still using spring steel and a steel gullet plate). Synthetic materials vary widely in quality. Polyurethane trees are often very well-made, but some very cheap saddles are made with fiberglass trees that are not so durable. Leather is added on all sides of the tree to create the seat, flaps and panels. Cowhide is usually used, though pigskin and other leathers are also seen. The panels on the underside of the saddle traditionally are stuffed with wool flock, which is still preferred and used on the highest quality saddles. Synthetic materials, including foam and fiberfill materials, are used on more moderately priced saddles, and one company currently sells a design that uses airtight sealed panels that are inflated with air. History of the English saddle. During the 18th century, most riders in Europe used high-pommel and cantle saddles, with a wooden frame for classical dressage. This saddle was based on a model used for bull fighting, cattle work, long-distance travel, and mounted combat, as its high pommel and cantle helped to provide the rider with support. This saddle is still used today, most notably by the Spanish Riding School, and also in Iberia and eastern Europe. In England, foxhunting grew in popularity (as the usual quarry of deer had dwindled following the English Civil War, when they were hunted for food). This required a new type of riding, as horse and rider now had to tackle fences, hedges, ditches, and banks straight on if they wished to keep up with the hounds and witness the kill. The old saddle was cumbersome while hunting. Its cantle would get in the way of the riders as they tried to lean back over the fence (a practice that was common until Caprilli developed the "forward seat"), and the high pommel created pain as the rider went over jumps. The resulting saddle developed for foxhunting had a very low pommel and cantle with a flat seat, and no padding under the leg, therefore providing the rider with little, if any, support. The stirrup bars were protruding, and placed more forward than modern saddles, which made it nearly impossible for the rider to keep his legs underneath his body. However, the usual practice was to ride with longer stirrups, and the feet pushed out in front, so this was not a problem. The English hunting saddle is the predecessor of all English-type riding saddles. As the sports of show jumping and eventing became more popular, saddle shape changed. Caprilli, Santini, and Toptani developed the "forward seat," in which the rider uses shorter stirrups and keeps his legs under him as he rode in two-point, with his seat bones hovering above the saddle. The shorter stirrup required a more forward flap, to match the greater knee angle of the rider. The protruding stirrup bars were uncomfortable in this new position, so they were recessed. The waist of the saddle was also made narrower. Additionally, padding was placed under the knee rolls, for extra security. Differences from Stock saddles. The term "English saddle" encompasses several types, including those used for show jumping and hunt seat, dressage, Saddle seat, horse racing and polo. To non-horsemen, the major distinguishing feature of an English saddle is its lack of a horn. However, some Western saddles, such as those used to ride rough stock in rodeos and certain types of western-influenced saddles used in endurance riding, lack a horn as well. These saddles can still be classified as western-influenced, however, due to the deep seat, high cantle, prominent pommels, wide fenders (stirrup leathers) and large, leather-covered stirrups. In addition, saddles used for working cattle in nations other than the United States, such as the Australian Stock Saddle and the Charro Saddles of South America, often share stock saddle features such as a deep seat and extra leather to protect horse and rider, but lack a horn. The other major characteristic which defines an English saddle is that it has "panels": these are a pair of pads attached to the underside of the seat and filled with wool, foam, or air. Although some modern saddlers have developed alternative models, the English saddle is usually constructed on a framework known as a "tree". The tree is made of wood, spring steel, or composite, and it supports the rider on a sling of webbing between the firm "pommel" (front of the saddle) and "cantle" (back of the saddle). On either side of the tree, a steel hook known as the "stirrup bar" is affixed. It is upon this hook that the rider hangs the "stirrup leather", which is a very strong leather or nylon loop supporting the stirrup. More very strong leather or nylon straps known as "billets" (or "girth points/straps" - UK) are attached to stout webbing which is tacked across the top of the tree, to which will eventually buckle the "girth"--the beltlike strap which holds the saddle onto the horse. The tree and its various parts are upholstered with a covering made of leather, nylon or microfiber and shaped to form the seat above and the panels below. In addition to the seat and panels, English saddles feature leather flaps on either side; the underside flap is called the sweat flap, and the upper flap is called the saddle flap (or, simply and appropriately, the "flap"). The flaps sit between the rider's leg and the horse's side and protects the horse from being pinched by the stirrup leather or girth, and the rider's leg from being chafed by the girth buckles. On some saddles it is also specially padded to protect or support the rider's knee. Styles of English saddles. The differences between the styles of English saddle are small but significant. The most important distinctions are the location and therefore the balance of the seat, and the flap length and shape. A saddle used for a discipline where the rider sits more upright with a longer leg, such as in dressage, has a flap that is longer to accommodate the leg, and less inclined forward (as the knee does not need to go forward). The seat will also be closer to the withers, to keep the rider's center of gravity in the correct spot. However, in disciplines where the rider needs shorter stirrups for better balance and security, such as in the jumping disciplines, the saddle flap is moved proportionately forward and shortened, and the seat is moved further back. A jumping saddle will have a shorter and more forward flap than a dressage saddle, with the seat slightly more towards the cantle. If the flap was not inclined forward, the rider’s knee would hang over the flap, and the flap would constantly push the leg out of position (usually backward), so that the rider would become unstable and interfere with his horse. If the seat was not moved rearward, the rider would be forced ahead of the saddle over a fence. A racing saddle, where jockeys ride with incredibly short stirrups, will have an extremely forward and short saddle flap (almost more horizontal than vertical), and the seat will be extended well back from the pommel to keep the rider’s center of gravity correctly situated. Supportive padding in the seat, size and shape of knee rolls and the use of additional blocks behind the leg is also considered when developing a saddle. While a polo saddle is constructed with a minimum of padding so as to allow the polo player great freedom to twist and reach for his shot, a saddle used for jumping or eventing may have more padding to help give the rider support over fences. Another development is the monoflap saddle, in which both the sweat flap and saddle flap are made of lighter weight leather, stitched together around the edges leaving only a passage point for the girth straps, thus reducing the thickness of leather between the rider and the horse, and giving a closer feel, while still protecting the horse's skin from straps. All-Purpose or Eventing saddle. The "all-purpose" or "eventing" saddle (also sometimes called a "general purpose" saddle) was developed to allow riders to use one saddle both over fences and on the flat. This type of saddle has a deep seat with a long, but somewhat forward flap. The flaps usually have padding under the leg, for support while jumping. The design is intended to be a compromise between the flatter "close contact" jumping saddle with a forward flap, and deep-seated dressage saddle with a long, straight flap. This style of saddle is most commonly seen in amateur-owner or lower-level junior competition. The less-expensive "all-purpose" models are often marketed as beginner's saddles. More expensive models are usually labeled "eventing" saddles. Manufacturers insist that there is a significant design difference between an eventing saddle and an all-purpose saddle. However, while eventing saddles usually do have better balance and higher quality materials and workmanship, a fundamental design difference is otherwise difficult to discern. Many manufacturers create two models, one with a slightly straighter dressage-oriented flap that still allows a rider to jump low fences, and another with a more forward flap that allows a rider to jump somewhat more challenging fences, but still permit a deep seat for flat work. One company manufactures a design with a flap that can be adjusted to be straighter or more forward, as the rider prefers. Due to the deep, secure-feeling seat, the design is also used by some people when starting young, unpredictable horses, and is quite popular for trail riding, endurance riding, and casual hacking. Many top-level endurance riders find this design superior to an "endurance" style saddle for distance competition because it allows them to get off the horse's back and move quickly over rough or mountainous terrain, yet provides greater security to the rider. On the other hand, this compromise design also means that an advanced rider may find the saddle limits his or her ability to obtain a correct position at higher levels of competition, either in show jumping or dressage. For this reason, some English riding instructors and coaches do not particularly encourage their riders to use these saddles. Quality and balance are very critical factors to consider when purchasing an all-purpose saddle. Many cheap models are designed with a too-forward cut flap that is not properly aligned with the seat, which prevents the rider from getting into a correct position on the flat and sometimes gives the rider the uncomfortable sensation of feeling like they are constantly sliding backwards. Also, when the stirrups are adjusted correctly for jumping, the rider's knees are not always placed properly in relation to the flap. Some models also are too high in the cantle, which can hit a rider in the buttocks and push the seat too far forward when jumping all but the smallest fences. The Jumping saddle. The jumping saddle, sometimes called a "forward seat" or "close contact" saddle, is designed for show jumping, hunt seat equitation, foxhunting, and the show jumping and cross-country phases of eventing. Its most distinctive feature is a forward-cut flap that allows for a shorter stirrup length (although not as short as racing stirrups). The flap often has supportive padded knee rolls, especially for show jumping and cross-country, less so for equitation. The balance of the seat is further back and comparatively flat, with the cantle and pommel low so that they do not interfere with the rider's jumping position (and variations known as "two-point position" or "half-seat"). Like the All-Purpose saddle, the jumping saddle usually has three short billets. However, other styles (such as monoflap jumping saddles) have longer billets that mirror the dressage saddle, so that the rider no longer has to ride with extra bulk under the leg. It is important that the rider's leg fit appropriately into the flap of the jumping saddle when the stirrups are shortened. If the knee is too far forward or back, the rider's balance will be incorrect and the saddle becomes a hindrance rather than an advantage while jumping obstacles. Dressage saddle. Dressage saddles have a very straight-cut flap, much longer than a jumping saddle, which accommodates the longer leg position of a dressage rider, who works only on the flat and does not need to jump fences. The pommel is a bit higher and the deepest point of the saddle's seat more forward, all to allow for this longer leg position. The seat is usually much deeper in a dressage saddle than a jumping saddle, and allows the rider to sit comfortably and relax to best influence the horse. The stuffing of the panels is often kept to a minimum in a dressage saddle, to allow a closer feel with the horse. It often has a wider bearing surface than a jumping saddle. Some designs feature an exaggerated amount of padding in front of the knee, much more than in a jumping saddle, said to assist the rider in keeping the knee down and thigh back. However, there is usually little padding behind the calf, as the rider needs to be able to freely move the lower leg to give aids to the horse. The billets of most dressage saddles are very long, to allow the girth to be buckled near the horse's elbow rather than underneath the rider's leg (which would get in the way of giving effecting leg aids). However, some dressage saddles come with shorter billets. The Saddle seat saddle. The saddle seat saddle, also sometimes called a "Park," "Lane Fox" or "cutback," is a variation on the English show saddle. It is seen most often in the USA and Canada, but also on occasion in South Africa and other parts of the world. It is used most often on the high-action and gaited horses of the Americas. Gaited breeds using this saddle include the American Saddlebred, Tennessee Walking Horse, and Missouri Foxtrotter. Non-gaited but action-oriented breeds such as the Morgan and the Arabian, are commonly shown in saddle seat style, though these breeds also have hunt seat divisions. The seat of this saddle is longer and flatter than that of a forward seat or dressage saddle. The seat places the rider's center of balance farther back on the horse than in other English riding disciplines, though correct saddle seat equitation still demands that the rider's legs and feet be balanced under the horse. The pommel is always cut back to allow greater freedom of the front legs and shoulder, as well as to accommodate the higher set neck and higher withers typical of the saddle seat breeds. The flap is wide front-to-back, with no blocks or rolls beneath, and ends closer to the cantle than any other English saddle so that the rider's leg (whose thigh is further back than in other styles because the seat is also farther back) is protected. Riders use very long stirrups, usually at least as long as those of dressage riders. The saddle seat was developed from two sources. The first was a flatter European saddle developed to sit the rider further back to show off the high front leg action of flashy horses, often seen quite literally during Sunday rides in city parks. ("See English Show Saddle, below.") The second source was the plantation saddle developed in the southern United States that allowed riders to sit back comfortably on a gaited horse as they covered large areas of land on a daily basis. Endurance saddle. The Endurance saddle, originally based on a military or police saddle, is used for the long-distance competition of endurance riding. Its major task is to provide the horse and rider with the comfort and balance needed to cover long distances over rough terrain, sometimes for multiple days. For the rider, the seat is often quilted or padded, and the stirrups are designed with a wide foot tread to reduce fatigue. For the horse, the panels of the saddle are extended to provide a larger area of contact with the back, thus reducing fatigue linked to the pounds per square inch of saddle contact. The saddle has many dee rings along the pommel and cantle that allow the rider to attach various items. Modern endurance saddle manufacturers have been innovative in methods to lighten weight and provide additional comfort for the horse, and several of these techniques have gone on to influence other saddle types. The panels are stuffed with different types of material, all designed to spread pressure evenly and disperse sweat. Most endurance saddles may have extended panels (called "fans" or "blazers"), which increase bearing area. Others may have "floating" panels, which are particularly useful since endurance riders often ride with their seat out of the saddle (releasing pressure from the back, but increasing the amount felt on the stirrup bars where they attach near the point of the tree). There is also an endurance saddle design based on the western saddle that is a bit larger and heavier, but is designed with similar goals. English showing saddle. This saddle is used in the United Kingdom, Australia, and elsewhere, for showing on the flat or over low fences, and is a direct descendant of the English hunting saddle. The show saddle is designed to show off the horse's conformation, most notably the shoulder, and is therefore a minimal saddle with a close fit and straight-cut flap. The seat is very flat, and there are no knee or thigh rolls, so the saddle offers little support to the rider. Like the American Saddle Seat saddle, the English showing saddle has a stirrup bar set farther forward and a cutback pommel that falls behind rather than over the withers, though the seat is less flat and the rider's center of balance is closer to that of a dressage saddle. Many show horses are also presented in fatter condition than in more athletic disciplines, so the billets are placed to help keep the saddle properly placed on a rounder animal, with the foremost billet on show pony saddles frequently being attached directly to the point of the front arch of the tree; this is known as a "forward point". The traditional position of the old style show rider was to ride with the feet placed forward, and the seat pushed back, which was once thought to encourage more action and to make the horse look as if it has a longer front end. Modern competitors are starting a trend to a more classical position, with the leg placed underneath their body and their hips over their heel, a position more forgiving on the horse's back that encourages better movement. The traditional English showing saddle is not used by these riders, and instead a more modern dressage-like saddle is used, with a more vertically cut flap. There sometimes is slight padding in these saddles, providing extra support, and the horses themselves are often shown in leaner, more athletic condition. The American-style Saddle Seat position, set behind the horse's center of balance, somewhat resembles the old-style show position, though the modern rider remains balanced over the stirrups. Sidesaddle. The sidesaddle was used by women from approximately the 14th through 19th centuries, when a combination of long skirts and social mores discouraged women from riding astride. Today the saddle is still widely used for specialty purposes in shows, parades, and other exhibitions. It has use for practical purposes by some riders who have injuries that make it difficult to ride astride. A smaller number of riders feel that sidesaddle riding is a skill and riding art worth preserving and thus continue to practice the style, working to achieve greater skill and refinement. Sidesaddles may be used in almost every discipline, including show jumping. In the USA, the four main divisions in modern horse shows are Western, Hunt seat, Saddle seat (the two English divisions use the same basic style of saddle but different bridles and rider appointments), and "historical," which may depict any culture or period, but must be fully researched and correctly utilized. Although sidesaddles are still manufactured today, it is a small niche market, and a new sidesaddle is quite expensive. Thus most riders who wish to ride sidesaddle are often found hunting for older saddles at antique shops, estate sales, and in dusty barn lofts. It is difficult to find a sidesaddle that not only fits the rider and horse but also is in good condition. The sidesaddle has only one stirrup leather, and two pommels: the fixed pommel (sometimes called a "horn" or "head") and the "leaping horn" or "leaping head". Although there are some sidesaddles that lack a leaping horn, they are not considered safe by modern standards. Both pommels allow the rider to stay in place, even when jumping. In fact, it may be difficult for the rider to be thrown free should the horse fall. The vast majority of sidesaddles are designed so riders sit with both legs on the near (left) side of the horse, though occasionally a sidesaddle is found that is reversed and allows the rider to sit with their legs to the off (right) side. In spite of having both legs to the side of the horse, properly positioned riders sit on the horse facing forward, with their spine centered in the saddle perpendicular to that of the horse, with weight balanced equally on both buttocks. The seat must be wide enough to accommodate the rider's offside thigh as well as buttocks. A sidesaddle is comparatively flat from front to rear. Many have a small curved pommel and a long, raised cantle on the off side to support the offside thigh and to help riders keep their spine squared on the horse's back. On some designs, the seat of the sidesaddle is angled away from the side on which the legs lie to help the weight of the rider remain centered over the horse's back. The near-side flap is commonly cut forward to keep the rider's right leg and foot from touching the horse's left shoulder. The girthing of an English sidesaddle is usually a three-buckle system, with a usual full-length girth and an additional balancing girth. The stirrup of a sidesaddle is much shorter than in a conventional saddle, so that the rider's knee is placed close to the leaping horn, and it buckles midway down the leather rather than close to the tree. Racing saddle. "See also: Horse racing, Steeplechase" The flat racing saddle is designed to not interfere with a running horse and to be as lightweight as possible (including the stirrup irons). The racing saddle has a very long seat without a dip to it, combined with extremely forward flaps that accommodate the very short stirrups and extreme forward seat used by jockeys. It also has a flat pommel and cantle so nothing interferes with the rider. Flat-racing saddles are built on a half-tree to reduce weight; because the rider spends most of the time up over the horse's withers, there is no need for the protection to the horse's spine that a full tree provides. The stirrups, instead of being looped over stirrup bars, are generally looped directly over the wooden bars of the half tree to prevent the loss of a stirrup during a race and to reduce bulk. This saddle provides very little security, placing the rider in a position that allows a horse the freedom of movement needed to achieve maximum speed, but at the cost of giving the rider less leverage to control the horse, and less protection for the horse's back from a sitting rider. Therefore, racing saddles are not suited for general equestrian riding. Most flat racing saddles weigh less than 1½ pounds; the lightest saddles weigh as little as 8 ounces. They generally have only one billet to attach the girth, and so an overgirth is usually added to keep it secure. Saddles used in steeplechases are generally slightly heavier and more substantial, usually being built on a full tree. Exercise saddles are usually larger and heavier, with a more prominent pommel and cantle to provide more security to the rider. Though these features add pounds, weight does not matter as it would in a race. Polo saddle. The polo saddle is designed specifically for the mounted game. It has a relatively flat seat and the saddle flaps are long and fairly straight to accommodate the longer leg position, although more forward than the dressage saddle. One of the defining features of the polo saddle is that there is very little or no padding under the leg, allowing the rider to have maximum freedom of movement. If the saddle had thigh or calf blocks, the leg would not be allowed to swing forward or back as needed. Fitting the English saddle. There are many factors to consider when fitting a saddle, and a professional saddle maker may be consulted to fit a saddle properly to a horse's back. Incorrectly fitting saddles cause pressure points, which may result in bruising, soreness, and behavior problems under saddle. The saddle must also fit the rider, as security on the horse can be compromised when a saddle is the wrong size. Correct saddle placement. Before fitting the saddle, it must be positioned correctly on the horse's back. The points of the saddle tree at the front arch should give a full three-fingers width of clearance behind the shoulder blade when the horse is standing straight, or a hand's width with the foreleg fully extended. This can be done by having someone on the ground pull each of the horse's forelegs as far forward as possible, holding the leg at the knee, while another person checks the shoulder blade. The rider's weight should be carried on the muscles that are over the horse's ribs (from behind the shoulder blades to the last rib). The last rib of the horse should be found, and the saddle should "not" come behind it. Many riders put their saddles too far forward, especially those that use jumping saddles. A properly fitting saddle will "find its own place" when put on over the withers, and then slid back until it will not easily slide further. Even a well-fitting saddle will cause discomfort to the horse and position problems for the rider if it is placed too far forward, creating problems that include: Saddles that are placed too far back (a common error made by inexperienced riders first learning to saddle a horse), or saddles with a tree that is too long (for example, a horse-sized saddle placed on a pony) also cause problems for horse and rider, including: Fitting the horse. A saddle must be measured for width, length, and front arch height (clearance over the withers). In ideal circumstances, the saddle is tried on the horse prior to purchase, or is purchased with a return option if it does not fit. When saddle shopping, or if having a saddle custom-made, one method of sizing the horse is known as a "wither tracing." To create this, an artist's flexicurve or a piece of coat hanger wire is placed up over the withers about two inches behind the horse's shoulder blade, then shaped to fit across the withers. The shape is then traced onto heavy paper or cardboard. An average horse can be fitted with just this measurement by comparing the angle of the wither tracing to the angle of the piping at the front arch of the saddle. However, horses with an unusual shape are measured in three locations, the second measurement approximately two inches behind the first one, and the last measurement nine inches behind the withers. Often for accurate measurements, a professional saddle fitter may need to be consulted. Tree width. The tree width, which dictates the width of the saddle and height of the gullet, is one of the most important factors when fitting the saddle, and can be tested easily by looking at the sweat pattern on the animal's back after work. A tree that is too narrow is more of a threat than one too wide, as it pushes the points of the saddle tree into the horse's back. This will often result in a hollowing if it persists for long periods of time. The sweat pattern will have even sweating along the panels, except for the points of the tree, which will cause round dry spots in the area of sweat, as a result from the pressure. A saddle that is slightly too wide will not be as much of a problem. However, a saddle that is much too wide will not have adequate wither clearance, especially on a high-withered horse, causing pressure in this area. Too much pressure in the short term can lead to rubs and saddle sores, long-term problems may include damage to the thoracic vertebrae that make up the withers. Panels. The panels need even pressure. The bearing surface of the panels should be as large and even as possible, within the confines of the saddle design. Poor flocking (stuffing) or pressure points from the saddle tree will decrease the bearing area. Uneven fit increases the pounds per square inch in a given area of the back, which can lead to soreness or even injury. Distribution of flocking can be tested by running the hands down the panels while applying slight pressure. If the panels are stuffed unevenly (one panel higher than the other, or stuffing that is hard and lumpy rather than smooth), the saddle will have pressure points and could cause soreness. A saddle fitter can check to make sure see if the panels are correctly stuffed for the horse. The front panels should have pressure evenly distributed down their front, which can be tested by saddling the horse, tightening the girth, running the hands down the front panels to feel for even pressure. The back panels should not rise off the horse's back when it is ridden. Height of the gullet. The saddle should provide adequate clearance for the spine and withers. With the horse's heaviest rider sitting on the saddle, there should be at least three fingers width between the pommel and the withers, and when girthed up with a thin pad or no pad, it should be possible to look down the gullet and see light at the other end. The gap between the panels should also be about three inches wide all the way down, pommel to cantle, though heavily built animals may need four or more inches of width here to avoid pressure on the ligament over the spine. Fitting the rider. The fit of the saddle to the rider is also critical, as a poorly fitting or badly designed saddle will disrupt the rider's balance by either pushing the rider backwards, behind the horse's center of balance, or lead to incorrect form as a way to compensate for a lack of balance in the saddle. Just as an athlete cannot perform their best if they have shoes that do not fit, even excellent riders have a difficult time riding well in a poorly balanced or ill-fitting saddle. Therefore, it is best to find a model that is comfortable and allows the rider to easily maintain the correct position. All English saddles are measured from the nailhead below the pommel to the center of the cantle. In the USA, English saddles, other than saddle seat styles, are manufactured in standard sizes for adult riders ranging from 16½ to 18 inches. Standard Saddle Seat sizes range from 19 inches to 21 inches. Most styles also manufacture proportionately smaller saddles for children. However, seat measurement is not a hard and fast way to determine if a saddle will fit a given rider. No two saddles are identical; there can be 1/4" variation between saddles of different brands with the same size designation. Length of thigh often plays a greater role in selecting a proper seat size than does rider weight or hip width. As a rough rule of thumb, sizes 16½ and below (19" for Saddle Seat) are generally for youth riders and smaller women. 17 and 17½ inch saddles are usually suitable for adult women of average size, with the 17 inch seat more suitable for shorter riders and the 17½ for those with a longer thigh (20" and 21" for Saddle Seat). 18 inch saddles are the most common size for adult men and larger women. (21" for Saddle Seat, with larger custom sizes sometimes available). Saddles are also manufactured with different flap lengths to accommodate riders of different sizes. Factors in saddle fit for a rider include the following: Consequences of poor fit. Long term, poor saddle fit may cause multiple back problems for the horse. It is possible for the horse's topline muscles to deteriorate, or for the horse to develop the wrong muscles. The muscles of the back just rear of the withers may atrophy, causing hollows right behind the shoulders, giving the withers the appearance of being higher and sharper. Horses may also lose muscle tone from traveling with a hollowed back, leading to increased risk of lordosis ("swayback"), kissing spines, or pinched nerves. For riders, spending long hours in a poorly fitting saddle may result in lower back pain as a consequence of incorrect pelvic angle. Saddles that are too small may also cause discomfort if the rider's seat is pushed into contact with the pommel. Evidence of a saddle with a poor fit include: Places of manufacture. English saddles are made in many places around the world. A traditional manufacturing centre is in Walsall, England. Other countries that produce fine English saddles are Ireland, France, Germany, Australia, Italy, Switzerland, Canada and the United States. Argentina produces many English saddles, particularly for the polo market, as well as a large number of brands that are in the mid-range of prices for other disciplines. The least expensive saddles are usually manufactured in India and can vary tremendously in quality of both workmanship and leather.

nearer touch

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=25572054

Since the invention of the stethoscope by René-Théophile-Hyacinthe Laennec France in 1816, physicians have been utilizing lung sounds to diagnose various chest conditions. Today auscultation provides physicians with extensive information on the examination of the patient. The skills of the examiner however, vary, as seen in a clinical study that was conducted on the diagnosis of pneumonia in 2004. Vibration response Imaging (VRI), a novelty computer-based technology takes the concept of the stethoscope to a more progressive level. The technology is based on the physiologic vibration generated during the breathing process when flow of air distributing through the bronchial tree creates vibration of the bronchial tree walls and the lung parenchyma itself. Emitted vibration energy propagating through the lung parenchyma and the chest wall reaches the body surface where is captured and recorded by a set of acoustic sensors. The sensors are positioned over the lung areas on the back that allows for the simultaneous reception of these signals from both lungs. These signals are then transformed by a complex algorithm to display the spatial changes in energy intensity during the breathing cycle. The intensity changes follow changes of airflow through the breathing cycle - i.e. : flow increases and decreases during inspiration and expiration. The VRI technology represents these changes as a grey scale-based dynamic image. The darker the higher the vibration intensity and the lighter the lower the vibration intensity is. VRI and Lung Sound Behavior. The foremost information that the VRI provides on vibration energy, is how lung sounds behave and function during inspiration and expiration, which also includes individual breathing intensity (or vibration energy) graphs for each lung along the time period of 12 seconds. The distribution pattern of normal lung vibration energy for healthy individuals evolves centrally (presumably reflecting early airflow distribution in central large airways) and develops centrifugally in a simultaneous fashion for left and right lungs. Following peak inspiration, there is centripetal regression of vibration energy toward the end of inspiration. The same pattern is repeated during expiration phase accordingly. The peak of inspiratory vibration energy is higher than expiratory energy peak due to inspiration being more active process compared to expiration. At the Maximum Energy Frame (MEF) (a frame on the dynamic image representing the maximum distribution of vibration energy at the peak of inspiration), the right and left zones has a similar shape, area and image intensity, with a tendency, however, to greater intensity on the left. The vibration energy graph is a graphical representation of the behavioral pattern for both lungs and each lung individually. For a healthy individual with normal lungs, the graph has a consistent pattern that is repeated throughout the 12 second breathing period. The graph increases to the peak at the MEF frame on inspiration, and then decreasing to expiration. During expiration the graph pattern looks similar to that of inspiration, however at a lower intensity. When comparing right to left intensity graphs, the graphs are synchronized and peak at the same time and are almost at the same intensity level. Lung ailments such as Chronic Obstructive Pulmonary Disease (COPD) cause the narrowing of airways in the lungs, limiting airflow and causing shortness of breath. Due to the limitation of airflow the VRI breathing pattern differs from that of a healthy individual. The patterns show asynchrony between lungs; with peaks in vibration energy difference. Because of this asynchrony, the contours of the lung periphery are not smooth, but have a "bumpy-lumpy" or "disco" appearance. The vibration energy graph displays an inconsistent pattern and it is difficult to delineate inspiration from expiration. When comparing the right to the left lung the energy graphs peak at different times, and differs at the intensity level. Conclusion. Studies have shown that normal lung sounds have distinctive characteristics that can be differentiated from abnormal lung sounds, thus supporting the potential clinical value of acoustic lung imaging. By using the VRI that simultaneously records the vibration energy from 40 points over 12 seconds and presents all of the derived information in a single image the physician can be less dependent on memory. Another advantage of using this method is the ability to store and later compare the data to subsequent recordings. Finally, the VRI examination is harmless, doesn't emit any energy, and is non-invasive and radiation-free, unlike potentially harmful radiologic studies. It is important to note that even though a lot of literature has been published on the VRI method, it is still fairly new and as such has its limitations. Clinical value is limited to afore mentioned studies, and crucial elements such a complete patient work-up, that includes extensive patient history, medication and present presentation of symptoms are invaluable to the decision making process as to how any physician will proceed with the patients' treatment.

persistent sequence

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=5429563

The Treasury, fully Department of the Treasury, is the Australian Government ministerial department responsible for economic policy, fiscal policy, market regulation, and the Australian federal budget. The Treasury is one of only two government departments that have existed continuously since Federation in 1901, the other being the Attorney-General's Department. The most senior public servant in the Treasury is the department secretary, currently Steven Kennedy who was appointed in September 2019. Ministerial responsibility for the department lies with the Treasurer, currently Josh Frydenberg who took office in the Morrison Government in August 2018. History. The Australian Treasury was established in Melbourne in January 1901, after the federation of the six Australian colonies. In 1910, the federal government passed the "Australian Notes Act 1910" which gave control over the issue of Australian bank notes to The Treasury and prohibited the circulation of state notes and withdrew their status as legal tender. The Treasury issued notes until 1924, when the responsibility was transferred to the Commonwealth Bank and later to "Note Printing Australia", a subsidiary of the Reserve Bank of Australia. The department is focused on developing Australian taxation system, land and income tax and economic policies. Structure. The Treasury is divided into four groups: fiscal, macroeconomic, revenue and markets, with support coming from the Corporate Services Division. These groups were established to meet four policy outcomes. Financial regulation. The department works with the Australian Prudential Regulation Authority, the Australian Securities and Investments Commission and the Reserve Bank of Australia via the Council of Financial Regulators Working Group to ensure that market operators have appropriate oversight and to facilitate crisis management if required. Secretaries to the Treasury. The Secretary to the Treasury is the public service head of the department. Below is the list of Secretaries. Treasury’s independence. In 2008, Treasurer Wayne Swan called Secretary to the Treasury Ken Henry an "independent economic regulator," similar to the Governor of the Reserve Bank. When asked after the 2009 Budget about Treasury’s independence, Henry replied: Forecasts. The department is legally required to provide a Pre-election Economic and Fiscal Outlook containing updated reports on the economic and fiscal outlook shortly after the issuing of a writ for a general federal election.

a couple of administrative units

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=40480265

The 2006 nightlife legislation in New York City was enacted on August 23, 2006 in response to violent crime involving nightclubs in the New York City area. One of the first measures to come about was a three-point plan proposed by New York City Council Speaker Christine Quinn in her August 8, 2006 memorandum. Background. In early 2006, a young child, Nixzmary Brown, 7, was murdered. It had occurred within a short time of another murder of a young criminology student. The recollection of Brown's murder was refocused in February, after another murder was brought to the New York City public's attention: the brutal torture, rape, and strangulation murder of Imette St. Guillen, 25, a John Jay College graduate student, whose killing and associated lurid details later captured the nation's attention. St. Guillen's murder, which was related to a bar and a bouncer with a criminal record, would strongly bring the public focus on New York City's nightlife. There were protests against The Falls bar, whose owner had lied to police, and initial discussion of nightlife followed. The June 18 murder of a 16-year-old student, Chanel Petro-Nixon, and the July 25 rape and murder of another student, 19-year-old Jennifer Moore, gave cause to public concern and the publication of the article series "Wasteland," which was written by the "New York Post". A "Post" columnist, Andrea Peyser, speculated that the three murders were connected: Such articles discussed fake I.D. use, alcoholic drinking among underage teenagers, and discussion of New York City nightlife in general. Some of the "Post" articles mentioned accounts of gun-shooting violence involving bouncers. One such bouncer, Stephen Sakai, used a gun to kill some club patrons at Opus 22, which further brought the public's focus on nightlife and bouncers. Sakai was later convicted and sentenced to 90 years in prison. In November 2006, Sean Bell was shot and killed. All those incidents that were reported as occurring in bars and nightclubs would continue in 2007. In 2009, 17-year-old Nyasia Pryear-Yard, an honors student, was shot to death while attending a party at the Elks Plaza Club in Brooklyn. A suspected gang member, who investigators believe may belong to either the Bloods or the Crips, had brought a weapon past security. The family called for stricter safeguards for late-night parties. Places. Columbia University. The "Columbia Spectator" noted that Radio Perfecto had closed but that the nearby Village Pourhouse had stayed open. The article noted the attempts to balance students, the local crowds of people, and neighborhood residents and the attempts made to update the security of area bars. The latter bar later closed as well. Chelsea nightclubs. The "New York Post" focused on 16-year-olds attending nightclubs, specifically in Chelsea, in the west of Manhattan. It was noted that it was very easy for teenagers to obtain fake ID cards. Several bar owners were interviewed on the problems of verifying the legitimacy of ID cards, as fake cards were very convincing in appearance; identity theft was also discussed. The "New York Times", in one article, called the nightclubs "playground[s]" fraught with dangers such as drunk young women leaving the clubs in the early morning hours. Senator Nicholas Spano had scheduled a hearing on September 7, 2006 to discuss the existing liquor laws and how these laws were being enforced. The artie mentioned both Moore and St. Guillen. Spano discussed the Chelsea nightlife areas and the liquor laws and focused on underage drinkers. By September 2006, the Nightlife Summit had been discussed on one website catering to nightlife and on the City Council's website. In the "Wasteland" series, one of the front-page headlines featured a photo of Jennifer Moore, juxtaposed with one showing a young teenage girl lying drunk on the sidewalk, along with a story on how commonly that occurred. One city block allegedly had 5000 young people entering a bar on that block every weekend night. Councilwoman Melinda Katz sought to change the minimum age for entry into bars from 16 to 18. Ron Bookman, who represented the New York Nightlife Association, accused Katz of grandstanding and predicted that her legislation would never get beyond the draft stage. Bookman wanted all the legislators to attend the summit hearing in September 2006. He disagreed with the report's recommendations and felt that officials would use the recommendations to target bars unfairly. A later article also discussing underage drinking again mentioned murder victim Jennifer Moore. Incidents. Scores West nightclub, on West 28th Street, reportedly had its liquor license suspended by the State Liquor Authority for allowing prostitution on its premises. Undercover policemen discovered women selling sex in the various club premises. Manhattan Supreme Court Justice Walter Tolub granted a stay of the SLA order, pulling the license of the club. Pending an appeal by the SLA, the club was allowed to continue to serve alcohol. A man was stabbed repeatedly by several women during a violent confrontation near the Vesta nightclub, on 29th Street and Eighth Avenue, on March 21, 2008. Possibly 30 people were involved in the incident, which resulted in the man being sent to the hospital in critical condition. Laura Garza, a 25‑year‑old, went missing on December 3, 2008. She had been last seen leaving a nightclub named Marquee at approximately 4:00 a.m., allegedly with a registered sex offender. In April 2010, the remains of Garza's body were found by the police. Factors. Fake ID cards. Fake ID cards had been discussed in connection with Moore and her access to clubs, even before her death. Moore's death reportedly had little effect on teenagers' behavior, and the view of teenagers saw the clubs as "cool," the provocative clothing being worn by young women enhanced clubs' reputation. The Bergen Record stated: The New York City Police Department, by 2007, had been focusing on fake ID. It arrested teenagers in Chelsea and padlocked Club Crobar, Pink Elephant, and Club Sol for numerous drug violations. It was backing laws proposed by the City Council that the police's powers. The police department wanted the New York City Council to give it expanded powers under the Nuisance Abatement Law, which would enable it to close businesses if violent crimes had been committed there and to close businesses that sell fake I.D. cards. In March 2007, more legislation to enforce security and to prevent fake ID cards was being considered, and Mayor Bloomberg indicated that he would sign the bills. By October 2007, Quinn was backing a state lawmaker's proposal to revoke the alcohol licenses of establishments that served underage drinkers. The New York Post also reported that it was easy to steal identities from the New York State Department of Motor Vehicles. There was much ease in obtaining such IDs, and Long Island state Senator Charles Fuschillo Jr., an anti-ID-theft crusader, was caught unaware of this fact. A DMV spokesman said there was no plan to stop the program or to make it more secure because duplicate licenses needed to be made for legitimate motorists and it was illegal to possess multiple people's driver's licenses in any case. Democratic Queens Councilwoman Melinda Katz started drafting legislation on drinking. It would outlaw nightclubs from requiring patrons to purchase bottles of alcohol to guarantee seating. Eight out of the twelve clubs in and around Chelsea that were surveyed by Katz's staff imposed the "bottle service" requirement, including the club in which Moore had been seen. Bouncers. Bouncers were also discussed as a possible factor to underage drinking. Bouncers are doormen and can decide whether people are allowed into a bar establishment. It was a factor in St. Guillen's murder. Sakai's firearm shooting of bar patrons was also discussed. On November 14, 2007, it was reported that around the city, the bars were changing their regulations, based on City Council and Police recommendations. Legislation and legal actions. Quinn followed up her initial August 8, 2006 memorandum with another one, calling for more safety and mentioning an upcoming Summit Meeting. The measures taken in the latter memorandum included the following: Spano scheduled a hearing for September 7, 2006 to discuss the existing liquor laws and how they were being enforced. Later, a "Nightlife Summit" was held in St. Guillen's alma mater, John Jay College of Criminal Justice. Attendees included Quinn, who had organized the summit; Commissioner Kelly; John Feinblatt, Mayor Bloomberg's criminal-justice coordinator; David Rabin, president of the New York Nightlife Association and co-owner of Lotus; Nightlife Association founder, Andrew Raseij; and various club owners. They made the following points: However, Kelly was against the idea of using off-duty police because he had said again that it both was illegal and would breed corruption between the police and bar owners. Another opponent to the recommendation, Mayor Bloomberg's criminal-justice coordinator, John Feinblatt, said that "it violates the law." Rabin indicated that it did not have to be specifically a NYPD security detail but that security was urgently required. Club owners also wanted Bloomberg to create an "Office of Nightclub Affairs" to operate as a liaison between the industry and government. It was mentioned that approximately 65 million people visit New York City bars and clubs each year, which created $10 billion profits for the city annually. Both parties in the discussions agreed that more action was needed to curb underage drinking, including the elimination of fake IDs and the raising the age limit for bars and clubs. There was also a discussion about creating a campaign to remind clubgoers to remain quiet when they left bars and to call the police if there is a safety issue. Some bar owners also complained that the smoking ban made it more difficult to keep the streets quiet at night. Quinn said: The council eventually introduced four pieces of legislation to help combat these problems, including Imette's Law, which required stronger background checks for bouncers. Among the legislative actions taken were the requirement of ID scanners, security cameras, and independent monitors to oversee problem establishments. It also enacted the following plan: Meanwhile, the murder of Moore put more focus on New York City's nightlife. Issues brought to the forefront of public thinking in that case were the underage drinking and fake identification cards that are obtained by teenagers illegally to obtain access to bars. Immete's Law. On March 14, 2007, Boston Mayor Thomas Menino signed Imette's Law, named after St. Guillen, to make it mandatory for nightclub and bar owners to conduct criminal background checks on bouncers and to set up security video cameras outside the establishment. The law was proposed by Boston City Councilor Michael Flaherty and was passed unanimously. Imette's Law was also enacted in New York State. New guideline book. A new guideline booklet, "NYPD and Nightlife Association Announce "Best Practices", was unveiled on October 18, 2007. The voluntary rulebook included a 58-point security plan, drafted in part by the New York Nightlife Association, and was further recommended by Police Commissioner Ray Kelly and Speaker Quinn. Security measures included cameras outside nightclub bathrooms, a trained security guard for every 75 patrons, and weapons searches for everyone, including celebrities, entering the clubs. The new regulation resulted in stricter penalties for serving underage persons. NYPD Club Enforcement Initiative. The Club Enforcement Initiative was created by the NYPD in response to what it referred to as "a series of high-profile and violent crimes against people who visited city nightclubs this year." The July 27 rape and murder of Jennifer Moore was mentioned. One article discussed the dangers of police work and undercover investigations. Bloomberg had met with Kelly and community leaders to discuss how undercover police had shot Sean Bell and two of his friends as they had celebrated his last night as a bachelor outside of the Kalua Cabaret strip club in Queens. Bell, who was unarmed, was set to marry later that day his high-school sweetheart and the mother of his two young daughters. The Club Enforcement Initiative was later mentioned in an article discussing the impact and the changes in nightlife as well as the death of Bell. The article mentioned St. Guillen and Moore as well. Chelsea residents were reportedly grateful for the increased police presence of the many local bars. The Club Enforcement Unit also tried to close another club, Stereo, after a patron was shot. Four other clubs were said to have been breaking the new rules. ID scanners. In August 2006, the New York City Council started initiatives to correct the problems highlighted by the deaths of Moore and St. Guillen. There was also discussions about electronic ID scanners. Quinn reportedly threatened to revoke the licenses of bars and clubs without scanners. NYPD Safety Manual update. In September 2011, the NYPD Nightlife Association updated its Safety Manual Handbook. There is now a section on counterterrorism, after planned terrorist attacks on certain bars and clubs worldwide.

earliest phase

8254-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=63789360

The Louisbourg Lighthouse Trail is a hiking trail on Cape Breton Island in the Canadian province of Nova Scotia. The trailhead is located on Lighthouse Point, at the Louisbourg Lighthouse, within the Fortress of Louisbourg National Historic Site. The Louisbourg Lighthouse is the site of Canada’s first lighthouse which was built here in 1734. Trail history. People have been traversing this coastline for decades so a narrow but well-worn foot path was present along this shore connecting Lighthouse Point to the community of Big Lorraine. A local non-profit society, the Coastal Connections Trail Association, began work on improving the trail around 2008. With the first section completed they held an opening ceremony in June 2010. The volunteer association continues to maintain the trail. Trail outline. Loop Trail. The first part of the trail is suitable for visitors of all skill levels. It begins at the parking area at Lighthouse Point and follows the ocean coast to the east as a hard-packed gravel partial loop trail. Along this part of the trail are a number of interpretive panels explaining the area's historical significance and natural features including its geography, flora and fauna. There are benches to rest along the trail, as well as lookoffs in strategic places. Sections of the trail, where it passes over a fen and other wet ground are constructed as an elevated wooden boardwalk. The trail is accessible to power wheelchairs and children in strollers and wide enough for two to walk abreast. Pets are permitted on the trail but must be leashed and managed by their owners. There are a number of small side paths branching off along this part of the trail, such as the one that gives access to the top of Lighthouse Cliff for an expansive view. The trail follows the coast past Lighthouse Cove, Crows Roost, Morningstar Cove and continues to Western Gun Landing Cove Head where it loops back around toward the start. Coastal Trail. Beyond the loop is a more challenging trail that continues east along Gun Landing Cove beach where British besiegers of Fortress Louisbourg landed artillery. Along the edge of the shore here are the remains of French entrenchments from 1758. This rugged section of the trail is narrower and has natural surfaces; it is wet in places, sturdy footwear is recommended. Parts of this section of the trail also have smaller sections of boardwalk or bridges to pass over some of the wet areas. The trail then continues into the woods past Eastern Gun Landing Cove Head to Brook Landing Cove (also known as Wolf's Cove) where General James Wolfe's forces set up camp along the Freshwater Brook running down to the cove, as a base for the attack on the fortress's Island Battery. From here the trail rounds Big Cove, then progresses further east past Hammer Head Cove and Hammer Head, and Moneyhunters Cove, to a lookoff at Lorraine Head. Past the lookoff a very rugged informal trail continues a further east to the coastal village of Big Lorraine. This section is recommended for avid hikers. Trail access. To reach the Lighthouse Trail from Sydney, travel Trunk #22 to Louisbourg, as you enter the town, take the first left turn onto Havenside Road. Stay on Havenside Road until the road ends at the lighthouse parking area. The trail head is at the far end of the parking area, at 45° 54′ 24.1″ N, 59° 57′ 30.5″ W (45.906694, -59.958472).

tough area

1542-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=12324273

A free-to-air or FTA Receiver is a satellite television receiver designed to receive unencrypted broadcasts. Modern decoders are typically compliant with the MPEG-2/DVB-S and more recently the MPEG-4/DVB-S2 standard for digital television, while older FTA receivers relied on analog satellite transmissions which have declined rapidly in recent years. Uses. Mainstream broadcast programming. In some countries, it is common for mainstream broadcasters to broadcast their channels over satellite as FTA. Most notably, in the German-speaking countries, most of the main terrestrial broadcasters, such as ARD Das Erste and ZDF offer FTA satellite broadcasts, as do some of the more recent satellite rivals such as Sat.1 and RTL. The satellites on which these channels broadcast, at Astra's 19.2° ea position, are receivable throughout most of Europe. In the UK, all the original five terrestrial broadcasters, BBC One, BBC Two, ITV, Channel 4, and Five broadcast FTA on digital satellite in some form. Ethnic and religious programming. FTA receivers are sold in the United States and Canada for the purpose of viewing unencrypted free-to-air satellite channels, the bulk of which are located on Galaxy 19 (97°W, Ku band). There is also a substantial amount of Christian-based programming available on several satellites over both North America and Europe, such as The God Channel, JCTV, EWTN, and 3ABN. Educational programming. The PBS Satellite Service offers educational programming on Ku band DVB from the AMC-21 satellite (125°W). As there is no standard MPEG audio on many of these channels, the AC3-only feeds require a Dolby Digital-capable receiver. They are otherwise free. Channels include PBS-HD/PBS-X as well as various secondary programmes normally carried on digital subchannels of PBS terrestrial member stations. The main PBS New York feed is absent from the free-to-air version of the PBS satellite service to afford local terrestrial member stations a chance to broadcast material before it becomes available on PBS-X or PBS-HD. Typically, PBS-X feeds carried programmes (except news) a day later than the main terrestrial PBS network. US terrestrial broadcasters. Many of these channels carried programming from major network television affiliates, although these are disappearing, particularly on K-band. Equity Broadcasting used one Ku band (Galaxy 18, 123°W) and one C-band satellite feed as a key part of its Equity C.A.S.H. centralcasting operation; many small UHF local stations were fed from one central point in Little Rock, Arkansas via free-to-air satellite. Most were members of secondary terrestrial networks, including both US English- and Spanish-language broadcasters, and content from satellite broadcasts often fed over-the-air digital subchannels of terrestrial stations. Programming such as the Retro Television Network or Retro Jams had been provided at various times; music video broadcasters Mas Música and The Tube were formerly available at 123°W before being taken over (Mas Música is now MTV3) or ceasing operations. Similarly, unencrypted Ku band satellite television was also used temporarily in the aftermath of 2005's Hurricane Katrina as a means to feed NBC programming into New Orleans from the studios of an out-of-state broadcaster; the feeds contained the content, branding and station identification of the damaged New Orleans station in a form suitable for direct feed to a transmitter (with no further studio processing) in the target market. Paradoxically, many Equity-owned local UHF stations obtained solid national satellite coverage despite small terrestrial LPTV footprints that barely covered their nominal home communities. In many cases, this brought smaller networks and Spanish-language broadcasting to communities which otherwise would have no free access to this content. As television market statistics for these stations from firms such as Nielsen Media Research are based on counting viewership within the footprint of the corresponding terrestrial signal, television ratings severely underestimated or failed to estimate the number of households receiving programming such as Univision from FTA satellite feeds. The liquidation of Equity Broadcasting's station group in mid-2009 greatly reduced the number of US terrestrial stations available from Ku band free-to-air satellite; while a very small handful of uplinked terrestrial stations remain free (mostly on C-band, which requires a much larger antenna) these are from other, independent sources. Rural and hobby use. Over-the-air digital TV signals do not reach very far outside the city in which they are transmitted. FTA receivers can be used in rural locations as a fairly reliable source of television without subscribing to cable or a major satellite provider. Terrestrial broadcasters use some of the nearly 30 North American satellites to transmit their feeds for internal purposes. These unencrypted feeds can then be received by anyone with the proper decoder. Satellite signals are normally receivable well beyond the terrestrial station's coverage area. Enthusiasts also use FTA receivers to watch the numerous wildfeeds that are present on many of those satellites. In theory, a viewer in Glendive, Montana (the smallest North American TV market) could have received what little local CBS and NBC programming is available terrestrially, alongside a Ku band free-to-air dish for additional commercial networks (such as individual ABC and Fox TV affiliates from Equity Broadcasting, formerly at 123°W) and educational programming (PBS Satellite Service at 125°W). There is no assurance that any individual FTA broadcast will remain available or that those which do remain will continue broadcast in a compatible format - in this example, such a viewer would have lost ABC and Fox in mid-2009 due to Equity's bankruptcy. Signal piracy. Free-To-Air receivers generally use the same technology standards (such as DVB-S, MPEG-2) as those used by pay-TV networks such as Echostar's Dish Network and BCE's Bell Satellite TV. FTA receivers, however, lack the smartcard readers or decryption modules designed for the reception of pay-TV programming, since the receivers are designed only for reception of unencrypted transmissions. On occasion, where a pay-TV service's encryption system has been very seriously compromised, to the extent that it can be emulated in software and without the presence of a valid access card, hackers have been able to reverse-engineer an FTA receiver's software and add the necessary emulation to allow unauthorized reception of pay TV channels. Manufacturers, importers, and distributors of FTA receivers officially do not condone this practice and some will not sell to or support individuals who they believe will be using their products for this purpose, use of third-party software usually voiding any warranties. Unlike traditional methods of pirate decryption that involve altered smart cards used with satellite receivers manufactured and distributed by the provider, piracy involving FTA receivers require only an update to the receiver's firmware. Electronic countermeasures that disable access cards may not have the same or any effect on FTA receivers because they are not capable of being updated remotely. The firmware in receivers themselves cannot be overwritten with malicious code via satellite as provider-issued receivers are. FTA receivers also have the advantage of being able to receive programming from multiple providers plus legitimate free-to-air DVB broadcasts which are not part of any package, a valuable capability which is conspicuously absent from most "package receivers" sold by DBS providers. DVB-S is an international standard and thus the industry-imposed restriction that a Bell TV receiver is not interchangeable with a Dish Network receiver (the same box) and neither are interchangeable with a GlobeCast World TV receiver (also DVB) is an artificial one created by providers and not respected by either pirates or legitimate unencrypted FTA viewers. Periodically, a provider will change the processes in which its encryption information is sent. When this happens, illegitimate viewing is disrupted. Third-party coders may release an updated altered version of the FTA receiver software on internet forums, sometimes hours to days after the countermeasure is implemented, although some countermeasures have allowed the encryption to remain secure for several months or longer. The receivers, meanwhile, remain able to receive unencrypted DVB-S broadcasts and (for some HDTV models) terrestrial ATSC programming. The same is not true of standard subscription TV receivers, whereby unsubscribing from a pay-TV package causes loss of all channels. The use of renewable security allows providers to send new smart cards to all subscribers as existing compromised encryption schemes (such as Nagravision 1 and 2) are replaced with new schemes (currently Nagravision 3). This "card swap" process can provide pay-TV operators with more effective control over pirate decryption, but at the expense of replacing smart cards in all existing subscribed receivers. While this approach is used by most providers, deployments tend to be slowed due to cost. While smart-card piracy often involves individuals who re-program access cards for others (usually for a price), piracy using FTA receivers involves third-party software that is relatively easy to upload to the receiver and can even be uploaded using a USB device, network, or serial link (a process called "flashing"). Most such firmware is distributed freely on the Internet. Websites that third-party coders use to share this software often have anywhere from 50,000 to over 200,000 registered users. Another method of pirate decryption that has become popular recently is known as Internet Key Sharing (IKS). This is accomplished by an Ethernet cable hooked to the receiver that allows updated decryption keys to be fed to the unit directly from the internet. The DVB-S common scrambling system and the various conditional access systems are based on the use of a legitimately subscribed smart cards which generates a continuous stream of cryptographic keys usable to decrypt one channel on a receiver. A key-sharing scheme operates by redistributing these keys in real-time to multiple receivers in an unlimited number of locations so that one valid smartcard may serve almost 10000 viewers. this was the only active pirate decryption system still in widespread use in North American satellite TV, due to the shutdown of the compromised Nagravision 2 system by providers such as Dish Network and Bell TV. However, this is limited by the interval of the stream of keys or also called CW (Control Words). Usually, the interval for the renewal of the CWs is ±10 seconds, but other systems (i.e. NDS3) have CW intervals of 5 seconds or less. Each channel usually has a different set of CWs for decryption and thus each box currently watching a specific channel must periodically request the current CWs from the server/smart-card for that specific channel. So arguably, the sharing of the card might not be unlimited. There are some restrictions to this like the frequency of CW changes and also the latency of the network. If the CWs do not arrive in time, there could be a freeze or crackle in the picture. There are of course other more costly possibilities like having several legitimately subscribed cards each handling a few channels and a CW caching server. The dependence on an external server also compromises privacy for individual viewers, as well as rendering the system incompatible with many receiver models which lack the ability to connect to an outside network and/or lack the ability to set or modify the various keys or identifiers used in communication between the card and receiver. Common features. Installation menu. This is the main control panel that allows the user to configure the receiver to interact with LNBs, switches, motors, and other equipment. The user selects the LNB type, local oscillator frequency, appropriate DiSEqC switch port, and motor configuration. If all the settings are correct for the appropriate equipment, a signal bar showing strength and quality will appear. At that point, the receiver can be used to scan the satellite to detect channels. Blind scan. There are 63 satellites in orbit over the Americas, 57 over Europe and a further 64 over Asia, a significant number of which will be receivable from any one location. Each of these has a different number of active transponders. Each transponder operates at a different frequency and symbol rate. Many FTA receivers are designed to detect any active transponders and any channels on those transponders. Because they are designed to do this without needing to be pre-programmed with the transponder information for each satellite, this process is referred to as a "blind" scan—as opposed to a satellite scan, which scans according to pre-set transponder values. Channel edit/sort. Once a scan is complete, the channels can often be sorted alphabetically, in satellite/transponder order, or in scrambled/unscrambled order. Additionally, third-party software often allows the option of sorting by the channel's Station Identification (SID) number. This is so that the individual channels can be numbered in a way that mimics the lineup of Dish Network or Bell TV. Channels can also be renamed or deleted, either in an on-screen menu or with external software. The most popular software used to configure and sort channels was a database program called Channel Master, which allowed the user to name, number, sort, and delete channels and then save them in a format that can then be written to the receiver. The file created that contains channel information is called a channel list. This channel editor application is not affiliated with the similarly-named antenna manufacturer and appears to have last been updated in 2008. Many older and discontinued receiver models are supported in Channel Master, though most newer and less popular ones are not. User settings. Most FTA receivers give the user the option of configuring the language, aspect ratio, TV type (NTSC/PAL), and time settings. Typically, most FTA receivers can accept an MPEG2 video stream in either PAL-compatible (540/704/720 x 576) or NTSC-compatible (640 x 480) image formats and convert it for display on either a PAL or NTSC monitor. There is some loss of image data due to NTSC's lower resolution. Some receivers also support output to SCART, S-Video, HDMI or component video. Parental control. All FTA receivers contain a parental lock feature. DiSEqC switch and motor control. Unlike package receivers promoted for use with a limited number of satellites controlled by an individual pay-TV provider, an FTA receiver is designed to be capable of receiving any free signals from all available satellites visible in a given location. To fully exploit this capability, most Ku band FTA receivers will control a DiSEqC motor which can rotate a single dish to view one of any number of multiple satellites. An alternate approach of pointing a fixed dish (or LNB) at each satellite to be received (then feeding the individual signals into a remotely controlled switch) is compatible both with standard FTA receivers and the more-restricted pay-TV "package receiver". The most common standard for use with FTA receivers is a DiSEqC switch which normally allows automatic selection of signal from four satellites. A simpler two-position remote switch operated by a 22 kHz tone is also occasionally used for North American reception, but this configuration is not compatible with European-style universal LNB's which use the tone internally for band-switching. A toroidal antenna may be used with multiple LNB's to receive multiple satellites in various locations over a 40° arc. Unlike the single parabola of a standard satellite dish antenna (which is best adapted to focus one target satellite to a single point), the toroidal antenna uses a reflector pair to focus multiple signals to a line. Individual adjacent or near-adjacent pairs (such as Glorystar on 97°W and 101°W) may be received, due to their close proximity, with two LNB's on what otherwise looks geometrically to be a standard parabolic dish. The outputs from these individual LNB's may then be fed through a switch to a receiver, providing access to all signals on both satellites. Electronic program guide. An on-screen program schedule can be accessed that also contains descriptive information about a selected program. The availability and quality of programme guide information varies widely between broadcasters (some provide nothing) and the ability of receivers to collect and store guide listings from multiple sources is also variable. Receivers with more memory (or storage on external devices such as hard drives) are often, but not always, better equipped to store and retrieve on-screen programme listings. In some cases, a receiver with both satellite and terrestrial tuners will provide on-screen guide support for one mode of operation but not both. PVR functions. A few high-end receivers feature the ability to record programs, pause, and review live TV. Often, a hard drive is not included when the unit is purchased, which allows the user to install any desired hard disk drive. Many newer units are equipped with a USB 2.0 port that allows the user to connect a portable hard drive; at least one unit (the Pansat 9200HD) uses external SATA as PVR media storage. Some receivers, such as TripleDragon or Dream Multimedia's Linux-based Dreambox series, provide local area network interfaces. This allows the use of network-attached storage to provide PVR-like functions (some of these models also include internal hard drives or USB) and allows the unit to be controlled or updated via network. The use of desktop personal computer cards to deploy DVB-S or terrestrial digital television tuners allows the computer's hard drive and network storage to be used to archive electronic programme guide information and recorded television programming. Most or all of the base PVR functionality becomes available by default at little or no added cost. MPEG4 and 4:2:2. Most standard FTA receivers support DVB-S, MPEG-2, 480i or 576i SDTV received as unencrypted QPSK from Ku band satellites. Rarely supported by stand-alone FTA receivers, but likely to be supported by FTA DVB-S tuners for personal computers, are MPEG-4 and MPEG2 , variants on the MPEG compression algorithm which provide more compression and more colour resolution, respectively. As personal computers handle much of the video decompression in software, any codec could be easily substituted on the desktop. High-definition television is also beginning to be supported by a limited-number of high-end receivers; at least one high-end stand-alone receiver (the Quali-TV 1080IR) supports both 4:2:2 and HDTV. is a version of MPEG-2 compression used in network feeds such as NBC on Ku band (103°W). Some broadcast networks use 4:2:2 encoding for otherwise-unencrypted transmission of sports events to local terrestrial stations, as it provides slightly better colour than the standard 4:2:0 compression. In some cases support for additional standards (such as DVB-S2, MPEG-4 and 8PSK) will also become necessary to receive a viewable signal. The use of newer means of modulation and compression is likely to become more widespread for high-definition television feeds, in order to partially offset the larger amount of transponder space required to deliver high-definition video to television stations. Terrestrial DTV. In countries using the DVB-T and DVB-C standards for terrestrial digital television and digital cable, a few higher-end receivers provide an option to install terrestrial DVB tuners either alongside or in place of the stock DVB-S tuner. Dream Multimedia's DreamBox series, for instance, supports this in a few selected models. In countries using ATSC, inclusion of terrestrial tuners in DVB-S FTA receivers is rare, with one key exception. Some HDTV FTA receivers incorporate terrestrial ATSC tuners. These typically do not support ATSC's unique "major.minor" digital subchannel numbering scheme or the on-screen program guide but are capable of displaying (or timeshifting) local HDTV with no loss in detail. Channels from these receivers are numbered using FTA conventions, by which the first channel found is most often arbitrarily given channel 1 as its virtual channel number. HDTV. A few high-end receivers feature HDTV. In North America, these often include an ATSC over-the-air digital television tuner and MPEG-4 support. A few HDTV units allow for the addition of a UHF remote control. However, an 8PSK module can be installed in place of the UHF remote and allows the receiver to decode the format used on most Dish Network high definition programming. These units are superior to DVD recorders for time-shifting HDTV programming, as most DVD units down-convert OTA HDTV signals to standard-definition to match the limitations of the DVD standard. An HDTV FTA receiver with ATSC capability and USB storage can record one channel from a terrestrial or satellite DTV transport stream entirely losslessly, although the on-screen guide for terrestrial reception is often limited and viewing or storage of analog NTSC channels is not supported. Controversy. Availability of free programming. While significant amounts of programming remain free, there is no assurance to viewers that any individual broadcast currently available free-to-air will remain so. Some will inevitably move to incompatible signal formats (such as MPEG , 8PSK, DVB-S2, or MPEG-4), change from free to encrypted, move to different satellite locations (often across bands, where C band reception requires much larger antennae) or shut down entirely. Many of the signals are backhaul or "wildfeed" video destined to individual stations, or are feeds to terrestrial transmitters programmed remotely. These were not intentionally created as direct satellite broadcasts to home viewers, but often had been left unencrypted (in the clear) on the assumption that few people were watching. As free-to-air receivers became inexpensive and widely deployed in the 2000s, many of these feeds moved to C band (requiring a huge dish), were encrypted or changed to incompatible modulation or encoding standards which required more advanced receivers, even though the corresponding terrestrial television broadcast may still be free-to-air in its home community. The onus is on receiver vendors to voluntarily indicate, whenever they use lists of currently available FTA programming for marketing purposes, that free channels frequently may appear, move and disappear, often on a permanent basis, with no advance notice. One North American example was Equity Broadcasting, once a major source of small local terrestrial stations on free satellite television. Equity filed for Chapter 11 bankruptcy on December 9, 2008 and most of Equity's terrestrial stations were sold at auction in mid-2009. As many of the stations (such as New York state's WNGS and WNYI) were sold to Daystar and now originate nothing, the corresponding unique free-to-air signals (Galaxy 18, 123°W) are no more. Even where a signal still exists, an incompatible signal format such as that of the NBC feeds (AMC 1 at 103°W, now requires 8PSK, DVB-S2 and HDTV support to receive anything) can remove a channel from virtually all standard FTA receivers. Receiver obsolescence. Many receivers will provide options for hardware expansion (such as to add 8PSK reception or DVB Common Interface TV subscription cards) and firmware upgrade (either officially or from nominally third-party sources). Most often, once the individual receiver model is discontinued, this support and expandability rapidly disappears from all sources. The migration of existing feeds to formats such as MPEG-4, HDTV, or DVB-S2 (which many current receivers do not support) may also result in viewers losing existing free programming as equipment becomes rapidly obsolete. Unlike digital terrestrial set-top boxes, most standard-definition DVB-S receivers do not down-convert HD programming and thus produce no usable video for these signals. There have also been incidents where existing receiver designs have been "cloned" or copied by competing manufacturers; a manufacturer will often reduce support for a widely copied receiver design. In some cases, malware has been released, ostensibly in the same format as existing third-party firmware, in an attempt to interfere with the further use of a widely cloned receiver's design. Legal issues. FTA receivers are ostensibly designed for free-to-air use but can be adapted for other purposes. In some jurisdictions, this dual-use nature can cause problems. Thus, combatting piracy involving FTA receivers has been difficult using legal means.

a main location

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=149661

The era of piracy in the Caribbean began in the 1500s and phased out in the 1830s after the navies of the nations of Western Europe and North America with colonies in the Caribbean began combating pirates. The period during which pirates were most successful was from the 1660s to 1730s. Piracy flourished in the Caribbean because of the existence of pirate seaports such as Port Royal in Jamaica, Tortuga in Haiti, and Nassau in the Bahamas. Piracy in the Caribbean was part of a larger historical phenomenon of piracy, as it existed close to major trade and exploration routes in nearly all the five oceans. Causes. Pirates were often former sailors experienced in naval warfare. Beginning in the 16th century, pirate captains recruited seamen to loot European merchant ships, especially the Spanish treasure fleets sailing from the Caribbean to Europe. The following quote by an 18th-century Welsh captain shows the motivations for piracy: —Pirate Captain Bartholomew Roberts Piracy was sometimes given legal status by the colonial powers, especially France under King Francis I (r.1515–1547), in the hope of weakening Spain and Portugal's "mare clausum" trade monopolies in the Atlantic and Indian Oceans. This officially sanctioned piracy was known as privateering. From 1520 to 1560, French privateers were alone in their fight against the Crown of Spain and the vast commerce of the Spanish Empire in the New World, but were later joined by the English and Dutch. The Caribbean had become a center of European trade and colonization after Columbus' discovery of the New World for Spain in 1492. In the 1493 Treaty of Tordesillas the non-European world had been divided between the Spanish and the Portuguese along a north–south line 370 leagues west of the Cape Verde islands. This gave Spain control of the Americas, a position the Spaniards later reiterated with an equally unenforceable papal bull (The Inter caetera). On the Spanish Main, the key early settlements were Cartagena in present-day Colombia, Porto Bello and Panama City on the Isthmus of Panama, Santiago on the southeastern coast of Cuba, and Santo Domingo on the island of Hispaniola. In the 16th century, the Spanish were mining extremely large quantities of silver from the mines of Zacatecas in New Spain (Mexico) and Potosí in Bolivia (formerly known as "Alto Peru"). The huge Spanish silver shipments from the New World to the Old attracted pirates and French privateers like François Leclerc or Jean Fleury, both in the Caribbean and across the Atlantic, all along the route from the Caribbean to Seville. To combat this constant danger, in the 1560s the Spanish adopted a convoy system. A treasure fleet or "flota" would sail annually from Seville (and later from Cádiz) in Spain, carrying passengers, troops, and European manufactured goods to the Spanish colonies of the New World. This cargo, though profitable, was really just a form of ballast for the fleet as its true purpose was to transport the year's worth of silver to Europe. The first stage in the journey was the transport of all that silver from the mines in Bolivia and New Spain in a mule convoy called the Silver Train to a major Spanish port, usually on the Isthmus of Panama or Veracruz in New Spain. The "flota" would meet up with the Silver Train, offload its cargo of manufactured goods to waiting colonial merchants and then load its holds with the precious cargo of gold and silver, in bullion or coin form. This made the returning Spanish treasure fleet a tempting target, although pirates were more likely to shadow the fleet to attack stragglers than to engage the well-armed main vessels. The classic route for the treasure fleet in the Caribbean was through the Lesser Antilles to the ports along the Spanish Main on the coast of Central America and New Spain, then northwards into the Yucatán Channel to catch the westerly winds back to Europe. By the 1560s, the Dutch United Provinces of the Netherlands and England, both Protestant states, were defiantly opposed to Catholic Spain, the greatest power of Christendom in the 16th century; while the French government was seeking to expand its colonial holdings in the New World now that Spain had proven they could be extremely profitable. It was the French who had established the first non-Spanish settlement in the Caribbean when they had founded Fort Caroline near what is now Jacksonville, Florida in 1564, although the settlement was soon wiped out by a Spanish attack from the larger colony of Saint Augustine. As the Treaty of Tordesillas had proven unenforceable, a new concept of "lines of amity", with the northern bound being the Tropic of Cancer and the eastern bound the Prime Meridian passing through the Canary Islands, is said to have been verbally agreed upon by French and Spanish negotiators of the Peace of Cateau-Cambrésis. South and west of these lines, respectively, no protection could be offered to non-Spanish ships, "no peace beyond the line." English, Dutch and French pirates and settlers moved into this region even in times of nominal peace with the Spanish. The Spanish, despite being the most powerful state in Christendom at the time, could not afford a sufficient military presence to control such a vast area of ocean or enforce their exclusionary, mercantilist trading laws. These laws allowed only Spanish merchants to trade with the colonists of the Spanish Empire in the Americas. This arrangement provoked constant smuggling against the Spanish trading laws and new attempts at Caribbean colonization in peacetime by England, France and the Netherlands. Whenever a war was declared in Europe between the Great Powers the result was always widespread piracy and privateering throughout the Caribbean. The Anglo-Spanish War in 1585–1604 was partly due to trade disputes in the New World. A focus on extracting mineral and agricultural wealth from the New World rather than building productive, self-sustaining settlements in its colonies; inflation fueled in part by the massive shipments of silver and gold to Western Europe; endless rounds of expensive wars in Europe; an aristocracy that disdained commercial opportunities; and an inefficient system of tolls and tariffs that hampered industry all contributed to Spain's decline during the 17th century. However, very profitable trade continued between Spain's colonies, which continued to expand until the early 19th century. Meanwhile, in the Caribbean, the arrival of European diseases with Columbus had reduced the local Native American populations; the native population of New Spain fell as much as 90% from its original numbers in the 16th century. This loss of native population led Spain to increasingly rely on African slave labor to run Spanish America's colonies, plantations and mines and the trans-Atlantic slave trade offered new sources of profit for the many English, Dutch and French traders who could violate the Spanish mercantilist laws with impunity. But the relative emptiness of the Caribbean also made it an inviting place for England, France and the Netherlands to set up colonies of their own, especially as gold and silver became less important as commodities to be seized and were replaced by tobacco and sugar as cash crops that could make men very rich. As Spain's military might in Europe weakened, the Spanish trading laws in the New World were violated with greater frequency by the merchants of other nations. The Spanish port on the island of Trinidad off the northern coast of South America, permanently settled only in 1592, became a major point of contact between all the nations with a presence in the Caribbean. History. Early seventeenth century, 1600–1660. Changes in demography. In the early 17th century, expensive fortifications and the size of the colonial garrisons at the major Spanish ports increased to deal with the enlarged presence of Spain's competitors in the Caribbean, but the treasure fleet's silver shipments and the number of Spanish-owned merchant ships operating in the region declined. Additional problems came from shortage of food supplies because of the lack of people to work farms. The number of European-born Spaniards in the New World or Spaniards of pure blood who had been born in New Spain, known as peninsulares and creoles, respectively, in the Spanish caste system, totaled no more than 250,000 people in 1600. At the same time, England and France were powers on the rise in 17th-century Europe as they mastered their own internal religious schisms between Catholic and Protestant and the resulting societal peace allowed their economies to rapidly expand. England especially began to turn its people's maritime skills into the basis of commercial prosperity. English and French kings of the early 17th century—James I (r. 1603–1625) and Henry IV (r. 1598–1610), respectively, each sought more peaceful relations with Habsburg Spain in an attempt to decrease the financial costs of the ongoing wars. Although the onset of peace in 1604 reduced the opportunities for both piracy and privateering against Spain's colonies, neither monarch discouraged his nation from trying to plant new colonies in the New World and break the Spanish monopoly on the Western Hemisphere. The reputed riches, pleasant climate and the general emptiness of the Americas all beckoned to those eager to make their fortunes and a large assortment of Frenchmen and Englishmen began new colonial ventures during the early 17th century, both in North America, which lay basically empty of European settlement north of Mexico, and in the Caribbean, where Spain remained the dominant power until late in the century. As for the Dutch Netherlands, after decades of rebellion against Spain fueled by both Dutch nationalism and their staunch Protestantism, independence had been gained in all but name (and that too would eventually come with the Treaty of Westphalia in 1648). The Netherlands had become Europe's economic powerhouse. With new, innovative ship designs like the fluyt (a cargo vessel able to be operated with a small crew and enter relatively inaccessible ports) rolling out of the ship yards in Amsterdam and Rotterdam, new capitalist economic arrangements like the joint-stock company taking root and the military reprieve provided by the Twelve Year Truce with the Spanish (1609–1621), Dutch commercial interests were expanding explosively across the globe, but particularly in the New World and East Asia. However, in the early 17th century, the most powerful Dutch companies, like the Dutch East India Company, were most interested in developing operations in the East Indies (Indonesia) and Japan, and left the West Indies to smaller, more independent Dutch operators. Spanish ports. In the early 17th century, the Spanish colonies of Cartagena, Havana, Santiago de Cuba, San Juan, Porto Bello, Panama City, and Santo Domingo were among the most important settlements of the Spanish West Indies. Each possessed a large population and a self-sustaining economy, and was well-protected by Spanish defenders. These Spanish settlements were generally unwilling to deal with traders from the other European states because of the strict enforcement of Spain's mercantilist laws pursued by the large Spanish garrisons. In these cities European manufactured goods could command premium prices for sale to the colonists, while the trade goods of the New World—tobacco, cocoa and other raw materials, were shipped back to Europe. By 1600, Porto Bello had replaced Nombre de Dios (where Sir Francis Drake had first attacked a Spanish settlement) as the Isthmus of Panama's Caribbean port for the Spanish Silver Train and the annual treasure fleet. Veracruz, the only port city open to trans-Atlantic trade in New Spain, continued to serve the vast interior of New Spain as its window on the Caribbean. By the 17th century, the majority of the towns along the Spanish Main and in Central America had become self-sustaining. The smaller towns of the Main grew tobacco and also welcomed foreign smugglers who avoided the Spanish mercantilist laws. The underpopulated inland regions of Hispaniola and Venezuela were another area where tobacco smugglers in particular were welcome to ply their trade. The Spanish-ruled island of Trinidad was already a wide-open port open to the ships and seamen of every nation in the region at the start of the 17th century, and was a particular favorite for smugglers who dealt in tobacco and European manufactured goods. Local Caribbean smugglers sold their tobacco or sugar for decent prices and then bought manufactured goods from the trans-Atlantic traders in large quantities to be dispersed among the colonists of the West Indies and the Spanish Main who were eager for a little touch of home. The Spanish governor of Trinidad, who both lacked strong harbor fortifications and possessed only a laughably small garrison of Spanish troops, could do little but take lucrative bribes from English, French and Dutch smugglers and look the other way—or risk being overthrown and replaced by his own people with a more pliable administrator. Other ports. The English had established an early colony known as Virginia in 1607 and one on the island of Barbados in the West Indies in 1625, although this small settlement's people faced considerable dangers from the local Carib Indians (believed to be cannibals) for some time after its founding. The two early colonies needed regular imports from England, sometimes of food but primarily of woollen textiles. The main early exports back to England included: sugar, tobacco, and tropical food. No large tobacco plantations or even truly organized defenses were established by the English on its Caribbean settlements at first and it would take time for England to realize just how valuable its possessions in the Caribbean could prove to be. Eventually, African slaves would be purchased through the slave trade. They would work the colonies and fuel Europe's tobacco, rice and sugar supply; by 1698 England had the largest slave exports with the most efficiency in their labor in relation to any other imperial power. Barbados, the first truly successful English colony in the West Indies, grew fast as the 17th century wore on and by 1698 Jamaica would be England's biggest colony to employ slave labor. Increasingly, English ships chose to use it as their primary home port in the Caribbean. Like Trinidad, merchants in the trans-Atlantic trade who based themselves on Barbados always paid good money for tobacco and sugar. Both of these commodities remained the key cash crops of this period and fueled the growth of the American Southern Colonies as well as their counterparts in the Caribbean. After the destruction of Fort Caroline by the Spanish, the French made no further colonization attempts in the Caribbean for several decades as France was convulsed by its own Catholic-Protestant religious divide during the late 16th century Wars of Religion. However, old French privateering anchorages with small "tent camp" towns could be found during the early 17th century in the Bahamas. These settlements provided little more than a place for ships and their crews to take on some fresh water and food and perhaps have a dalliance with the local camp followers, all of which would have been quite expensive. From 1630 to 1654, Dutch merchants had a port in Brazil known as Recife. It was initially founded by the Portuguese in 1548. The Dutch had decided in 1630 to invade several sugar producing cities in Portuguese-controlled Brazil, including Salvador and Natal. From 1630 to 1654, they took control of Recife and Olinda, making Recife the new capital of the territory of Dutch Brazil, renaming the city Mauritsstad. During this period, Mauritsstad became one of the most cosmopolitan cities of the world. Unlike the Portuguese, the Dutch did not prohibit Judaism. The first Jewish community and the first synagogue in the Americas – Kahal Zur Israel Synagogue – was founded in the city. The inhabitants fought on their own to expel the Dutch in 1654, being helped by the involvement of the Dutch in the First Anglo-Dutch War. This was known as the Insurreição Pernambucana (Pernambucan Insurrection). Most of the Jews fled to Amsterdam; others fled to North America, starting the first Jewish community of New Amsterdam (now known as New York City). The Dutch spent most of their time trading in smuggled goods with the smaller Spanish colonies. Trinidad was the unofficial home port for Dutch traders and privateers in the New World early in the 17th century before they established their own colonies in the region in the 1620s and 1630s. As usual, Trinidad's ineffective Spanish governor was helpless to stop the Dutch from using his port and instead he usually accepted their lucrative bribes. European struggle. The first third of the 17th century in the Caribbean was defined by the outbreak of the savage and destructive Thirty Years' War in Europe (1618–1648) that represented both the culmination of the Protestant-Catholic conflict of the Reformation and the final showdown between Habsburg Spain and Bourbon France. The war was mostly fought in Germany, where one-third to one-half of the population would eventually be lost to the strains of the conflict, but it had some effect in the New World as well. The Spanish presence in the Caribbean began to decline at a faster rate, becoming more dependent on African slave labor. The Spanish military presence in the New World also declined as Madrid shifted more of its resources to the Old World in the Habsburgs' apocalyptic fight with almost every Protestant state in Europe. This need for Spanish resources in Europe accelerated the decay of the Spanish Empire in the Americas. The settlements of the Spanish Main and the Spanish West Indies became financially weaker and were garrisoned with a much smaller number of troops as their home countries were more consumed with happenings back in Europe. The Spanish Empire's economy remained stagnant and the Spanish colonies' plantations, ranches and mines became totally dependent upon slave labor imported from West Africa. With Spain no longer able to maintain its military control effectively over the Caribbean, the other Western European states finally began to move in and set up permanent settlements of their own, ending the Spanish monopoly over the control of the New World. Even as the Dutch Netherlands were forced to renew their struggle against Spain for independence as part of the Thirty Years' War (the entire rebellion against the Spanish Habsburgs was called the Eighty Years War in the Low Countries), the Dutch Republic had become the world's leader in mercantile shipping and commercial capitalism and Dutch companies finally turned their attention to the West Indies in the 17th century. The renewed war with Spain with the end of the truce offered many opportunities for the successful Dutch joint-stock companies to finance military expeditions against the Spanish Empire. The old English and French privateering anchorages from the 16th century in the Caribbean now swarmed anew with Dutch warships. In England, a new round of colonial ventures in the New World was fueled by declining economic opportunities at home and growing religious intolerance for more radical Protestants (like the Puritans) who rejected the compromise Protestant theology of the established Church of England. After the demise of the Saint Lucia and Grenada colonies soon after their establishment, and the near-extinction of the English settlement of Jamestown in Virginia, new and stronger colonies were established by the English in the first half of the 17th century, at Plymouth, Boston, Barbados, the West Indian islands of Saint Kitts and Nevis and Providence Island. These colonies would all persevere to become centers of English civilization in the New World. For France, now ruled by the Bourbon King Louis XIII (r. 1610–1642) and his able minister Cardinal Richelieu, religious civil war had been reignited between French Catholics and Protestants (called Huguenots). Throughout the 1620s, French Huguenots fled France and founded colonies in the New World much like their English counterparts. Then, in 1636, to decrease the power of the Habsburg dynasty who ruled Spain and the Holy Roman Empire on France's eastern border, France entered the cataclysm in Germany—on the Protestants' side. The Franco-Spanish War continued until the 1659 Treaty of the Pyrenees. Colonial disputes. Many of the cities on the Spanish Main in the first third of the 17th century were self-sustaining but few had yet achieved any prosperity. The more backward settlements in Jamaica and Hispaniola were primarily places for ships to take on food and fresh water. Spanish Trinidad remained a popular smuggling port where European goods were plentiful and fairly cheap, and good prices were paid by its European merchants for tobacco. The English colonies on Saint Kitts and Nevis, founded in 1623, would prove to become wealthy sugar-growing settlements in time. Another new English venture, the Providence Island colony on what is now Providencia Island in the Mosquito Coast of Nicaragua, deep in the heart of the Spanish Empire, had become the premier base for English privateers and other pirates raiding the Spanish Main. On the shared Anglo-French island of Saint Christophe (called "Saint Kitts" by the English) the French had the upper hand. The French settlers on Saint Christophe were mostly Catholics, while the unsanctioned but growing French colonial presence in northwest Hispaniola (the future nation of Haiti) was largely made up of French Protestants who had settled there without Spain's permission to escape Catholic persecution back home. France cared little what happened to the troublesome Huguenots, but the colonization of western Hispaniola allowed the French to both rid themselves of their religious minority and strike a blow against Spain—an excellent bargain, from the French Crown's point of view. The ambitious Huguenots had also claimed the island of Tortuga off the northwest coast of Hispaniola and had established the settlement of Petit-Goâve on the island itself. Tortuga in particular was to become a pirate and privateer haven and was beloved of smugglers of all nationalities—after all, even the creation of the settlement had been illegal. Dutch colonies in the Caribbean remained rare until the second third of the 17th century. Along with the traditional privateering anchorages in the Bahamas and Florida, the Dutch West India Company settled a "factory" (commercial town) at New Amsterdam on the North American mainland in 1626 and at Curaçao in 1634, an island positioned right in the center of the Caribbean off the northern coast of Venezuela that was perfectly positioned to become a major maritime crossroads. Seventeenth century crisis and colonial repercussions. The mid-17th century in the Caribbean was again shaped by events in far-off Europe. For the Dutch Netherlands, France, Spain and the Holy Roman Empire, the Thirty Years War being fought in Germany, the last great religious war in Europe, had degenerated into an outbreak of famine, plague and starvation that managed to kill off one-third to one-half of the population of Germany. England, having avoided any entanglement in the European mainland's wars, had fallen victim to its own ruinous civil war that resulted in the short but brutal Puritan military dictatorship (1649–1660) of the Lord Protector Oliver Cromwell and his Roundhead armies. Of all the European Great Powers, Spain was in the worst shape economically and militarily as the Thirty Years War concluded in 1648. Economic conditions had become so poor for the Spanish by the middle of the 17th century that a major rebellion began against the bankrupt and ineffective Habsburg government of King Philip IV (r. 1625–1665) that was eventually put down only with bloody reprisals by the Spanish Crown. This did not make Philip IV more popular. But disasters in the Old World bred opportunities in the New World. The Spanish Empire's colonies were badly neglected from the middle of the 17th century because of Spain's many woes. Freebooters and privateers, experienced after decades of European warfare, pillaged and plundered the almost defenseless Spanish settlements with ease and with little interference from the European governments back home who were too worried about their own problems at home to turn much attention to their New World colonies. The non-Spanish colonies were growing and expanding across the Caribbean, fueled by a great increase in immigration as people fled from the chaos and lack of economic opportunity in Europe. While most of these new immigrants settled into the West Indies' expanding plantation economy, others took to the life of the buccaneer. Meanwhile, the Dutch, at last independent of Spain when the 1648 Treaty of Westphalia ended their own Eighty Years War (1568–1648) with the Habsburgs, made a fortune carrying the European trade goods needed by these new colonies. Peaceful trading was not as profitable as privateering, but it was a safer business. By the later half of the 17th century, Barbados had become the unofficial capital of the English West Indies before this position was claimed by Jamaica later in the century. Barbados was a merchant's dream port in this period. European goods were freely available, the island's sugar crop sold for premium prices, and the island's English governor rarely sought to enforce any type of mercantilist regulations. The English colonies at Saint Kitts and Nevis were economically strong and now well-populated as the demand for sugar in Europe increasingly drove their plantation-based economies. The English had also expanded their dominion in the Caribbean and settled several new islands, including Bermuda in 1612, Antigua and Montserrat in 1632, and Eleuthera in the Bahamas in 1648, though these settlements began like all the others as relatively tiny communities that were not economically self-sufficient. The French also founded major new colonies on the sugar-growing islands of Guadeloupe in 1634 and Martinique in 1635 in the Lesser Antilles. However, the heart of French activity in the Caribbean in the 17th century remained Tortuga, the fortified island haven off the coast of Hispaniola for privateers, buccaneers and outright pirates. The main French colony on the rest of Hispaniola remained the settlement of Petit-Goâve, which was the French toehold that would develop into the modern state of Haiti. French privateers still used the tent city anchorages in the Florida Keys to plunder the Spaniards' shipping in the Florida Channel, as well as to raid the shipping that plied the sealanes off the northern coast of Cuba. For the Dutch in the 17th century Caribbean, the island of Curaçao was the equivalent of England's port at Barbados. This large, rich, well-defended free port, open to the ships of all the European states, offered good prices for tobacco, sugar and cocoa that were re-exported to Europe and also sold large quantities of manufactured goods in return to the colonists of every nation in the New World. A second Dutch-controlled free port had also developed on the island of Sint Eustatius which was settled in 1636. The constant back-and-forth warfare between the Dutch and the English for possession of it in the 1660s later damaged the island's economy and desirability as a port. The Dutch also had set up a settlement on the island of Saint Martin which became another haven for Dutch sugar planters and their African slave labor. In 1648, the Dutch agreed to divide the prosperous island in half with the French. Golden Age of Piracy, 1660–1726. The late 17th and early 18th centuries (particularly between the years 1706 to 1726) are often considered the "Golden Age of Piracy" in the Caribbean, and pirate ports experienced rapid growth in the areas in and surrounding the Atlantic and Indian Oceans. Furthermore, during this time period there were approximately 2400 men that were currently active pirates. The military power of the Spanish Empire in the New World started to decline when King Philip IV of Spain was succeeded by King Charles II (r. 1665–1700), who in 1665 became the last Habsburg king of Spain at the age of four. While Spanish America in the late 17th century had little military protection as Spain entered a phase of decline as a Great Power, it also suffered less from the Spanish Crown's mercantilist policies with its economy. This lack of interference, combined with a surge in output from the silver mines due to increased availability of slave labor (the demand for sugar increased the number of slaves brought to the Caribbean) began a resurgence in the fortunes of Spanish America. England, France and the Dutch Netherlands had all become New World colonial powerhouses in their own right by 1660. Worried by the Dutch Republic's intense commercial success since the signing of the Treaty of Westphalia, England launched a trade war with the Dutch. The English Parliament passed the first of its own mercantilist Navigation Acts (1651) and the Staple Act (1663) that required that English colonial goods be carried only in English ships and legislated limits on trade between the English colonies and foreigners. These laws were aimed at ruining the Dutch merchants whose livelihoods depended on free trade. This trade war would lead to three outright Anglo-Dutch Wars over the course of the next twenty-five years. Meanwhile, King Louis XIV of France (r. 1642–1715) had finally assumed his majority with the death of his regent mother Queen Anne of Austria's chief minister, Cardinal Mazarin, in 1661. The "Sun King's" aggressive foreign policy was aimed at expanding France's eastern border with the Holy Roman Empire and led to constant warfare (Franco-Dutch War and Nine Years' War) against shifting alliances that included England, the Dutch Republic, the various German states and Spain. In short, Europe was consumed in the final decades of the 17th century by nearly constant dynastic intrigue and warfare—an opportune time for pirates and privateers to engage in their bloody trade. In the Caribbean, this political environment created many new threats for colonial governors. The sugar island of Sint Eustatius changed ownership ten times between 1664 and 1674 as the English and Dutch dueled for supremacy there. Consumed with the various wars in Europe, the mother countries provided few military reinforcements to their colonies, so the governors of the Caribbean increasingly made use of buccaneers as mercenaries and privateers to protect their territories or carry the fight to their country's enemies. Perhaps unsurprisngly, these undisciplined and greedy dogs of war often proved difficult for their sponsors to control. By the late 17th century, the great Spanish towns of the Caribbean had begun to prosper and Spain also began to make a slow, fitful recovery, but remained poorly defended militarily because of Spain's problems and so were sometimes easy prey for pirates and privateers. The English presence continued to expand in the Caribbean as England itself was rising toward great power status in Europe. Captured from Spain in 1655, the island of Jamaica had been taken over by England and its chief settlement of Port Royal had become a new English buccaneer haven in the midst of the Spanish Empire. Jamaica was slowly transformed, along with Saint Kitts, into the heart of the English presence in the Caribbean. At the same time the French Lesser Antilles colonies of Guadeloupe and Martinique remained the main centers of French power in the Caribbean, as well as among the richest French possessions because of their increasingly profitable sugar plantations. The French also maintained privateering strongholds around western Hispaniola, at their traditional pirate port of Tortuga, and their Hispaniolan capital of Petit-Goâve. The French further expanded their settlements on the western half of Hispaniola and founded Léogâne and Port-de-Paix, even as sugar plantations became the primary industry for the French colonies of the Caribbean. At the start of the 18th century, Europe remained riven by warfare and constant diplomatic intrigue. France was still the dominant power but now had to contend with a new rival, England (Great Britain after 1707) which emerged as a great power at sea and land during the War of the Spanish Succession. But the depredations of the pirates and buccaneers in the Americas in the latter half of the 17th century and of similar mercenaries in Germany during the Thirty Years War had taught the rulers and military leaders of Europe that those who fought for profit rather than for King and Country could often ruin the local economy of the region they plundered, in this case the entire Caribbean. At the same time, the constant warfare had led the Great Powers to develop larger standing armies and bigger navies to meet the demands of global colonial warfare. By 1700, the European states had enough troops and ships at their disposal to begin better protecting the important colonies in the West Indies and in the Americas without relying on the aid of privateers. This spelled the doom of privateering and the easy (and nicely legal) life it provided for the buccaneer. Although Spain remained a weak power for the rest of the colonial period, pirates in large numbers generally disappeared after 1730, chased from the seas by a new British Royal Navy squadron based at Port Royal, Jamaica and a smaller group of Spanish privateers sailing from the Spanish Main known as the Costa Garda (Coast Guard in English). With regular military forces now on-station in the West Indies, letters of marque were harder and harder to obtain. Economically, the late 17th century and the early 18th century was a time of growing wealth and trade for all the nations who controlled territory in the Caribbean. Although some piracy would always remain until the mid-18th century, the path to wealth in the Caribbean in the future lay through peaceful trade, the growing of tobacco, rice and sugar and smuggling to avoid the British Navigation Acts and Spanish mercantilist laws. By the 18th century the Bahamas had become the new colonial frontier for the British. The port of Nassau became one of the last pirate havens. A small British colony had even sprung up in former Spanish territory at Belize in Honduras that had been founded by an English pirate in 1638. The French colonial empire in the Caribbean had not grown substantially by the start of the 18th century. The sugar islands of Guadaloupe and Martinique remained the twin economic capitals of the French Lesser Antilles, and were now equal in population and prosperity to the largest of the English's Caribbean colonies. Tortuga had begun to decline in importance, but France's Hispaniolan settlements were becoming major importers of African slaves as French sugar plantations spread across the western coast of that island, forming the nucleus of the modern nation of Haiti. End of an era. The decline of piracy in the Caribbean paralleled the decline of the use of mercenaries and the rise of national armies in Europe. Following the end of the Thirty Years' War the direct power of the state in Europe expanded. Armies were systematized and brought under direct state control; the Western European states' navies were expanded and their mission was extended to cover combating piracy. The elimination of piracy from European waters expanded to the Caribbean beginning as early as 1600 with the expansion of standing Royal Naval vessels in the Caribbean, numbering 124 by 1718. Other colonial powers soon followed suit and by the beginning of the nineteenth century, France, Spain, and the United States had all stationed ships in the Caribbean. Due to a high degree of tension among the colonial powers, most of the ships stationed in the Caribbean were more concerned with engaging each other than they were with engaging the pirates of the time. However, this same time period saw a resurgence of piracy in the Caribbean due to the growth of the slave trade. Pirates saw the slave trade as a new lucrative source of income. They could easily capture a crew and ransom the valuable slaves that were their cargo. As the piracy increasingly interfered with the lucrative slave trade come from the Caribbean, colonial powers had a changing attitude towards piracy. Military presence had been growing in Caribbean waters for some time, but now the Royal Navy especially was more concerned with the growing issue of slavery, increasing the number of ships dedicated to policing slavery from two in 1670 to twenty-four by 1700. Despite increasing military power, Piracy saw a brief resurgence between the end of the War of the Spanish Succession in 1713 and around 1720, as many unemployed seafarers took to piracy as a way to make ends meet when a surplus of sailors after the war led to a decline in wages and working conditions. At the same time, one of the terms of the Treaty of Utrecht that ended the war gave to Great Britain's Royal African Company and other British slavers a thirty-year asiento, or contract, to furnish African slaves to the Spanish colonies, providing British merchants and smugglers potential inroads into the traditionally closed Spanish markets in America and leading to an economic revival for the whole region. This revived Caribbean trade provided rich new pickings for a wave of piracy. Also contributing to the increase of Caribbean piracy at this time was Spain's breakup of the English logwood settlement at Campeche and the attractions of a freshly sunken silver fleet off the southern Bahamas in 1715. This last large resurgence of piracy saw a change in attitude of the colonial powers towards piracy. It had once been seen as a somewhat minor offense only punishable if suspects and evidence were taken back to Europe for formal proceedings. Now, the English Parliament set the system of courts of Vice-Admiralty, appointing seven commissioners in the colonies to carry out the legal proceedings. These commissioners were chosen from naval and colonial officers who already contained a certain amount of bias towards the local pirates, instead of civilian judges. Pirates were given no representation in the new courts and were, therefore, often sentenced to hang. Between 1716 and 1726 approximately 400 to 600 pirates were executed. Another major attitude change was the policy that if one's ship was attacked by pirates, then one must fight back and attempt to resist to the capture of their ship lest they receive six months imprisonment. With royal attitudes growing so harsh towards the pirates in the Caribbean, many fled to areas of the world where piracy may still be a profitable trade. Black Bart, Bartholomew Roberts, perhaps the most successful pirate that had sailed in the Caribbean, eventually returned to Africa in 1722. Other, less successful pirates from the golden age in the Caribbean attempted to flee North to the Americas. Stede Bonnet, an accomplice of Blackbeard, supposedly began to plunder ships along the Atlantic Coast, but was captured along the South Carolina coast in 1718. This early 18th century resurgence of piracy lasted only until the Royal Navy and the Spanish "Guardacosta"s presence in the Caribbean were enlarged to deal with the threat. Also crucial to the end of this era of piracy was the loss of the pirates' last Caribbean safe haven at Nassau. The famous pirates of the early 18th century were a completely illegal remnant of a golden buccaneering age, and their choices were limited to quick retirement or eventual capture. Contrast this with the earlier example of Henry Morgan, who for his privateering efforts was knighted by the English Crown and appointed the lieutenant governor of Jamaica. In the early 19th century, piracy along the East and Gulf Coasts of North America as well as in the Caribbean increased again. Jean Lafitte was a pirate/privateer operating in the Caribbean and in American waters from his havens in Texas and Louisiana during the 1810s. But the records of the US Navy indicate that hundreds of pirate attacks occurred in American and Caribbean waters between the years of 1820 and 1835. The Latin American Wars of Independence led to widespread use of privateers both by Spain and by the revolutionary governments of Mexico, Colombia, and other newly independent Latin American countries. These privateers were rarely scrupulous about adhering to the terms of their letters of marque even during the Wars of Independence, and continued to plague the Caribbean as outright pirates long after those conflicts ended. About the time of the Mexican–American War in 1846, the United States Navy had grown strong and numerous enough to eliminate the pirate threat in the West Indies. By the 1830s, ships had begun to convert to steam propulsion, so the Age of Sail and the classical idea of pirates in the Caribbean ended. Privateering, similar to piracy, continued as an asset in war for a few more decades and proved to be of some importance during the naval campaigns of the American Civil War. Privateering would remain a tool of European states, and even of the newborn United States, until the mid-19th century's Declaration of Paris. But letters of marque were given out much more sparingly by governments and were terminated as soon as conflicts ended. The idea of "no peace beyond the Line" was a relic that had no meaning by the more settled late 18th and early 19th centuries. Rules of piracy. Aboard a pirate vessel things were fairly democratic and there were "codes of conduct" that reflect modern laws. Some of these rules consisted of a dress code, no women, and some ships had no smoking. The rules, the punishment for breaking them, and even the staying arrangements would be decided among everyone going on the ship before departure, which was a very abstract process compared to the strict rules and procedures in the Royal Navy. In further contrast to the society of Britain's colonies, on board a pirate vessel racial divisions were usually unknown and in some instances pirates of African descent even served as ships' Captains. Another activity that had to be engaged in before the ship left the dock was swearing an oath to not betray anyone in the entire crew, and to sign what was known as the ship's Article, which would determine the percentage of profit each crew member would receive. Furthermore, some of the ways for deciding disagreements among pirate crew members were fighting till first blood or in more serious cases abandoning an individual on an uninhabited island, whipping them 39 times, or even executing them by firearm. Despite popular belief, however, the punishment of "walking the plank" was never used to settle disputes among pirates. There was, however, a division of power on a pirate crew between the captain, the quartermaster, the governing council for the vessel, and the regular crewmen; but in battle the pirate captain always retained all power and ultimate decision-making authority in order to ensure an orderly chain of command. When it came time to split the captured wealth into shares, profits were normally given to the person in each rank as follows: Captain (5–6 shares), individuals with a senior position like the quartermaster (2 shares), crewmen (1 share), and individuals in a junior position (1/2 a share). Early and Golden Age pirates. Jean Fleury. Born in Vatteville and financed by shipowner Jean Ango, French privateer Jean Fleury was Spain's nemesis. In 1522, he captured seven Spanish vessels. One year later most of Montezuma's Aztec treasure fell into his hands after he captured two of the three galleons in which Cortez shipped the fabled booty back to Spain. He was captured in 1527 and executed by order of Holy Roman Emperor Charles V. He had a very well equipped ship. François Le Clerc. François Le Clerc also nicknamed "Jambe de bois" ("Pie de Palo", "wooden leg") was a formidable privateer, ennobled by Henri II in 1551. In 1552, Le Clerc ransacked Porto Santo. One year later, he mustered one thousand men and caused havoc in the Caribbean with his lieutenants Jacques de Sores and Robert Blondel. They pillaged and burned down the seaport of Santo Domingo, and ransacked Las Palmas in the Canary Islands on his way back to France. He led another expedition in 1554 and plundered Santiago de Cuba. Blackbeard. He was born about 1680 in England as Edward Thatch, Teach, or Drummond, and operated off the east coast of North America, particularly pirating in the Bahamas and had a base in North Carolina in the period of 1714–1718. Noted as much for his outlandish appearance as for his piratical success, in combat Blackbeard placed burning slow-match (a type of slow-burning fuse used to set off cannon) under his hat; with his face wreathed in fire and smoke, his victims claimed he resembled a fiendish apparition from Hell. Blackbeard's ship was the two-hundred-ton, forty-gun frigate he named . Blackbeard met his end at the hands of a British Royal Navy squadron specifically sent out to capture him. After an extremely bloody boarding action, the British commanding officer of the squadron, Lieutenant Robert Maynard, killed him with the help of his crew. According to legend, Blackbeard suffered a total of five bullet wounds and twenty slashes with a cutlass before he finally died off the coast of Ocracoke, North Carolina. Henry Morgan. Henry Morgan, a Welshman, was one of the most destructive pirate captains of the 17th century. Although Morgan always considered himself a privateer rather than a pirate, several of his attacks had no real legal justification and are considered piracy. Recently found off the coast of what is now known as the nation of Haiti, was one of Captain Morgan's "30-cannon oak ships," which was thought to have aided the buccaneer in his ventures. Another Caribbean area that was known for the headquarters of Captain Morgan was Port Royal, Jamaica. A bold, ruthless and daring man, Morgan fought England's enemies for thirty years, and became a very wealthy man in the course of his adventures. Morgan's most famous exploit came in late 1670 when he led 1700 buccaneers up the pestilential Chagres River and then through the Central American jungle to attack and capture the "impregnable" city of Panama. Morgan's men burnt the city to the ground, and the inhabitants were either killed or forced to flee. Although the burning of Panama City did not mean any great financial gain for Morgan, it was a deep blow to Spanish power and pride in the Caribbean and Morgan became the hero of the hour in England. At the height of his career, Morgan had been made a titled nobleman by the English Crown and lived on an enormous sugar plantation in Jamaica, as lieutenant governor. Morgan died in his bed, rich and respected—something rarely achieved by pirates in his day or any other. Bartholomew Roberts. Bartholomew Roberts or Black Bart was successful in sinking, or capturing and pillaging some 400 ships. and like most pirate captains of the time he looked fancy doing it. He started his freebooting career in the Gulf of Guinea in February 1719 when Howell Davis' pirates captured his ship and he proceeded to join them. Rising to captain, he quickly came to the Caribbean and plagued the area until 1722. He commanded a number of large, powerfully armed ships, all of which he named "Fortune", "Good Fortune", or "Royal Fortune". Aboard his vessels the political atmosphere was a form of democracy that depended on participation; in which was a rule that everyone aboard his ship had to vote on issues that arose. Efforts by the governors of Barbados and Martinique to capture him only provoked his anger; when he found the governor of Martinique aboard a newly captured vessel, Roberts hanged the man from a yardarm. Roberts returned to Africa in February 1722, where he met his death in a naval battle, whereby his crew was captured. Stede Bonnet. Probably the least qualified pirate captain ever to sail the Caribbean, Bonnet was a sugar planter who knew nothing about sailing. He started his piracies in 1717 by buying an armed sloop on Barbados and recruiting a pirate crew for wages, possibly to escape from his wife. He lost his command to Blackbeard and sailed with him as his associate. Although Bonnet briefly regained his captaincy, he was captured in 1718 by a privateering vessel that was employed by South Carolina. Charles Vane. Charles Vane, like many early 18th-century pirates, operated out of Nassau in the Bahamas. He was the only pirate captain to resist Woodes Rogers when Rogers asserted his governorship over Nassau in 1718, attacking Rogers' squadron with a fire ship and shooting his way out of the harbor rather than accept the new governor's royal pardon. Vane's quartermaster was Calico Jack Rackham, who deposed Vane from the captaincy. Vane started a new pirate crew, but he was captured and hanged in Jamaica in 1721. Edward Low. Edward – or Ned – Low was notorious as one of the most brutal and vicious pirates. Originally from London, he started as a lieutenant to George Lowther, before striking out on his own. His career as a pirate lasted just three years, during which he captured over 100 ships, and he and his crew murdered, tortured and maimed hundreds of people. After his own crew mutinied in 1724 when Low murdered a sleeping subordinate, he was rescued by a French vessel who hanged him on Martinique island. Anne Bonny and Mary Read. Anne Bonny and Mary Read were infamous female pirates of the 18th century; both spent their brief sea-roving careers under the command of Calico Jack Rackham. They were also known to have been associated with other well known pirates: Blackbeard, William Kidd, Bartholomew Sharp, and Bartholomew Roberts. They are noted chiefly for their sex, highly unusual for pirates, which helped to sensationalize their 1720 October trial in Jamaica. They gained further notoriety for their ruthlessness—they are known to have spoken in favor of murdering witnesses in the crew's counsels—and for fighting the intruders of Rackham's vessel while he and his crew members were drunk and hiding under the deck. The capstone to their legend is that all the crew including Rackham, Anne and Mary were tried in a Spanish town close to Port Royal. Rackham and his crew were hanged, but when the judge sentenced Anne and Mary to death he asked if they had anything to say. "Milord, we plead our bellies", meaning they asserted they were pregnant. The judge immediately postponed their death sentence because no English court had the authority to kill an unborn child. Read died in prison of fever before the birth of the child. There is no record of Anne being executed and it was rumored her wealthy father had paid a ransom and took her home; other accounts of what happened to her include that she returned to piracy or became a nun. Privateers. In the Caribbean the use of privateers was especially popular for what amounted to legal and state-ordered piracy. The cost of maintaining a fleet to defend the colonies was beyond national governments of the 16th and 17th centuries. Private vessels would be commissioned into a de facto 'navy' with a letter of marque, paid with a substantial share of whatever they could capture from enemy ships and settlements, the rest going to the crown. These ships would operate independently or as a fleet, and if they were successful the rewards could be great—when Jean Fleury and his men captured Cortes' vessels in 1523, they found an incredible Aztec treasure that they were allowed to keep. Later, when Francis Drake captured the Spanish "Silver Train" at Nombre de Dios (Panama's Caribbean port at the time) in 1573 his crews were rich for life. This was repeated by Piet Hein in 1628, who made a profit of 12 million guilders for the Dutch West India Company. This substantial profit made privateering something of a regular line of business; wealthy businessmen or nobles would be quite willing to finance this legitimized piracy in return for a share. The sale of captured goods was a boost to colonial economies as well. The main imperial countries operating at this time and in the region were the French, English, Spanish, Dutch and Portuguese. Privateers from each country were all ordered to attack the other countries' vessels, especially Spain which was a shared enemy among the other powers. By the seventeenth century piracy and privateering became less-acceptable behaviour, especially as many privateers turned into full-blown pirates so they would not have to give part of the profit they made back to their country of employment. Corruption led to the removal of many officials over the years, including Governor Nicholas Trott and Governor Benjamin Fletcher. One way that governments found and discouraged active pirates and corrupt privateers was through the use of "pirate hunters" who were bribed with all or at least most of the wealth that they would find aboard pirate vessels, along with a set bounty. The most renowned pirate hunter was Captain William Kidd, who hit the peak of his legal career in 1695 but later saw the benefits of illegal piracy and made that his new vocation. The most well-known privateer corsairs of the eighteenth century in the Spanish colonies were Miguel Enríquez of Puerto Rico and José Campuzano-Polanco of Santo Domingo.Miguel Enríquez was a Puerto Rican mulatto who abandoned his work as a shoemaker to work as a privateer. Such was the success of Enríquez, that he became one of the wealthiest men in the New World. Buccaneers. Pirates involved specifically in the Caribbean were called buccaneers. Roughly speaking, they arrived in the 1630s and remained until the effective end of piracy in the 1730s. The original buccaneers were settlers that were deprived of their land by "Spanish authorities" and eventually were picked up by white settlers. The word "buccaneer" is actually from the French "boucaner", meaning "to smoke meat", from the hunters of wild oxen curing meat over an open fire. They transferred the skills which kept them alive into piracy. They operated with the partial support of the non-Spanish colonies and until the 18th century their activities were legal, or partially legal and there were irregular amnesties from all nations. For the most part buccaneers attacked other vessel and ransacked settlements owned by the Spanish. Traditionally buccaneers had a number of peculiarities. Their crews operated as a democracy: the captain was elected by the crew and they could vote to replace him. The captain had to be a leader and a fighter—in combat he was expected to be fighting with his men, not directing operations from a distance. Spoils were evenly divided into shares; when the officers had a greater number of shares, it was because they took greater risks or had special skills. Often the crews would sail without wages—"on account"—and the spoils would be built up over a course of months before being divided. There was a strong "esprit de corps" among pirates. This allowed them to win sea battles: they typically outmanned trade vessels by a large ratio. There was also for some time a social insurance system, guaranteeing money or gold for battle wounds at a worked-out scale. The romantic notion of pirates burying treasure on isolated islands and wearing gaudy clothes had some basis in fact. Most pirate wealth was accumulated by selling of chandlery items: ropes, sails, and block and tackle stripped from captured ships. One undemocratic aspect of the buccaneers was that sometimes they would force specialists like carpenters or surgeons to sail with them for some time, though they were released when no longer needed (if they had not volunteered to join by that time). A typical poor man had few other promising career choices at the time apart from joining the pirates. According to reputation, the pirates' egalitarianism led them to liberate slaves when taking over slave ships. However, there are several accounts of pirates selling slaves captured on slave ships, sometimes after they had helped man the pirates' own vessels. In combat they were considered ferocious and were reputed to be experts with flintlock weapons (invented in 1615), but these were so unreliable that they were not in widespread military use before the 1670s. Slave pirates. Many slaves, primarily from places in Africa, were being exported to colonies in the Caribbean for slave labour on plantations. Out of the people that were forced into slavery and shipped off to colonies in the years from 1673 to 1798, approximately 9 to 32 percent were children (this number only considers Great Britain's exports). While on the average 12-week journey to the colonies, the new slaves endured ghastly living conditions that included cramped spaces too small to stand up in, hot temperatures, and poor diets. They were ravaged by disease and death. Many of those taken as slaves were victims or prisoners of civil war. Many aspects of being a slave overall increased the allure of the pirating lifestyle. During the 17th and 18th centuries, piracy was at its height and its symbolic interpretation of freedom was well received. This abstract ideal was very appealing to slaves and victims of imperialism. Even though the main European powers did not want slaves to find out about the freedom that piracy offered, "...30 percent of the 5000 or more pirates who were active between 1715 and 1725 were of African heritage." Along with the opportunity of a new life and freedom, the indigenous people of Africa were greeted with equality when they joined pirating communities. Many slaves turned pirate "secured" a position of leadership or prestige on pirating vessels, like that of Captain. One of the main areas of origin for these slaves was Madagascar. Great Britain was one of the largest importers of slaves to American colonies such as Jamaica and Barbados. Roberto Cofresí—a 19th-century pirate. Roberto Cofresí, better known as "El Pirata Cofresí", became interested in sailing at a young age. By the time he reached adulthood there were some political and economic difficulties in Puerto Rico, which at the time was a colony of Spain. Influenced by this situation he decided to become a pirate in 1818. Cofresí commanded several assaults against cargo vessels focusing on those that were responsible for exporting gold. During this time he focused his attention on boats from the United States and the local Spanish government ignored several of these actions. On March 2, 1825, Cofresí engaged the USS "Grampus" and a flotilla of ships led by Capt. John D. Sloat in battle. He eventually abandoned his ship and tried to escape by land before being captured. After being imprisoned he was sent to San Juan, Puerto Rico, where a brief military trial found him guilty and on March 29, 1825, he and other members of his crew were executed by a firing squad. After his death his life was used as inspiration for several stories and myths, which served as the basis for books and other media. Boysie Singh—a 20th-century pirate. Boysie Singh, usually known as "the Raja" (the Hindi word for king), or just "Boysie", was born on 5 April 1908 on 17 Luis Street, Woodbrook, Port of Spain, Saint George County, Trinidad and Tobago to Bhagrang Singh (a fugitive who immigrated to Trinidad and Tobago from British India) and his wife. He had a long and successful career as a gangster and gambler before turning to piracy and murder. For almost ten years, from 1947 until 1956 he and his gang terrorized the waters between Trinidad and Tobago and the United States of Venezuela, later on becoming the Fourth Republic of Venezuela. They were responsible for the deaths of approximately 400 people. They would promise to ferry people from Trinidad to Venezuela but en route he would rob his victims at gunpoint, kill them and dump them into the sea. Boysie was well known to people in Trinidad and Tobago. He had successfully beaten a charge of breaking and entering which nearly resulted in his deportation before he was finally executed after losing his third case – for the murder of his niece. He was held in awe and dread by most of the population and was frequently seen strolling grandly about Port of Spain in the early 1950s wearing bright, stylish clothes. Mothers, nannies, and ajees would warn their children: "Behave yourself, man, or Boysie goyn getchu, allyuh!" Boysie Singh died in Port of Spain by being hanged in 1957 for the murder of a dancer, Hattie Werk. Caribbean piracy in the 21st century. Piracy in the Caribbean is still present today, largely confined to small-scale pirating operations in the waters off of Venezuela, Trinidad, Guyana, and Suriname. These pirates are often fishermen who have resorted to piracy due to economic crisis or turf wars between groups of fishers. Much of the modern-day piracy in the southern Caribbean is a result of the economic upheaval in Venezuela. Venezuelan fishermen, who previously made a living off of catching tuna, shrimp, crab, and octopus, have lost this means of money due to the economic crisis, and are forced to resort to piracy on fishermen off the coasts of Guyana and Trinidad, robbing them and holding them for ransom. Another major source of modern Caribbean piracy stems from turf wars between rival groups of fishermen from Guyana and Suriname. In April 2018, Guyanese nationals Chris Parsram, Rameshwar Roopnarine, Madre Kishore, David Williams, Ramdeo Persaud, Ray Torres, and Ganesh Beeharry were all arrested in Suriname and sentenced to 35 years in prison, for an attack on 20 Surinamese and Guyanese fishermen in which they were thrown overboard; only four made it to shore, with the rest being thrown into the water and presumed either dead or missing. The attack was believed to be in retaliation for the shooting death of their leader a few weeks prior.

shifting opinion

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=3486696

A buck converter (step-down converter) is a DC-to-DC power converter which steps down voltage (while drawing less average current) from its input (supply) to its output (load). It is a class of switched-mode power supply (SMPS) typically containing at least two semiconductors (a diode and a transistor, although modern buck converters frequently replace the diode with a second transistor used for synchronous rectification) and at least one energy storage element, a capacitor, inductor, or the two in combination. To reduce voltage ripple, filters made of capacitors (sometimes in combination with inductors) are normally added to such a converter's output (load-side filter) and input (supply-side filter). Switching converters (such as buck converters) provide much greater power efficiency as DC-to-DC converters than linear regulators, which are simpler circuits that lower voltages by dissipating power as heat, but do not step up output current. Buck converters can be highly efficient (often higher than 90%), making them useful for tasks such as converting a computer's main (bulk) supply voltage (often 12V) down to lower voltages needed by USB, DRAM and the CPU (5V, 3.3V or 1.8V, see PSU). Theory of operation. The basic operation of the buck converter has the current in an inductor controlled by two switches (usually a transistor and a diode). In the idealised converter, all the components are considered to be perfect. Specifically, the switch and the diode have zero voltage drop when on and zero current flow when off, and the inductor has zero series resistance. Further, it is assumed that the input and output voltages do not change over the course of a cycle (this would imply the output capacitance as being infinite). Concept. The conceptual model of the buck converter is best understood in terms of the relation between current and voltage of the inductor. Beginning with the switch open (off-state), the current in the circuit is zero. When the switch is first closed (on-state), the current will begin to increase, and the inductor will produce an opposing voltage across its terminals in response to the changing current. This voltage drop counteracts the voltage of the source and therefore reduces the net voltage across the load. Over time, the rate of change of current decreases, and the voltage across the inductor also then decreases, increasing the voltage at the load. During this time, the inductor stores energy in the form of a magnetic field. If the switch is opened while the current is still changing, then there will always be a voltage drop across the inductor, so the net voltage at the load will always be less than the input voltage source. When the switch is opened again (off-state), the voltage source will be removed from the circuit, and the current will decrease. The decreasing current will produce a voltage drop across the inductor (opposite to the drop at on-state), and now the inductor becomes a current source. The stored energy in the inductor's magnetic field supports the current flow through the load. This current, flowing while the input voltage source is disconnected, when appended to the current flowing during on-state, totals to current greater than the average input current (being zero during off-state). The "increase" in average current makes up for the reduction in voltage, and ideally preserves the power provided to the load. During the off-state, the inductor is discharging its stored energy into the rest of the circuit. If the switch is closed again before the inductor fully discharges (on-state), the voltage at the load will always be greater than zero. Continuous mode. Buck converter operates in continuous mode if the current through the inductor (formula_1) never falls to zero during the commutation cycle. In this mode, the operating principle is described by the plots in figure 4: The energy stored in inductor L is Therefore, it can be seen that the energy stored in L increases during on-time as formula_1 increases and then decreases during the off-state. L is used to transfer energy from the input to the output of the converter. The rate of change of formula_1 can be calculated from: With formula_9 equal to formula_10 during the on-state and to formula_11 during the off-state. Therefore, the increase in current during the on-state is given by: where formula_13 is a scalar called the duty cycle with a value between 0 and 1. Conversely, the decrease in current during the off-state is given by: Assuming that the converter operates in the steady state, the energy stored in each component at the end of a commutation cycle T is equal to that at the beginning of the cycle. That means that the current formula_1 is the same at formula_16 and at formula_17 (figure 4). So, from the above equations it can be written as: The above integrations can be done graphically. In figure 4, formula_19 is proportional to the area of the yellow surface, and formula_20 to the area of the orange surface, as these surfaces are defined by the inductor voltage (red lines). As these surfaces are simple rectangles, their areas can be found easily: formula_21 for the yellow rectangle and formula_22 for the orange one. For steady state operation, these areas must be equal. As can be seen in figure 4, formula_23 and formula_24. This yields: From this equation, it can be seen that the output voltage of the converter varies linearly with the duty cycle for a given input voltage. As the duty cycle formula_13 is equal to the ratio between formula_27 and the period formula_28, it cannot be more than 1. Therefore, formula_29. This is why this converter is referred to as "step-down converter". So, for example, stepping 12 V down to 3 V (output voltage equal to one quarter of the input voltage) would require a duty cycle of 25%, in this theoretically ideal circuit. Discontinuous mode. In some cases, the amount of energy required by the load is too small. In this case, the current through the inductor falls to zero during part of the period. The only difference in the principle described above is that the inductor is completely discharged at the end of the commutation cycle (see figure 5). This has, however, some effect on the previous equations. The inductor current falling below zero results in the discharging of the output capacitor during each cycle and therefore higher switching losses. A different control technique known as Pulse-frequency modulation can be used to minimize these losses. We still consider that the converter operates in steady state. Therefore, the energy in the inductor is the same at the beginning and at the end of the cycle (in the case of discontinuous mode, it is zero). This means that the average value of the inductor voltage (VL) is zero; i.e., that the area of the yellow and orange rectangles in figure 5 are the same. This yields: So the value of δ is: The output current delivered to the load (formula_32) is constant, as we consider that the output capacitor is large enough to maintain a constant voltage across its terminals during a commutation cycle. This implies that the current flowing through the capacitor has a zero average value. Therefore, we have : Where formula_34 is the average value of the inductor current. As can be seen in figure 5, the inductor current waveform has a triangular shape. Therefore, the average value of IL can be sorted out geometrically as follows: The inductor current is zero at the beginning and rises during ton up to ILmax. That means that ILmax is equal to: Substituting the value of ILmax in the previous equation leads to: And substituting δ by the expression given above yields: This expression can be rewritten as: It can be seen that the output voltage of a buck converter operating in discontinuous mode is much more complicated than its counterpart of the continuous mode. Furthermore, the output voltage is now a function not only of the input voltage (Vi) and the duty cycle D, but also of the inductor value (L), the commutation period (T) and the output current (Io). From discontinuous to continuous mode (and vice versa). As mentioned at the beginning of this section, the converter operates in discontinuous mode when low current is drawn by the load, and in continuous mode at higher load current levels. The limit between discontinuous and continuous modes is reached when the inductor current falls to zero exactly at the end of the commutation cycle. Using the notations of figure 5, this corresponds to : Therefore, the output current (equal to the average inductor current) at the limit between discontinuous and continuous modes is (see above): Substituting ILmax by its value: On the limit between the two modes, the output voltage obeys both the expressions given respectively in the continuous and the discontinuous sections. In particular, the former is So Iolim can be written as: Let's now introduce two more notations: Using these notations, we have: the current at the limit between continuous and discontinuous mode is: Therefore, the locus of the limit between continuous and discontinuous modes is given by: These expressions have been plotted in figure 6. From this, it can be deduced that in continuous mode, the output voltage does only depend on the duty cycle, whereas it is far more complex in the discontinuous mode. This is important from a control point of view. On the circuit level, the detection of the boundary between CCM and DCM are usually provided by an inductor current sensing, requiring high accuracy and fast detectors as: Non-ideal circuit. The previous study was conducted with the following assumptions: These assumptions can be fairly far from reality, and the imperfections of the real components can have a detrimental effect on the operation of the converter. Output voltage ripple (continuous mode). Output voltage ripple is the name given to the phenomenon where the output voltage rises during the On-state and falls during the Off-state. Several factors contribute to this including, but not limited to, switching frequency, output capacitance, inductor, load and any current limiting features of the control circuitry. At the most basic level the output voltage will rise and fall as a result of the output capacitor charging and discharging: We can best approximate output ripple voltage by shifting the output current versus time waveform (continuous mode) down so that the average output current is along the time axis. When we do this, we see the AC current waveform flowing into and out of the output capacitor (sawtooth waveform). We note that Vc-min (where Vc is the capacitor voltage) occurs at t-on/2 (just after capacitor has discharged) and Vc-max at t-off/2. By integrating Idt (= dQ ; as I = dQ/dt, C = Q/V so dV = dQ/C) under the output current waveform through writing output ripple voltage as dV = Idt/C we integrate the area above the axis to get the peak-to-peak ripple voltage as: delta V = delta I * T /8C (where delta I is the peak-to-peak ripple current and T is the time period of ripple; see Talk tab for details if you can't graphically work out the areas here. A full explanation is given there.) We note from basic AC circuit theory that our ripple voltage should be roughly sinusoidal: capacitor impedance times ripple current peak-to-peak value, or delta V = delta I / (2 * omega * C) where omega = 2 * pi * f, f is the ripple frequency, and f = 1/T, T the ripple period. This gives: delta V = delta I * T / (2 * pi * C), and we compare to this value to confirm the above in that we have a factor of 8 vs a factor of ~ 6.3 from basic AC circuit theory for a sinusoid. This gives confidence in our assessment here of ripple voltage. The paragraph directly below pertains that directly above and may be incorrect. Use the equations in this paragraph. Once again, please see talk tab for more: pertaining output ripple voltage and AoE (Art of Electronics 3rd edition). During the Off-state, the current in this equation is the load current. In the On-state the current is the difference between the switch current (or source current) and the load current. The duration of time (dT) is defined by the duty cycle and by the switching frequency. For the On-state: For the Off-state: Qualitatively, as the output capacitor or switching frequency increase, the magnitude of the ripple decreases. Output voltage ripple is typically a design specification for the power supply and is selected based on several factors. Capacitor selection is normally determined based on cost, physical size and non-idealities of various capacitor types. Switching frequency selection is typically determined based on efficiency requirements, which tends to decrease at higher operating frequencies, as described below in Effects of non-ideality on the efficiency. Higher switching frequency can also raise EMI concerns. Output voltage ripple is one of the disadvantages of a switching power supply, and can also be a measure of its quality. Effects of non-ideality on the efficiency. A simplified analysis of the buck converter, as described above, does not account for non-idealities of the circuit components nor does it account for the required control circuitry. Power losses due to the control circuitry are usually insignificant when compared with the losses in the power devices (switches, diodes, inductors, etc.) The non-idealities of the power devices account for the bulk of the power losses in the converter. Both static and dynamic power losses occur in any switching regulator. Static power losses include formula_58 (conduction) losses in the wires or PCB traces, as well as in the switches and inductor, as in any electrical circuit. Dynamic power losses occur as a result of switching, such as the charging and discharging of the switch gate, and are proportional to the switching frequency. It is useful to begin by calculating the duty cycle for a non-ideal buck converter, which is: where: The voltage drops described above are all static power losses which are dependent primarily on DC current, and can therefore be easily calculated. For a diode drop, "V"sw and "V"sw,sync may already be known, based on the properties of the selected device. where: The duty cycle equation is somewhat recursive. A rough analysis can be made by first calculating the values "V"sw" and "V"sw,sync using the ideal duty cycle equation. For a MOSFET voltage drop, a common approximation is to use RDSon from the MOSFET's datasheet in Ohm's Law, V = IDSRDSon(sat). This approximation is acceptable because the MOSFET is in the linear state, with a relatively constant drain-source resistance. This approximation is only valid at relatively low VDS values. For more accurate calculations, MOSFET datasheets contain graphs on the VDS and IDS relationship at multiple VGS values. Observe VDS at the VGS and IDS which most closely match what is expected in the buck converter. In addition, power loss occurs as a result of leakage currents. This power loss is simply where: Dynamic power losses are due to the switching behavior of the selected pass devices (MOSFETs, power transistors, IGBTs, etc.). These losses include turn-on and turn-off switching losses and switch transition losses. Switch turn-on and turn-off losses are easily lumped together as where: but this does not take into account the parasitic capacitance of the MOSFET which makes the "Miller plate". Then, the switch losses will be more like: When a MOSFET is used for the lower switch, additional losses may occur during the time between the turn-off of the high-side switch and the turn-on of the low-side switch, when the body diode of the low-side MOSFET conducts the output current. This time, known as the non-overlap time, prevents "shootthrough", a condition in which both switches are simultaneously turned on. The onset of shootthrough generates severe power loss and heat. Proper selection of non-overlap time must balance the risk of shootthrough with the increased power loss caused by conduction of the body diode. Many MOSFET based buck converters also include a diode to aid the lower MOSFET body diode with conduction during the non-overlap time. When a diode is used exclusively for the lower switch, diode forward turn-on time can reduce efficiency and lead to voltage overshoot. Power loss on the body diode is also proportional to switching frequency and is where: Finally, power losses occur as a result of the power required to turn the switches on and off. For MOSFET switches, these losses are dominated by the energy required to charge and discharge the capacitance of the MOSFET gate between the threshold voltage and the selected gate voltage. These switch transition losses occur primarily in the gate driver, and can be minimized by selecting MOSFETs with low gate charge, by driving the MOSFET gate to a lower voltage (at the cost of increased MOSFET conduction losses), or by operating at a lower frequency. where: For N-MOSFETs, the high-side switch must be driven to a higher voltage than "Vi". To achieve this, MOSFET gate drivers typically feed the MOSFET output voltage back into the gate driver. The gate driver then adds its own supply voltage to the MOSFET output voltage when driving the high-side MOSFETs to achieve a "VGS" equal to the gate driver supply voltage. Because the low-side "VGS" is the gate driver supply voltage, this results in very similar "VGS" values for high-side and low-side MOSFETs. A complete design for a buck converter includes a tradeoff analysis of the various power losses. Designers balance these losses according to the expected uses of the finished design. A converter expected to have a low switching frequency does not require switches with low gate transition losses; a converter operating at a high duty cycle requires a low-side switch with low conduction losses. Specific structures. Synchronous rectification. A synchronous buck converter is a modified version of the basic buck converter circuit topology in which the diode, D, is replaced by a second switch, S2. This modification is a tradeoff between increased cost and improved efficiency. In a standard buck converter, the flyback diode turns on, on its own, shortly after the switch turns off, as a result of the rising voltage across the diode. This voltage drop across the diode results in a power loss which is equal to where: By replacing the diode with a switch selected for low loss, the converter efficiency can be improved. For example, a MOSFET with very low "R"DSon might be selected for "S"2, providing power loss on switch 2 which is In both cases, power loss is strongly dependent on the duty cycle, D. Power loss on the freewheeling diode or lower switch will be proportional to its on-time. Therefore, systems designed for low duty cycle operation will suffer from higher losses in the freewheeling diode or lower switch, and for such systems it is advantageous to consider a synchronous buck converter design. Consider a computer power supply, where the input is 5 V, the output is 3.3 V, and the load current is 10A. In this case, the duty cycle will be 66% and the diode would be on for 34% of the time. A typical diode with forward voltage of 0.7 V would suffer a power loss of 2.38 W. A well-selected MOSFET with RDSon of 0.015 Ω, however, would waste only 0.51 W in conduction loss. This translates to improved efficiency and reduced heat generation. Another advantage of the synchronous converter is that it is bi-directional, which lends itself to applications requiring regenerative braking. When power is transferred in the "reverse" direction, it acts much like a boost converter. The advantages of the synchronous buck converter do not come without cost. First, the lower switch typically costs more than the freewheeling diode. Second, the complexity of the converter is vastly increased due to the need for a complementary-output switch driver. Such a driver must prevent both switches from being turned on at the same time, a fault known as "shootthrough". The simplest technique for avoiding shootthrough is a time delay between the turn-off of S1 to the turn-on of S2, and vice versa. However, setting this time delay long enough to ensure that S1 and S2 are never both on will itself result in excess power loss. An improved technique for preventing this condition is known as adaptive "non-overlap" protection, in which the voltage at the switch node (the point where S1, S2 and L are joined) is sensed to determine its state. When the switch node voltage passes a preset threshold, the time delay is started. The driver can thus adjust to many types of switches without the excessive power loss this flexibility would cause with a fixed non-overlap time. Multiphase buck. The multiphase buck converter is a circuit topology where basic buck converter circuits are placed in parallel between the input and load. Each of the "n" "phases" is turned on at equally spaced intervals over the switching period. This circuit is typically used with the synchronous buck topology, described above. This type of converter can respond to load changes as quickly as if it switched "n" times faster, without the increase in switching losses that would cause. Thus, it can respond to rapidly changing loads, such as modern microprocessors. There is also a significant decrease in switching ripple. Not only is there the decrease due to the increased effective frequency, but any time that "n" times the duty cycle is an integer, the switching ripple goes to 0; the rate at which the inductor current is increasing in the phases which are switched on exactly matches the rate at which it is decreasing in the phases which are switched off. Another advantage is that the load current is split among the "n" phases of the multiphase converter. This load splitting allows the heat losses on each of the switches to be spread across a larger area. This circuit topology is used in computer motherboards to convert the 12 VDC power supply to a lower voltage (around 1 V), suitable for the CPU. Modern CPU power requirements can exceed 200W, can change very rapidly, and have very tight ripple requirements, less than 10mV. Typical motherboard power supplies use 3 or 4 phases. One major challenge inherent in the multiphase converter is ensuring the load current is balanced evenly across the "n" phases. This current balancing can be performed in a number of ways. Current can be measured "losslessly" by sensing the voltage across the inductor or the lower switch (when it is turned on). This technique is considered lossless because it relies on resistive losses inherent in the buck converter topology. Another technique is to insert a small resistor in the circuit and measure the voltage across it. This approach is more accurate and adjustable, but incurs several costs—space, efficiency and money. Finally, the current can be measured at the input. Voltage can be measured losslessly, across the upper switch, or using a power resistor, to approximate the current being drawn. This approach is technically more challenging, since switching noise cannot be easily filtered out. However, it is less expensive than having a sense resistor for each phase. Efficiency factors. Conduction losses that depend on load: Switching losses: Impedance matching. A buck converter can be used to maximize the power transfer through the use of impedance matching. An application of this is in a "maximum power point tracker" commonly used in photovoltaic systems. By the equation for electric power: where: By Ohm's law: where: Substituting these expressions for Io and Ii into the power equation yields: As was previously shown for the continuous mode, (where IL > 0): where: Substituting this equation for Vo into the previous equation, yields: which reduces to: and finally: This shows that it is possible to adjust the impedance ratio by adjusting the duty cycle. This is particularly useful in applications where the impedances are dynamically changing. Application. The buck is widely used in low power consumption small electronics to step-down from 24/12V down to 5V. They are sold as a small finish product chip for well less than US$1 having about 95% efficiency.

finished blueprint

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=2025193

Sub-bituminous coal is a type of lower grade coal which contains 35%-45% carbon. The properties of this type are between those of lignite, the lowest grade coal, and those of bituminous coal, the second highest grade of coal. Sub-bituminous coal is primarily used as a fuel for steam-electric power generation. Properties. Sub-bituminous coals may be dull, dark brown to black, soft and crumbly at the lower end of the range, to bright jet-black, hard, and relatively strong at the upper end. They contain 15-30% inherent moisture by weight and are non-coking (undergo little swelling upon heating). The heat content of sub-bituminous coals range from 8300 to 11,500 BTu/lb or 19.3 to 26.7 MJ/kg. Their relatively low density and high water content renders some types of sub-bituminous coals susceptible to spontaneous combustion if not packed densely during storage in order to exclude free air flow. Reserves. A major source of sub-bituminous coal in the United States is the Powder River Basin in Wyoming. Current use. Sub-bituminous coals, in the United States, typically have a sulfur content less than 1% by weight, which makes them an attractive choice for power plants to reduce SO2 emissions under the Acid Rain Program.

following tier

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=15886101

The Scherzo No. 3, Op. 39, in C minor by Frédéric Chopin, completed in 1839, was written in the abandoned monastery of Valldemossa on the Balearic island of Majorca, Spain. This is the most terse, ironic, and tightly constructed of the four scherzi, with an almost Beethovenian grandeur. Frédéric Chopin dedicated this composition to one of his closest pupils, Adolphe Gutmann. Structure. The piece begins in the key of C minor, then moves to D major, and returns to C minor, concluding with a Picardy third. The composition opens with an almost Lisztian introduction, leading to a subject in octaves of pent-up energy. The key changes to D major, with a chorale-like subject, interspersed with delicate falling arpeggios. Louis Kentner thinks of it as "a Wagnerian melody of astonishing beauty, recalling the sound of tubas, harps and all the apocalyptic orchestra of Valhalla." It begins with an introduction progressing into the fierce main theme. This is particularly difficult to perform, due to the technique needed to accurately and quickly execute the running octave patterns. The scherzo then moves into a transition section that leads back to the main theme. The following, singing style (cantabile) section is in D major. The main theme and its sequences begin with strong chords that hold the melody followed by a downward flutter of notes. There follows a brief section consisting of a series of arpeggios. The elements of this lyrical section repeat themselves a few times and the piece then moves back into the main theme.

bridge portion

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=43331629

Sleepy Hollow Country Club is a historic country club in Scarborough-on-Hudson in Briarcliff Manor, New York. The club was founded in 1911, and its clubhouse was known as Woodlea, a 140-room Vanderbilt mansion owned by Colonel Elliott Fitch Shepard and his wife Margaret Louisa Vanderbilt Shepard. It was built in 189295 at a cost of $2 million ($ in ) and was designed by the architectural firm McKim, Mead & White; the estate became a contributing property to the Scarborough Historic District (on the National Register of Historic Places) in 1984. Woodlea's exterior was designed in an Italian Renaissance Revival style, incorporating Beaux-Arts details. The building's facades are composed primarily of buff-colored Italian brick. The south and west facades are symmetrical, but the overall plan of the house is not. The house's west facade is the longest and most ornate, and has a view of the Hudson River from its west-facing windows and adjoining terrace. The main entrance is on the building's south, directly approached from the south drive. The interior also has significant features, including marble fireplaces, coffered ceilings, and extensive carved wood and plaster detail. The house has between of interior space, making it one of the largest privately owned houses in the United States. Club. The club currently has and a 27-hole golf course with tree-limb footbridges. Facilities include the main clubhouse, a pool complex, ten Har-Tru tennis courts, four aluminum heated platform tennis courts, four squash courts, eighteen guest rooms, skeet and trap areas, a 45-horse boarding facility, twenty paddocks, a large indoor riding arena, pro shops for golf and paddle sports, a fitness complex, the golf course and practice range (non-contributing), outdoor riding rings, stables, and a carriage house. Youth activities include golf, tennis, squash and riding. The clubhouse has three dining rooms, and altogether the club can hold 400 guests. The club currently has 570 members, and a staff consisting of 60 year-round employees and 200 during the height of the season. The stables have a tack room, fifty stalls, and two indoor arenas, and they host the Sleepy Hollow Stable and Riding Academy. The club's gross revenue is $12 million; of it, $2.5 million is from food and beverage sales. The club property surrounds Saint Mary's Episcopal Church on three sides and slopes upwards east from U.S. Route 9. The clubhouse, which is open through every season of the year, sits on a wide central plateau. Notable early members included George G. Haven, V. Everit Macy, George W. Perkins, Moses Taylor, Oakleigh Thorne, and Frank Vanderlip; notable current members include Bill Murray, James Patterson, and several members of the Rockefeller family. History. Name. Sleepy Hollow Country Club, founded in 1911, predates the 1996 renaming of the neighboring village of North Tarrytown to Sleepy Hollow. The club is named after its location in the river valley of the Pocantico River, a river which was once called Slapershaven ("sleepers' harbor" in Dutch); the Dutch name later grew to apply to the valley. Today, as a geographic term, "Sleepy Hollow" refers only to the incorporated village. 19th century. Sleepy Hollow's clubhouse was once a private residence named Woodlea. The mansion retained the name of a former house of J. Butler Wright (son of Benjamin Wright), who lived there and called it Woodlea; it dates to around 1806. Wright's Victorian house, of painted brick with porches and a high tower on one end, was later renamed the Villa. The current property was originally made up of various farms. Colonel Elliott Fitch Shepard came to the Briarcliff area in the early 1890s, and having purchased the house and its property, ordered construction of the existing house and improvements to the grounds. Construction on the mansion began in 1892, and it was completed in 1895. In 1892 Shepard ordered the construction of Scarborough's first dock (at the present Scarborough Park) to allow construction materials to be shipped to his property. Shepard died in 1893, leaving his wife Margaret to oversee the completion of Woodlea. After his death, Margaret lived there only during spring and autumn, with less frequent trips as time went on. In November 1896, Maria Louisa Kissam (Margaret's mother and widow of William Henry Vanderbilt) died in the house. Maria's sister and Margaret called for a Scarborough doctor who was unable to assist her. On September 11, 1906, New York businessman Archibald S. White purchased the then- property from Mrs. Shepard for between $1 and 1.5 million. He bought it as a present for his wife Olive Celeste Moore White; together they lived on the property. The house and property's worth at the time was estimated between $4 and 6 million, and it was often said that its owners didn't know how much money had been spent constructing and improving the estate. Around 1910, Frank Vanderlip and William Rockefeller purchased the estate. Vanderlip thought of it as too big of a bargain to pass up – it was offered for only $165,000 ($ in ). Narcissa Vanderlip thought the house too large and grand to live in, and so the Vanderlip family remained in their nearby property of Beechwood. 20th century to the present. The two men assembled a board of directors to form a country club, including future "Titanic" victim John Jacob Astor IV, coal baron Edward Julius Berwind, cotillion leaders Elisha Dyer and Lispenard Stewart, and sportsmen W. Averell Harriman, Cornelius Vanderbilt III, and Harrison A. Williams. The country club was incorporated on May 11, 1911, with 600 members. The directors' first meeting took place at Vanderlip's office at 55 Wall St., the National City Bank Building (Vanderlip was the president of the bank at the time). Initiation and yearly dues were each $100 ($ in ). For the first few years, the club rented Woodlea for $25,000 ($ in ) a year, and in 1912 the club purchased the property from Vanderlip and Rockefeller for $350,000 ($ in ). The club then constructed the golf course in close harmony to the existing lawns, and also built an outdoor garden theater with clipped cedars and a 16th-century Italian portal. The club ended up paying $310,000 for the land and house, and spent another $100,000 on improvements. The club spent four years, starting in 1910, rearranging the house's kitchen, pantries, and service wing to house and serve more people, and in renovating one of the stables into a garage. The club also constructed more tennis courts and a toboggan slide for use in the winter. The grounds and Italian garden had been designed by the sons of Frederick Law Olmsted from 1895 to 1901, including long stretches of lawns and using American and foreign trees; the club had Charles B. Macdonald and Seth Raynor design the first golf course in 1911, and A. W. Tillinghast designed an update in 1935, succeeded by Gil Hanse's redesign from 18 to 27 holes around 2008. In 1916, golf course architect Devereux Emmet and his son Devereux Emmet Jr. won the father-son tournament at Sleepy Hollow Country Club. This prompted the United States Golf Association to institute the "architects rule" that barred golf course architects from competing as amateurs in tournaments. In 1917 the club had 1,000 members, and its president was Frank Vanderlip. In June of that year, William Rockefeller purchased for the club, bringing its area to (the house was originally sold with only ). Rockefeller spent $600,000 ($ in ), making it the largest single real estate transaction in the county. The purchases allowed for the construction of about 40 houses on the club property. New facilities were built in the 1920s, including a manager's house, skeet house, squash house, indoor riding ring, and swimming pool. The club had operated at a loss from the beginning, and after the Wall Street Crash of 1929, club members were not successful in maintaining their wealth, and membership declined. Cuts were made – horses were sold, Woodlea was closed except for special occasions, and the golf house became the primary clubhouse. building lots north of Woodlea were sold to members. In 1933, notable amateur golfer Bobby Jones played at the course. The club was also not successful during World War II and later; in 1950 a member could stay overnight at Woodlea for $5 ($ in ), and for less in the golf house. The first formal dance that year also cost $5 a person. In 1961, in time for the club's 50th anniversary, Woodlea was redecorated with more modern fabrics, warm gold and forest green carpets, dropped lighting, and some lowered ceilings. Original to the house, and occupying its northwest terrace against its service wing, was an Italian garden with vine-clad pergolas on each side, symmetrical gravel paths, marble benches, and long stone balustrades, giving it characteristics of a hanging garden. The garden was below the house's first floor, and was built against the hillside, occupying a portion of the slope that falls far below it. The lower walls of the house were screened with a row of large cedars planted on the highest part of the garden. The garden formed an immense rectangular space, and on the four sides of the terrace there were pergolas thickly overgrown with vines. In the center was a pool and a carved stone fountain imported from Rome. Walks and beds of flowers and shrubbery occupied the rest, visible from the west-facing windows of the house. The garden was demolished in the 1960s, as was the golf house (in 1967). In the garden's location and replacing the use of the golf house, a wing was added to the clubhouse, constructed on the northeast terrace and completed in 1962. The building holds a pro shop, dining facilities, and locker rooms. The structure was designed to be spacious and convenient and not be noticeable from the grounds below, although from Woodlea, the sight of the tar roof and ventilators was noted to be worse than the prior standing gardens. The club hosted the NYNEX Commemorative from 1986 to 1993. In 1989, professional golfer Bob Charles set a current record when he won the tournament. In 2002, the club hosted the U.S. Women's Amateur Golf Championship. In 2014 the country club expanded and renovated the snack bar building, renovated the locker room building exterior, constructed a large array of solar panels on the roof of the locker room and dining facility building, and performed other renovations. Replacing the golf house's location, a pool facility and tennis shop was constructed in 1968. Architecture. Woodlea. The architect of Woodlea is variously stated as McKim, Mead & White, and Stanford White, although according to William Mitchell Kendall in his 1920 list of the firm's works, he attributes the house's design to McKim, Mead & White, with W. R. Mead as the supervising architect. Mead was rarely involved in architectural design in the partnership, making his design of Woodlea and another Vanderbilt house, Florham, unusual. He was related to Shepard, as Mead's sister was married to Shepard's brother. Exterior. Woodlea's exterior was designed in an Italian Renaissance Revival style. The house is said to have been modeled after Kimberley Hall in Kimberley, Norfolk. Its classical devices of 18th-century English architecture include urns, pediments, columns, and balusters. The house also is a full-blown expression of the American Renaissance. Woodlea incorporates characteristics of the Beaux-Arts style of architecture – the exterior dictates the use of the interior, with family and guest rooms on the third floor. At the north end of the house, situated farthest from the main entrance, and of a size larger than most houses, is the service wing, which contains the servant quarters. Compared to the rest of the house, this wing has lower ceilings, smaller windows, and less exterior trim. In the early 1900s, the wing was clad in ivy. Woodlea is constructed of buff-colored pressed Italian brick with pale limestone trim. It is three stories tall, seven bays wide, and more than fourteen bays deep. The south and west facades are both symmetrical, although the house has an asymmetrical overall plan. The house has pedimented pavilions and entrance porticos on the west, south, and east; window trim consisting of stone surrounds, pediments, lintels, and sills; classical balusters and quoins. The house's third story is separated visually by a stone string course and is topped with a modillioned cornice. From a shallow hipped roof rise brick chimneys that are trimmed and capped with stone. The pavilion pediments have decorative urn-shaped elements. The house's windows are primarily rectangular, double hung, one-over-one panel style, except for a large triple Palladian window, which has stained glass and is situated midway up the house's main staircase, illuminating its lower steps. The house has distinctive quoins, pediments, and classical balustrades of pale gray limestone. The west facade of the house is the most ornate, and faces the Hudson River, with a view of the river from its terrace and west-facing windows. The curtain wall between the facade's pavilions contains a semicircular portico, and its entablature is upheld by Ionic columns, and supports a balustrade. A flight of semicircular steps descends to the terrace. The river front is parallel with the east front, which had a porte-cochère, a minor entrance, and a service entrance. The main entrance is at the building's south, directly approached by the south drive. The entrance is recessed, with a portico of Ionic columns over the entranceway. The house has been described as "low and spreading, notwithstanding its unusual height". It has between , making it one of the largest houses in the U.S. The property has about three miles of wide driveways. Interior. The house also has significant interior features, including marble fireplaces, wood paneling, coffered ceilings, window and door architraves, parquet floors, and extensive carved wood and plaster detail, primarily in the Adamesque mold. The original furnishings together were reported in 1895 to have cost hundreds of thousands of dollars, and to have included rare tapestries, carved woods, paintings, and Italian marble. In 1906, the house had 16 bathrooms and 65 rooms, including 20 for servants. The house's main door opens into a square vaulted vestibule, walled throughout with highly polished yellow marble. It leads into the main hall, which is paneled to the ceiling in wood, painted white, the corners and angles accentuated by pilasters, and the rich mahogany doors encased within monumental frames. The white ceiling is intricately coffered. The hall has a large fireplace of carved white marble and a large table in the room's center, which was on a large red rug covering most of the floor. The main hall also featured Gobelins and Italian tapestries. The first floor also has an enfilade of three rooms: the green silk- and cedar-paneled living room, the white and gold drawing room, and the dark mahogany dining room. The three rooms have large doorways between them to allow hosts to combine rooms for a large event. The combined space has a span or linear distance of about 150 feet. A corridor connects the main hall to three rooms; it has recessed windows, dividing the corridor into bays. The corridor has pilasters and the same coffered ceiling of the main hall, and it used to have heavy velvet curtains at the window alcoves and entrance to the hallway; the windows had curtains of delicate salmon silk. The corridor originally displayed silk and velvet tapestries from various parts of the world. The first room from the corridor was the living room, with a wainscot, pilasters, cornice, and door and window frames all of Spanish cedar, and a mantelpiece imported from an Italian chateau. Walls are paneled in green silk, mirroring the rug and furnishings. In its early history, the walls were inlaid with embossed Italian leather. The drawing room, sometimes referred to as the music room, salon, or parlor was at the center, with paneled walls in ivory white and gold, with gilded moldings and ornaments. There are richly interlaced panels above the doorways with paintings inserted in them. The mantle dates to around 1700, and is of mottled purple and white marble, and has a built-in mirror above it. The room has richly gilt chandeliers hanging from ornamental reliefs in the otherwise plain ceiling. Furniture was of tapestry and gold, with a light rug and yellow and gold curtains at the windows and doors. The dining room had a high wainscot of mahogany, paneled in rectangles, above which is a broad tapestry frieze. The ceiling is beamed with closely set beams, and the cornice is mahogany like the other woodwork. The room is lighted by the cluster of lights applied to the wainscot. The house's pantry was "as large as many New York apartments", had a counter and wash bowls and large rows of glazed closets around other walls. The kitchen and serving room had a refrigerator and were well stocked and equipped. The breakfast room was green and white, with woodwork painted white and walls covered in Nile green cloth; it had a wood mantel with facings of mottled white marble, also imported from Italy. Adjoining is the morning-room, finished in quartered oak, with walls papered in red stripes of two shades, has a quartered oak wainscot and white cornice, curtains and furniture are red and gold. The library is on the right of the hall, removed from the other rooms; it once held a billiard table. The walls are lined with tall bookcases containing rare books; the walls were otherwise covered in large square panel-like pieces of leather. The room has a richly coffered ceiling and had green and brown curtains. The house has bedrooms of various sizes, most large, with Mrs. Shepard's the biggest. Each room has distinct furnishings and from moderate to rich decoration. One particular was the Moorish room, furnished in the Moorish style, with mantel and furniture inlaid with mother of pearl. The third floor had bedrooms, a children's suite and a large playroom. The house's room arrangement was planned for convenience and comfort, as compared to typical English mansions, which often were built with kitchens far from the dining room. Woodlea has 140 rooms, which were designed not to be drafty, and with important rooms not too remote. The rooms are all over-scaled in terms of the height of the ceilings and size of the doors, with large fireplaces, and the length and breadth of the stairway to the house's second floor. The staircases have recesses with intricate decorative panels. Stable. The stable was designed by McKim, Mead & White and built in the late 19th century using the same yellow brick used for the main residence. The stable is two and a half stories high, 29 bays wide, and 5 bays deep, and it has a gable roof covered with asbestos shingles that replaced its original ceramic tile. On the roof's ridge sits a shallow monitor, flanked by two taller octangular monitors with louvered ventilating elements and bell-cast copper roofs. The end bays of the west (main) facade are framed in pedimented pavilions, which have recessed brick panels above the impost line, and below it are bricks coursed to resemble rustication. One glazed roundel is at the middle of each tympanum. The pedimented central bay has an arched recessed entrance with a pair of oversized double wood doors beneath a fanlight. The arch is flanked with blind roundels above the impost line, with rustication below. The bay's tympanum is undecorated. The arch impost line continues as a belt course between the pavilions and forms the sills for recessed wood-framed, fixed-sashed, nine-light windows on the building's second level. The windows are divided by Doric pilasters. Fenestration at the main facade's lower level is only narrow wood-framed double-hung glazed embrasures with two-over-two sash. The facades have a denticulated cornice, repeated within the pediments and arched pavilion lintels. The stable is built into a hill, and has a partial basement level with 51 stalls. The two-story interior space on the first floor was originally used for carriages and then for automobiles, and now is used as an indoor exercising ring for the horses occupying the stalls below. In the end pavilions, there is a reception area, tack room, and small apartment designed to be occupied by the riding instructor. Golf house. In the 1920s, the old Butler Wright house became the golf house. It was at the center of the club's sporting operations, originally holding a pro shop, dining room, bar, and bedrooms. In 1931, it was refurbished with more showers and dressing rooms, an addition to the locker room to double its space and increase the lounge space, an enlarged kitchen, a new women's locker room and sitting room, a larger dining veranda, an enclosed porch on the northwest corner of the building, and a new porch on the building's east side. The club's first pool was constructed adjoining the house in 1930, necessitating the construction of the showers and dressing rooms. The building was demolished in 1967. Gatehouses. Both of the country club's Route 9 entrances have a gatehouse. Both are small, two stories high, three bays wide, and one bay deep, and were constructed along with the house in the 1890s. The gatehouses resemble Woodlea in materials and simplified stylistic detail. Both gatehouses have gable roofs and a shed-roofed one-story high rear addition. The houses have stone and brick pedimented porticos over their entranceways. The lower-level windows have flat-arched surrounds with keystones; the oculi break the cornice lines beneath segmentally arched pediments. The northern gatehouse has another one-story rear addition and a small one-car garage. The club's two tall gateways are made of French-imported carved stone and ironwork. Pool house. The pool house was built in 1968 and is brick with wood-framed casement windows. It is a divided brick building with locker rooms on the larger west section and a refreshment area on the smaller east section. The west section has a flat roof, and the east section has a shallow hipped roof with a broad overhang. The building does not contribute to the former historic estate. Skeet house. The skeet house was built around 1925, and is a small one-story log building, three bays wide and one bay deep with a gable roof. The interior is rustic, with a small kitchen and one large multi-purpose room. The building contributes to the estate's early 20th century development. Logan Memorial Riding Ring. The building, originally named the Logan Riding Ring, was completed in 1929. Mrs. Thomas F. Logan, an Ardsley resident and member of the Sleepy Hollow Riding Committee, funded the building's $300,000 expense ($ in ) and supervised its construction. The building has a length of 180 feet and a width of 95 feet. Its exterior is stucco over concrete block; the building has a main section with a round-arched asbestos-shingled roof, and is two stories high, five bays wide (), and ten bays deep (). The building has narrow metal-framed tripartite casement windows with brick sills. The upper, eight-light sections of the windows open horizontally, and the lower portions with sixteen lights open vertically; the central twenty-light sections are fixed. The structure's bays are divided on the side facades by sloping concrete ground-to-cornice buttresses, paired at the intersections of the side and rear facades. Around 1931, an exhibition ring and corrals were constructed near the riding ring. The main (west) facade has a projecting two and a half-story gable roof section that is three bays wide and two deep. Decorative detail on the exterior includes quoins, the James Gibbs-inspired surround on the main entrance, and the molded surrounds and keystones of the casement windows. In the northwest corner of the intersection between the building's two sections is a one-story-high, one-bay-square addition with a narrow metal casement window on the west facade and a large double entrance for horses on the north. The building's interior consists of a large riding ring that is open to the rafters, and in the gable-roofed section, there are lockers and changing rooms on the first floor and a multi-purpose room on the second; on one of its walls is a floor-to-ceiling window permitting view of the ring activity below. Squash house. The squash house was constructed around 1920, completed in 1931, and was demolished between 2011 and 2013. It was located near the Logan Riding Ring, on the club's south entrance road. It was two stories high, five bays wide and nine bays deep, and was stucco-covered with a flat roof. There were two entrances on the main (south) facade, one at ground level and another on the balcony. The entrances had double wooden doors, paneled below and glazed above. All of the building's windows consisted of wood-framed, paired casement windows with brick sills. A veranda with Tuscan piers extended the length of the main facade, interrupted by a two-bay-wide, one-bay-deep projection east of the main entrance. The building's interior contained a doubles court, two singles courts, a reception room, locker rooms, showers, and a spectators' gallery seating 150. Across the road from where the building stood is an outdoor riding ring enclosed by a rough rail fence. To the west of the building's site, standing alone in the tall grass, is a 16th-century post-and-lintel stone element, which was at the center of the stage of a 1,500-seat outdoor Greek amphitheater that was part of the Shepard estate and was since dismantled. Former manager's house. The manager's house was built of brick and stucco around 1920. It is two stories high, four bays wide, two bays deep, and has an asymmetrical plan. The building has a shallow hip roof with exposed rafter ends. Its windows are primarily one-over-one and double-hung with wood trim, with window-sills made of concrete. There is a three-story rectangular brick tower set into the main (west) facade. The tower is open at the top beneath a wide wood fascia. The building has a brick chimney decorated with corbelling; its chimney coping and caps are made of concrete. The building is now rented to the members. Carriage barn complex. The carriage barn complex predates the Shepards' ownership of the property; it was built around 1875 as part of Wright's original estate. The most prominent component is the brick carriage house, which was designed by McKim, Mead & White. It is made of brick with granite trim and is one and a half stories high, ten bays wide and three bays deep. It has a steeply pitched slate hip roof with spring eaves and exposed rafters. At the roof's ridge sits an octagonal ventilating element with a bell-cast roof. On the main (north) facade, there is a two-bay-wide projection with a hip roof and two wall dormers. There is a large roof dormer on the side (east) facade which provides exterior access to the hayloft. Other fenestration includes small square windows with fixed sashes near the eaves on all facades and four double-hung windows, two per level, in the main facade's pavilion. Each end facade has a set of large double wood carriage doors. The complex now serves as a storage and maintenance facility for the club's golf carts. Opposite the carriage barn is another building, also of brick but with a low hip roof. It is one story high, one bay deep and five bays wide. There are three sets of overhead doors on the main (south) facade of the building. A high brick wall encloses the entire complex, and sections of the corner utility structures are a part of the surrounding wall. There is a small building in the northeast corner of the complex; it is one bay square with a steep hip roof with spring eaves. It has single round windows near the root line, on two facades. The building's entrance, on the south facade, is made of wood. The building has a counterpart across the yard, with a low hip roof, a large brick chimney, and a stone water table and string course; it has overhead doors on the north facade. Popular culture. In the 201112 television show "Pan Am", Sleepy Hollow Country Club was the setting for much of the series' third episode. Other media filmed at the country club include the 2012 show "666 Park Avenue", the 20092016 show "The Good Wife", the 2009 film "The Six Wives of Henry Lefay", the 200613 show "30 Rock", the 2009 television special "Michael J. Fox: Adventures of an Incurable Optimist", the 2010 film "The Bounty Hunter", the music video of Beyoncé's 2011 song "Best Thing I Never Had", the 2015present Netflix show "Daredevil", and the 2014present Fox show "Gotham". The club also stood in for the Biltmore and Ritz hotels in the 2017 Amazon Video series "". It was also used in season 2 of ABC's 2015present show "Quantico". The club's interior and exterior were used throughout three seasons of CBS's 2014present show "Madam Secretary". The production team for the 2017 film "The Greatest Showman" used the club as a base for filming much of the film.

odd altitude

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=7358223

King Kelson's Bride is a historical fantasy novel by American-born author Katherine Kurtz. It was first published by Ace Books in 2000. It was the thirteenth of Kurtz' Deryni novels to be published, and the only novel in the series that was not part of a trilogy. In terms of the series' internal literary chronology, "King Kelson's Bride" directly follows the events of the third Deryni trilogy, the Histories of King Kelson. The next trilogy to be published, the Childe Morgan series, is a direct prequel to the first Deryni series, the Chronicles of the Deryni. Plot introduction. The novel is set in the land of Gwynedd, one of the fictional Eleven Kingdoms. Gwynedd itself is a medieval kingdom similar to the British Isles of the 12th century, with a powerful Holy Church (based on the Roman Catholic Church), and a feudal government ruled by a hereditary monarchy. The population of Gwynedd includes both humans and Deryni, a race of people with inherent psychic and magical abilities who have been persecuted, oppressed and suppressed for two centuries. The novel begins almost three years after the conclusion of "The Quest for Saint Camber", as King Kelson Haldane prepares to make a dangerous journey into the heart of the neighboring kingdom of Torenth. While attempting to survive a web of deceit and betrayal at a foreign court, Kelson must secure his own throne by finally choosing a royal bride. Plot summary. The plot of "King Kelson's Bride" spans a period of two and a half months, from late June to mid-August 1128. The novel opens in Torenth, where Princess Morag Furstána, Duke Mahael II of Arjenol, and Count Teymuraz of Brustarkia discuss the marriage prospects of both King Liam Lajos II and King Kelson Haldane of Gwynedd. At the same time, the Camberian Council also discusses Kelson's potential brides while also worrying about Kelson's upcoming journey to Torenth. In Rhemuth, Kelson meets privately with Princess Rothana of Nur Hallaj after attending the wedding of his former squire. Despite professing his continuing love for her, Rothana once again refuses to marry the king. In her place, she urges Kelson to marry his cousin, Princess Araxie Haldane. In addition, she tells Kelson of the growing attraction between Prince Rory Haldane and Lady Noelie Ramsay. Although heartbroken by Rothana's refusal, Kelson agrees to consider her advice. Two days later, Kelson departs for Torenth. For the past four years, Kelson has held King Liam Lajos II of Torenth at his court in Rhemuth, both to protect the young king from his ambitious family and to teach him the art of statecraft. However, Liam has now reached his legal majority and must return to his own land to take up his throne. Kelson is accompanied by Duke Alaric Morgan of Corwyn, Duke Dhugal MacArdry McLain of Cassan, Bishop Denis Arilan of Dhassa, and Liam's uncle, Count Mátyás. The royal party stops briefly in Coroth, where Morgan's wife, Duchess Richenda, urges Kelson to abandon his pursuit of Rothana. The next day, the royal party progresses to the court of the Hort of Orsal, where both Kelson and Liam are attacked by a pair of mind-altered assassins. Although slightly wounded, neither king is seriously injured in the assault. Later that night, Kelson meets with Araxie and the two are formally engaged. As the royal party continues toward the Torenthi capital of Beldour, Liam confesses to Kelson that he is worried about the loyalty of his uncles Mahael and Teymuraz, though he is trusts Mátyás completely. Once in Beldour, Liam's trust is confirmed when Mátyás informs Kelson and Morgan that his brothers plan to kill Liam during the young king's coronation and place Mahael on the throne. Kelson agrees to help protect Liam, and Mátyás arranges for Kelson to take part in the magical ritual that will confirm Liam's power. For the next several days, Kelson practices the ritual with the assistance of Prince Azim, a relative of Rothana's and a member of the Camberian Council. When the ceremony finally occurs, Mátyás' prediction comes true and Mahael and Teymuraz attack Liam. However, Kelson and Mátyás successfully protect the young king, aided by Morag and the Torenthi Patriarch. Liam rips Mahael's mind and orders the traitor be impaled. During the conclusion of the ceremony, Kelson renounces his title of Overlord of Torenth and releases Liam from his vassalage, making the Kingdom of Torenth a sovereign and independent state once again. Afterwards, Teymuraz escapes from custody, and the lords of Gwynedd and Torenth later gather to discuss the threat he poses. That night, Morag captures Earl Sean O'Flynn of Derry and activates a latent magical link in his mind, allowing her to view his thoughts and experiences. Concerned about Teymuraz, Kelson decides to return to Rhemuth immediately through the use of Transfer Portals. After a brief stop to retrieve Araxie and her family, most of the royal party transports to Rhemuth that night. As the search for Teymuraz continues over the next several weeks, Kelson turns his attention to more domestic matters. When the Ramsay family arrives for the marriage of Sir Brecon Ramsay and Princess Richelle Haldane, Kelson seeks to further secure the Mearan alliance by arranging a marriage between Rory and Noelie. Although initially reluctant to approve the marriage, Noelie's parents agree after Kelson follows Araxie's suggestion and grants them the Duchy of Laas. Shortly thereafter, Kelson establishes a new home for the Servants of Saint Camber in Rhemuth, and Araxie proves to be instrumental in healing old wounds within the royal family. She persuades Kelson's uncle, Prince Nigel Haldane, to accept and acknowledge the presence of his grandchildren at Court, and later convinces Rothana to remain in Rhemuth and allow her son to be raised as a royal prince. In Torenth, Teymuraz attempts to plead his case to Morag. When she rebuffs him, he attacks her and rips her mind before killing her. With the knowledge he acquires from Morag, he gains control of the mental link with Derry. Several days later, he uses that link to wreak havoc in Rhemuth. After the double wedding of Brecon and Richelle and of Rory and Noelie, Teymuraz takes over Derry's mind and forces him to attack Mátyás. Araxie attempts to stop Derry, but Mátyás is severely wounded. Teymuraz once again escapes, but Morgan and Dhugal successfully Heal Mátyás' wound and save his life. Azim, Kelson, and Araxie remove the last foreign traces from Derry's mind, and Azim quickly leaves to pursue Teymuraz. One week later, Kelson and Araxie are married, and Araxie is formally crowned Queen of Gwynedd. Awards and nominations. In 2001, "King Kelson's Bride" was ranked 19th in an annual poll of fantasy novels by "Locus magazine" readers, placing it in a tie with P. D. Cacek's "Canyons". The novels ranked one spot behind J. K. Rowling's "Harry Potter and the Goblet of Fire", and one spot ahead of both J. Gregory Keyes's "Empire of Unreason" and Robin McKinley's "Spindle's End". The poll was won by George R.R. Martin for his novel, "A Storm of Swords".

official maturity

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=45305219

"Nacho" is the third episode of the first season of the AMC television series "Better Call Saul", the spinoff series of "Breaking Bad". The episode aired on February 16, 2015, on AMC in the United States. Outside of the United States, the episode premiered on streaming service Netflix in several countries. Plot. Opening. In a flashback to 1992, Chuck meets Jimmy in the Cook County Jail, where Jimmy is incarcerated for an offense that could result in him having to register as a sex offender. Jimmy pleads with Chuck to help get the charges dismissed. Chuck agrees to represent Jimmy on the condition that he stop running cons and find legitimate employment. Main story. Jimmy is anxious about Nacho's plot to steal from the Kettlemans. He calls Kim Wexler, a friend at HHM, which represents the Kettlemans. Jimmy indirectly warns Kim about the potential danger but then breaks off the call, insisting he is "no hero." Later that night, Jimmy calls the Kettlemans anonymously and warns them. The Kettlemans look outside and see somebody surveilling them from a parked van. The next morning, Kim tells Jimmy that something has happened to the Kettlemans. He rushes to their house to find it surrounded by police, and finds out the entire Kettleman family is missing. Believing Nacho has kidnapped them, Jimmy tries unsuccessfully to reach him by phone. Jimmy is picked up by the police, who tell him they have arrested Nacho and that he has requested Jimmy as his lawyer. At the police station, Nacho admits to Jimmy that he surveilled the Kettlemans but denies kidnapping them. Nacho warns Jimmy that if he does not get the charges dropped, Nacho will have him killed. Jimmy is unsuccessful at persuading the police to release Nacho, but convinces Kim to take him to the Kettleman house so he can investigate. Jimmy notices some inconsistencies, such as a missing child's doll, and theorizes that the Kettlemans staged their kidnapping. Jimmy tells Kim he warned the Kettlemans about Nacho, which probably drove them into hiding. At the courthouse, Jimmy starts a fight with Mike, who subdues him. The police ask Mike to press assault charges so they can leverage Jimmy to testify against Nacho but Mike refuses. He suggests to Jimmy that Jimmy's theory about the Kettlemans' disappearance is correct. Mike then recounts a similar case he investigated as a Philadelphia police officer, and tells Jimmy the Kettlemans are probably hiding somewhere close to home. With the new lead, Jimmy explores the desert near the Kettleman house and finds their campsite. He confronts the Kettlemans, gets into a struggle with them, and inadvertently discovers their stolen money. Production. The episode was written by co-executive producer Thomas Schnauz, who was also a writer and producer on "Breaking Bad". It was directed by Terry McDonough, who directed episodes for "Breaking Bad", including the episode that introduced Saul Goodman. Reception. Upon airing, the episode received 3.23 million American viewers, and an 18-49 rating of 1.6. The episode received positive reviews from critics. Erik Kain of "Forbes" said that "Overall, this was yet another strong entry in the show. Great shots of New Mexico, plenty of humor, and a little bit of mystery all kept this one humming from start to finish." Michael Hogan of "The Telegraph" gave the episode 4 out of 5 stars, concluding: Roth Cornet of "IGN" gave the episode 8.5 out of 10, saying "Better Call Saul continues to settle into itself, as Jimmy McGill's will to do the right thing is tested."" Richard Vine of "The Guardian" also gave a positive review, and was pleased that the episode began to examine Jimmy's relationships with Chuck and Kim, who "you really get the sense that she’s fond of him, against her better judgement". The episode earned a 100% "fresh" rating on Rotten Tomatoes, out of 13 reviews.

possible hazard

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=45079830

The Lewis turning point is a situation in economic development where surplus rural labor is fully absorbed into the manufacturing sector. This typically causes agricultural and unskilled industrial real wages to rise. The term is named after economist W. Arthur Lewis. Shortly after the Lewis point, an economy requires balanced growth policies. Typically, reaching the Lewis turning point causes an increase in the wage bill and the functional distribution favoring labor. However, in some cases such as in Japan from 1870 to 1920, agricultural labor productivity increased significantly and produced a labor surplus, dampening the rise in real wages. According to a study by Zhang and Yang, China reached the Lewis point in 2010; cheap labor in the country has rapidly decreased and real agricultural wages have substantially increased. Despite its large population, in the early 2010s China faced labor shortages, and real wages nearly doubled since 2003. Such rapid rise in wages for unskilled work is a key indicator of reaching the Lewis point. However, other journals such as the "China Economic Review" claim that China has not reached the Lewis point, comparing the effect of the Lewis point in China to the Japanese experience. A 2013 working paper by the International Monetary Fund predicts the Lewis point in China to "emerge between 2020 and 2025". Lewis curve and automation. In their book Tshilidzi Marwala and Evan Hurwitz used Arthur Lewis theory to understand the transition of the economy into the Fourth Industrial Revolution where much of the production in the economy is automated by artificially intelligent machines. In this regard, they identified an equilibrium point, i.e. Lewis turning point, where automating human labor does not result in additional economic benefit.

effective outlay

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=11441028

The 1984 Tampa Bay Buccaneers season was the franchise's 9th season in the National Football League the 9th playing their home games at Tampa Stadium and the 9th and final season under head coach John McKay. They improved on their 2–14 season and finished 6-10, but missing the playoffs for the second straight season. The team attempted to address the problems faced in the disappointing 1983 season. For the first time, the team renegotiated the contracts of players in their option years, which kept discontent over salaries to a minimum. An assistant coach was added to perform the functions of an offensive coordinator. A strength coach was added, which improved the players' physical conditioning in hopes of avoiding the constant injuries that occurred in 1983. A healthy, stable offensive lineup developed the maturity to sustain long drives in pressure situations, and head coach John McKay began to move away from his long-criticized conservative play-calling and open up the offense. This was the first time that the team's offense finished the season ranked higher than their defense. Their offensive output is still the third-highest in team history (as of 2010), and was not matched by another Buccaneer team until 2003. James Wilder Sr., who Lawrence Taylor called "the best running back I've ever played against in my life", set team and NFL records while serving as the focal point of the team's offense. Steve DeBerg emerged as a stable, confidence-inspiring on-field leader. Kevin House continued to perform as one of the league's best wide receivers, while Gerald Carter emerged as a solid complement. Hugh Green, described by Mike Ditka as "one of the best two linebackers in the game" (with Lawrence Taylor), continued to dominate until sidelined by a midseason automobile accident. Dave Logan became the youngest of only four defensive linemen in NFL history to score four touchdowns, and began to be spoken of as a potential All-Pro until sore knees limited his movement later in the season. Lee Roy Selmon made the Pro Bowl in what would turn out to be his final season. However, as the team's best defensive players began to fall to injuries, they became prone to late-game collapses. In addition, the mental errors that had characterized the team from the outset contributed to a number of close losses. McKay experienced health problems during the season, and found the constant losing too much to bear. On November 5, the only coach in Buccaneer history announced that he would resign at the end of the season. Offseason. Coaching changes. When the Green Bay Packers' failure to make the playoffs resulted in the firing of coach Bart Starr and his entire staff, the Buccaneers hired John Brunner, the offensive backfield coach of the Packers' NFC-leading offense. McKay had stated previously that he would never hire an offensive coordinator, so Brunner was given the title "Offensive Moderator", although his duties were those of a coordinator. Defensive coordinator Wayne Fontes was promoted to assistant head coach, the first Buccaneer coach to be given such a title. This added administrative duties to his coordinator responsibilities and increased the perception that Fontes was being groomed to succeed McKay. McKay announced that all other assistants would be retained, with the exception of special teams coach Frank Emanuel, who had left to become defensive coordinator of the USFL Jacksonville Bulls. Emanuel's vacated position was filled by running backs coach Jim Gruden, then by former Buccaneer defensive lineman Bill Kollar when Gruden replaced Ken Herock as director of player personnel. Herock, who had been involved with Buccaneer scouting since 1976 and had worked with the Oakland Raiders before that, was given much of the credit for the expansion Buccaneers' quick rise to playoff contention. Nevertheless, he was rebuffed by team owner Hugh Culverhouse when he requested a pay raise, and accepted Howard Schnellenberger's offer to take the same position with the ill-fated USFL Washington Federals. Joe Diange was hired as a strength and conditioning coach, in hopes of avoiding a repeat of the previous season's rash of injuries. Personnel changes. Star Canadian Football League quarterback Warren Moon met with the Buccaneers and was reportedly impressed with their organization, but eventually chose to sign with the Houston Oilers, where he reunited with his former Edmonton Eskimos coach Hugh Campbell. The team also attempted to sign Bobby Hebert, the Michigan Panthers quarterback who led the USFL in passing. The team was eventually able to obtain displaced Denver Broncos quarterback Steve DeBerg, who rejected a contract offer from the USFL Denver Gold. The free agent DeBerg signed with the Broncos, and was then traded to Tampa Bay for a pair of draft choices. The previous season's opening-day starting quarterback Jerry Golsteyn was released, then recalled and traded to the Los Angeles Raiders for defensive back Irvin Phillips. Veteran fullback Scott Dierking was acquired from the New York Jets for a 1985 fifth-round draft choice. The team refused to honor Jimmie Giles' request to be traded, although he had reportedly been offered as trade bait at one point in the DeBerg deal. Giles' disgruntlement dissipated when the team offered him a new contract, signing him through the 1986 season. Obed Ariri, a former Chicago Sting soccer player who had set an NCAA record of 63 field goals at Clemson, was signed to compete with Bill Capece for the placekicker spot. Neal Colzie, the 1982 team MVP, was released before the start of training camp. McKay stated that the team did not have room for two older safeties, and felt that Colzie was being outperformed by Mark Cotney. NFL Draft. The previous season's trade for Jack Thompson left the team without a first-round pick, in a draft which had already been stripped of talent by USFL teams. The Los Angeles Express alone had signed seven players with first-round potential. Need areas were believed to include linebacker, the secondary, running backs, and the offensive line. Draft trades. The Buccaneers' 1st-round pick had been traded to the Cincinnati Bengals in exchange for quarterback Jack Thompson. Their 4th-round pick was traded to the San Francisco 49ers the previous year, in exchange for their 1983 6th-round pick. The first of their two 4th-round picks came from the San Diego Chargers, as part of the David Lewis trade. The second came from the Los Angeles Raiders, for Charley Hannah. A fourth 4th-round pick, obtained from San Diego for Dewey Selmon, was traded to the Denver Broncos in exchange for quarterback Steve DeBerg. Their 5th-round pick was traded to the Dallas Cowboys for linebacker Danny Spradlin. Draft selections. The Buccaneers drafted USC linebacker Keith Browner with their first pick, the second pick of the second round. Brother of NFL players Ross and Joey Browner, Keith was considered to be a talented but underachieving college player who had been expected to be taken in the first round. Some observers questioned the selection of Browner, as Boomer Esiason, the only quarterback in the draft expected to have impact potential, was still available. With the secondary aging, the Buccaneers made Texas cornerback Fred Acorn the earliest-drafted defensive back in team history. Acorn was considered a project, as he started only one season for the Longhorns, but the Buccaneers' secondary was believed to be strong enough to afford the luxury of drafting a player who would take time to develop. Acorn was drafted for his speed, with a 40-yard dash time that had been clocked as low as 4.2 seconds. Mike Gunter, the Tulsa all-time rushing leader, was taken in the fourth round. He was another player who had been projected to be drafted much higher, as high as fourth overall, according to one publication. He was very productive as a college player, but was unproven as a receiver, and lacked the ability to evade tacklers or to accelerate at the line of scrimmage. Jim Gallery became the first kicker ever drafted by the team. The team approached the draft with a goal of improving overall speed, and felt that they'd achieved that with their selections of Acorn and the linebackers. Supplemental Draft. A special three-round draft was held on June 5, giving NFL teams an opportunity to select players who had not been in the draft due to having previously signed with USFL or CFL teams. With the first overall selection, the Buccaneers acquired the NFL rights to Los Angeles Express quarterback Steve Young. They later selected Express running back Kevin Nelson, and New Orleans Breakers cornerback Alex Clark. The pick gave the Buccaneers the rights to Young beyond the expiration of his Express contract, set to expire in November, 1987. Young expressed happiness at having been selected, but stated that he was committed to the Express and had no intention of leaving the team. Preseason. A number of offseason personnel moves were taken as evidence that McKay was hoping to retire on a winning note, and so had lost tolerance for talented players who did not live up to their potential. He declared potential "dead on this team", and singled out Gene Branton and Ray Snell as players who were in danger of losing their roster spots. Longtime tight end Jim Obradovich, recently acquired cornerback Irvin Phillips, and the previous season's backup quarterback Bob Hewko were cut on the first day of training camp. One-time All-Rookie guard Snell was traded to the Pittsburgh Steelers for Steve Courson, an All-Pro alternate two seasons earlier. The injury-plagued Steelers had lost patience with Courson over a knee injury that had limited him to nine games the previous season. Courson passed his physical, but immediately underwent arthroscopic surgery that caused him to miss the preseason. Versatile defensive end Brison Manor was obtained from the Denver Broncos to provide depth, as Booker Reese failed to develop as hoped. Johnny Ray Smith was placed on injured reserve to make room for Perry Tuttle, a former first-round draft choice of the Buffalo Bills. The preseason was relatively free of contract disputes. David Logan was the only training camp holdout, and threatened retirement when the negotiations became difficult. Logan was also targeted (along with rookie Fred Acorn) by departed personnel director Ken Herock, by then with the Miami Federals of the USFL. A contract extension was agreed to with Hugh Green, preventing any risk of his signing with the USFL Houston Gamblers, who were owned by his agent Jerry Argovitz. The Buccaneers opened the preseason with a 38–0 loss to the Seattle Seahawks, an AFC Championship Game contender of the previous season, in the Pro Football Hall of Fame Game. The game was marked by miscues, and was the largest margin of defeat in the game's 22-year history. Some players later expressed hope that the team would get "tired of losing", while McKay called the team's performance "disgusting". McKay did praise the efforts of the team's rookies, particularly Keith Browner, who was thrilled to be playing purely at linebacker after having been required to play at safety part-time at USC. James Wilder suffered a thigh bruise that kept him out of action for the remainder of the preseason. The team rebounded with a 30–17 win over the Houston Oilers, in which Warren Moon made his NFL debut. The low point of the preseason was a 52–21 loss to the Atlanta Falcons in which McKay rested the first-team defense for the entire game. Roster decisions were complicated by a number of injuries, particularly along the offensive line, where Steve Wilson and Steve Courson both missed significant time. The preseason ended with the defense playing in fine form in a 14–13 win over the Miami Dolphins, although McKay voiced concern over the performance of the offensive line and the running backs. The end of the Booker Reese experiment. On May 30, underachieving defensive end Booker Reese was arrested for approaching a plainclothes Tampa police officer and soliciting her for prostitution. The team refused to comment on the situation, which was another embarrassment for the staff that had made such a large gamble by trading their 1983 first-round draft pick for the rights to draft him two years earlier. His lack of progress forced the team to trade for Brison Manor in the preseason, while Reese was given a brief tryout at nose tackle. Young and naive, Reese was vulnerable to ill-intentioned hangers-on, and developed a cocaine problem which escalated as the pressure on him increased. He was tall, fast, and strong, but lacked the quickness to be able to get around NFL tackles, and had trouble absorbing the mental aspects of the game. He was unable to beat out John Cannon, selected later in the same draft. The team eventually cut their losses by trading Reese to the Los Angeles Rams for a low-round draft pick. Reese recorded no tackles in two games with the Rams, before being sent to a rehabilitation program after failing a urine test. Regular season. McKay continued to express confidence in the team, despite an 0–2 start that left the team 2–16 over their last 18 games. He however expressed concern over the performance of the defense, who had failed to hold a lead the previous week, and failed to tackle Saints running back Hokie Gajan several times during a 51-yard run that set up a game-winning Saints touchdown. McKay pointed out that, despite the reputation of the Tampa Bay defense, this type of letdown had been seen in the past. The team then beat division opponents in three of their next four games, leading observers to consider them as contenders for the NFC Central title. With a healthy offensive line able to maintain a stable lineup, and DeBerg becoming better-acquainted with the receivers, the offense developed confidence and the ability to sustain long drives. While the offense was able to avoid significant injuries, the defense began to lose key players from the beginning. Mike Washington, considered by McKay to be the team's best defensive back, was forced to retire after an elbow to the head by Bears receiver Dennis McKinnon in his first play of the season required him to undergo spinal surgery. This required the team to use rookie Fred Acorn as a nickel back. Hugh Green suffered a broken wrist and a broken orbital bone beneath his left eye in an October car crash. The injuries were initially expected to cause him to miss two games, but after a month, the Buccaneers decided to place him on injured reserve rather than face liability should an aggravation of the wrist injury end Green's career. Keith Browner played poorly as Green's replacement, and was promptly replaced by Chris Washington. Cecil Johnson suffered on and off from injuries and was eventually forced to undergo season-ending arthroscopic surgery, forcing the team to start two rookies (Browner and Washington) at outside linebacker. The pair struggled, with the speedy Washington overwhelmed by opposing tight ends, and the stronger Browner having trouble lining up in the right place. The loss of Green enabled opponents to play a more diverse offense, rather than avoid run plays to the left side, where Green and Lee Roy Selmon would line up. This affected the secondary, because the loss of Green's play against the run required that the team play the slower Mark Cotney for run support at safety. Making matters worse, Cedric Brown suffered a season-ending knee injury in week 9. McKay admitted that, with the absence of Brown, Green, Johnson, and Mike Washington, the Buccaneers were "not a very good defensive team". Wayne Fontes' effort to create a more aggressive defense through increased reliance on man-to-man coverage and blitzes backfired, with the result that the defense became much more vulnerable to touchdown passes and long pass plays. At the same time, their interception total decreased. Cedric Brown observed that it was largely a problem of execution, as many blitzes were failing due to player errors, and that the team was making more mistakes than he had seen in any of his eight years there. The pass rush was weakened by the absence of Hugh Green, which was noticeable to opposing teams. The effectiveness of the defensive line was reduced: Booker Reese failed to develop, John Cannon regressed from his previous season's performance, and Dave Logan began to experience knee problems that sometimes required his replacement in the lineup. The resignation of John McKay. McKay vowed during the offseason that he would retire rather than suffer another 2–14 season. During the season, he underwent surgery for cataracts that were making it difficult for him to read the game plans. He continued to express optimism over the season, even after a slow start and an embarrassing 44–9 loss to the Chicago Bears, as he felt that there was no dominant team in the division. McKay's wisecracking remark to a Kansas City Star reporter to the effect that a loss to the Chiefs would result in another Sam Rutigliano (the Cleveland Browns coach who had been fired the previous week) led to speculation of his imminent firing, which McKay shot down at the postgame press conference. The next week, the Buccaneers lost to the Minnesota Vikings on a last-minute field goal by Jan Stenerud, a kicker who McKay had pleaded with frugal owner Hugh Culverhouse to sign before the season. The loss effectively ended their chances at catching the Bears for the division lead. Frustrated over the team's record and concerned over his health, McKay held a press conference announcing his resignation effective at the end of the year. The players, who learned of the news from reporters rather than directly from McKay, were saddened by the announcement. Area fans, who had long been calling for McKay's resignation, were generally pleased by the decision. Howard Schnellenberger was the coach most popular among fans as a possible replacement, while Wayne Fontes was the popular choice among players and coaches, although Fontes was considered to be hampered by the perception that he would not be enough of a change, due to his 13 years of assistantship to McKay. Persistent rumors placed Ray Perkins as a candidate, even claiming that a press conference had been scheduled to announce the hiring, but Perkins dismissed the rumors and denied having met with Culverhouse. The 0–26 franchise start had a dramatic impact on his career record. McKay finished his NFL career, spent entirely with the Buccaneers, with a record of 42–88–1. This was fourth-worst among the 60 NFL coaches with at least five years of experience, and worst among the 34 coaches who had coached at least 100 regular-season games. He also had the fourth-longest tenure among coaches with losing records. It had long been arranged that he would move into the front office on his resignation from coaching. As team president, he expressed a desire to help the team by "finding players who can compete in the National Football League", a shot at departed personnel director Ken Herock. McKay's last weeks with the team were marked by controversy. Some players expressed support for McKay, and a team meeting was held on the day following the announcement in which players resolved to play together as a team, and finish the season on a winning note. The immediate result was a victory that ended their four-game losing streak, but more losses followed. The team was criticized for their decision to bench Hugh Green for the remainder of the season, despite his having been given clearance to play by doctors. The decision had to do with liability and the risk of a career-ending reinjury, but was perceived by fans as a lack of commitment to putting the best possible team on the field. Green eventually rejoined the lineup after signing a waiver absolving the team of liability. Team disunity arose after a collapse against the Packers, with much media attention being given to several players' complaints that McKay did not bother to address the team before, during, or after the game. McKay returned from Ricky Bell's funeral to find a storm of controversy over the incident, which was blamed on a lack of time due to equipment problems related to the muddy Green Bay field. Final game 'Onside Kick' incident. The final game of the season, a 41–21 victory over the New York Jets, was notable for its series of onside kicks in an effort to secure the NFL record in (combined rushing and receiving) yards from scrimmage for running back James Wilder Sr.. With 2,229 yards, Wilder was 16 short of the all-time NFL record, set by Eric Dickerson earlier during the weekend. McKay ordered an onside kick to try to get the ball back. When it was called back due to a penalty, he called another. The second attempt was also penalized, and he called a third. When the Jets recovered it, the defense (with the approval of McKay and Wayne Fontes) allowed Johnny Hector to score, so that the Buccaneers would get the ball back. On one play, Mark Cotney could be seen grabbing his helmet with both hands after tackling Hector, as instinct had prevented him from letting Hector score. This angered the Jets, who attempted an onside kick of their own to try to prevent the Buccaneers from getting the ball back. Tampa Bay did recover the kick, but the Jets focused on Wilder and prevented him from gaining any yards. New York players heaped profanities on McKay as the teams left the field, although Mark Gastineau apologized to Wilder for tackling him on the game's final play. Enraged Jets coach Joe Walton said that McKay's actions "set football back 20 years". Unapologetic for his decisions, McKay instead pointed to an earlier Jets onside kick attempt, and accused them of trying to slow down the game in an effort to thwart Wilder's pursuit of the record. He dismissed the Jets' argument that their only hope of winning was to recover the onside kick, saying that they had not seemed concerned about winning when they had been calling running plays while behind by 27 points. Wilder finished the season in third place, behind Dickerson and O. J. Simpson, in combined yardage. The NFL later fined McKay a record $10,000 for his actions. Schedule. Notes: Game summaries. Week 1: at Chicago Bears. "Sep 2, 1984 at Soldier Field, Chicago" Tampa Bay put on a mistake-filled performance reminiscent of the 1983 season, with a team-record eight turnovers. Dave Logan was called offsides twice on the Bears' first possession, which ended in a punt that Theo Bell fumbled. The team controlled the ball for less than three minutes of the first quarter. A potential touchdown pass was dropped by Jimmie Giles, and intercepted by Gary Fencik in what McKay felt was the turning point of the game. Jack Thompson completed only 4 of 17 passes and threw two interceptions. He was replaced by Steve DeBerg in the fourth quarter, as he was beginning to show signs of nervousness due to the receivers dropping so many of his passes. DeBerg threw four more interceptions, including one on the final play of the game. Thompson did find Gerald Carter for a 74-yard touchdown pass early in the second quarter, causing McKay to comment that it was a good thing that Carter's contract had not been renegotiated, as the recently re-signed and highly paid Giles and Kevin House were dropping so many passes. Original Buccaneer Mike Washington was knocked out by Dennis McKinnon on his first play of the game, and held at a hospital for observation with what was later described as a "significant" neck injury. He was placed in a cervical collar, and went on injured reserve. Washington suffered two ruptured discs that later required career-ending surgery. The Buccaneers maintained that McKinnon's play was illegal, as film appeared to show him jumping off the ground for extra leverage while delivering a forearm strike to Washington's head. Week 2: at New Orleans Saints. "Sep 9, 1984 at Louisiana Superdome, New Orleans" The New Orleans Saints defense, ranked first in the league the previous year, sacked Jack Thompson seven times and held James Wilder to 75 yards rushing, 37 of which came on a single carry. Thompson nevertheless completed 15 of 22 passes for 175 yards, and led a 10-minute opening drive that ended in an 8-yard pass to Adger Armstrong. He also completed four consecutive passes at the end of the fourth quarter, leading the team downfield for a comeback attempt that failed when the Saints' defense rallied. The Buccaneers led for most of the game, but the Saints came back following a 51-yard Hokie Gajan sideline run in the final two minutes. Several Buccaneer defenders missed opportunities to tackle him, as they expected him to try to run out of bounds to stop the clock. Gajan rushed the remaining 13 yards to the goal line in the next two plays to score the go-ahead touchdown. Obed Ariri was successful on his first two NFL field goal attempts. Tampa Bay committed no turnovers, after the previous week's total of eight. Week 3 vs Lions. Promised lineup changes after the previous week's loss to the Saints included Steve Courson and Ron Heller moving into the starting lineup at left guard and right tackle, respectively. Steve DeBerg entered the game in the second quarter, with Jack Thompson struggling and the Buccaneers behind 14–0. DeBerg led a 67-yard scoring drive on his first series, and went on to complete 18 of 27 passes for 195 yards and two touchdowns, a performance for which he was named NFC Player of the Week. He threw a 5-yard touchdown to Jimmie Giles to score the winning points with 3:11 remaining. Week 4: at New York Giants. "Sep 23, 1984 at Giants Stadium, East Rutherford, New Jersey" The Buccaneers failed to account for Lawrence Taylor, who got three of the Giants' four first-half sacks. Steve DeBerg completed 18 of 31 passes for 229 yards in his first Buccaneer start. The Buccaneers scored on runs by James Wilder and Adger Armstrong, while Phil Simms threw touchdown passes to Bobby Johnson and Zeke Mowatt for the Giants. James Owens was placed on injured reserve after suffering a knee injury on a kick return. Cecil Johnson suffered a back injury. Keith Browner got his first career start as Johnson's replacement the following week. Week 5: vs Green Bay Packers. "Sep 30, 1984 at Tampa Stadium, Tampa, Florida" James Wilder rushed 43 times for 172 yards, tying Butch Woolfolk's year-old NFL record for single-game carries, and breaking Wilder's own team mark of 42. He became the only running back in NFL history to have at least forty single-game carries on more than one occasion. His four receptions for 44 yards put him in first place in the league for total yards from scrimmage. The Buccaneers appeared to have the game put away until Lynn Dickey hit James Lofton at the Packer 16-yard line. Although Lofton was in the grasp of Jeremiah Castille, he was able to lateral the ball to Gerry Ellis, who scored the tying touchdown with 21 seconds left. The game was marked by big plays from the Buccaneer defense. Castille intercepted a pass that bounced off of Cecil Johnson's helmet, one of several Buccaneer takeaways. Dave Logan broke up a fourth-quarter tie by intercepting a Lynn Dickey pass and returning it for a touchdown. Logan later assisted Jeff Davis on a tackle of Ray Crouse for a loss on fourth-and-one. This in turn influenced Packers coach Forrest Gregg's decision to punt on fourth-and-one in overtime, with Gregg admitting to feeling intimidated by the Tampa Bay defense. The decision seemed justified when Bucky Scribner punted the ball to the Tampa Bay 2-yard line, but neither team was able to advance the ball on their ensuing possessions. The Buccaneers eventually drove to the Packer 17-yard line, where McKay elected to try to gain more yardage instead of attempting an immediate field goal. This decision almost backfired due to consecutive 10-yard penalties on Jimmie Giles and Gerald Carter, but Obed Ariri was successful on a 48-yard game-winning field goal attempt. Ariri became the first Buccaneer kicker to make three field goals of over 40 yards in a single game. As all other NFC Central teams lost that weekend, the victory moved Tampa Bay into a second-place tie with the Minnesota Vikings. Wilder was later named NFL Offensive Player of the Week for his performance. Week 6: vs Minnesota Vikings. "Oct 7, 1984, at Tampa Stadium, Tampa, Florida" The Buccaneers gave up record amounts of yardage to the Vikings, but stayed in the game by capitalizing on Viking turnovers. The Vikings' 543 yards and Tommy Kramer's 386 passing yards were the most ever gained against Tampa Bay in a regulation game. Leading 21–7, Kramer gave up an interception and a fumble in quick succession, each time giving the Buccaneers the ball inside the Viking 15-yard line and allowing them to easily tie the score. The Vikings committed 13 penalties for 101 yards. A Viking penalty for having 12 men on the field during a punt attempt gave Tampa Bay fourth-and-2 at the Viking 31, which led to the Buccaneers' first touchdown. Viking guard Ron Sams, filling in at center, was overwhelmed by Dave Logan and was called for holding five times. Logan got past him for sacks two other times. Kevin House had his ninth 100-yard game, with seven catches for 126 yards and a touchdown. Scot Brantley suffered a knee injury, while Sammy White and Darrin Nelson both pulled hamstrings. Week 7: at Detroit Lions. "Oct 14, 1984, at Pontiac Silverdome, Pontiac, Michigan" Gary Danielson, who had taken no snaps in practice during the week, came off the bench to lead the Lions to a come-from-behind victory. Danielson had been infuriated earlier in the week when coach Monte Clark started Eric Hipple ahead of him, saying that Danielson had a calf injury. Danielson was healthy and had one of the league's best passer ratings, but it was believed that the Lions expected the Buccaneers' banged-up linebacker corps to be vulnerable to Hipple's scrambling. When Hipple suffered a second-quarter knee injury, Danielson tied the game with an 18-yard run. He then threw a 37-yard overtime pass to Leonard Thompson to win the game. The Lions' 1–5 record, combined with the Detroit Tigers' pennant contention, contributed to the Silverdome attendance of 44,308 that was over 10,000 fewer than the stadium's previous record low. Steve DeBerg completed 25 of 29 passes for 272 yards, including a team-record streak of 12 consecutive completions. He threw a 25-yard first-quarter touchdown to Kevin House, and threw no interceptions. Numerous mistakes limited Tampa Bay to a single touchdown, despite their 349 yards of total offense. On one occasion, pulling guard Noah Jackson knocked the ball out of DeBerg's hand before he could hand it off to James Wilder, with the Lions recovering the fumble. The game went into overtime when Obed Ariri missed a potential game-winning 42-yard field goal on the last play of the fourth quarter. An overtime scoring opportunity ended with a Wilder fumble at the Lions 39-yard line. Week 8: vs Chicago Bears. "Oct 21, 1984, at Tampa Stadium, Tampa, Florida" A season-high crowd of 60,003 showed up to watch what turned out to be the Buccaneers' worst defeat in Tampa Stadium history. Walter Payton was held short of his seventh consecutive 100-yard-rushing game, but scored two touchdowns. Jim McMahon threw touchdowns to Dennis McKinnon, Willie Gault, and Brad Anderson. Dennis Gentry contributed a five-yard touchdown run, and Bob Thomas kicked a field goal. Gerald Carter had his first 100-yard receiving game for the Buccaneers, catching 10 passes for 109 yards. The Buccaneers were called for 11 penalties in the first half alone, including a pass-interference call on Jeremiah Castille that set up Payton's second touchdown. The play-calling was criticized, particularly a failed handoff to Wilder on fourth-and-1 in the first quarter, at the Buccaneer 45-yard line. The early deficit forced the Buccaneers into a passing game, which negated Wilder, their best offensive threat. Several Bears attributed Tampa Bay's penalty-prone play to overagressiveness, possibly motivated by revenge due to McKinnon's career-ending hit on Mike Washington in the season opener. They also noted that the Buccaneer defense played very differently without Hugh Green. Week 9: at Kansas City Chiefs. "Oct 28, 1984, at Arrowhead Stadium, Kansas City, Missouri" The Buccaneers lost a chance to pull out a last-minute win, as Steve DeBerg's last-second pass to a triple-covered Gerald Carter was tipped in the end zone. DeBerg had led the team on a 3-minute, 82-yard drive to the Chiefs' 10-yard line, only to be sacked for a 10-yard loss when he fell after an offensive lineman stepped on his foot. DeBerg completed 29 of 54 passes for 280 yards, with two touchdowns and three interceptions. The two teams' quarterbacks combined for 100 pass attempts, the most ever in an NFL game. DeBerg also set a club record, with his sixth-straight 200-yard passing game. James Wilder finished the game just two yards shy of the club record in yards from scrimmage. McKay was critical of Red Cashion's officiating crew after three questionable calls. On one, Stephone Paige apparently fumbled after being hit by Cedric Brown and Jeremiah Castille at the 2-yard line, but the play was ruled an incomplete pass by the official. On the next play, Brown suffered a season-ending knee injury while blitzing Bill Kenney. This play resulted in a touchdown pass to Henry Marshall. Week 10: at Minnesota Vikings. "Nov 4, 1984 at Hubert H. Humphrey Metrodome, Minneapolis, Minnesota" The Buccaneers could not defeat a struggling Vikings team, despite James Wilder's 146 rushing and 46 receiving yards, and a Steve DeBerg touchdown pass to Kevin House that tied the score with 1:03 remaining in the game. The Vikings were held to an incompletion on fourth-and-nine on their ensuing possession, but a pass-interference penalty on Chris Washington allowed the Vikings to retain possession, and set up Jan Stenerud's game-winning field goal with 2 seconds left. Week 11: vs New York Giants. "Nov 11, 1984 at Tampa Stadium, Tampa, Florida" The Buccaneers shocked a Giants team that had taken a share of the NFC East lead by beating the Cowboys and Redskins in the two previous weeks. Inspired by a team meeting in which the players resolved to fight to maintain their respectability as a team, the Buccaneers shut down the Giants' deep passing game and held Lawrence Taylor in check, producing a win that only appeared close because of a last-minute Giants touchdown. James Wilder's 99 yards on 34 carries gave him 1,062 for the season, making him only the second 1,000-yard rusher in Buccaneer history. Steve DeBerg threw for 238 yards, including a 10-yard touchdown pass to Kevin House. Giants players refused to admit to having suffered a letdown, instead crediting the Buccaneers with having played a better game. Week 12: at San Francisco 49ers. "Nov 18, 1984 at Candlestick Park, San Francisco" The 49ers scored on runs by Roger Craig, Wendell Tyler, and Freddie Solomon. The Buccaneers kept pace behind Steve DeBerg's 316 yards passing. Gerald Carter caught nine of DeBerg's passes, for 166 yards. A last-minute chance to tie the score ended when San Francisco's Gary Johnson recovered a fumbled center snap. The 49ers became the first NFC playoff qualifiers with the win, while the loss eliminated Tampa Bay from playoff contention. James Wilder broke the team record for total yardage in a season. Week 13: vs Los Angeles Rams. "Nov 25, 1984 at Tampa Stadium, Tampa, Florida" Gary Jeter blocked an extra-point attempt in the first quarter, which became the Rams' margin of victory when they staged a fourth-quarter rally. Eric Dickerson was held to 67 yards rushing through the first three periods, but rushed for 124 yards in the final quarter, leading his team to a comeback from a 26–17 deficit. The game left Dickerson just 372 yards short of O. J. Simpson's NFL single-season rushing record of 2,003 yards. The Buccaneers had to settle for a field goal on their opening drive, when officials ruled a bobbled Gerald Carter end-zone reception to be incomplete. Game films later indicated that Carter did indeed catch the pass. A last-minute Buccaneer drive ended when LeRoy Irvin intercepted a pass intended for Theo Bell. While the Buccaneer offense produced 406 yards and a team-record 28 first downs, the defense allowed 299 rushing yards. This was the 200th consecutive game that Rams linebacker Jack Youngblood, an eventual inductee into the Professional Football Hall of Fame, played in. He suffered an injury to his sciatic nerve during the second quarter that ended his season, and ultimately his career. His Rams-record consecutive-game streak of 201 games, which included two playoff games played with a broken leg (including the 1979 playoff game against Tampa Bay) ended after a brief appearance the following week, and he would never again play in an NFL game. Week 14: at Green Bay Packers. "Dec 2, 1984 at Lambeau Field, Green Bay, Wisconsin" The Packers were held scoreless for the first half, but scored 27 unanswered points after a 17-yard Paul Coffman pass reception inspired the team. It took eight Buccaneers to bring Coffman down, and the reception set up a 4-yard Eddie Lee Ivery touchdown run. Coffman was awarded a game ball for the effort. Before that, the Packers dropped numerous passes and allowed the Buccaneers to take a 14–0 lead. The Buccaneers also missed scoring opportunities, with a fumble on the 6-yard line, and a field goal attempt in which Obed Ariri slipped twice before missing the kick. James Wilder rushed for 84 first-half yards, and threw his first career pass, a touchdown to Adger Armstrong. The Green Bay crowd spent the game taunting McKay, who during the week had expressed his distaste for the city, saying that a trip to Green Bay would be the 98th prize in a contest that had 97 prizes, and that nobody should have to go there in July, let alone December. A small black No. 42 was worn on the Buccaneer helmets for the game in tribute to former running back Ricky Bell, who had died earlier in the week. Week 15: vs Atlanta Falcons. "Dec 9, 1984 at Tampa Stadium, Tampa, Florida" James Wilder rushed for 125 yards and caught passes for 22 yards, in so doing becoming only the seventh player in NFL history to gain 2,000 yards in a season. His total of 2,066 yards was only 177 short of O. J. Simpson's NFL record of 2,243, with one game remaining. McKay later stated that he would incorporate new plays into the following week's game plan, in an effort to help Wilder break Simpson's record. The Falcons used a deep zone to neutralize receivers Gerald Carter and Kevin House, allowing Theo Bell to catch four passes for 80 yards. Three of Bell's receptions came on third downs, extending Buccaneer drives. Several other Buccaneers reached milestones: Obed Ariri set the team's season scoring record, Steve DeBerg reached 15,000 career passing yards, and Fred Acorn caught his first interception. Atlanta's Gerald Riggs, the third-leading rusher in the NFL, was held to 53 yards on 15 carries. Mike Moroski started at quarterback for the Falcons in place of the injured Steve Bartkowski. The Buccaneer defense played well enough to stifle any comeback attempts by the Falcons, who had not won a game since a season-ending injury to Billy "White Shoes" Johnson eight weeks earlier. The game was played in front of a record-low Tampa Stadium crowd of 33,808. Week 16: vs New York Jets. "Dec 16, 1984 at Tampa Stadium, Tampa, Florida" In Tampa Bay's final game with John McKay as coach, the team broke numerous team and individual offensive records en route to a victory over the New York Jets. The victory was considered tainted, due to a controversial decision to permit the Jets to score a fourth-quarter touchdown in order that the Buccaneers could get the ball back in an attempt to help James Wilder break the NFL record in yards from scrimmage. The team's 41 points were their most ever, while they broke season records for points, yards, passing yards, passing touchdowns and rushing touchdowns. Kevin House became the only Buccaneer with two 1,000-yard receiving seasons, while four different receivers broke the team record of 57 receptions. Steve DeBerg set several quarterback records, and Obed Ariri set a team mark with his 19th field goal. House and Gerald Carter's combined 176 catches was the most by any NFL receiving duo, although Mark Clayton and Mark Duper had an opportunity to pass them, with one game yet to play. Awards and records. Postseason Honors. James Wilder, Pro Bowl selection Lee Roy Selmon, Pro Bowl selection Dave Logan, Pro Bowl first alternate Sean Farrell, Pro Bowl second alternate Kevin House, Pro Bowl second alternate Hugh Green, Pro Bowl second alternate Gerald Carter, Pro Bowl third alternate James Wilder, team MVP Ron Heller, UPI All-Rookie Team Keith Browner, UPI All-Rookie Team Team and Individual Records. The 1984 offense was one of the highest-performing in franchise history, and set numerous team records, many of which still (as of 2010) stand: James Wilder, most NFL season rushing attempts (407, surpassed Eric Dickerson's NFL-record 390 set in 1983) James Wilder, most NFL single-game rushing attempts (43, tied Butch Woolfolk's NFL record set in 1983) James Wilder, most team season rushing yards (1,544) James Wilder, most team total yards, rushing and receiving (2,229; 1,544 rushing, 685 receiving) James Wilder, most team season rushing touchdowns (13) James Wilder, most team 100-yard rushing games (5, broken by Carnell Williams in 2005). This was a regular-season record, as it had previously been achieved by Ricky Bell in the 1979 playoffs. Steve DeBerg, most team passes completed (308, broken by Brad Johnson in 2001) Steve DeBerg, highest team season passer rating (79.3, since broken by several others) Steve DeBerg, highest team single-game completion percentage (86.2% vs. Detroit on 10/14, broken by Vinny Testaverde on 9/13/92) Steve DeBerg, highest team season completion percentage (60.5%, since broken several times) James Wilder, most team pass receptions (85, broken by Mark Carrier in 1989) James Wilder, most receptions, running back (85) James Wilder, most receiving yards, running back (685) Team, most season points scored (335, broken in 2000) Team, most single-game points scored (41 vs. N. Y. Jets on 12/16, broken on 9/13/87 vs. Atlanta) Team, most touchdowns (40, broken in 2000) Team, most season passing touchdowns (22, broken in 1989) Team, most total yards, offense (5,321, broken in 2003) Team, most offensive plays (1,091) Team, most single-game offensive plays (91 vs. Green Bay on 9/30. 79 of these were in regulation) Team, most single-game offensive plays during regulation (87 vs. Kansas City on 10/28) Team, most first downs (344) Team, most season rushing first downs (114) Team, most single-game rushing first downs (16, vs. Detroit on 9/16, since matched twice) Team, most passing first downs (209) Team, best third down efficiency (42.9%) Team, most passes attempted (563, broken in 1989) Team, best single-game passing completion percentage (86.2% at Detroit on 10/14) Team, most net yards passing (3,545, broken in 2003) Team, most single-game yards passing in a regulation game (374 vs. Minnesota on 10/7, broken vs. N.Y. Jets on 11/17/85) Team, most single-game penalties (16, vs. Chicago on 10/21) Both teams, most single-game pass attempts (100, with Kansas City on 10/28 at the time an NFL record; broken vs. Chicago on 9/21/08) Most opponent penalties (136) Most single-game opponent penalties (16, vs. Chicago on 10/21) Most opponent penalty yards (1,078) Fewest punts (68) Best opponent passing completion percentage (82.6% by Joe Montana of San Francisco on 11/18, broken by Randall Cunningham of Minnesota on 11/1/98) Most opponent rushing yards (299 by L.A. Rams on 11/25, broken by Atlanta on 9/17/06) Longest game (4:02 vs. Green Bay on 9/30) Longest touchdown drive (19 plays in 10:26 at New Orleans on 9/9) Steve DeBerg's 3,554 yards passing and James Wilder's 85 receptions are currently the third-highest in team history. Kevin House's 76 receptions are ninth-most in team history. Obed Ariri's 95 points and Steve DeBerg's passer rating of 79.3 rank tenth.

urine analysis

10607-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=1942448

The National University of Engineering (, UNI) is a public engineering and science university located in the Rímac District of Lima, Peru. History. The National University of Engineering was founded in 1876 by the Polish engineer Edward Jan Habich as the School of Civil Constructions and Mining Engineers (), but has traditionally been known as School of Engineers ("Escuela de Ingenieros"). At the time of its foundation, there was a growing demand for engineers in Peru due to the rapid development of mining and communications. Today, the National University of Engineering is widely regarded as the foremost science and technology-oriented university in Peru, many of its alumni occupying today positions of leadership in the fields of Industry, Academia, and Government. Academics. Current admission is highly competitive, with ~16% acceptance rate in 2020 overall with the most demanding study fields as Civil Engineering, Architecture, Systems Engineering, Industrial Engineering, Electronics Engineering and Electrical Engineering. UNI is widely known for being rigorous, demanding great focus and effort from its students. Given the competition level to be accepted to the National University of Engineering and its highly demanding curricula, the university is commonly acknowledged as the most difficult to attend in the whole country. This has given UNI students recognition among Peruvians, but it has also created an imbalance sometimes regarding GPA's as compared to other schools, those of UNI's students being in some occasions lower due to the difficulty level being harder. Notable alumni. Among former renowned professors and students are: Organization. The UNI is divided into eleven colleges which contain twenty-seven Academic Schools. It is a university polarized around Science, Engineering, and Arquitecture. It offers a wide range of engineering specialties, including traditional Industrial, Mechanical, Civil, Electronics, Chemical, and Systems Engineering, as well as other specialized majors such as Economics, Textile and Naval Engineering.

considerable concentration

1730-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8795547

Saurabi (싸울아비) is a modern Korean compound which literally means "a father who fights". It was first used in 1962 in a drama which was broadcast on Korean television. In an interview by "The Dong-a Ilbo" newspaper (November 20, 1962), the writer stated that it was coined. In 1983, Kim Yong Woon, who specialized in mathematical history, said in his book "Kankokujin to Nihonjin" ("Koreans and Japanese '): It is said, "saul" to fight in Korean, and says, "abi" a man. When "man who fights" is expressed in Korean, it becomes "saulabi". It is thought that there seem to be some connection between "samurai" of Japan and "saulabi" of Korea However, the sound change from "Saurabi" to "Samurai" is considered to be linguistically unnatural, and comparison between a modern Korean word and a modern Japanese word and deducing that there must have been some ancient connection because the modern word sounds alike does not make any sense in the field of comparative linguistics. Since the word "saulabi" (or something close to that) can not be found in surviving ancient Korean texts nor can be seen in Japanese texts (if the term "saulabi" transformed into "samurai", the transition should be evident in Japanese texts as well, but they are not), the argument that the word "saulabi" transformed into "samurai" seems, at least on a scientific level, very unlikely. Unless new evidence is uncovered either showing clear signs of transition or something providing definitive proof that the word originated in ancient Korea, this will be more of a pseudoscientific language comparison. The term "ssaurabi" earned recognition among South Koreans in 1990s possibly because the Korean editions of the "Samurai Shodown" series (fighting games) were released under the name of "Ssaurabi Tuhon" (싸울아비 투혼 literally "Ssaurabi fighting spirits"). Some Korean martial art organizations claim that the ssaurabi were warriors of Baekje, a kingdom in southwestern Korea, and that the Japanese samurai originated from the ssaurabi. The 2002 South Korean film "Saulabi" (variant romanization of "ssaurabi"), directed by Moon Jong-geum, dealt with this theory. This argument is odd in many ways because the original argument simply stated that the origin of the word "samurai" could have been "saulabi" and never mentioned anything about there being a similar class in ancient Korea. Historically speaking, there is no literal evidence for the existence of the "ssaurabi" in Baekje. Linguistically, it is hard to explain the similarity between "ssaurabi" and "samurai" with regular correspondences between Korean and Japanese. Anachronism becomes clearer when examining the older form of "ssauda". Since this verb appears as "sahoda" in Middle Korean documents, "ssaurabi" would be "sahorabi" in Middle Korean although no usage is known. Another problem is that the word "samurai", perhaps contrary to popular belief, originally had nothing to do with fighting or being a warrior. As explained in etymology of samurai, the word originally meant "those who serve in close attendance to nobility" and was originally pronounced "saburau". Therefore, the argument that the word "samurai" is derived from "saulabi" ("a man who fights") is highly unlikely.

direct assembly

14870-1

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=5784346

In sailing, heaving to (to heave to and to be hove to) is a way of slowing a sailing vessel's forward progress, as well as fixing the helm and sail positions so that the vessel does not have to be steered. It is commonly used for a "break"; this may be to wait for the tide before proceeding, or to wait out a strong or contrary wind. For a solo or shorthanded sailor it can provide time to go below deck, to attend to issues elsewhere on the boat or to take a meal break. It is also used as a storm tactic. The term is also used in the context of vessels under power and refers to bringing the vessel to a complete stop. For example, in waters over which the United States has jurisdiction the Coast Guard may, under , demand that a boat "heave to" in order to enforce federal laws. Hove to. A sailing vessel is hove to when it is at or nearly at rest because the driving action from one or more sails is approximately balanced by the drive from the other(s). This always involves "backing" one or more sails, so that the wind is pressing against the forward side of the cloth, rather than the aft side as it normally would for the sail to drive the vessel forwards. On large square rigged, multi-masted vessels the procedures can be quite complex and varied, but on a modern two-sailed sloop, there is only the jib and the mainsail. A cutter may have more than one headsail, and a ketch, yawl or schooner may have more than one sail on a boom. In what follows, the jibs and boomed sails on such craft can either be treated as one of each, or lowered for the purposes of reduced windage, heel or complexity when heaving to for any length of time. When a sloop is hove to, the jib is backed. This means that its windward sheet is tight holding the sail to windward. The mainsail sheet is often eased, or the mainsail reefed, to reduce forward movement, or "fore-reaching". The rudder is placed so that, should the boat make any forward movement, it will be turned "into" the wind, so as to prevent forward momentum building up. In a centerboard boat the centerboard will be partially raised and the tiller held down hard. Heaving to. For a sloop sailing along normally, either of two maneuvers will render the sailboat to be hove to. First, the jib can be literally "heaved" to windward, using the windward sheet and releasing the other. Then the rudder would be put across so as to turn gently towards the wind. Without the drive of the jib, and allowing time for momentum to die down, the sailboat will be unable to tack and will stop hove to. This method may be preferable when broad reaching or running before a strong wind in a heavy sea and the prospect of tacking through the wind in order to heave to may not appeal. Bearing away from the wind so that the headsail is blanketed by the mainsail can make it easier to haul in the windward sheet. Alternatively, the vessel can simply be turned normally to tack through the wind, "without" freeing the jibsheet. The mainsail should self-tack onto the other side, but the jib is held aback. Finally the rudder is put the other way, as if trying to tack back again. Without the drive of the jib, she cannot do this and will stop hove to. This method is fast to implement and is recommended by sail training bodies such as the RYA as a "quick stop" reaction to a man overboard emergency, for sailing boats that have an engine available for further maneuvers to approach and pick up the casualty. Finally, in either case, the tiller or wheel should be lashed so that the rudder cannot move again, and the mainsheet adjusted so that the boat lies with the wind ahead of the beam with minimal speed forward. Usually this involves easing the sheet slightly compared to a closehauled position, but depending on the relative sizes of the sails, the shape and configuration of the keel and rudder and the state of the wind and sea, each skipper will have to experiment. After this the boat can be left indefinitely, only keeping a lookout for other approaching vessels. When hove to, the boat will heel, there will be some drift to leeward and some tendency to forereach, so adequate seaway must be allowed for. In rough weather, this leeway can actually leave a "slick" effect to windward, in which the waves are smaller than elsewhere. This can make a rest or meal break a little more comfortable at times. To come out from the hove-to position and get under way again, the tiller or wheel is unlashed and the windward jibsheet is released, hauling in the normal leeward one. Bearing off the wind using the rudder will get the boat moving and then she can be maneuvered onto any desired course. It is important when choosing the tack, heaving to, and remaining hove to, in a confined space that adequate room is allowed for these maneuvers. Heaving to as a storm tactic. Heaving to has been used by a number of yachts to survive storm conditions (winds greater than Force 10, 48–55 knots, 89–102km/h, 55–63mph). During the June 1994 Queen's Birthday Storm, all yachts that hove to survived the storm. This included "Sabre", a 10.4m (34ft) steel cutter with two persons on board, which hove to in wind speeds averaging 80 knots for 6 hours with virtually no damage. During the ill-fated 1979 Fastnet race, of 300 yachts, 158 chose to adopt storm tactics; 86 "lay ahull", whereby the yacht adopts a "beam on" attitude to the wind and waves; 46 ran before the wind under bare poles or trailing warps/sea anchors, and 26 hove to. 100 yachts suffered knock downs; 77 rolled (that is turtled) at least once. Not one of the hove to yachts were capsized (knocked down or turtled) or suffered any serious damage. The "heave to" maneuver is described in the story of the first Golden Globe yacht race of 1968.

enough space

527-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=69895

Interpolation search is an algorithm for searching for a key in an array that has been ordered by numerical values assigned to the keys ("key values"). It was first described by W. W. Peterson in 1957. Interpolation search resembles the method by which people search a telephone directory for a name (the key value by which the book's entries are ordered): in each step the algorithm calculates where in the remaining search space the sought item might be, based on the key values at the bounds of the search space and the value of the sought key, usually via a linear interpolation. The key value actually found at this estimated position is then compared to the key value being sought. If it is not equal, then depending on the comparison, the remaining search space is reduced to the part before or after the estimated position. This method will only work if calculations on the size of differences between key values are sensible. By comparison, binary search always chooses the middle of the remaining search space, discarding one half or the other, depending on the comparison between the key found at the estimated position and the key sought — it does not require numerical values for the keys, just a total order on them. The remaining search space is reduced to the part before or after the estimated position. The linear search uses equality only as it compares elements one-by-one from the start, ignoring any sorting. On average the interpolation search makes about log(log("n")) comparisons (if the elements are uniformly distributed), where "n" is the number of elements to be searched. In the worst case (for instance where the numerical values of the keys increase exponentially) it can make up to O("n") comparisons. In interpolation-sequential search, interpolation is used to find an item near the one being searched for, then linear search is used to find the exact item. Performance. Using big-O notation, the performance of the interpolation algorithm on a data set of size "n" is "O"("n"); however under the assumption of a uniform distribution of the data on the linear scale used for interpolation, the performance can be shown to be "O"(log log "n"). However, Dynamic Interpolation Search is possible in "o"(log log "n") time using a novel data structure. Practical performance of interpolation search depends on whether the reduced number of probes is outweighed by the more complicated calculations needed for each probe. It can be useful for locating a record in a large sorted file on disk, where each probe involves a disk seek and is much slower than the interpolation arithmetic. Index structures like B-trees also reduce the number of disk accesses, and are more often used to index on-disk data in part because they can index many types of data and can be updated online. Still, interpolation search may be useful when one is forced to search certain sorted but unindexed on-disk datasets. Adaptation to different datasets. When sort keys for a dataset are uniformly distributed numbers, linear interpolation is straightforward to implement and will find an index very near the sought value. On the other hand, for a phone book sorted by name, the straightforward approach to interpolation search does not apply. The same high-level principles can still apply, though: one can estimate a name's position in the phone book using the relative frequencies of letters in names and use that as a probe location. Some interpolation search implementations may not work as expected when a run of equal key values exists. The simplest implementation of interpolation search won't necessarily select the first (or last) element of such a run. Book-based searching. The conversion of names in a telephone book to some sort of number clearly will not provide numbers having a uniform distribution (except via immense effort such as sorting the names and calling them name #1, name #2, etc.) and further, it is well known that some names are much more common than others (Smith, Jones,) Similarly with dictionaries, where there are many more words starting with some letters than others. Some publishers go to the effort of preparing marginal annotations or even cutting into the side of the pages to show markers for each letter so that at a glance a segmented interpolation can be performed. Sample implementation. The following C++ code example is a simple implementation. At each stage it computes a probe position then as with the binary search, moves either the upper or lower bound in to define a smaller interval containing the sought value. Unlike the binary search which guarantees a halving of the interval's size with each stage, a misled interpolation may reduce/i-case efficiency of O("n"). /* T must implement the operators -, !=, ==, >=, <= and < such that >=, <=, !=, == and < define a total order on T and such that is an int between 0 and k (inclusive) for any tl, tm, th in T with tl <= tm <= th, tl != th. arr must be sorted according to this ordering. \returns An index i such that arr[i] == key or -1 if there is no i that satisfies this. template <typename T> int interpolation_search(T arr[], int size, T key) int low = 0; int high = size - 1; int mid; while ((arr[high] != arr[low]) && (key >= arr[low]) && (key <= arr[high])) { mid = low + ((key - arr[low]) * (high - low) / (arr[high] - arr[low])); if (arr[mid] < key) low = mid + 1; else if (key < arr[mid]) high = mid - 1; else return mid; if (key == arr[low]) return low ; else return -1; Notice that having probed the list at index "mid", for reasons of loop control administration, this code sets either "high" or "low" to be not "mid" but an adjacent index, which location is then probed during the next iteration. Since an adjacent entry's value will not be much different, the interpolation calculation is not much improved by this one step adjustment, at the cost of an additional reference to distant memory such as disk. Each iteration of the above code requires between five and six comparisons (the extra is due to the repetitions needed to distinguish the three states of < > and = via binary comparisons in the absence of a three-way comparison) plus some messy arithmetic, while the binary search algorithm can be written with one comparison per iteration and uses only trivial integer arithmetic. It would thereby search an array of a million elements with no more than twenty comparisons (involving accesses to slow memory where the array elements are stored); to beat that, the interpolation search, as written above, would be allowed no more than three iterations.

predicted location

5168-2

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=10881873

The Creighton Bluejays men's basketball team represents Creighton University of the NCAA Division I college basketball. They currently compete in the Big East Conference having joined the conference following the Big East conference realignment in 2013. The Bluejays play their home games at CHI Health Center Omaha in Omaha, Nebraska. Creighton finished sixth nationally in home attendance, averaging 17,048 fans per home game in 2014–15. Before joining the Big East, Creighton was a member of the Missouri Valley Conference from 1976 through 2013. The Jays were also members of the MVC from 1928 to 1948 and participated as an independent from 1948 to 1977 before rejoining the MVC. The Bluejays have won a record 15 MVC regular season conference titles and a record 12 MVC Tournament titles. The team has 22 appearances in the NCAA Tournament. The Jays last played in the NCAA Tournament in 2021. The Bluejays won at least one NCAA tournament game for three consecutive seasons, including a 58–57 win over Alabama, a 67–63 win over Cincinnati and a 76–66 win over Louisiana-Lafayette. History. Arthur Schabinger era (1923–1935). Arthur Schabinger took over the program after Kearney's graduation. He guided the team into its first conference, the North Central Conference, in 1923. His teams would win 4 titles in the league. In 1928, Shabinger would again guide Creighton to another conference, the Missouri Valley Conference. Creighton's winningest men's basketball coach for 75 years, Arthur A. Schabinger helped build the Creighton basketball program. Schabinger posted a 165–66 record as coach of the Bluejays from 1922 to 1935. Eleven of his 13 teams finished first or second in the league, including eight teams that won or tied for the title. Eddie Hickey era (1936–1947). Eddie Hickey took over the program for the 1935–36 season. Hickey was reared in small-town Nebraska and graduated from Creighton University School of Law in 1926. Sawed-off at 5'5", Edward 'The Little Giant' Hickey was a dynamic chunky man who had quarterbacked Creighton university football in the Roaring 20's. He was enamored more by the game he could teach if not, obviously lacking size, play well. He was the head coach of both the football and basketball teams at Creighton Preparatory School Creighton Preparatory for eight years before moving to Creighton University. Hickey was a master of the fast break fast-break and winning. He immediately led the Bluejays to the Missouri Valley title in his first season. Their fast break – 'controlled fast break' Eddie would emphasize sarcastically – featured an explosive movement that required the ball not to hit the floor. 'The Little Giant' would take Creighton to new heights by the early 1940s, with 1943 Consensus First Team All American Ed Beisser in the middle and his high powered offense. Hickey would lead the Jays to their first NCAA Tournament and two National Invitation Tournaments, including a Final Four (Third-place game winner) in 1942, (when the NIT was bigger than the NCAA tournament). With his flair for 'run-sheep-run' basketball, Hickey and his teams were a good show in the Big Apple. World War II would briefly suspend Creighton's basketball program and Hickey would return to coach for one year after the war before moving on to St. Louis. His 126–71 record and four conference titles in nine seasons at Creighton was followed by success in St. Louis and later Marquette. Edgar Hickey would go down as a hall of fame coach with a 36-year college career of 570–268. Post-war era (1948–1959). The post-war era was full of change and mediocrity for the Jays. Future athletic director Julius 'Duce' Belford coached the Jays immediately after the war. Creighton would leave the Missouri Valley Conference and switch from Division I to Division III during this era. The Jays would not find success at this new level. Belford finished with a 56–83 record over six seasons. His successors would not fare better. Sebastian 'Subby' Salerno took the reins in 1952 and left three years later. Salerno finished with a 30–45 record. Theron Thomsen replaced Salerno and found some success. After eight losing seasons, Thomsen's 1956–57 Bluejays would post a 15–6 mark. However, the Jays would slide back toward mediocrity finishing 10–12 and 13–9 in the following two seasons. In 1959, Athletic Director Duce Belford made it a priority to bring back the once proud Creighton basketball program. John 'Red' McManus era (1960–1969). John J. 'Red' McManus came to Creighton after a successful career of eight seasons at St. Ambrose Academy and a year as head freshman and assistant varsity coach at Iowa. The 1959–60 Bluejays were a far cry from the previous year's team. Whereas the team had previously utilized a slow methodical type of basketball, McManus brought a fast break offense and a box zone defense. Utilizing sharp recruiting and tough coaching, Red quickly had the Bluejays back on the road to becoming a national power. The 1961–62 Creighton Bluejays men's basketball team finished 21–5 and reached the Sweet Sixteen of the 1962 NCAA Men's Division I Basketball Tournament, going on to win the third spot in the NCAA Regional. Paul Silas was the nation's top rebounder. The 1963–64 Bluejays finished with a 22–7 record, a record for most wins in a season. All-American and team captain Paul Silas rounded his collegiate basketball career by leading the team back to the Sweet Sixteen in the 1964 NCAA Men's Division I Basketball Tournament. Silas, who guided the Bluejays to two NCAA tournament berths in his three-year career, led the nation in rebounding his sophomore and junior years. McManus would continue to coach at Creighton until 1969. He would go down as the third-winningest coach in school history, leaving with a 138–118 mark. Red McManus was a colorful character, with a mean streak who was always a respected gentleman off the court. He rebuilt the Jays' schedules into coast-to-coast clashes with the nation's top basketball powers. His teams got NCAA post-season tourney bids in 1962 and 1964, and his players included professionals Paul Silas, Neil Johnson, Elton McGriff, Bob Portman and Wally Anderzunas. McManus resigned after building a schedule of national prominence-the job he was hired to do. Eddie Sutton era (1970–1974). One of college basketball's legendary coaches, Eddie Sutton got his first Division I head coaching job at Creighton. Sutton left College of Southern Idaho in 1969 to coach at Creighton. It was with the Bluejays that he made his first coaching appearance in the NCAA tournament in 1974. With a patient passing offense, he led the Bluejays to an 82–50 mark between 1969 and 1974. Sutton's career coincided with the apex of the Travelin’ Jays Era. Red McManus coined the phrase "border to border and coast to coast" in 1959 when he began the Travelin’ Jays era, but it was under Eddie Sutton that the philosophy really bore fruit and gained the Jays national recognition. During his last three years at Creighton, the Bluejays played in 36 cities and 20 states, logged more than 65,000 miles in the air, made a South American jaunt (entertaining the Chilean national team at home in exchange), and visited Hawaii. Sutton was a Tulsa native, and in 1974 a bidding war commenced between Oral Roberts, Duke, and Arkansas for Sutton's services. Arkansas won the battle, announcing Sutton as their new head coach on March 27, 1974. Over an illustrious 37 year coaching career, Sutton compiled an 804–328 record, putting him eighth on the all-time Division I wins list. He became the first coach to lead four schools to the NCAA Tournament, taking Creighton, Arkansas, Kentucky, and Oklahoma State. Tom Apke era (1975–1981). Assistant coach Tom Apke took over for the departing Sutton. Apke planned to run the same defensive schemes Sutton had: namely, a fierce man-to-man base defense, with a 2–3 zone as a change-up. The offense was where major changes were made. Apke looked to run a fast break at every opportunity, taking advantage of every shot opportunity. The news media was pessimistic as Apke entered his first season. Prognostications grew even worse after Mike Heck, Creighton's first 7 footer and a rising star, suddenly died because of an enlarged heart after the first game of the season. The 1974–75 Creighton Bluejays rallied after Heck's death and ended up reaching the 1975 NCAA Tournament finishing with a 20–7 record. Apke led Creighton back to the Missouri Valley Conference in 1977 after 29 years of independence. He found instant success winning the 1978 conference regular and conference tournament titles and advancing to the 1978 NCAA Tournament. The Bluejays would continue winning at a high level again returning to postseason play in the 1981 NCAA Tournament. After the 1980–81 season, Apke accepted the head coaching position at Colorado. Apke spent 17 years in all at Creighton – four as a player, six as an assistant coach and seven as head coach. He is the only coach in school history to have led Creighton to the NCAA Tournament in his first season with the team (1974–75). A team captain on Creighton's 1964–65 team, Apke went on to coach the Jays to a 130–64 record from 1974–81. Three of his teams went to NCAA tournaments and another to the National Invitation Tournament. Willis Reed era (1982–1985). Sutton and Apke's departures upset Creighton officials who yearned to make the program 'big time'. Officials hinted that the new head coach would be a 'big name' hire. Former New York Knicks great Willis Reed fit the bill. After being fired in 1978 after a season and a fraction as the Knicks' coach, Reed was determined to prove himself as a coach. Reed accepted the position at Creighton, generating controversy in the Bluejay community. Longtime assistant coach Tom Broshnihan, who had been around since Sutton, was seen as the rightful heir to the Creighton head coaching job. A sizable segment of the fan-base criticized Reed as lacking experience in college coaching and recruiting. High school basketball in Nebraska produced a record number of prospects prior to Willis Reed's first season. Reed was unable to sign any of the blue-chips, including Ron Kellogg and Dave Hoppen. It did not help that Reed was breaking the color barrier, becoming the first black head basketball coach at Creighton. Coming off Tom Apke's impressive 21–9 season featuring an NCAA appearance, Reed's inaugural 7–20 mark added fuel to the fire. Reed proved himself as a recruiter that off-season. Considered by many scouts to be the top prospect in the country, Benoit Benjamin was sought by 350 colleges. Benjamin came from a single-mother home and looked for a father figure, preferably a college coach who had played center. Fortunately for Creighton, coach Willis Reed was a former seven-time NBA All-Star center with the Knicks and a member of the NBA Hall of Fame. Benjamin's signing gave Reed instead credibility as a recruiter. Despite the landmark signing, the Jays would again struggle in 1982–83 finishing with an 8–19 record. Coach Reed worked with Benjamin over the off-season. Benoit came back as a sophomore in 1983–84 and dominated college basketball. The Bluejays would reach the NIT that year finishing 17–14. The 1984–85 season team would win 20 games. As a junior during the 1984–85 season, Benoit Benjamin led all of NCAA Division I in blocked shots and was the nation's second-leading rebounder. Benoit Benjamin would leave for the NBA following the season. A two-time AP All-America center for the Bluejays, Benoit Benjamin would begin a 15-year NBA career in 1985 as the third overall draft pick in the first round by the Los Angeles Clippers. He would go down as the all-time leader for blocked shots in Missouri Valley Conference history with 411 rejections. Coach Reed had proven himself as a coach, recruiting a top prospect and developing him into one of the nation's best. Willis Reed resigned as coach of the Creighton University basketball team after the 1984–85 season. He compiled a 52–65 record at Creighton. His 1984–85 Bluejays were 20–12 but lost their last six games. Reed felt that he would be unable to maintain a high level of success without violating NCAA rules. Tony Barone era (1985–1991). Inheriting Reed's team was fiery Tony Barone. His 1985–86 team posted a 12–16 record, finishing tied for fifth in the Valley. Coach Barone's second team would fare even worse finishing 9–19. During the off-season, Creighton would bring in a talented class of freshman including Bob Harstad and Chad Gallagher. The pair would go down in Creighton lore as the Dynamic Duo. The 1987–88 squad would exhibit markedly improved play, finishing 16–16 after playing a schedule featuring some of the top teams in the country. The 1988–89 team would be Tony Barone's breakthrough team. Creighton surprised everyone outside Omaha and claimed its first regular season MVC championship in 11 years. The Bluejays would cap the season by winning the MVC conference tournament in epic fashion. The conference championship saw Harstad lead the Jays over Southern Illinois 79-77. The game was punctuated by a James Farr game winner with 2 seconds remaining. Creighton clinched an automatic berth to the 1989 NCAA Tournament with the win. Creighton followed up their NCAA Tournament berth in 1988–89 by winning more games overall than the year before, going 21–12 in 1989–90. The consensus favorite to repeat as MVC champions, they got off to a good start, as they scored wins over Iowa State and Notre Dame before going on the road and taking #5 Missouri to the wire. They would finish tied for second in the conference and bow out of the conference tournament semifinals. Juniors Bob Harstad and Chad Gallagher would have break out seasons. Harstad would win the 1990 Missouri Valley Conference Player of the Year Award. Gallagher would finish as runner-up. Expectation were high entering the Dynamic Duo's senior season. The 1990–91 Creighton Bluejays finished as one of the school's all-time best, finishing 24–8. The Jays claimed both the regular season and conference tournament crowns before advancing to the second round of the 1991 NCAA Tournament. Chad Gallagher was named the 1991 Missouri Valley Conference Player of the Year. Gallagher and Harstad both rank in the top five all-time in both scoring and rebounding for Creighton. Together they won two MVC regular season and conference tournament titles as well as two NCAA and one NIT appearances. Following the 1990–91 season, coach Tony Barone accepted the head coaching job at Texas A&M. Rick Johnson era (1991–1994). Assistant coach Rick Johnson was promoted to head coach following Tony Barone's departure. Johnson's tenure at Creighton was a struggle. His teams finished with progressively worse records. He left after the 1993–94 season in which the team posted a 7–22 mark. Johnson finished with a 24–59 record over three seasons at Creighton. Dana Altman era (1995–2010). Rodney Buford era. Dana Altman, a Wilber, Nebraska native, left his position as head coach at Kansas State for Creighton in 1994. Altman immediately went to work rejuvenating the program. He struggled at first posting a 7–19 record in his first year. That off-season, Altman signed Rodney Buford. Altman's Jays improved to 14–15 and 15–15 the following two seasons. After the 1996–97 season, coach Altman brought in talented prospects Ryan Sears and Ben Walker. The two, along with Buford, would help rebuild Creighton into a college basketball power. The 1997–98 team finished 18–10 and reached the NIT. The 1998–99 team would finish second in the Valley and reach the 1999 NCAA Tournament after claiming the MVC conference tournament title. The Jays reached the second round following a 62–58 first-round victory over Louisville. Rodney Buford would finish as the all-time leading scorer for the Jays, with 2,116 points. Ryan Sears & Ben Walker era. The 1999–2000 would repeat as MVC conference tournament champions, earning a berth in the 2000 NCAA Tournament. Led by Juniors Ryan Sears and Ben Walker and MVC Newcomer of the Year Kyle Korver, the Jays would finish with a 23–10 record. The 2000–01 team improved to 24–8 and won the first Missouri Valley Conference regular season title in 9 seasons. Senior guards Ryan Sears and Ben Walker finished their careers with another trip to the NCAA Tournament. Creighton's field marshal, Sears started every game of his 4-year career and finished each of his four seasons with more steals than turnovers. Walker, Creighton's go-to player during late-game situations, finished with 1,238 points and 677 rebounds. Kyle Korver era. The 2001–02 team was replacing both Ben Walker and Ryan Sears and defending a regular season MVC crown, yet behind Kyle Korver's brilliance, they shared the league title and won the MVC Tournament while having a nearly identical record as the year before at 23–9. Korver's deadly 3-point shooting forced many teams to employ a box and one defense against the Creighton star. Despite the added attention, Korver scored 20 or more points 10 times. The Creighton-Southern Illinois Rivalry reached its peak during the early 2000s. Korver scored a combined 49 points in two regular season losses before leading the Jays to victory over the Salukis 84–76 in the conference championship game. Kyle Korver was named the 2002 MVC Player of the Year. In the 2002 NCAA Tournament, the Jays vanquished Florida in the first round. Korver fouled out late in the second overtime and saved the late game heroics for Terrell Taylor, who drained a buzzer-beating three-pointer. The Bluejay bandwagon was growing and the Jays consistently sold out the 9,377 capacity Civic. Expectations were at a record high entering the 2002–03 season. Creighton would live up to most of them, setting a school record for wins. The team went 29–5 and was ranked in the top 25 most of the season. Kyle Korver would be chosen by ESPN's Dick Vitale as the 2002–03 Midseason National Player of the Year. Korver would set a school record with nine three-pointers against Evansville and repeat as MVC conference Player of the Year. The Jays would finish second in the Valley behind rivals Southern Illinois, but once again knock off the Salukis in the conference championship game throttling them 80–56. The Jays would finish ranked 15th following the 2003 NCAA Tournament. Two-time league Player of the Year Kyle Korver ranks as one of the top players in Creighton and Missouri Valley Conference history. Korver finished his career tied for sixth in NCAA history with 371 three-pointers while placing 14th in accuracy at 45.3 percent from long-range. Korver helped lead Creighton's return to the top-25 and garnered unprecedented attention for his all-around play. He now plays for the Utah Jazz. Nate Funk era. Creighton's basketball program had grown too big for the Civic Auditorium and the Jays moved into the 17,975 seat Qwest Center, now known as CHI Health Center, prior to the 2003–04 season. The Jays would fill up the arena on a consistent basis and become one of the nation's perennial leaders in attendance. The sharpshooter torch was passed from Kyle Korver to sophomore guard Nate Funk for the 2003–04 season. He responded by leading the team in both scoring and assists. The 2003–04 Jays would finish 20–9 and reach the NIT. Funk took a massive leap forward his junior year, going from the best player on his own team to arguably the best player in the league. The 2004–05 team finished 23–11 and won the MVC conference crown. Nate Funk was runner-up for the conference player of the year and the Bluejays earned a berth in the 2005 NCAA Tournament. The 2005–06 Creighton men's basketball team entered the season with high hopes that were cut short when star guard Nate Funk went down with injury in a game at DePaul. Funk would try to make a comeback but wasn't the player he had been. He would request and receive a medical redshirt. Without Funk, the Bluejays still managed a 20–10 record reaching the second round of the 2006 NIT. Nate Funk returned for his fifth season and center Anthony Tolliver emerged as one of the best players in the conference. Although the team 2006–07 team struggled early, the team found its groove down the stretch as Funk scored 20 or more points in 11 games and Tolliver dominated the post. The 2006–07 team finished 22–11 and won the MVC conference tournament over rival Southern Illinois 67–61 to earn a berth in the 2007 NCAA Tournament. For his career, Nate Funk had 1,754 points, which ranks sixth all-time in Creighton history. Arkansas fiasco. On April 2, 2007, Altman announced that he would become the head coach for the Arkansas Razorbacks, in a deal that was rumored to be a five year, $1.5 million per year contract. Only one day later he had a change of heart and returned to Omaha and his team at Creighton, citing family reasons. Altman never again reached the NCAA Tournament at Creighton even though his teams would continue to post 20 win seasons. The 2007–08 team finished the season 22–11, but would lose in the quarterfinals of the MVC Tournament. The Bluejays received an invitation to the NIT where they defeated Rhode Island before losing to Florida. The 2009 Bluejays shared the MVC regular season title and was led by Booker Woodfox. Despite the Bluejays gaudy 26–7 record, a loss to Illinois State in the semifinals of the MVC Tournament led to another trip to the NIT where they would lose in the second round to Kentucky. The 2009–10 team would be Altman's last, finishing 18–16. Dana Altman accepted the head coaching position at Oregon shortly after the season ended. Creighton's all-time winningest coach with 327 wins, Dana Altman was the only coach in MVC history to lead his school to seven straight years of improved records. Altman won three MVC regular-season titles, six MVC Tournament crowns, and led his troops to 13 consecutive postseason bids. Greg McDermott years (2010–present). Former Northern Iowa coach Greg McDermott resigned from Iowa State and accepted the head coaching job at Creighton following Altman's departure. The 2010–11 Jays finished 23–16 and reached the finals of the College Basketball Invitational to face their former head coach's new team, Oregon. The Ducks would win the best-of-three series two games to one. The following year, the Jays featured senior point guard Antoine Young and Rutgers transfer Gregory Echenique in the post. Coach McDermott's son, Doug McDermott, emerged as a star player, being named a consensus first-team All-American and MVC Player of the Year in both 2012 and 2013. In 2012, Creighton finished second in the Valley during the regular season and won the MVC Conference Tournament. Finishing the season 29–6, they advanced to the Second Round of the NCAA Tournament by beating Alabama before falling to North Carolina. In 2013, Creighton won both the MVC regular-season and Tournament titles, ending the season 28–7. They defeated Cincinnati in the First Round before losing to No. 2-seeded Duke in the Second Round. Shortly after the end of the 2013 season, Creighton was one of three schools invited to join the Big East Conference by the "Catholic 7", the group of schools that split from the original Big East to form a non-football version of the league. In their first season in the Big East, Creighton finished as runner-up in both the regular season (to Villanova) and Tournament (to Providence). Doug McDermott was named Big East Player of the Year, was again named a consensus first-team All-American, and was the consensus national player of the year. Also, McDermott became only the eighth player in Division I men's basketball history to score 3,000 career points, finishing fifth on the all-time scoring list. The Jays received a No. 3 seed in the NCAA Tournament, their highest seeding ever. They beat Louisiana-Lafayette in the Second Round, but lost to No. 6-seeded Baylor in the Third Round. With the departure of Doug McDermott to the NBA, the 2015 Bluejays struggled to a 14–19 record, their worst finish since 1995. In 2016, the Bluejays improved to 20–15, finishing in sixth place in the Big East and receiving an invite to the NIT. They advanced to the NIT quarterfinals before losing to BYU. The 2017 Bluejays returned to a conference power, beginning the season 13–0. Led by senior point guard Maurice Watson Jr, the Bluejays moved to 18–1 (their only loss to No. 1 Villanova) before Watson tore his ACL and was lost for the remainder of the season. Shortly after he was injured, Watson was arrested for sexual assault and was suspended from the team. With the loss of Watson, the Bluejays lost seven of their remaining 12 games to finish the regular season at 23–8 and in a tie for third place in the Big East. They were able to rebound in the Big East Tournament, advancing to the championship game before losing to Villanova. They received an at-large bid to the NCAA Tournament as a No. 6 seed and lost to Rhode Island in the First Round. In June 2017, Coach McDermott received interest from the Ohio State University to fill its head coaching vacancy. However, he turned down the offer choosing to remain at Creighton. Facilities. Vinardi Center. The Bluejays went 336–92 (.785) in 42 seasons in the 3,000-seat Vinardi Center (then known as University Gym) from the time Creighton began sponsoring men's basketball in 1916 through the 1959–60 season. Creighton split its home games between University Gym and the Omaha Civic Auditorium from 1955–60 before moving into the Civic full-time for the 1960–61 year. Omaha Civic Auditorium. Home to Creighton men's basketball from 1955 to 2003, the Omaha Civic Auditorium provided a tremendous home-court advantage for the Jays. Creighton went 434–155 (.737) overall in the facility. The Civic was home to five regular-season MVC champs and eight MVC Tournament champs before the CU men closed their run at the Civic in 2003 with six straight sellouts. The Jays returned to the Civic for the first time in seven years in 2010, winning two CIT games when CenturyLink Center Omaha was booked. CHI Health Center Omaha. Home to Creighton men's basketball since 2003, CHI Health Center Omaha ranks as one of college basketball's best venues. The arena was originally known as Qwest Center Omaha, changing in 2011 to CenturyLink Center Omaha after Qwest was purchased by CenturyLink. When CenturyLink opted out of the naming rights contract after the 2017–18 season, a new deal was reached with locally based healthcare provider CHI Health, and the arena was accordingly renamed in September 2018. Creighton finished sixth nationally in home attendance, averaging 17,048 fans per home game in 2014–15. It's the ninth straight season that Creighton has been among the nation's top-25 in average home attendance. During their time in the Missouri Valley, they set multiple average home attendance records. Dancing Grandma. Mary Ann Filippi, known as 'Dancing Grandma', was a fixture at Creighton basketball home games and a local celebrity. She had been attending Creighton men's basketball games since the Red McManus Era, rarely missing home games. Filippi quickly became a video-board favorite after the move to Qwest Center. Whenever the camera would show her cheering for her beloved Bluejays, the arena would erupt in cheers. She often hyped up the crowd with her signature 'Raise the Roof' dance and had appeared in several Athletic Department videos and television broadcasts. She was popular with Creighton students and fans alike, who often posed for pictures with her prior to tip-off. Filippi died on September 28, 2015, at the age of 92. Postseason results. NCAA Tournament results. The Bluejays have appeared in 22 NCAA Tournaments. Their combined record is 14–23. NIT results. The Bluejays have appeared in 12 National Invitation Tournaments (NIT). Their combined record is 9–12. CBI results. The Bluejays have appeared in one College Basketball Invitational (CBI). Their record is 4–2. They were runner ups in 2011 CIT results. The Bluejays have appeared in one CollegeInsider.com Tournament (CIT). Their combined record is 2–1. Notable players. All-Americans. Creighton's men's basketball program has produced 36 All-Americans in 94 seasons, beginning with Leonard F. "Jimmy" Lovley in 1923 and 1924. All-Conference. The Creighton Bluejays played 54 seasons in the Missouri Valley Conference, producing 89 all-conference players including 55 first team selections, 34 second team selections, and 7 conference player of the year selections. In Creighton's first season in the Big East Conference, Doug McDermott was named a first-team all-conference selection and the Big East player of the year. Retired jerseys. Creighton has retired five jersey numbers. Bluejays in the NBA. Creighton has produced 15 NBA players, including 13 who were drafted. Bluejays overseas. Numerous former Creighton players are currently playing professionally overseas. Records. Active players in "italics". Rivalries. The Bluejays maintain an intrastate rivalry with the Nebraska Cornhuskers, which has comprised 52 games and has been played each season since 1977. Creighton leads the all-time series 28-26.

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=52566668

Spacecraft Bus is the primary support component of the James Webb Space Telescope, that hosts a multitude of computing, communication, propulsion, and structural components, bringing the different parts of the telescope together. Along with the Sunshield, it forms the Spacecraft Element of the space telescope. The other two major elements of the JWST are the Integrated Science Instrument Module (ISIM) and the Optical Telescope Element (OTE). Region 3 of ISIM is also inside the Spacecraft Bus; region 3 includes ISIM Command and Data Handling subsystem and the MIRI cryocooler. The Spacecraft Bus must structurally support the 6.5 ton space telescope, while weighing only . It is made primarily of graphite composite material. It was assembled in the U.S. state of California by 2015, and then it had to be integrated with the rest of the space telescope leading up to its planned 2018 launch. The bus can provide pointing of one arcsecond and isolates vibration down to two milliarcseconds. The fine pointing is done by the JWST fine guidance mirror, obviating the need to physically move the whole mirror or bus. The spacecraft bus is on the Sun-facing "warm" side and operates at a temperature of about 300 kelvins (80°F, 27°C). Everything on the Sun-facing side must be able to handle the thermal conditions of JWST's halo orbit, which has one side of continuous sunlight and the other shaded by the spacecraft sunshield. Another important aspect of the Spacecraft Bus is the central computing, memory storage, and communications equipment.<ref name="http://jwst.nasa.gov/bus.html"></ref> The processor and software direct data to and from the instruments, to the solid-state memory core, and to the radio system which can send data back to Earth and receive commands. The computer also controls the pointing and moment of the spacecraft, taking in sensor data from the gyroscopes and star tracker, and sending the necessary commands to the reaction wheels or thrusters. Overview. The bus is a carbon fibre box that houses a large number of major systems that keep the telescope functioning, such as the solar panels and computers. It also physically houses the Miri cooler and some major ISIM electronics. There are six major subsystems in the Spacecraft Bus. Major subsystems: The spacecraft bus has two star trackers, six reaction wheels, and the propulsion systems (fuel tank and thrusters). Two major tasks are pointing the telescope and performing station keeping for its meta-stable L2 halo orbit. Computing and communications. The computing systems include a solid-state data memory storage with a capacity of 58.9GB. The memory storage is called the Solid State Recorder (SSR) and is part of the Command and Data Handling Subsystem. The SSR had a software test program devised to test using a software simulation of the telescope. The communications dish which can point at Earth is attached to the bus. There is Ka-band and S-band radio communication. The Common Command and Telemetry System is based on Raytheon ECLIPSE system. The system is designed to communicate with NASA's Deep Space Communication Network. The main Science and Operations Center is the Space Telescope Science Institute (STScI) in the U.S. state of Maryland. Rocket engines, attitude control, etc.. As of 2012, the propulsion system uses 16 MRE-1 thrusters which can provide one pound of thrust each. They are mono-propellant thrusters designed to survive the unique thermal conditions JWST including extended periods of direct sunlight and reflected light from the sunshield. There is another set of thrusts called the Secondary Combustion Augmentation Thrusters; there are four of these thrusters and they have 8 of thrust each. Whereas the smaller thrusters are intended for aiding in precision pointing, the bigger thrusters are planned to be used for station keeping to maintain the telescope's halo orbit. The MRE-1 use hydrazine as a monopropellant and the larger SCAT thrusters are bi-propellant. The SCAT also uses hydrazine (), but additionally the oxidizer dinitrogen tetroxide (), as its two propellants. Thrusters: Overall the SCAT thrusters are used for bigger moments and the DTMs for smaller ones. The SCAT engines have a specific impulse of 295 seconds. Like the rest of Webb, including the exposed beryllium mirrors, it is designed to endure the expected level of micrometeoroid impacts. JWST also has six reaction wheels for attitude control, which are spinning wheels that allow the orientation to be changed without necessarily using propellant to change momentum. The reaction wheels can only provide a certain amount of change in angular momentum. To detect changes in direction JWST uses hemispherical resonator gyroscope (HRG). HRGs are expected to be more reliable than the gas-bearing gyroscopes that were a reliability issue on Hubble Space Telescope (HST). However, they cannot point as finely, which is overcome by the JWST fine guidance mirror. The problem with HST gyroscopes was eventually tracked down. Thermal. Thermal systems on the bus include the Deployable Radiator Shade Assemblies. There are two, one vertical (DRSA-V) and one horizontal (DRSA-H), for vertical and horizontal respectively (with respect to the coordinate system of the spacecraft bus). The membrane that makes up the DRSA is a coated Kapton membrane. Other thermal elements on the outside include a small radiator for the battery. There is also a narrow lower-fixed radiator shade, also made of coated Kapton membrane. The coating of the membrane is silicon and VPA. Other areas of the outside are covered with JWST multi-layer insulation (MLI). Electrical Power Subsystem (EPS). The Electrical Power Subsystem provides electricity to the JWST spacecraft. It consists of a set of solar panels and rechargeable batteries., a solar array regulator (SAR), a power control unit (PCU), and a telemetry acquisition unit (TAU). The solar panels convert sunlight directly into electricity. This raw power is fed to the SAR which consists of four redundant buck converters each operating with a maximum-power point tracking (MPPT) algorithm. While the output voltage is not tightly regulated, the buck converters will not allow the spacecraft main bus voltage to drop below about 22 volts, or rise above about 35 volts. With every science instrument and all support circuits "on" simultaneously, approximately three of the four redundant converters could handle all of the power required. Typically one or two converters need be operating at a time with the other two on active standby. The Power Control Unit (PCU) consists mainly of electronic switches that turn each science instrument or support device on or off under control of the central computer. Each switch allows power to flow to its selected instrument from the SAR. Communications with the central computer is via a 1553 bus. In addition to the power switches, processors for the SAR MPPT algorithm are located in the PCU, along with some telemetry processors, processors to detect when the spacecraft has disconnected from the launch upper stage, and some cryo-cooler controllers. The Telemetry Acquisition Unit (TAU) consists of electronic switches for various heaters for the "warm" sides of the telescope. In addition, there are switches for the deployment actuators, and the bulk of the telemetry processors (e.g. measuring temperatures, electric power, fuel levels, etc.). The TAU communicates with the central computer via 1553 bus. Both the PCU and TAU contain completely redundant systems with one active while the other is in standby mode or off, completely. The rechargeable batteries of JWST are the lithium-ion type. The batteries use the Sony 18650 hard carbon cell technology. The batteries are designed to endure spaceflight, and should sustain 18,000 charge-discharge cycles. The solar panel is in what's called a "tail-dragger" configuration and includes five segments. Each solar panel structure support is honey-comb carbon fiber composite. Some early configurations of the bus had two solar panel wings, one on each side. Part of the JWST program design was to allow different design variations to "compete" with each other. Structure. Although the bus will operate in the weightless environment of outer space, during launch it must survive the equivalent of 45 tons. The structure can support 64 times its own weight. The Spacecraft Bus is connected to the Optical Telescope Element and sunshield via the Deployable Tower Assembly. The interface to the launch vehicle in on outside; taking the form of a cone, it along with the payload adapter transmits the weight and acceleration forces outward launch vehicle walls. The structure of the bus walls are made of carbon fiber composite and graphite composite. The bus is long without the solar arrays.<ref name="https://jwst.nasa.gov/bus.html"></ref> From one edge of an extended radiator shade to another it is ; this includes the length of the two two-meter-wide radiator shades. The tail-dragger solar array is but it is normally at an angle of 20° towards the sunshield. The array is in front of the sunshield segments shield deployment boom, which at the end of it also has a trim tab attached. The bus structure itself weighs . Once JWST is launched, it begins to unfolded and extend to its operating configuration.<ref name="https://jwst.nasa.gov/faq.html"></ref> The plan is that during its first week the deployable tower will extend, which will separate the bus from the upper spacecraft by about 2 meters. Testing: JWST IV and V Simulation and Test (JIST) Solid State Recorder (SSR) Simulator. A software simulation of the Solid-State Recorder was developed for testing purposes, which supports the overall software simulation of JWST. This is called the JIST SSR simulator, and was used to test flight software with SpaceWire and MIL-STD-1553 communication, as it relates to the SSR. An Excalibur 1002 Single Board Computer ran the test software. The SSR test software an extension of the JIST software which is called JWST Integrated Simulation and Test core (JIST). JIST brings together software simulations of JWST hardware with actual JWST software, to allow virtual testing. The simulated SSR was created to support making a software test version of the JWST, to help validate and test the flight software for the telescope. In other words, rather than using an actual test hardware version of the SSR, there is a software program that simulates how the SSR works, which runs on another piece of hardware. The SSR is part of the Command and Data Handling Subsystem. Construction. The spacecraft element is made by Northrop Grumman Aerospace Systems. The sunshield and Bus are planned to be integrated in 2017. In 2014, Northrop Grumman began construction of several spacecraft bus components including the gyroscopes, fuel tanks, and solar panels. On May 25, 2016, the spacecraft's panel integration was completed. The overall spacecraft bus structure was completed by October 2015. The spacecraft bus was assembled at facilities in Redondo Beach, California in the United States. The completed spacecraft bus was powered on for first time in early 2016. The solar arrays completed a preliminary design audit in 2012, moving to the detailed design phase. Fuel and oxidizer tanks were shipped out to assembly in September 2015. In 2015, the communications subsystems, star trackers, reaction wheels, fine sun sensors, deployment electronics Unit, command telemetry processors, and wire harnesses were delivered for construction. The spacecraft bus will be assembled with the Spacecraft Element and the other parts in California. For launch, the spacecraft bus is attached to the Ariane 5 on a Cone 3936 plus ACU 2624 lower cylinder and clamp-band.<ref name="http://jwst.nasa.gov/launch.html"></ref> It is a contained launch fairing, 4.57 meters (15 ft) and 16.19 meters (53.1 ft) of usable interior size. Gyroscopes. JWST uses a type of gyroscope known as a hemispherical resonator gyroscope (HRG). This design has no bearings, rubbing parts, or flexible connections. This is not a traditional mechanical gyroscope; instead, an HRG has a quartz hemisphere vibrating that vibrates at its resonant frequency in a vacuum. Electrodes detect changes if the spacecraft moves to collect the desired information, and the design is predicted to have a mean time before failure of 10 million hours. Gyroscopes failed on several occasions on the Hubble Space Telescope and had to be replaced several times. However, these were a different design called a gas-bearing gyroscope, which have certain benefits, but experienced some long-term reliability issues. JWST will have six gyroscopes, but only two are required for pointing. JWST does not need as precise pointing because it has a Fine Steering Mirror that helps counter small motions of the telescope. The JWST telescope still has spinning reaction wheels, which can be adjusted to point the telescope without using propellant. The gyroscopes are sensors that provide information, while the reaction wheels are devices that physically change the orientation of the spacecraft. JWST has both reaction wheels and gyroscopes, which work together with the other systems to keep the telescope in the right orbit and pointed in the desired direction. There are two main traditional uses for gyroscopes in a spacecraft: to detect changes in orientation, and to actually change the orientation. JWST uses HRG as sensors to detect changes in orientation as opposed to actual spinning gyroscopes. However, it also has a set of actual spinning reaction wheels to turn the telescope without using propellant. It also has a set of small thrusters that can physically change the attitude of the telescope. Docking ring. In 2007, NASA said that JWST will also have a docking ring which would be attached to the telescope to support JWST being visited by an Orion spacecraft if such a mission became viable. An example of a mission was if everything worked but an antenna did not fold out. Two noted cases where small problems caused issues for space observatories includes Spacelab 2 IRT, and "Gaia" spacecraft- in each case stray material caused issue. On the Infrared Telescope (IRT) flown on the Space Shuttle Spacelab-2 mission, a piece of mylar insulation broke loose and floated into the line-of-sight of the telescope corrupting data. This was on the STS-51-F in the year 1985. Another case was in the 2010s on the "Gaia" spacecraft for which some stray light was identified coming from fibers of the sunshield, protruding beyond the edges of the shield. Integration. The Spacecraft Bus is integrated into the whole JWST during construction. The Spacecraft Bus and the Sunshield segment are combined into what's called the Spacecraft Element, which is in turn combined with a combined structure of the Optical Telescope Element and Integrated Science Instrument Module called OTIS. That is the whole observatory, which is mounted to a cone which connects the JWST to the last stage of the Ariane 5 rocket. The Spacecraft Bus is where that cone connects to the rest of JWST.

contrasting arrangement